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According to the passage , the drilling of the glacier in eastern Antarctica was important because it

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The phrase "tantamount to" in line 7 is closest in meaning to

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

According to the passage , Grenoble, France, is the place where

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

According to the passage , scientists used isotopes from the water of the ice core to determine which of following?

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The word "remarkable" in line 14 is closest in meaning to

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The word "link" in line 23 is closest in meaning to

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The passage implies that the warmest temperatures among the periods mentioned occurred

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

According to the passage , the Carboniferous period was characterized by

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The passage explains the origin of which of the following terms?

Scientists have discovered that for the last 160,000 years, at least, there has been a consistent relationship between the amount of carbon dioxide in the air and the average temperature of the planet. The importance of carbon dioxide in regulating the Earth's temperature was confirmed by scientists working in eastern Antarctica. Drilling down into a glacier, they extracted a mile-long cylinder of ice from the hole. The glacier had formed as layer upon layer of snow accumulated year after year. Thus drilling into the ice was tantamount to drilling back through time. The deepest sections of the core are composed of water that fell as snow 160,000 years ago. Scientists in Grenoble, France, fractured portions of the core and measured the composition of ancient air released from bubbles in the ice. Instruments were used to measure the ratio of certain isotopes in the frozen water to get an idea of the prevailing atmospheric temperature at the time when that particular bit of water became locked in the glacier. The result is a remarkable unbroken record of temperature and of atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide. Almost every time the chill of an ice age descended on the planet, carbon dioxide levels dropped. When the global temperature dropped 9°F (5 °C., carbon dioxide levels dropped to 190 parts per million or so. Generally, as each ice age ended and the Earth basked in a warm interglacial period, carbon dioxide levels were around 280 parts per million. Through the 160,000 years of that ice record, the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere fluctuated between 190 and 280 parts per million, but never rose much higher-until the Industrial Revolution beginning in the eighteenth century and continuing today. There is indirect evidence that the link between carbon dioxide levels and global temperature change goes back much further than the glacial record. Carbon dioxide levels may have been much greater than the current concentration during the Carboniferous period, 360 to 285 million years ago. The period was named for a profusion of plant life whose buried remains produced a large fraction of the coal deposits that are being brought to the surface and burned today.

420.txt

The short passage is mainly about _ .

The child of today owes much of its pleasant school life to the work of Maria Montessori and others who felt as she did. Maria Montessori was born in 1870 in northern Italy. Both her parents were well educated. While Maria was a student, she took great interest in the study of the particular nature of the child's mind. It came to her that small children should have freedom to learn. Maria became a doctor and a professor at Rome University. In 1907, after working with backward students, she was given a chance to try out her ideas on children. There were sixty children, aged three to six, in the Children's House. The rooms were bright and colorful. Maria let the children make their own choice of what they wanted to do and work with their own speed. They became busy, peaceful and happy. Maria Montessori was one of the world's great teachers. She traveled in Europe, America and Far East. She thought that true education, providing for the real needs of the child, would produce wise and happy grown-ups and therefore a peaceful world. Her original way of education has changed our whole idea of what childhood is. Maria Montessori died in Holland at the age of eighty-two.

741.txt

Maria traveled a lot in the world to _ .

The child of today owes much of its pleasant school life to the work of Maria Montessori and others who felt as she did. Maria Montessori was born in 1870 in northern Italy. Both her parents were well educated. While Maria was a student, she took great interest in the study of the particular nature of the child's mind. It came to her that small children should have freedom to learn. Maria became a doctor and a professor at Rome University. In 1907, after working with backward students, she was given a chance to try out her ideas on children. There were sixty children, aged three to six, in the Children's House. The rooms were bright and colorful. Maria let the children make their own choice of what they wanted to do and work with their own speed. They became busy, peaceful and happy. Maria Montessori was one of the world's great teachers. She traveled in Europe, America and Far East. She thought that true education, providing for the real needs of the child, would produce wise and happy grown-ups and therefore a peaceful world. Her original way of education has changed our whole idea of what childhood is. Maria Montessori died in Holland at the age of eighty-two.

741.txt

In what way did Maria teach the children in the Children's House?

The child of today owes much of its pleasant school life to the work of Maria Montessori and others who felt as she did. Maria Montessori was born in 1870 in northern Italy. Both her parents were well educated. While Maria was a student, she took great interest in the study of the particular nature of the child's mind. It came to her that small children should have freedom to learn. Maria became a doctor and a professor at Rome University. In 1907, after working with backward students, she was given a chance to try out her ideas on children. There were sixty children, aged three to six, in the Children's House. The rooms were bright and colorful. Maria let the children make their own choice of what they wanted to do and work with their own speed. They became busy, peaceful and happy. Maria Montessori was one of the world's great teachers. She traveled in Europe, America and Far East. She thought that true education, providing for the real needs of the child, would produce wise and happy grown-ups and therefore a peaceful world. Her original way of education has changed our whole idea of what childhood is. Maria Montessori died in Holland at the age of eighty-two.

741.txt

We learn from the passage that _ .

The child of today owes much of its pleasant school life to the work of Maria Montessori and others who felt as she did. Maria Montessori was born in 1870 in northern Italy. Both her parents were well educated. While Maria was a student, she took great interest in the study of the particular nature of the child's mind. It came to her that small children should have freedom to learn. Maria became a doctor and a professor at Rome University. In 1907, after working with backward students, she was given a chance to try out her ideas on children. There were sixty children, aged three to six, in the Children's House. The rooms were bright and colorful. Maria let the children make their own choice of what they wanted to do and work with their own speed. They became busy, peaceful and happy. Maria Montessori was one of the world's great teachers. She traveled in Europe, America and Far East. She thought that true education, providing for the real needs of the child, would produce wise and happy grown-ups and therefore a peaceful world. Her original way of education has changed our whole idea of what childhood is. Maria Montessori died in Holland at the age of eighty-two.

741.txt

Which of the following best explains why Maria was one of the world's great teachers?

The child of today owes much of its pleasant school life to the work of Maria Montessori and others who felt as she did. Maria Montessori was born in 1870 in northern Italy. Both her parents were well educated. While Maria was a student, she took great interest in the study of the particular nature of the child's mind. It came to her that small children should have freedom to learn. Maria became a doctor and a professor at Rome University. In 1907, after working with backward students, she was given a chance to try out her ideas on children. There were sixty children, aged three to six, in the Children's House. The rooms were bright and colorful. Maria let the children make their own choice of what they wanted to do and work with their own speed. They became busy, peaceful and happy. Maria Montessori was one of the world's great teachers. She traveled in Europe, America and Far East. She thought that true education, providing for the real needs of the child, would produce wise and happy grown-ups and therefore a peaceful world. Her original way of education has changed our whole idea of what childhood is. Maria Montessori died in Holland at the age of eighty-two.

741.txt

Human ingenuity was initially demonstrated in _ .

Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close. As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robot-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone. But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves goals that pose a real challenge. "While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error," says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, "we can't yet give a robot enough 'common sense' to reliably interact with a dynamic world." Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries. What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain's roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented and human perception far more complicated than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of a millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of a winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer systems on Earth can't approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don't know quite how we do it.

3356.txt

The word "gizmos" (Line 1, Paragraph 2) most probably means _ .

Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close. As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robot-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone. But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves goals that pose a real challenge. "While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error," says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, "we can't yet give a robot enough 'common sense' to reliably interact with a dynamic world." Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries. What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain's roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented and human perception far more complicated than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of a millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of a winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer systems on Earth can't approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don't know quite how we do it.

3356.txt

According to the text, what is beyond man's ability now is to design a robot that can _ .

Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close. As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robot-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone. But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves goals that pose a real challenge. "While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error," says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, "we can't yet give a robot enough 'common sense' to reliably interact with a dynamic world." Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries. What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain's roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented and human perception far more complicated than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of a millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of a winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer systems on Earth can't approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don't know quite how we do it.

3356.txt

Besides reducing human labor, robots can also _ .

Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close. As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robot-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone. But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves goals that pose a real challenge. "While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error," says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, "we can't yet give a robot enough 'common sense' to reliably interact with a dynamic world." Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries. What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain's roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented and human perception far more complicated than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of a millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of a winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer systems on Earth can't approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don't know quite how we do it.

3356.txt

The author uses the example of a monkey to argue that robots are _ .

Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close. As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robot-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone. But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves goals that pose a real challenge. "While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error," says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, "we can't yet give a robot enough 'common sense' to reliably interact with a dynamic world." Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries. What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain's roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented and human perception far more complicated than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of a millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of a winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer systems on Earth can't approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don't know quite how we do it.

3356.txt

What does the author say about the threat of robots?

As Artificial Intelligence(AI) becomes increasingly sophisticated, there are growing concerns that robots could become a threat. This danger can be avoided, according to computer science professor Stuart Russell, if we figure out how to turn human values into a programmable code. Russell argues that as robots take on more complicated tasks, it's necessary to translate our morals into AI language. For example, if a robot does chores around the house, you wouldn't want it to put the pet cat in the oven to make dinner for the hungry children. "You would want that robot preloaded with a good set of values," said Russell. Some robots are already programmed with basic human values. For example, mobile robots have been programmed to keep a comfortable distance from humans. Obviously there are cultural differences, but if you were talking to another person and they came up close in your personal space, you wouldn't think that's the kind of thing a properly brought-up person would do. It will be possible to create more sophisticated moral machines, if only we can find a way to set out human values as clear rules. Robots could also learn values from drawing patterns from large sets of data on human behavior. They are dangerous only if programmers are careless. The biggest concern with robots going against human values is that human beings fail to so sufficient testing and they've produced a system that will break some kind of taboo. One simple check would be to program a robot to check the correct course of action with a human when presented with an unusual situation. If the robot is unsure whether an animal is suitable for the microwave, it has the opportunity to stop, send out beeps, and ask for directions from a human. If we humans aren't quite sure about a decision,we go and ask somebody else. The most difficult step in programming values will be deciding exactly what we believe in moral, and how to create a set of ethical rules. But if we come up with an answer, robots could be good for humanity.

2260.txt

What would we think of a person who invades our personal space according to the author?

As Artificial Intelligence(AI) becomes increasingly sophisticated, there are growing concerns that robots could become a threat. This danger can be avoided, according to computer science professor Stuart Russell, if we figure out how to turn human values into a programmable code. Russell argues that as robots take on more complicated tasks, it's necessary to translate our morals into AI language. For example, if a robot does chores around the house, you wouldn't want it to put the pet cat in the oven to make dinner for the hungry children. "You would want that robot preloaded with a good set of values," said Russell. Some robots are already programmed with basic human values. For example, mobile robots have been programmed to keep a comfortable distance from humans. Obviously there are cultural differences, but if you were talking to another person and they came up close in your personal space, you wouldn't think that's the kind of thing a properly brought-up person would do. It will be possible to create more sophisticated moral machines, if only we can find a way to set out human values as clear rules. Robots could also learn values from drawing patterns from large sets of data on human behavior. They are dangerous only if programmers are careless. The biggest concern with robots going against human values is that human beings fail to so sufficient testing and they've produced a system that will break some kind of taboo. One simple check would be to program a robot to check the correct course of action with a human when presented with an unusual situation. If the robot is unsure whether an animal is suitable for the microwave, it has the opportunity to stop, send out beeps, and ask for directions from a human. If we humans aren't quite sure about a decision,we go and ask somebody else. The most difficult step in programming values will be deciding exactly what we believe in moral, and how to create a set of ethical rules. But if we come up with an answer, robots could be good for humanity.

2260.txt

How do robots learn human values?

As Artificial Intelligence(AI) becomes increasingly sophisticated, there are growing concerns that robots could become a threat. This danger can be avoided, according to computer science professor Stuart Russell, if we figure out how to turn human values into a programmable code. Russell argues that as robots take on more complicated tasks, it's necessary to translate our morals into AI language. For example, if a robot does chores around the house, you wouldn't want it to put the pet cat in the oven to make dinner for the hungry children. "You would want that robot preloaded with a good set of values," said Russell. Some robots are already programmed with basic human values. For example, mobile robots have been programmed to keep a comfortable distance from humans. Obviously there are cultural differences, but if you were talking to another person and they came up close in your personal space, you wouldn't think that's the kind of thing a properly brought-up person would do. It will be possible to create more sophisticated moral machines, if only we can find a way to set out human values as clear rules. Robots could also learn values from drawing patterns from large sets of data on human behavior. They are dangerous only if programmers are careless. The biggest concern with robots going against human values is that human beings fail to so sufficient testing and they've produced a system that will break some kind of taboo. One simple check would be to program a robot to check the correct course of action with a human when presented with an unusual situation. If the robot is unsure whether an animal is suitable for the microwave, it has the opportunity to stop, send out beeps, and ask for directions from a human. If we humans aren't quite sure about a decision,we go and ask somebody else. The most difficult step in programming values will be deciding exactly what we believe in moral, and how to create a set of ethical rules. But if we come up with an answer, robots could be good for humanity.

2260.txt

What will a well-programmed robot do when facing an unusual situation?

As Artificial Intelligence(AI) becomes increasingly sophisticated, there are growing concerns that robots could become a threat. This danger can be avoided, according to computer science professor Stuart Russell, if we figure out how to turn human values into a programmable code. Russell argues that as robots take on more complicated tasks, it's necessary to translate our morals into AI language. For example, if a robot does chores around the house, you wouldn't want it to put the pet cat in the oven to make dinner for the hungry children. "You would want that robot preloaded with a good set of values," said Russell. Some robots are already programmed with basic human values. For example, mobile robots have been programmed to keep a comfortable distance from humans. Obviously there are cultural differences, but if you were talking to another person and they came up close in your personal space, you wouldn't think that's the kind of thing a properly brought-up person would do. It will be possible to create more sophisticated moral machines, if only we can find a way to set out human values as clear rules. Robots could also learn values from drawing patterns from large sets of data on human behavior. They are dangerous only if programmers are careless. The biggest concern with robots going against human values is that human beings fail to so sufficient testing and they've produced a system that will break some kind of taboo. One simple check would be to program a robot to check the correct course of action with a human when presented with an unusual situation. If the robot is unsure whether an animal is suitable for the microwave, it has the opportunity to stop, send out beeps, and ask for directions from a human. If we humans aren't quite sure about a decision,we go and ask somebody else. The most difficult step in programming values will be deciding exactly what we believe in moral, and how to create a set of ethical rules. But if we come up with an answer, robots could be good for humanity.

2260.txt

What is most difficult to do when we turn human values into a programmable code?

As Artificial Intelligence(AI) becomes increasingly sophisticated, there are growing concerns that robots could become a threat. This danger can be avoided, according to computer science professor Stuart Russell, if we figure out how to turn human values into a programmable code. Russell argues that as robots take on more complicated tasks, it's necessary to translate our morals into AI language. For example, if a robot does chores around the house, you wouldn't want it to put the pet cat in the oven to make dinner for the hungry children. "You would want that robot preloaded with a good set of values," said Russell. Some robots are already programmed with basic human values. For example, mobile robots have been programmed to keep a comfortable distance from humans. Obviously there are cultural differences, but if you were talking to another person and they came up close in your personal space, you wouldn't think that's the kind of thing a properly brought-up person would do. It will be possible to create more sophisticated moral machines, if only we can find a way to set out human values as clear rules. Robots could also learn values from drawing patterns from large sets of data on human behavior. They are dangerous only if programmers are careless. The biggest concern with robots going against human values is that human beings fail to so sufficient testing and they've produced a system that will break some kind of taboo. One simple check would be to program a robot to check the correct course of action with a human when presented with an unusual situation. If the robot is unsure whether an animal is suitable for the microwave, it has the opportunity to stop, send out beeps, and ask for directions from a human. If we humans aren't quite sure about a decision,we go and ask somebody else. The most difficult step in programming values will be deciding exactly what we believe in moral, and how to create a set of ethical rules. But if we come up with an answer, robots could be good for humanity.

2260.txt

From the first paragraph, we learn that _ .

It was a big week for Alzheimer's disease, and not just because PBS aired The Forgetting, a first-rate documentary about Alzheimer's worth catching in reruns if you missed it the first time. There was also a flurry of scientific news that offered hope to the families already struggling with Alzheimer's, as well as to the baby-boom generation that's up next. Unless something dramatic happens, the number of Americans living with this terrifying brain disease could triple, to about 16 million, over the next 50 years. There's still no cure in sight, but there is progress on several fronts. Among them: MEGADOSE VITAMINS Doctors knew vitamins E and C, both antioxidants, help stave off Alzheimer's, at least in folks who haven't already developed the disorder. What they didn't know-but a big study involving 4,740 participants published in the Archives of Neurology showed-was that the two vitamins taken together in huge daily doses（at least 400 IU of E and more than 500 mg of C） could reduce the risk of Alzheimer's a remarkable 78%. COMBINATION THERAPY A yearlong study of more than 400 Alzheimer's patients showed that two drugs that work differently on the brain's chemistry act well together to help slow down the disease. Patients who were being treated with donepezil（sold as Aricept）, an older drug that preserves the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, were also given memantine（Namenda）, a new drug approved by the FDA last October that blocks overproduction of a harmful brain chemical called glutamate. The two drugs worked even better in combination than they did alone, providing substantial benefit for patients with moderate to severe Alzheimer's, according to a report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. BRAIN IMAGING Finally, scientists at the University of Pittsburgh announced that they had successfully developed a procedure that allows them to peer into the brains of Alzheimer's patients with positron emission tomography（PET）scans to see telltale plaque deposits. Before now, doctors could not track the progress of these plaques until after the patient died, when the brain could be autopsied. Using the new technique, doctors may be able to begin treatment long before the first symptoms appear. None of these advances is a magic bullet for Alzheimer's disease. If you or your loved ones are concerned, the first step is careful evaluation by your doctor. Not all memory lapses are Alzheimer's, and there are reversible causes of forgetfulness that can be treated if caught early. Also, remember the old adage " use it or lose it." Mental exercise-reading, doing crossword puzzles, playing chess or Scrabble-is as good for preserving your mind as physical exercise is for your body.

569.txt

The phrase" stave off " （Line 1, Paragraph 2）most probably means _ .

It was a big week for Alzheimer's disease, and not just because PBS aired The Forgetting, a first-rate documentary about Alzheimer's worth catching in reruns if you missed it the first time. There was also a flurry of scientific news that offered hope to the families already struggling with Alzheimer's, as well as to the baby-boom generation that's up next. Unless something dramatic happens, the number of Americans living with this terrifying brain disease could triple, to about 16 million, over the next 50 years. There's still no cure in sight, but there is progress on several fronts. Among them: MEGADOSE VITAMINS Doctors knew vitamins E and C, both antioxidants, help stave off Alzheimer's, at least in folks who haven't already developed the disorder. What they didn't know-but a big study involving 4,740 participants published in the Archives of Neurology showed-was that the two vitamins taken together in huge daily doses（at least 400 IU of E and more than 500 mg of C） could reduce the risk of Alzheimer's a remarkable 78%. COMBINATION THERAPY A yearlong study of more than 400 Alzheimer's patients showed that two drugs that work differently on the brain's chemistry act well together to help slow down the disease. Patients who were being treated with donepezil（sold as Aricept）, an older drug that preserves the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, were also given memantine（Namenda）, a new drug approved by the FDA last October that blocks overproduction of a harmful brain chemical called glutamate. The two drugs worked even better in combination than they did alone, providing substantial benefit for patients with moderate to severe Alzheimer's, according to a report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. BRAIN IMAGING Finally, scientists at the University of Pittsburgh announced that they had successfully developed a procedure that allows them to peer into the brains of Alzheimer's patients with positron emission tomography（PET）scans to see telltale plaque deposits. Before now, doctors could not track the progress of these plaques until after the patient died, when the brain could be autopsied. Using the new technique, doctors may be able to begin treatment long before the first symptoms appear. None of these advances is a magic bullet for Alzheimer's disease. If you or your loved ones are concerned, the first step is careful evaluation by your doctor. Not all memory lapses are Alzheimer's, and there are reversible causes of forgetfulness that can be treated if caught early. Also, remember the old adage " use it or lose it." Mental exercise-reading, doing crossword puzzles, playing chess or Scrabble-is as good for preserving your mind as physical exercise is for your body.

569.txt

The report in the Journal of the American Medical Association shows that _ .

It was a big week for Alzheimer's disease, and not just because PBS aired The Forgetting, a first-rate documentary about Alzheimer's worth catching in reruns if you missed it the first time. There was also a flurry of scientific news that offered hope to the families already struggling with Alzheimer's, as well as to the baby-boom generation that's up next. Unless something dramatic happens, the number of Americans living with this terrifying brain disease could triple, to about 16 million, over the next 50 years. There's still no cure in sight, but there is progress on several fronts. Among them: MEGADOSE VITAMINS Doctors knew vitamins E and C, both antioxidants, help stave off Alzheimer's, at least in folks who haven't already developed the disorder. What they didn't know-but a big study involving 4,740 participants published in the Archives of Neurology showed-was that the two vitamins taken together in huge daily doses（at least 400 IU of E and more than 500 mg of C） could reduce the risk of Alzheimer's a remarkable 78%. COMBINATION THERAPY A yearlong study of more than 400 Alzheimer's patients showed that two drugs that work differently on the brain's chemistry act well together to help slow down the disease. Patients who were being treated with donepezil（sold as Aricept）, an older drug that preserves the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, were also given memantine（Namenda）, a new drug approved by the FDA last October that blocks overproduction of a harmful brain chemical called glutamate. The two drugs worked even better in combination than they did alone, providing substantial benefit for patients with moderate to severe Alzheimer's, according to a report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. BRAIN IMAGING Finally, scientists at the University of Pittsburgh announced that they had successfully developed a procedure that allows them to peer into the brains of Alzheimer's patients with positron emission tomography（PET）scans to see telltale plaque deposits. Before now, doctors could not track the progress of these plaques until after the patient died, when the brain could be autopsied. Using the new technique, doctors may be able to begin treatment long before the first symptoms appear. None of these advances is a magic bullet for Alzheimer's disease. If you or your loved ones are concerned, the first step is careful evaluation by your doctor. Not all memory lapses are Alzheimer's, and there are reversible causes of forgetfulness that can be treated if caught early. Also, remember the old adage " use it or lose it." Mental exercise-reading, doing crossword puzzles, playing chess or Scrabble-is as good for preserving your mind as physical exercise is for your body.

569.txt

Why is brain imaging considered progress in treating Alzheimer's?

It was a big week for Alzheimer's disease, and not just because PBS aired The Forgetting, a first-rate documentary about Alzheimer's worth catching in reruns if you missed it the first time. There was also a flurry of scientific news that offered hope to the families already struggling with Alzheimer's, as well as to the baby-boom generation that's up next. Unless something dramatic happens, the number of Americans living with this terrifying brain disease could triple, to about 16 million, over the next 50 years. There's still no cure in sight, but there is progress on several fronts. Among them: MEGADOSE VITAMINS Doctors knew vitamins E and C, both antioxidants, help stave off Alzheimer's, at least in folks who haven't already developed the disorder. What they didn't know-but a big study involving 4,740 participants published in the Archives of Neurology showed-was that the two vitamins taken together in huge daily doses（at least 400 IU of E and more than 500 mg of C） could reduce the risk of Alzheimer's a remarkable 78%. COMBINATION THERAPY A yearlong study of more than 400 Alzheimer's patients showed that two drugs that work differently on the brain's chemistry act well together to help slow down the disease. Patients who were being treated with donepezil（sold as Aricept）, an older drug that preserves the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, were also given memantine（Namenda）, a new drug approved by the FDA last October that blocks overproduction of a harmful brain chemical called glutamate. The two drugs worked even better in combination than they did alone, providing substantial benefit for patients with moderate to severe Alzheimer's, according to a report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. BRAIN IMAGING Finally, scientists at the University of Pittsburgh announced that they had successfully developed a procedure that allows them to peer into the brains of Alzheimer's patients with positron emission tomography（PET）scans to see telltale plaque deposits. Before now, doctors could not track the progress of these plaques until after the patient died, when the brain could be autopsied. Using the new technique, doctors may be able to begin treatment long before the first symptoms appear. None of these advances is a magic bullet for Alzheimer's disease. If you or your loved ones are concerned, the first step is careful evaluation by your doctor. Not all memory lapses are Alzheimer's, and there are reversible causes of forgetfulness that can be treated if caught early. Also, remember the old adage " use it or lose it." Mental exercise-reading, doing crossword puzzles, playing chess or Scrabble-is as good for preserving your mind as physical exercise is for your body.

569.txt

To which of the following is the author likely to agree?

It was a big week for Alzheimer's disease, and not just because PBS aired The Forgetting, a first-rate documentary about Alzheimer's worth catching in reruns if you missed it the first time. There was also a flurry of scientific news that offered hope to the families already struggling with Alzheimer's, as well as to the baby-boom generation that's up next. Unless something dramatic happens, the number of Americans living with this terrifying brain disease could triple, to about 16 million, over the next 50 years. There's still no cure in sight, but there is progress on several fronts. Among them: MEGADOSE VITAMINS Doctors knew vitamins E and C, both antioxidants, help stave off Alzheimer's, at least in folks who haven't already developed the disorder. What they didn't know-but a big study involving 4,740 participants published in the Archives of Neurology showed-was that the two vitamins taken together in huge daily doses（at least 400 IU of E and more than 500 mg of C） could reduce the risk of Alzheimer's a remarkable 78%. COMBINATION THERAPY A yearlong study of more than 400 Alzheimer's patients showed that two drugs that work differently on the brain's chemistry act well together to help slow down the disease. Patients who were being treated with donepezil（sold as Aricept）, an older drug that preserves the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, were also given memantine（Namenda）, a new drug approved by the FDA last October that blocks overproduction of a harmful brain chemical called glutamate. The two drugs worked even better in combination than they did alone, providing substantial benefit for patients with moderate to severe Alzheimer's, according to a report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. BRAIN IMAGING Finally, scientists at the University of Pittsburgh announced that they had successfully developed a procedure that allows them to peer into the brains of Alzheimer's patients with positron emission tomography（PET）scans to see telltale plaque deposits. Before now, doctors could not track the progress of these plaques until after the patient died, when the brain could be autopsied. Using the new technique, doctors may be able to begin treatment long before the first symptoms appear. None of these advances is a magic bullet for Alzheimer's disease. If you or your loved ones are concerned, the first step is careful evaluation by your doctor. Not all memory lapses are Alzheimer's, and there are reversible causes of forgetfulness that can be treated if caught early. Also, remember the old adage " use it or lose it." Mental exercise-reading, doing crossword puzzles, playing chess or Scrabble-is as good for preserving your mind as physical exercise is for your body.

569.txt

The word "status" in thepassage(Paragraph 2)is closest in meaning to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

According to paragraph 2, which of the following is true of Chinese ceramics?

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

The word "evolve" in the passage(Paragraph3)is closest in meaning to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

Paragraph 3 supports all of the followingconcerning the history of the ceramic industry in China EXCEPT:

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

The word "instigate" in thepassage(Paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

According to paragraph 4, one consequenceof the trade of Chinese ceramics was

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

The word "whereas" in thepassage(Paragraph 5)is closest in meaning to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

In paragraph 5, the author compares thedesigns on Chinese pots to those on Greek pots in order to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

Which of the following is mentioned inparagraph 5 as being symbolically represented on Chinese ceramics?

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

Paragraph 5 suggests which of the following about the decorations on Chinese pottery?

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

The word "these" in the passage(Paragraph6)refers to

China has one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations-despite invasions and occasional foreign rule. A country as vast as China with so long-lasting a civilization has a complex social and visual history, within which pottery and porcelain play a major role. The function and status of ceramics in China varied from dynasty to dynasty, so they may be utilitarian, burial, trade-collectors', or even ritual objects, according to their quality and the era in which they were made. The ceramics fall into three broad types-earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain-for vessels, architectural items such as roof tiles, and modeled objects and figures. In addition, there was an important group of sculptures made for religious use, the majority of which were produced in earthenware. The earliest ceramics were fired to earthenware temperatures, but as early as the fifteenth century B.C., high-temperature stonewares were being made with glazed surfaces. During the Six Dynasties period (AD 265-589), kilns in north China were producing high-fired ceramics of good quality. Whitewares produced in Hebei and Henan provinces from the seventh to the tenth centuries evolved into the highly prized porcelains of the Song dynasty (AD. 960-1279), long regarded as one of the high points in the history of China's ceramic industry. The tradition of religious sculpture extends over most historical periods but is less clearly delineated than that of stonewares or porcelains, for it embraces the old custom of earthenware burial ceramics with later religious images and architectural ornament. Ceramic products also include lead-glazed tomb models of the Han dynasty, three-color lead-glazed vessels and figures of the Tang dynasty, and Ming three-color temple ornaments, in which the motifs were outlined in a raised trail of slip-as well as the many burial ceramics produced in imitation of vessels made in materials of higher intrinsic value. Trade between the West and the settled and prosperous Chinese dynasties introduced new forms and different technologies. One of the most far-reaching examples is the impact of the fine ninth-century AD. Chinese porcelain wares imported into the Arab world. So admired were these pieces that they encouraged the development of earthenware made in imitation of porcelain and instigated research into the method of their manufacture. From the Middle East the Chinese acquired a blue pigment-a purified form of cobalt oxide unobtainable at that time in China-that contained only a low level of manganese. Cobalt ores found in China have a high manganese content, which produces a more muted blue-gray color. In the seventeenth century, the trading activities of the Dutch East India Company resulted in vast quantities of decorated Chinese porcelain being brought to Europe, which stimulated and influenced the work of a wide variety of wares, notably Delft. The Chinese themselves adapted many specific vessel forms from the West, such as bottles with long spouts, and designed a range of decorative patterns especially for the European market. Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was clear, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress; the pomegranate indicated fertility, and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks stood for wedded bliss; the pine tree, peach, and crane are emblems of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these meanings become obscured or even lost. From early times pots were used in both religious and secular contexts. The imperial court commissioned work and in the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1279-1368) an imperial ceramic factory was established at Jingdezhen. Pots played an important part in some religious ceremonies. Long and often lyrical descriptions of the different types of ware exist that assist in classifying pots, although these sometimes confuse an already large and complicated picture.

935.txt

The workers in Fiat's plant were pessimistic because_ .

Fiat's agony spreads to workers as 8,100 jobs go THE giant Mirafiori plant in Turin is the heart of Fiat Auto, the troubled car division of the Fiat group. As the early shift trooped home at 2pm on Octob er 9th, the mood was pessimistic. The workers knew that the bosses were meeting union leaders later that afternoon in Rome to announce 8,100 job cuts across the group's car factories. This is on top of 3,000 job losses announced earlier this year. Workers expect one-third of Mirafiori's 12,000 employees to be gone by next July. Fiat says that all but 500 of the total are temporary lay-offs, to last about a year. But the morose workers passing through Mirafiori's gates doubt that the jobs will ever come back, whatever the firm says about new models and future investment. Fiat Auto will lose around €1 billion ($987m) this year, wiping out profits in other parts of the group, which makes everything from lorries and tractors to robots. Fiat's bosses have been in denial for years about the company's massive over-capacity, the cause of growing losses as sales slumped. Five years ago Fiat Auto made 2.6m cars a year and profits of €758m. Since then it has recorded a loss in every year bar one. This year it will produce barely 1.9m cars. Its banks forced a restructuring in May, and the chief executive of its Fiat group parent had to resign a few weeks later. The pain is bad enough in northern Italy, where unemployment is barely 4%, but it will be felt more elsewhere. The Termini Imerese plant in Sicily is to lay off 1,800 workers. Unions say that cuts among suppliers could double the number of people hit. The local official jobless rate is already 18% (though this ignores a lively "informal" economy). This is posing a nasty problem for the government of Silvio Berlusconi, which polled strongly in Sicily but is not inclined to aid troubled firms. Fiat's belated willingness to take tough steps to align capacity with demand is down to the group's new boss, Gabriele Galateri, chosen in June to rescue the firm, which is 30% owned by Agnelli family interests. His aim is to restore credibility, arrest the alarming plunge in the company's share price and persuade the banks that he is sorting out the Fiat Auto mess, so as to win their support for a further recapitalisation. Closely watching this Italian drama are bosses of General Motors, owners of 20% of Fiat Auto. The Italians have an option to sell the remaining shares to GM from January 2004. GM, which has its own problems in Europe, is desperate for Fiat Auto to sort itself out before it can be forced to take over. Although the Agnelli family patriarch, the ailing 81-year-old Gianni Agnelli, is opposed to such a sale, most analysts expect that Italy's proudest manufacturing company will end up in American hands.

1127.txt

We learn from the second paragraph that_ .

Fiat's agony spreads to workers as 8,100 jobs go THE giant Mirafiori plant in Turin is the heart of Fiat Auto, the troubled car division of the Fiat group. As the early shift trooped home at 2pm on Octob er 9th, the mood was pessimistic. The workers knew that the bosses were meeting union leaders later that afternoon in Rome to announce 8,100 job cuts across the group's car factories. This is on top of 3,000 job losses announced earlier this year. Workers expect one-third of Mirafiori's 12,000 employees to be gone by next July. Fiat says that all but 500 of the total are temporary lay-offs, to last about a year. But the morose workers passing through Mirafiori's gates doubt that the jobs will ever come back, whatever the firm says about new models and future investment. Fiat Auto will lose around €1 billion ($987m) this year, wiping out profits in other parts of the group, which makes everything from lorries and tractors to robots. Fiat's bosses have been in denial for years about the company's massive over-capacity, the cause of growing losses as sales slumped. Five years ago Fiat Auto made 2.6m cars a year and profits of €758m. Since then it has recorded a loss in every year bar one. This year it will produce barely 1.9m cars. Its banks forced a restructuring in May, and the chief executive of its Fiat group parent had to resign a few weeks later. The pain is bad enough in northern Italy, where unemployment is barely 4%, but it will be felt more elsewhere. The Termini Imerese plant in Sicily is to lay off 1,800 workers. Unions say that cuts among suppliers could double the number of people hit. The local official jobless rate is already 18% (though this ignores a lively "informal" economy). This is posing a nasty problem for the government of Silvio Berlusconi, which polled strongly in Sicily but is not inclined to aid troubled firms. Fiat's belated willingness to take tough steps to align capacity with demand is down to the group's new boss, Gabriele Galateri, chosen in June to rescue the firm, which is 30% owned by Agnelli family interests. His aim is to restore credibility, arrest the alarming plunge in the company's share price and persuade the banks that he is sorting out the Fiat Auto mess, so as to win their support for a further recapitalisation. Closely watching this Italian drama are bosses of General Motors, owners of 20% of Fiat Auto. The Italians have an option to sell the remaining shares to GM from January 2004. GM, which has its own problems in Europe, is desperate for Fiat Auto to sort itself out before it can be forced to take over. Although the Agnelli family patriarch, the ailing 81-year-old Gianni Agnelli, is opposed to such a sale, most analysts expect that Italy's proudest manufacturing company will end up in American hands.

1127.txt

According to the text, Fiat's job cuts _ .

Fiat's agony spreads to workers as 8,100 jobs go THE giant Mirafiori plant in Turin is the heart of Fiat Auto, the troubled car division of the Fiat group. As the early shift trooped home at 2pm on Octob er 9th, the mood was pessimistic. The workers knew that the bosses were meeting union leaders later that afternoon in Rome to announce 8,100 job cuts across the group's car factories. This is on top of 3,000 job losses announced earlier this year. Workers expect one-third of Mirafiori's 12,000 employees to be gone by next July. Fiat says that all but 500 of the total are temporary lay-offs, to last about a year. But the morose workers passing through Mirafiori's gates doubt that the jobs will ever come back, whatever the firm says about new models and future investment. Fiat Auto will lose around €1 billion ($987m) this year, wiping out profits in other parts of the group, which makes everything from lorries and tractors to robots. Fiat's bosses have been in denial for years about the company's massive over-capacity, the cause of growing losses as sales slumped. Five years ago Fiat Auto made 2.6m cars a year and profits of €758m. Since then it has recorded a loss in every year bar one. This year it will produce barely 1.9m cars. Its banks forced a restructuring in May, and the chief executive of its Fiat group parent had to resign a few weeks later. The pain is bad enough in northern Italy, where unemployment is barely 4%, but it will be felt more elsewhere. The Termini Imerese plant in Sicily is to lay off 1,800 workers. Unions say that cuts among suppliers could double the number of people hit. The local official jobless rate is already 18% (though this ignores a lively "informal" economy). This is posing a nasty problem for the government of Silvio Berlusconi, which polled strongly in Sicily but is not inclined to aid troubled firms. Fiat's belated willingness to take tough steps to align capacity with demand is down to the group's new boss, Gabriele Galateri, chosen in June to rescue the firm, which is 30% owned by Agnelli family interests. His aim is to restore credibility, arrest the alarming plunge in the company's share price and persuade the banks that he is sorting out the Fiat Auto mess, so as to win their support for a further recapitalisation. Closely watching this Italian drama are bosses of General Motors, owners of 20% of Fiat Auto. The Italians have an option to sell the remaining shares to GM from January 2004. GM, which has its own problems in Europe, is desperate for Fiat Auto to sort itself out before it can be forced to take over. Although the Agnelli family patriarch, the ailing 81-year-old Gianni Agnelli, is opposed to such a sale, most analysts expect that Italy's proudest manufacturing company will end up in American hands.

1127.txt

Which of the following is NOT a measure Fiat Auto took to combat growing losses?

Fiat's agony spreads to workers as 8,100 jobs go THE giant Mirafiori plant in Turin is the heart of Fiat Auto, the troubled car division of the Fiat group. As the early shift trooped home at 2pm on Octob er 9th, the mood was pessimistic. The workers knew that the bosses were meeting union leaders later that afternoon in Rome to announce 8,100 job cuts across the group's car factories. This is on top of 3,000 job losses announced earlier this year. Workers expect one-third of Mirafiori's 12,000 employees to be gone by next July. Fiat says that all but 500 of the total are temporary lay-offs, to last about a year. But the morose workers passing through Mirafiori's gates doubt that the jobs will ever come back, whatever the firm says about new models and future investment. Fiat Auto will lose around €1 billion ($987m) this year, wiping out profits in other parts of the group, which makes everything from lorries and tractors to robots. Fiat's bosses have been in denial for years about the company's massive over-capacity, the cause of growing losses as sales slumped. Five years ago Fiat Auto made 2.6m cars a year and profits of €758m. Since then it has recorded a loss in every year bar one. This year it will produce barely 1.9m cars. Its banks forced a restructuring in May, and the chief executive of its Fiat group parent had to resign a few weeks later. The pain is bad enough in northern Italy, where unemployment is barely 4%, but it will be felt more elsewhere. The Termini Imerese plant in Sicily is to lay off 1,800 workers. Unions say that cuts among suppliers could double the number of people hit. The local official jobless rate is already 18% (though this ignores a lively "informal" economy). This is posing a nasty problem for the government of Silvio Berlusconi, which polled strongly in Sicily but is not inclined to aid troubled firms. Fiat's belated willingness to take tough steps to align capacity with demand is down to the group's new boss, Gabriele Galateri, chosen in June to rescue the firm, which is 30% owned by Agnelli family interests. His aim is to restore credibility, arrest the alarming plunge in the company's share price and persuade the banks that he is sorting out the Fiat Auto mess, so as to win their support for a further recapitalisation. Closely watching this Italian drama are bosses of General Motors, owners of 20% of Fiat Auto. The Italians have an option to sell the remaining shares to GM from January 2004. GM, which has its own problems in Europe, is desperate for Fiat Auto to sort itself out before it can be forced to take over. Although the Agnelli family patriarch, the ailing 81-year-old Gianni Agnelli, is opposed to such a sale, most analysts expect that Italy's proudest manufacturing company will end up in American hands.

1127.txt

We can draw a conclusion from the last paragraph that_ .

Fiat's agony spreads to workers as 8,100 jobs go THE giant Mirafiori plant in Turin is the heart of Fiat Auto, the troubled car division of the Fiat group. As the early shift trooped home at 2pm on Octob er 9th, the mood was pessimistic. The workers knew that the bosses were meeting union leaders later that afternoon in Rome to announce 8,100 job cuts across the group's car factories. This is on top of 3,000 job losses announced earlier this year. Workers expect one-third of Mirafiori's 12,000 employees to be gone by next July. Fiat says that all but 500 of the total are temporary lay-offs, to last about a year. But the morose workers passing through Mirafiori's gates doubt that the jobs will ever come back, whatever the firm says about new models and future investment. Fiat Auto will lose around €1 billion ($987m) this year, wiping out profits in other parts of the group, which makes everything from lorries and tractors to robots. Fiat's bosses have been in denial for years about the company's massive over-capacity, the cause of growing losses as sales slumped. Five years ago Fiat Auto made 2.6m cars a year and profits of €758m. Since then it has recorded a loss in every year bar one. This year it will produce barely 1.9m cars. Its banks forced a restructuring in May, and the chief executive of its Fiat group parent had to resign a few weeks later. The pain is bad enough in northern Italy, where unemployment is barely 4%, but it will be felt more elsewhere. The Termini Imerese plant in Sicily is to lay off 1,800 workers. Unions say that cuts among suppliers could double the number of people hit. The local official jobless rate is already 18% (though this ignores a lively "informal" economy). This is posing a nasty problem for the government of Silvio Berlusconi, which polled strongly in Sicily but is not inclined to aid troubled firms. Fiat's belated willingness to take tough steps to align capacity with demand is down to the group's new boss, Gabriele Galateri, chosen in June to rescue the firm, which is 30% owned by Agnelli family interests. His aim is to restore credibility, arrest the alarming plunge in the company's share price and persuade the banks that he is sorting out the Fiat Auto mess, so as to win their support for a further recapitalisation. Closely watching this Italian drama are bosses of General Motors, owners of 20% of Fiat Auto. The Italians have an option to sell the remaining shares to GM from January 2004. GM, which has its own problems in Europe, is desperate for Fiat Auto to sort itself out before it can be forced to take over. Although the Agnelli family patriarch, the ailing 81-year-old Gianni Agnelli, is opposed to such a sale, most analysts expect that Italy's proudest manufacturing company will end up in American hands.

1127.txt

The merger of these two companies are out of expection because _

The bride and groom, a guitar-wielding rock vixen and a muscle-rippling dragon-slayer, make an odd couple-so it is hardly surprising that nobody expected their marriage. But on December 2nd the video-game companies behind "Guitar Hero" and "World of Warcraft", Activision and Vivendi Games respectively, announced plans for an elaborate merger. Vivendi, a French media group, will pool its games unit, plus $1.7 billion in cash, with Activision; the combined entity will then offer to buy back shares from Activision shareholders, raising Vivendi's stake in the resulting firm to as much as 68%. Activision's boss, Bobby Kotick, will remain at the helm of the new company, to be known as Activision Blizzard in recognition of Vivendi's main gaming asset: its subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment, the firm behind "World of Warcraft", an online swords-and-sorcery game with 9.3m subscribers. The deal was unexpected, but makes excellent strategic sense, says Piers Harding-Rolls of Screen Digest, a consultancy. Activision has long coveted "World of Warcraft", and Vivendi gets a bigger games division and Activision's talented management team to run it. As well as making sense for both parties, the $18.9 billion deal-the biggest ever in the video-games industry-says a lot about the trends now shaping the business. The first is a push into new markets, especially online multiplayer games, which are particularly popular in Asia, and "casual" games that appeal to people who do not regard themselves as gamers. "World of Warcraft" is the world's most popular online subscription-based game and is hugely lucrative. Blizzard will have revenues of $1.1 billion this year and operating profits of $520m. "World of Warcraft" is really "a social network with many entertainment components," says Mr Kotick. Similarly, he argues, "Guitar Hero" and other games that use new kinds of controller, rather than the usual buttons and joysticks, are broadening the appeal of gaming by emphasising its social aspects, since they are easy to pick up and can be played with friends. Social gaming, says Mr Kotick, is "the most powerful trend" building new audiences for the industry. He is clearly excited at the prospect of using Blizzard's expertise to launch an online version of "Guitar Hero" for Asian markets. Online music games such as "Audition Online", which started in South Korea, are "massive in Asia," says Mr Harding-Rolls. A second trend is media groups' increasing interest in gaming. Vivendi owns Universal Music, one of the "big four" record labels. As the record industry's sales decline, it makes sense to move into gaming, a younger, faster-growing medium with plenty of cross-marketing opportunities. (Activision might raid Universal's back catalogue for material for its music games, for example, which might in turn boost music sales.) Other media groups are going the same way. Last year Viacom, an American media giant, acquired Harmonix, the company that originally created "Guitar Hero". It has been promoting its new game, "Rock Band", using its MTV music channel. Viacom has also created online virtual worlds that tie in with several of its television programmes, such as "Laguna Beach" and "Pimp My Ride". Disney bought Club Penguin, a virtual world for children, in August. And Time Warner is involved in gaming via its Warner Bros Home Entertainment division, which publishes its own titles and last month bought TT Games, the British firm behind the "Lego Star Wars" games.

3652.txt

Why Piers Harding-Rolls thinks this marriage has strategic sense?

The bride and groom, a guitar-wielding rock vixen and a muscle-rippling dragon-slayer, make an odd couple-so it is hardly surprising that nobody expected their marriage. But on December 2nd the video-game companies behind "Guitar Hero" and "World of Warcraft", Activision and Vivendi Games respectively, announced plans for an elaborate merger. Vivendi, a French media group, will pool its games unit, plus $1.7 billion in cash, with Activision; the combined entity will then offer to buy back shares from Activision shareholders, raising Vivendi's stake in the resulting firm to as much as 68%. Activision's boss, Bobby Kotick, will remain at the helm of the new company, to be known as Activision Blizzard in recognition of Vivendi's main gaming asset: its subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment, the firm behind "World of Warcraft", an online swords-and-sorcery game with 9.3m subscribers. The deal was unexpected, but makes excellent strategic sense, says Piers Harding-Rolls of Screen Digest, a consultancy. Activision has long coveted "World of Warcraft", and Vivendi gets a bigger games division and Activision's talented management team to run it. As well as making sense for both parties, the $18.9 billion deal-the biggest ever in the video-games industry-says a lot about the trends now shaping the business. The first is a push into new markets, especially online multiplayer games, which are particularly popular in Asia, and "casual" games that appeal to people who do not regard themselves as gamers. "World of Warcraft" is the world's most popular online subscription-based game and is hugely lucrative. Blizzard will have revenues of $1.1 billion this year and operating profits of $520m. "World of Warcraft" is really "a social network with many entertainment components," says Mr Kotick. Similarly, he argues, "Guitar Hero" and other games that use new kinds of controller, rather than the usual buttons and joysticks, are broadening the appeal of gaming by emphasising its social aspects, since they are easy to pick up and can be played with friends. Social gaming, says Mr Kotick, is "the most powerful trend" building new audiences for the industry. He is clearly excited at the prospect of using Blizzard's expertise to launch an online version of "Guitar Hero" for Asian markets. Online music games such as "Audition Online", which started in South Korea, are "massive in Asia," says Mr Harding-Rolls. A second trend is media groups' increasing interest in gaming. Vivendi owns Universal Music, one of the "big four" record labels. As the record industry's sales decline, it makes sense to move into gaming, a younger, faster-growing medium with plenty of cross-marketing opportunities. (Activision might raid Universal's back catalogue for material for its music games, for example, which might in turn boost music sales.) Other media groups are going the same way. Last year Viacom, an American media giant, acquired Harmonix, the company that originally created "Guitar Hero". It has been promoting its new game, "Rock Band", using its MTV music channel. Viacom has also created online virtual worlds that tie in with several of its television programmes, such as "Laguna Beach" and "Pimp My Ride". Disney bought Club Penguin, a virtual world for children, in August. And Time Warner is involved in gaming via its Warner Bros Home Entertainment division, which publishes its own titles and last month bought TT Games, the British firm behind the "Lego Star Wars" games.

3652.txt

The word "lucrative" (Line 3, Paragraph 3) most probably means _

The bride and groom, a guitar-wielding rock vixen and a muscle-rippling dragon-slayer, make an odd couple-so it is hardly surprising that nobody expected their marriage. But on December 2nd the video-game companies behind "Guitar Hero" and "World of Warcraft", Activision and Vivendi Games respectively, announced plans for an elaborate merger. Vivendi, a French media group, will pool its games unit, plus $1.7 billion in cash, with Activision; the combined entity will then offer to buy back shares from Activision shareholders, raising Vivendi's stake in the resulting firm to as much as 68%. Activision's boss, Bobby Kotick, will remain at the helm of the new company, to be known as Activision Blizzard in recognition of Vivendi's main gaming asset: its subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment, the firm behind "World of Warcraft", an online swords-and-sorcery game with 9.3m subscribers. The deal was unexpected, but makes excellent strategic sense, says Piers Harding-Rolls of Screen Digest, a consultancy. Activision has long coveted "World of Warcraft", and Vivendi gets a bigger games division and Activision's talented management team to run it. As well as making sense for both parties, the $18.9 billion deal-the biggest ever in the video-games industry-says a lot about the trends now shaping the business. The first is a push into new markets, especially online multiplayer games, which are particularly popular in Asia, and "casual" games that appeal to people who do not regard themselves as gamers. "World of Warcraft" is the world's most popular online subscription-based game and is hugely lucrative. Blizzard will have revenues of $1.1 billion this year and operating profits of $520m. "World of Warcraft" is really "a social network with many entertainment components," says Mr Kotick. Similarly, he argues, "Guitar Hero" and other games that use new kinds of controller, rather than the usual buttons and joysticks, are broadening the appeal of gaming by emphasising its social aspects, since they are easy to pick up and can be played with friends. Social gaming, says Mr Kotick, is "the most powerful trend" building new audiences for the industry. He is clearly excited at the prospect of using Blizzard's expertise to launch an online version of "Guitar Hero" for Asian markets. Online music games such as "Audition Online", which started in South Korea, are "massive in Asia," says Mr Harding-Rolls. A second trend is media groups' increasing interest in gaming. Vivendi owns Universal Music, one of the "big four" record labels. As the record industry's sales decline, it makes sense to move into gaming, a younger, faster-growing medium with plenty of cross-marketing opportunities. (Activision might raid Universal's back catalogue for material for its music games, for example, which might in turn boost music sales.) Other media groups are going the same way. Last year Viacom, an American media giant, acquired Harmonix, the company that originally created "Guitar Hero". It has been promoting its new game, "Rock Band", using its MTV music channel. Viacom has also created online virtual worlds that tie in with several of its television programmes, such as "Laguna Beach" and "Pimp My Ride". Disney bought Club Penguin, a virtual world for children, in August. And Time Warner is involved in gaming via its Warner Bros Home Entertainment division, which publishes its own titles and last month bought TT Games, the British firm behind the "Lego Star Wars" games.

3652.txt

The first trend shaping the industry is _

The bride and groom, a guitar-wielding rock vixen and a muscle-rippling dragon-slayer, make an odd couple-so it is hardly surprising that nobody expected their marriage. But on December 2nd the video-game companies behind "Guitar Hero" and "World of Warcraft", Activision and Vivendi Games respectively, announced plans for an elaborate merger. Vivendi, a French media group, will pool its games unit, plus $1.7 billion in cash, with Activision; the combined entity will then offer to buy back shares from Activision shareholders, raising Vivendi's stake in the resulting firm to as much as 68%. Activision's boss, Bobby Kotick, will remain at the helm of the new company, to be known as Activision Blizzard in recognition of Vivendi's main gaming asset: its subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment, the firm behind "World of Warcraft", an online swords-and-sorcery game with 9.3m subscribers. The deal was unexpected, but makes excellent strategic sense, says Piers Harding-Rolls of Screen Digest, a consultancy. Activision has long coveted "World of Warcraft", and Vivendi gets a bigger games division and Activision's talented management team to run it. As well as making sense for both parties, the $18.9 billion deal-the biggest ever in the video-games industry-says a lot about the trends now shaping the business. The first is a push into new markets, especially online multiplayer games, which are particularly popular in Asia, and "casual" games that appeal to people who do not regard themselves as gamers. "World of Warcraft" is the world's most popular online subscription-based game and is hugely lucrative. Blizzard will have revenues of $1.1 billion this year and operating profits of $520m. "World of Warcraft" is really "a social network with many entertainment components," says Mr Kotick. Similarly, he argues, "Guitar Hero" and other games that use new kinds of controller, rather than the usual buttons and joysticks, are broadening the appeal of gaming by emphasising its social aspects, since they are easy to pick up and can be played with friends. Social gaming, says Mr Kotick, is "the most powerful trend" building new audiences for the industry. He is clearly excited at the prospect of using Blizzard's expertise to launch an online version of "Guitar Hero" for Asian markets. Online music games such as "Audition Online", which started in South Korea, are "massive in Asia," says Mr Harding-Rolls. A second trend is media groups' increasing interest in gaming. Vivendi owns Universal Music, one of the "big four" record labels. As the record industry's sales decline, it makes sense to move into gaming, a younger, faster-growing medium with plenty of cross-marketing opportunities. (Activision might raid Universal's back catalogue for material for its music games, for example, which might in turn boost music sales.) Other media groups are going the same way. Last year Viacom, an American media giant, acquired Harmonix, the company that originally created "Guitar Hero". It has been promoting its new game, "Rock Band", using its MTV music channel. Viacom has also created online virtual worlds that tie in with several of its television programmes, such as "Laguna Beach" and "Pimp My Ride". Disney bought Club Penguin, a virtual world for children, in August. And Time Warner is involved in gaming via its Warner Bros Home Entertainment division, which publishes its own titles and last month bought TT Games, the British firm behind the "Lego Star Wars" games.

3652.txt

From the two trends we can infer that _

The bride and groom, a guitar-wielding rock vixen and a muscle-rippling dragon-slayer, make an odd couple-so it is hardly surprising that nobody expected their marriage. But on December 2nd the video-game companies behind "Guitar Hero" and "World of Warcraft", Activision and Vivendi Games respectively, announced plans for an elaborate merger. Vivendi, a French media group, will pool its games unit, plus $1.7 billion in cash, with Activision; the combined entity will then offer to buy back shares from Activision shareholders, raising Vivendi's stake in the resulting firm to as much as 68%. Activision's boss, Bobby Kotick, will remain at the helm of the new company, to be known as Activision Blizzard in recognition of Vivendi's main gaming asset: its subsidiary Blizzard Entertainment, the firm behind "World of Warcraft", an online swords-and-sorcery game with 9.3m subscribers. The deal was unexpected, but makes excellent strategic sense, says Piers Harding-Rolls of Screen Digest, a consultancy. Activision has long coveted "World of Warcraft", and Vivendi gets a bigger games division and Activision's talented management team to run it. As well as making sense for both parties, the $18.9 billion deal-the biggest ever in the video-games industry-says a lot about the trends now shaping the business. The first is a push into new markets, especially online multiplayer games, which are particularly popular in Asia, and "casual" games that appeal to people who do not regard themselves as gamers. "World of Warcraft" is the world's most popular online subscription-based game and is hugely lucrative. Blizzard will have revenues of $1.1 billion this year and operating profits of $520m. "World of Warcraft" is really "a social network with many entertainment components," says Mr Kotick. Similarly, he argues, "Guitar Hero" and other games that use new kinds of controller, rather than the usual buttons and joysticks, are broadening the appeal of gaming by emphasising its social aspects, since they are easy to pick up and can be played with friends. Social gaming, says Mr Kotick, is "the most powerful trend" building new audiences for the industry. He is clearly excited at the prospect of using Blizzard's expertise to launch an online version of "Guitar Hero" for Asian markets. Online music games such as "Audition Online", which started in South Korea, are "massive in Asia," says Mr Harding-Rolls. A second trend is media groups' increasing interest in gaming. Vivendi owns Universal Music, one of the "big four" record labels. As the record industry's sales decline, it makes sense to move into gaming, a younger, faster-growing medium with plenty of cross-marketing opportunities. (Activision might raid Universal's back catalogue for material for its music games, for example, which might in turn boost music sales.) Other media groups are going the same way. Last year Viacom, an American media giant, acquired Harmonix, the company that originally created "Guitar Hero". It has been promoting its new game, "Rock Band", using its MTV music channel. Viacom has also created online virtual worlds that tie in with several of its television programmes, such as "Laguna Beach" and "Pimp My Ride". Disney bought Club Penguin, a virtual world for children, in August. And Time Warner is involved in gaming via its Warner Bros Home Entertainment division, which publishes its own titles and last month bought TT Games, the British firm behind the "Lego Star Wars" games.

3652.txt

The word "galvanized" (Line 1, Paragraph 1) most probably means _

Galvanized by the April tragedy at Virginia Tech, in which Seung Hui Cho killed 32 students and faculty members and then committed suicide, colleges and universities around the country are urgently taking stock of the reach and effectiveness of their mental-health services. The goal is not just to avoid another catastrophe caused by a deeply troubled student who fell through the cracks. It's also to face up to the needs of today's students, who increasingly struggle with eating disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression. The rate of depression among college students has doubled in just 15 years; last year, some 45 percent of all students said they've sometimes felt too depressed to function, according to an annual survey by the American College Health Association. Nine percent of college students seriously considered suicide. "Some of the key questions that Virginia Tech has brought out are: When do you recognize that a student's having serious problems? What steps do you take, and how do you coordinate care?" says Richard Kadison, director of mental-health services at Harvard University and author of College of the Overwhelmed. Last week, Kadison and other campus psychiatrists from across the country gathered in Washington, D.C., to map out a better way to meet the demand. Many schools are finding that change will be a significant challenge. About 65 percent of campus counseling centers still have no relationship with the health center, for example, making it difficult to manage illnesses that require medication. Just 59 percent have a psychiatrist available. And the funds necessary to add expertise can be hard to find. Days after the Virginia Tech slayings, Florida public university administrators asked for $3.5 million to hire more psychologists and campus police officers and to set up interdisciplinary teams that would identify troubled students. The Legislature denied the request. The ratio of counselors to students at the University of South Florida is 1 to 3,500; at Cornell, there's a counselor for every 800 students. Experts say that parents should check out the mental-health resources when they send their child to school and make sure that the counseling office is aware of any history. "Continuity of care is really important, so that people don't fall through the cracks and have unnecessary stresses and strains," says Jerald Kay, chair of psychiatry at Wright State University Medical School. The thrust of the movement at institutions in the lead has been to redouble efforts to identify students in need of help and then make that help available. Some, like Cornell and Wisconsin, are adding counseling offices in dorms and academic buildings so students have ready access; Cornell has two counselors on staff whose sole job is to talk with faculty and staff and pick up the first inklings of trouble. The University of Illinois requires anyone who threatens or attempts suicide to have a four-session mental-health evaluation. And early-warning systems that involve the entire university community are a priority on many campuses. At Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, N.Y., for example, faculty and staff can log concerns about academic problems or behavioral issues on a website, which is monitored by an intervention team of representatives from the dean's office, faculty, housing staff, campus police, and counseling center. The team meets regularly to decide on an appropriate response.

3677.txt

Seung Hui Cho committed a serious crime because _

Galvanized by the April tragedy at Virginia Tech, in which Seung Hui Cho killed 32 students and faculty members and then committed suicide, colleges and universities around the country are urgently taking stock of the reach and effectiveness of their mental-health services. The goal is not just to avoid another catastrophe caused by a deeply troubled student who fell through the cracks. It's also to face up to the needs of today's students, who increasingly struggle with eating disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression. The rate of depression among college students has doubled in just 15 years; last year, some 45 percent of all students said they've sometimes felt too depressed to function, according to an annual survey by the American College Health Association. Nine percent of college students seriously considered suicide. "Some of the key questions that Virginia Tech has brought out are: When do you recognize that a student's having serious problems? What steps do you take, and how do you coordinate care?" says Richard Kadison, director of mental-health services at Harvard University and author of College of the Overwhelmed. Last week, Kadison and other campus psychiatrists from across the country gathered in Washington, D.C., to map out a better way to meet the demand. Many schools are finding that change will be a significant challenge. About 65 percent of campus counseling centers still have no relationship with the health center, for example, making it difficult to manage illnesses that require medication. Just 59 percent have a psychiatrist available. And the funds necessary to add expertise can be hard to find. Days after the Virginia Tech slayings, Florida public university administrators asked for $3.5 million to hire more psychologists and campus police officers and to set up interdisciplinary teams that would identify troubled students. The Legislature denied the request. The ratio of counselors to students at the University of South Florida is 1 to 3,500; at Cornell, there's a counselor for every 800 students. Experts say that parents should check out the mental-health resources when they send their child to school and make sure that the counseling office is aware of any history. "Continuity of care is really important, so that people don't fall through the cracks and have unnecessary stresses and strains," says Jerald Kay, chair of psychiatry at Wright State University Medical School. The thrust of the movement at institutions in the lead has been to redouble efforts to identify students in need of help and then make that help available. Some, like Cornell and Wisconsin, are adding counseling offices in dorms and academic buildings so students have ready access; Cornell has two counselors on staff whose sole job is to talk with faculty and staff and pick up the first inklings of trouble. The University of Illinois requires anyone who threatens or attempts suicide to have a four-session mental-health evaluation. And early-warning systems that involve the entire university community are a priority on many campuses. At Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, N.Y., for example, faculty and staff can log concerns about academic problems or behavioral issues on a website, which is monitored by an intervention team of representatives from the dean's office, faculty, housing staff, campus police, and counseling center. The team meets regularly to decide on an appropriate response.

3677.txt

The change will be a challenge for many schools because _

Galvanized by the April tragedy at Virginia Tech, in which Seung Hui Cho killed 32 students and faculty members and then committed suicide, colleges and universities around the country are urgently taking stock of the reach and effectiveness of their mental-health services. The goal is not just to avoid another catastrophe caused by a deeply troubled student who fell through the cracks. It's also to face up to the needs of today's students, who increasingly struggle with eating disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression. The rate of depression among college students has doubled in just 15 years; last year, some 45 percent of all students said they've sometimes felt too depressed to function, according to an annual survey by the American College Health Association. Nine percent of college students seriously considered suicide. "Some of the key questions that Virginia Tech has brought out are: When do you recognize that a student's having serious problems? What steps do you take, and how do you coordinate care?" says Richard Kadison, director of mental-health services at Harvard University and author of College of the Overwhelmed. Last week, Kadison and other campus psychiatrists from across the country gathered in Washington, D.C., to map out a better way to meet the demand. Many schools are finding that change will be a significant challenge. About 65 percent of campus counseling centers still have no relationship with the health center, for example, making it difficult to manage illnesses that require medication. Just 59 percent have a psychiatrist available. And the funds necessary to add expertise can be hard to find. Days after the Virginia Tech slayings, Florida public university administrators asked for $3.5 million to hire more psychologists and campus police officers and to set up interdisciplinary teams that would identify troubled students. The Legislature denied the request. The ratio of counselors to students at the University of South Florida is 1 to 3,500; at Cornell, there's a counselor for every 800 students. Experts say that parents should check out the mental-health resources when they send their child to school and make sure that the counseling office is aware of any history. "Continuity of care is really important, so that people don't fall through the cracks and have unnecessary stresses and strains," says Jerald Kay, chair of psychiatry at Wright State University Medical School. The thrust of the movement at institutions in the lead has been to redouble efforts to identify students in need of help and then make that help available. Some, like Cornell and Wisconsin, are adding counseling offices in dorms and academic buildings so students have ready access; Cornell has two counselors on staff whose sole job is to talk with faculty and staff and pick up the first inklings of trouble. The University of Illinois requires anyone who threatens or attempts suicide to have a four-session mental-health evaluation. And early-warning systems that involve the entire university community are a priority on many campuses. At Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, N.Y., for example, faculty and staff can log concerns about academic problems or behavioral issues on a website, which is monitored by an intervention team of representatives from the dean's office, faculty, housing staff, campus police, and counseling center. The team meets regularly to decide on an appropriate response.

3677.txt

The ratios of counselors to students mentioned in the fourth paragraph implies that _

Galvanized by the April tragedy at Virginia Tech, in which Seung Hui Cho killed 32 students and faculty members and then committed suicide, colleges and universities around the country are urgently taking stock of the reach and effectiveness of their mental-health services. The goal is not just to avoid another catastrophe caused by a deeply troubled student who fell through the cracks. It's also to face up to the needs of today's students, who increasingly struggle with eating disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression. The rate of depression among college students has doubled in just 15 years; last year, some 45 percent of all students said they've sometimes felt too depressed to function, according to an annual survey by the American College Health Association. Nine percent of college students seriously considered suicide. "Some of the key questions that Virginia Tech has brought out are: When do you recognize that a student's having serious problems? What steps do you take, and how do you coordinate care?" says Richard Kadison, director of mental-health services at Harvard University and author of College of the Overwhelmed. Last week, Kadison and other campus psychiatrists from across the country gathered in Washington, D.C., to map out a better way to meet the demand. Many schools are finding that change will be a significant challenge. About 65 percent of campus counseling centers still have no relationship with the health center, for example, making it difficult to manage illnesses that require medication. Just 59 percent have a psychiatrist available. And the funds necessary to add expertise can be hard to find. Days after the Virginia Tech slayings, Florida public university administrators asked for $3.5 million to hire more psychologists and campus police officers and to set up interdisciplinary teams that would identify troubled students. The Legislature denied the request. The ratio of counselors to students at the University of South Florida is 1 to 3,500; at Cornell, there's a counselor for every 800 students. Experts say that parents should check out the mental-health resources when they send their child to school and make sure that the counseling office is aware of any history. "Continuity of care is really important, so that people don't fall through the cracks and have unnecessary stresses and strains," says Jerald Kay, chair of psychiatry at Wright State University Medical School. The thrust of the movement at institutions in the lead has been to redouble efforts to identify students in need of help and then make that help available. Some, like Cornell and Wisconsin, are adding counseling offices in dorms and academic buildings so students have ready access; Cornell has two counselors on staff whose sole job is to talk with faculty and staff and pick up the first inklings of trouble. The University of Illinois requires anyone who threatens or attempts suicide to have a four-session mental-health evaluation. And early-warning systems that involve the entire university community are a priority on many campuses. At Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, N.Y., for example, faculty and staff can log concerns about academic problems or behavioral issues on a website, which is monitored by an intervention team of representatives from the dean's office, faculty, housing staff, campus police, and counseling center. The team meets regularly to decide on an appropriate response.

3677.txt

Which one of the following measures is NOT taken by institutions to solve the problem?

Galvanized by the April tragedy at Virginia Tech, in which Seung Hui Cho killed 32 students and faculty members and then committed suicide, colleges and universities around the country are urgently taking stock of the reach and effectiveness of their mental-health services. The goal is not just to avoid another catastrophe caused by a deeply troubled student who fell through the cracks. It's also to face up to the needs of today's students, who increasingly struggle with eating disorders, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression. The rate of depression among college students has doubled in just 15 years; last year, some 45 percent of all students said they've sometimes felt too depressed to function, according to an annual survey by the American College Health Association. Nine percent of college students seriously considered suicide. "Some of the key questions that Virginia Tech has brought out are: When do you recognize that a student's having serious problems? What steps do you take, and how do you coordinate care?" says Richard Kadison, director of mental-health services at Harvard University and author of College of the Overwhelmed. Last week, Kadison and other campus psychiatrists from across the country gathered in Washington, D.C., to map out a better way to meet the demand. Many schools are finding that change will be a significant challenge. About 65 percent of campus counseling centers still have no relationship with the health center, for example, making it difficult to manage illnesses that require medication. Just 59 percent have a psychiatrist available. And the funds necessary to add expertise can be hard to find. Days after the Virginia Tech slayings, Florida public university administrators asked for $3.5 million to hire more psychologists and campus police officers and to set up interdisciplinary teams that would identify troubled students. The Legislature denied the request. The ratio of counselors to students at the University of South Florida is 1 to 3,500; at Cornell, there's a counselor for every 800 students. Experts say that parents should check out the mental-health resources when they send their child to school and make sure that the counseling office is aware of any history. "Continuity of care is really important, so that people don't fall through the cracks and have unnecessary stresses and strains," says Jerald Kay, chair of psychiatry at Wright State University Medical School. The thrust of the movement at institutions in the lead has been to redouble efforts to identify students in need of help and then make that help available. Some, like Cornell and Wisconsin, are adding counseling offices in dorms and academic buildings so students have ready access; Cornell has two counselors on staff whose sole job is to talk with faculty and staff and pick up the first inklings of trouble. The University of Illinois requires anyone who threatens or attempts suicide to have a four-session mental-health evaluation. And early-warning systems that involve the entire university community are a priority on many campuses. At Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, N.Y., for example, faculty and staff can log concerns about academic problems or behavioral issues on a website, which is monitored by an intervention team of representatives from the dean's office, faculty, housing staff, campus police, and counseling center. The team meets regularly to decide on an appropriate response.

3677.txt

What is the current topic of common interest among the very rich in America?

What's hot for 2007 among the very rich? A ＄7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality. Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class. In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. "Our nation's core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, "lamented the 117th-richest man in America. "Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. " He noted that "Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. " Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman's anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. "It's an outrage that any American's life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage," said the former chairman of the International Steel Group. What's happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California's governor to offer universal health care, these guys don't need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows. It's possible that plutocrats（）are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory（）tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn't keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that. No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity. In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it's likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that's the real nightmare.

885.txt

What do we learn from Mortimer Zuckerman's lamentation?

What's hot for 2007 among the very rich? A ＄7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality. Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class. In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. "Our nation's core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, "lamented the 117th-richest man in America. "Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. " He noted that "Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. " Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman's anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. "It's an outrage that any American's life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage," said the former chairman of the International Steel Group. What's happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California's governor to offer universal health care, these guys don't need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows. It's possible that plutocrats（）are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory（）tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn't keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that. No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity. In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it's likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that's the real nightmare.

885.txt

From the fifth paragraph we can learn that ________.

What's hot for 2007 among the very rich? A ＄7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality. Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class. In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. "Our nation's core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, "lamented the 117th-richest man in America. "Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. " He noted that "Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. " Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman's anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. "It's an outrage that any American's life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage," said the former chairman of the International Steel Group. What's happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California's governor to offer universal health care, these guys don't need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows. It's possible that plutocrats（）are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory（）tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn't keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that. No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity. In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it's likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that's the real nightmare.

885.txt

What is the real reason for plutocrats to express solidarity with the middle class?

What's hot for 2007 among the very rich? A ＄7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality. Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class. In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. "Our nation's core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, "lamented the 117th-richest man in America. "Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. " He noted that "Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. " Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman's anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. "It's an outrage that any American's life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage," said the former chairman of the International Steel Group. What's happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California's governor to offer universal health care, these guys don't need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows. It's possible that plutocrats（）are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory（）tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn't keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that. No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity. In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it's likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that's the real nightmare.

885.txt

What may happen if the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods?

What's hot for 2007 among the very rich? A ＄7. 3 million diamond ring. A trip to Tanzania to hunt wild animals. Oh, and income inequality. Sure, some leftish billionaires like George Soros have been railing against income inequality for years. But increasingly, centrist and right-wing billionaires are starting to worry about income inequality and the fate of the middle class. In December, Mortimer Zuckerman wrote a column in U. S. News & World Report, which he owns. "Our nation's core bargain with the middle class is disintegrating, "lamented the 117th-richest man in America. "Most of our economic gains have gone to people at the very top of the income ladder. Average income for a household of people of working age, by contrast, has fallen five years in a row. " He noted that "Tens of millions of Americans live in fear that a major health problem can reduce them to bankruptcy. " Wilbur Ross Jr. has echoed Zuckerman's anger over the bitter struggles faced by middle-class Americans. "It's an outrage that any American's life expectancy should be shortened simply because the company they worked for went bankrupt and ended health-care coverage," said the former chairman of the International Steel Group. What's happening? The very rich are just as trendy as you and I, and can be so when it comes to politics and policy. Given the recent change of control in Congress, the popularity of measures like increasing the minimum wage, and efforts by California's governor to offer universal health care, these guys don't need their own personal weathermen to know which way the wind blows. It's possible that plutocrats（）are expressing solidarity with the struggling middle class as part of an effort to insulate themselves from confiscatory（）tax policies. But the prospect that income inequality will lead to higher taxes on the wealthy doesn't keep plutocrats up at night. They can live with that. No, what they fear was that the political challenges of sustaining support for global economic integration will be more difficult in the United States because of what has happened to the distribution of income and economic insecurity. In other words, if middle-class Americans continue to struggle financially as the ultrawealthy grow ever wealthier, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain political support for the free flow of goods, services, and capital across borders. And when the United States places obstacles in the way of foreign investors and foreign goods, it's likely to encourage reciprocal action abroad. For people who buy and sell companies, or who allocate capital to markets all around the world, that's the real nightmare.

885.txt

The main point the author is making about schools is that ________.

Given the lack of fit between gifted students and their schools, it is not surprising that such students often have little good to say ‘about their school experience. In one study of 400 adults who had achieved distinction in all areas of life, researchers found that three-fifths of these individuals either did badly in school or were unhappy in school. Few MacArthur Prize fellows, winners of the MacArthur Award for creative accomplishment, had good things to say about their precollegiate schooling if they had not been placed in advanced programs. Anecdotal reports support this. Pablo Picasso, Charles Darwin, Mark Twain, Oliver Goldsmith, and William Butler Yeats all disliked school. So did Winston Churchill, who almost failed out of Harrow, an elite British school. About Oliver Goldsmith, one of his teachers remarked, "Never was so dull a boy." Often these children realize that they know more than their teachers, and their teachers often feel that these children are arrogant, inattentive, or unmotivated. Some of these gifted people may have done poorly in school because their gifts were not scholastic. Maybe we can account for Picasso in this way. But most fared poorly in school not because they lacked ability but because they found school unchallenging and consequently lost interest. Yeats described the lack of fit between his mind and school: "Because I had found it difficult to attend to anything less interesting than my own thoughts, I was difficult to teach." As noted earlier, gifted children of all kinds tend to be strong-willed nonconformists. Nonconformity and stubbornness (and Yeats's level of arrogance and self-absorption) are likely to lead to Conflicts with teachers. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about what was important to the development of their abilities, they are far more likely to mention their families than their schools or teachers. A writing prodigy studied by David Feldman and Lynn Goldsmith was taught far more about writing by his journalist father than his English teacher. High-IQ children, in Australia studied by Miraca Gross had much more positive feelings about their families than their schools. About half of the mathematicians studied by Benjamin Bloom had little good to say about school. They all did well in school and took honors classes when available, and some skipped grades.

398.txt

The author quotes the remarks of one of Oliver Goldsmith's teachers ________.

Given the lack of fit between gifted students and their schools, it is not surprising that such students often have little good to say ‘about their school experience. In one study of 400 adults who had achieved distinction in all areas of life, researchers found that three-fifths of these individuals either did badly in school or were unhappy in school. Few MacArthur Prize fellows, winners of the MacArthur Award for creative accomplishment, had good things to say about their precollegiate schooling if they had not been placed in advanced programs. Anecdotal reports support this. Pablo Picasso, Charles Darwin, Mark Twain, Oliver Goldsmith, and William Butler Yeats all disliked school. So did Winston Churchill, who almost failed out of Harrow, an elite British school. About Oliver Goldsmith, one of his teachers remarked, "Never was so dull a boy." Often these children realize that they know more than their teachers, and their teachers often feel that these children are arrogant, inattentive, or unmotivated. Some of these gifted people may have done poorly in school because their gifts were not scholastic. Maybe we can account for Picasso in this way. But most fared poorly in school not because they lacked ability but because they found school unchallenging and consequently lost interest. Yeats described the lack of fit between his mind and school: "Because I had found it difficult to attend to anything less interesting than my own thoughts, I was difficult to teach." As noted earlier, gifted children of all kinds tend to be strong-willed nonconformists. Nonconformity and stubbornness (and Yeats's level of arrogance and self-absorption) are likely to lead to Conflicts with teachers. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about what was important to the development of their abilities, they are far more likely to mention their families than their schools or teachers. A writing prodigy studied by David Feldman and Lynn Goldsmith was taught far more about writing by his journalist father than his English teacher. High-IQ children, in Australia studied by Miraca Gross had much more positive feelings about their families than their schools. About half of the mathematicians studied by Benjamin Bloom had little good to say about school. They all did well in school and took honors classes when available, and some skipped grades.

398.txt

Pablo Picasso is listed among the many gifted children who ________.

Given the lack of fit between gifted students and their schools, it is not surprising that such students often have little good to say ‘about their school experience. In one study of 400 adults who had achieved distinction in all areas of life, researchers found that three-fifths of these individuals either did badly in school or were unhappy in school. Few MacArthur Prize fellows, winners of the MacArthur Award for creative accomplishment, had good things to say about their precollegiate schooling if they had not been placed in advanced programs. Anecdotal reports support this. Pablo Picasso, Charles Darwin, Mark Twain, Oliver Goldsmith, and William Butler Yeats all disliked school. So did Winston Churchill, who almost failed out of Harrow, an elite British school. About Oliver Goldsmith, one of his teachers remarked, "Never was so dull a boy." Often these children realize that they know more than their teachers, and their teachers often feel that these children are arrogant, inattentive, or unmotivated. Some of these gifted people may have done poorly in school because their gifts were not scholastic. Maybe we can account for Picasso in this way. But most fared poorly in school not because they lacked ability but because they found school unchallenging and consequently lost interest. Yeats described the lack of fit between his mind and school: "Because I had found it difficult to attend to anything less interesting than my own thoughts, I was difficult to teach." As noted earlier, gifted children of all kinds tend to be strong-willed nonconformists. Nonconformity and stubbornness (and Yeats's level of arrogance and self-absorption) are likely to lead to Conflicts with teachers. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about what was important to the development of their abilities, they are far more likely to mention their families than their schools or teachers. A writing prodigy studied by David Feldman and Lynn Goldsmith was taught far more about writing by his journalist father than his English teacher. High-IQ children, in Australia studied by Miraca Gross had much more positive feelings about their families than their schools. About half of the mathematicians studied by Benjamin Bloom had little good to say about school. They all did well in school and took honors classes when available, and some skipped grades.

398.txt

Many gifted people attributed their success ________.

Given the lack of fit between gifted students and their schools, it is not surprising that such students often have little good to say ‘about their school experience. In one study of 400 adults who had achieved distinction in all areas of life, researchers found that three-fifths of these individuals either did badly in school or were unhappy in school. Few MacArthur Prize fellows, winners of the MacArthur Award for creative accomplishment, had good things to say about their precollegiate schooling if they had not been placed in advanced programs. Anecdotal reports support this. Pablo Picasso, Charles Darwin, Mark Twain, Oliver Goldsmith, and William Butler Yeats all disliked school. So did Winston Churchill, who almost failed out of Harrow, an elite British school. About Oliver Goldsmith, one of his teachers remarked, "Never was so dull a boy." Often these children realize that they know more than their teachers, and their teachers often feel that these children are arrogant, inattentive, or unmotivated. Some of these gifted people may have done poorly in school because their gifts were not scholastic. Maybe we can account for Picasso in this way. But most fared poorly in school not because they lacked ability but because they found school unchallenging and consequently lost interest. Yeats described the lack of fit between his mind and school: "Because I had found it difficult to attend to anything less interesting than my own thoughts, I was difficult to teach." As noted earlier, gifted children of all kinds tend to be strong-willed nonconformists. Nonconformity and stubbornness (and Yeats's level of arrogance and self-absorption) are likely to lead to Conflicts with teachers. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about what was important to the development of their abilities, they are far more likely to mention their families than their schools or teachers. A writing prodigy studied by David Feldman and Lynn Goldsmith was taught far more about writing by his journalist father than his English teacher. High-IQ children, in Australia studied by Miraca Gross had much more positive feelings about their families than their schools. About half of the mathematicians studied by Benjamin Bloom had little good to say about school. They all did well in school and took honors classes when available, and some skipped grades.

398.txt

The root cause of many gifted students having bad memories of their school years is that ________.

Given the lack of fit between gifted students and their schools, it is not surprising that such students often have little good to say ‘about their school experience. In one study of 400 adults who had achieved distinction in all areas of life, researchers found that three-fifths of these individuals either did badly in school or were unhappy in school. Few MacArthur Prize fellows, winners of the MacArthur Award for creative accomplishment, had good things to say about their precollegiate schooling if they had not been placed in advanced programs. Anecdotal reports support this. Pablo Picasso, Charles Darwin, Mark Twain, Oliver Goldsmith, and William Butler Yeats all disliked school. So did Winston Churchill, who almost failed out of Harrow, an elite British school. About Oliver Goldsmith, one of his teachers remarked, "Never was so dull a boy." Often these children realize that they know more than their teachers, and their teachers often feel that these children are arrogant, inattentive, or unmotivated. Some of these gifted people may have done poorly in school because their gifts were not scholastic. Maybe we can account for Picasso in this way. But most fared poorly in school not because they lacked ability but because they found school unchallenging and consequently lost interest. Yeats described the lack of fit between his mind and school: "Because I had found it difficult to attend to anything less interesting than my own thoughts, I was difficult to teach." As noted earlier, gifted children of all kinds tend to be strong-willed nonconformists. Nonconformity and stubbornness (and Yeats's level of arrogance and self-absorption) are likely to lead to Conflicts with teachers. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about what was important to the development of their abilities, they are far more likely to mention their families than their schools or teachers. A writing prodigy studied by David Feldman and Lynn Goldsmith was taught far more about writing by his journalist father than his English teacher. High-IQ children, in Australia studied by Miraca Gross had much more positive feelings about their families than their schools. About half of the mathematicians studied by Benjamin Bloom had little good to say about school. They all did well in school and took honors classes when available, and some skipped grades.

398.txt

With which of the following subjects is the passage mainly concerned?

The Development of Cities Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three fundamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty yearslots that could have housed five to six million people. Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant,land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.

207.txt

Why does the author mention both Boston and Chicago?

The Development of Cities Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three fundamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty yearslots that could have housed five to six million people. Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant,land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.

207.txt

According to the passage, what was one disadvantage of residential expansion?

The Development of Cities Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three fundamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty yearslots that could have housed five to six million people. Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant,land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.

207.txt

The author mentions Chicago in the second paragraph as an example of a city,

The Development of Cities Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three fundamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty yearslots that could have housed five to six million people. Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant,land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.

207.txt

What is Cara's father?

Cara Lang is 13. She lives in Boston, Massachusetts, in the U.S. Last Thursday, she didn't go to school. She went to work with her father instead. Every year , on the fourth Thursday in April, millions of young girls go work. This is Take Our Daughters to Work Day. The girls are between the ages of 9 and 16. They spend the day at work with an adult, usually a mother, father, aunt, or uncle. They go to offices, police stations, laboratories, and other places where their parents or other family members work. Next year, the day will include sons, too. The Ms. Foundation, an organization for women, started the program about ten years ago. In the U.S, many women work outside the home. The Ms. Foundation wanted girls to find out about many different kinds of jobs. Then, when the girls grow up, they can choose a job they like. Cara's father is a film director, Cara says, "It was very exciting for me to go to the studio with my dad. I saw a lot of people doing different jobs." Many businesses have special activities for girls on this day. Last year, Cara went to work with her aunt at the University of Massachusetts. In the engineering department, the girls learned to build a bridge with toothpicks and Candy. In the chemistry department, they learned to use scales. They learned about many other kinds of jobs, too. Right now, Cara does not know what job she will have when she grows up. But because of Take Our Daughters to Work Day, she knows she has many choices.

3336.txt

According to the passage, Take our Daughters to work Day is.

Cara Lang is 13. She lives in Boston, Massachusetts, in the U.S. Last Thursday, she didn't go to school. She went to work with her father instead. Every year , on the fourth Thursday in April, millions of young girls go work. This is Take Our Daughters to Work Day. The girls are between the ages of 9 and 16. They spend the day at work with an adult, usually a mother, father, aunt, or uncle. They go to offices, police stations, laboratories, and other places where their parents or other family members work. Next year, the day will include sons, too. The Ms. Foundation, an organization for women, started the program about ten years ago. In the U.S, many women work outside the home. The Ms. Foundation wanted girls to find out about many different kinds of jobs. Then, when the girls grow up, they can choose a job they like. Cara's father is a film director, Cara says, "It was very exciting for me to go to the studio with my dad. I saw a lot of people doing different jobs." Many businesses have special activities for girls on this day. Last year, Cara went to work with her aunt at the University of Massachusetts. In the engineering department, the girls learned to build a bridge with toothpicks and Candy. In the chemistry department, they learned to use scales. They learned about many other kinds of jobs, too. Right now, Cara does not know what job she will have when she grows up. But because of Take Our Daughters to Work Day, she knows she has many choices.

3336.txt

On this special day, Cara has done all the following EXCEPT that.

Cara Lang is 13. She lives in Boston, Massachusetts, in the U.S. Last Thursday, she didn't go to school. She went to work with her father instead. Every year , on the fourth Thursday in April, millions of young girls go work. This is Take Our Daughters to Work Day. The girls are between the ages of 9 and 16. They spend the day at work with an adult, usually a mother, father, aunt, or uncle. They go to offices, police stations, laboratories, and other places where their parents or other family members work. Next year, the day will include sons, too. The Ms. Foundation, an organization for women, started the program about ten years ago. In the U.S, many women work outside the home. The Ms. Foundation wanted girls to find out about many different kinds of jobs. Then, when the girls grow up, they can choose a job they like. Cara's father is a film director, Cara says, "It was very exciting for me to go to the studio with my dad. I saw a lot of people doing different jobs." Many businesses have special activities for girls on this day. Last year, Cara went to work with her aunt at the University of Massachusetts. In the engineering department, the girls learned to build a bridge with toothpicks and Candy. In the chemistry department, they learned to use scales. They learned about many other kinds of jobs, too. Right now, Cara does not know what job she will have when she grows up. But because of Take Our Daughters to Work Day, she knows she has many choices.

3336.txt

What is probably the best title for the passage?

Cara Lang is 13. She lives in Boston, Massachusetts, in the U.S. Last Thursday, she didn't go to school. She went to work with her father instead. Every year , on the fourth Thursday in April, millions of young girls go work. This is Take Our Daughters to Work Day. The girls are between the ages of 9 and 16. They spend the day at work with an adult, usually a mother, father, aunt, or uncle. They go to offices, police stations, laboratories, and other places where their parents or other family members work. Next year, the day will include sons, too. The Ms. Foundation, an organization for women, started the program about ten years ago. In the U.S, many women work outside the home. The Ms. Foundation wanted girls to find out about many different kinds of jobs. Then, when the girls grow up, they can choose a job they like. Cara's father is a film director, Cara says, "It was very exciting for me to go to the studio with my dad. I saw a lot of people doing different jobs." Many businesses have special activities for girls on this day. Last year, Cara went to work with her aunt at the University of Massachusetts. In the engineering department, the girls learned to build a bridge with toothpicks and Candy. In the chemistry department, they learned to use scales. They learned about many other kinds of jobs, too. Right now, Cara does not know what job she will have when she grows up. But because of Take Our Daughters to Work Day, she knows she has many choices.

3336.txt

The word "massive" in the passage(paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

In paragraph 1, each of the following ismentioned as a feature of the city of Teotihuacán between A.D. 150 and 700 EXCEPT

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

The word "pinpoint" in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

The word "ingenuity" in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

Which of the following is NOT mentionedin paragraph 2 as a main factor in the developmentof Teotihuacán?

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

Which of the following can be inferredfrom paragraphs 2 and 3 about the Volcanic eruptions of the late firstmillennium B.C.

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

What can be inferred from paragraph 3about Cuicuilco prior to 200 B.C.

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

The word "predominant" in the passage(paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

Which of the following allowedTeotihuacán to have "a competitive edge over its neighbors"? (paragraph 4)

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

According to paragraph 4, what hasrecent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sitesshown?

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

Select the TWO answer choices that arementioned in paragraph 5 as being features of Teotihuacán that may haveattracted immigrants to the city. To receive credit, you must select TWO answers.

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

In paragraph 6, the author discusses "The thriving obsidian operation" in order to

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200-100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers. It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings. Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis. Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico). How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán's geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley's potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint―for instance, Teotihuacán's religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán's elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán's rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán's natural resources, along with the city elite's ability to recognize their potential, gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic good, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán's elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

1032.txt

What is the main purpose of the first passage ?

Tragedy at the Circus In yesterday's circusshow, a tiger suddenly attacked its trainer and had to be shot dead. As the circus packed up and left, circus officials said the show would go on, even without tigers. However, the officials can't simply turn a blind eye to the ethical problems left behind. Even before this tragedy , animal rights activists protested against keeping wild animals in unnatural conditions and forcing them to suffer for the profitof circus organizers. It is now time for us to take effective steps to make sure that circus animals are treated properly. Circus Safe for Animals Our circus recently suffered a most tragic event in its history. While we are thankful for the pity from the public, we also astonished by the opinion expressed in "Tragedy at the Circus." First, our performing animals are not taken from the wild. As to the ethical problems. we always believe humans and animals can-and should -live together nicely. To us, the performing animals are representatives of their species,and our circus is one of the only places left willing to support this special role of performing animals in the existence of the species. Those who argue that circus life is harmful to animals show little knowledge of these facts. Life in the "wild" is unsafe, but a continuous struggle for existence. To overlook these realities is the greatest fault against the animal kingdom. This circus has proven that animals are stronger and smarter than we could imagine. Within the circus is a joyful atmosphere for both animals and humans : people are educated, and species saved.

3328.txt

What will the circus most probably do?

Tragedy at the Circus In yesterday's circusshow, a tiger suddenly attacked its trainer and had to be shot dead. As the circus packed up and left, circus officials said the show would go on, even without tigers. However, the officials can't simply turn a blind eye to the ethical problems left behind. Even before this tragedy , animal rights activists protested against keeping wild animals in unnatural conditions and forcing them to suffer for the profitof circus organizers. It is now time for us to take effective steps to make sure that circus animals are treated properly. Circus Safe for Animals Our circus recently suffered a most tragic event in its history. While we are thankful for the pity from the public, we also astonished by the opinion expressed in "Tragedy at the Circus." First, our performing animals are not taken from the wild. As to the ethical problems. we always believe humans and animals can-and should -live together nicely. To us, the performing animals are representatives of their species,and our circus is one of the only places left willing to support this special role of performing animals in the existence of the species. Those who argue that circus life is harmful to animals show little knowledge of these facts. Life in the "wild" is unsafe, but a continuous struggle for existence. To overlook these realities is the greatest fault against the animal kingdom. This circus has proven that animals are stronger and smarter than we could imagine. Within the circus is a joyful atmosphere for both animals and humans : people are educated, and species saved.

3328.txt

What does the circus think of its performing animals?

Tragedy at the Circus In yesterday's circusshow, a tiger suddenly attacked its trainer and had to be shot dead. As the circus packed up and left, circus officials said the show would go on, even without tigers. However, the officials can't simply turn a blind eye to the ethical problems left behind. Even before this tragedy , animal rights activists protested against keeping wild animals in unnatural conditions and forcing them to suffer for the profitof circus organizers. It is now time for us to take effective steps to make sure that circus animals are treated properly. Circus Safe for Animals Our circus recently suffered a most tragic event in its history. While we are thankful for the pity from the public, we also astonished by the opinion expressed in "Tragedy at the Circus." First, our performing animals are not taken from the wild. As to the ethical problems. we always believe humans and animals can-and should -live together nicely. To us, the performing animals are representatives of their species,and our circus is one of the only places left willing to support this special role of performing animals in the existence of the species. Those who argue that circus life is harmful to animals show little knowledge of these facts. Life in the "wild" is unsafe, but a continuous struggle for existence. To overlook these realities is the greatest fault against the animal kingdom. This circus has proven that animals are stronger and smarter than we could imagine. Within the circus is a joyful atmosphere for both animals and humans : people are educated, and species saved.

3328.txt

What is the most probable relationship between the two passages?

Tragedy at the Circus In yesterday's circusshow, a tiger suddenly attacked its trainer and had to be shot dead. As the circus packed up and left, circus officials said the show would go on, even without tigers. However, the officials can't simply turn a blind eye to the ethical problems left behind. Even before this tragedy , animal rights activists protested against keeping wild animals in unnatural conditions and forcing them to suffer for the profitof circus organizers. It is now time for us to take effective steps to make sure that circus animals are treated properly. Circus Safe for Animals Our circus recently suffered a most tragic event in its history. While we are thankful for the pity from the public, we also astonished by the opinion expressed in "Tragedy at the Circus." First, our performing animals are not taken from the wild. As to the ethical problems. we always believe humans and animals can-and should -live together nicely. To us, the performing animals are representatives of their species,and our circus is one of the only places left willing to support this special role of performing animals in the existence of the species. Those who argue that circus life is harmful to animals show little knowledge of these facts. Life in the "wild" is unsafe, but a continuous struggle for existence. To overlook these realities is the greatest fault against the animal kingdom. This circus has proven that animals are stronger and smarter than we could imagine. Within the circus is a joyful atmosphere for both animals and humans : people are educated, and species saved.

3328.txt

The purpose of the passage is to _ .

Art is considered by many people to be little more than a decorative means of giving pleasure. This is not always the case, however; at times, art may be seen to have a purely functional side as well. Such could be said of the sandpaintings of the Navaho Indians of the American Southwest; these have a medicinal as well as an artistic purpose. According to Navaho traditions, one who suffers from either a mental or a physical illness has in come way disturbed or come in contact with the supernatural-perhaps a certain animal, a ghost, or the dead. To counteract this evil contact, the ill person or one of his relatives will employ a medicine man called a "singer" to perform a healing ceremony which will attract a powerful supernatural being. During the ceremony, which may last from 2 to 9 days, the "singer" will produce a sandpainting on the floor of the Navaho hogan. On the last day of the ceremony, the patient will sit on this sandpainting and the "singer" will rub the ailing parts of the patient's body with sand from a specific figure in the sandpainting. In this way the patient absorbs the power of that particular supernatural being and becomes strong like it. After the ceremony, the sandpainting is then destroyed and disposed of so its power will not harm anyone. The art of sandpainting is handed down from old "singer" to their students. The material used are easily found in the areas the Navaho inhabit; brown, red, yellow, and white sandstone, which is pulverized by being crushed between 2 stones much as corns is ground into flour. The "singer" holds a small amount of this sand in his hand and lets it flow between his thumb and fore-finger onto a clean, flat surface on the floor. With a steady hand and great patience, he is thus able to create designs of stylized people, snakes and other creatures that have power in the Navaho belief system. The traditional Navaho does not allow reproduction of sandpaintings, since he believes the supernatural powers that taught him the craft have forbidden this; however, such reproductions can in fact be purchased today in tourist shops in Arizona and New Mexico. These are done by either Navaho Indians or by other people who wish to preserve this craft.

1798.txt

The purpose of a healing ceremony lies in _ .

Art is considered by many people to be little more than a decorative means of giving pleasure. This is not always the case, however; at times, art may be seen to have a purely functional side as well. Such could be said of the sandpaintings of the Navaho Indians of the American Southwest; these have a medicinal as well as an artistic purpose. According to Navaho traditions, one who suffers from either a mental or a physical illness has in come way disturbed or come in contact with the supernatural-perhaps a certain animal, a ghost, or the dead. To counteract this evil contact, the ill person or one of his relatives will employ a medicine man called a "singer" to perform a healing ceremony which will attract a powerful supernatural being. During the ceremony, which may last from 2 to 9 days, the "singer" will produce a sandpainting on the floor of the Navaho hogan. On the last day of the ceremony, the patient will sit on this sandpainting and the "singer" will rub the ailing parts of the patient's body with sand from a specific figure in the sandpainting. In this way the patient absorbs the power of that particular supernatural being and becomes strong like it. After the ceremony, the sandpainting is then destroyed and disposed of so its power will not harm anyone. The art of sandpainting is handed down from old "singer" to their students. The material used are easily found in the areas the Navaho inhabit; brown, red, yellow, and white sandstone, which is pulverized by being crushed between 2 stones much as corns is ground into flour. The "singer" holds a small amount of this sand in his hand and lets it flow between his thumb and fore-finger onto a clean, flat surface on the floor. With a steady hand and great patience, he is thus able to create designs of stylized people, snakes and other creatures that have power in the Navaho belief system. The traditional Navaho does not allow reproduction of sandpaintings, since he believes the supernatural powers that taught him the craft have forbidden this; however, such reproductions can in fact be purchased today in tourist shops in Arizona and New Mexico. These are done by either Navaho Indians or by other people who wish to preserve this craft.

1798.txt

The "singer" rubs sand on the patient because _ .

Art is considered by many people to be little more than a decorative means of giving pleasure. This is not always the case, however; at times, art may be seen to have a purely functional side as well. Such could be said of the sandpaintings of the Navaho Indians of the American Southwest; these have a medicinal as well as an artistic purpose. According to Navaho traditions, one who suffers from either a mental or a physical illness has in come way disturbed or come in contact with the supernatural-perhaps a certain animal, a ghost, or the dead. To counteract this evil contact, the ill person or one of his relatives will employ a medicine man called a "singer" to perform a healing ceremony which will attract a powerful supernatural being. During the ceremony, which may last from 2 to 9 days, the "singer" will produce a sandpainting on the floor of the Navaho hogan. On the last day of the ceremony, the patient will sit on this sandpainting and the "singer" will rub the ailing parts of the patient's body with sand from a specific figure in the sandpainting. In this way the patient absorbs the power of that particular supernatural being and becomes strong like it. After the ceremony, the sandpainting is then destroyed and disposed of so its power will not harm anyone. The art of sandpainting is handed down from old "singer" to their students. The material used are easily found in the areas the Navaho inhabit; brown, red, yellow, and white sandstone, which is pulverized by being crushed between 2 stones much as corns is ground into flour. The "singer" holds a small amount of this sand in his hand and lets it flow between his thumb and fore-finger onto a clean, flat surface on the floor. With a steady hand and great patience, he is thus able to create designs of stylized people, snakes and other creatures that have power in the Navaho belief system. The traditional Navaho does not allow reproduction of sandpaintings, since he believes the supernatural powers that taught him the craft have forbidden this; however, such reproductions can in fact be purchased today in tourist shops in Arizona and New Mexico. These are done by either Navaho Indians or by other people who wish to preserve this craft.

1798.txt

What is used to produce a sandpainting?

Art is considered by many people to be little more than a decorative means of giving pleasure. This is not always the case, however; at times, art may be seen to have a purely functional side as well. Such could be said of the sandpaintings of the Navaho Indians of the American Southwest; these have a medicinal as well as an artistic purpose. According to Navaho traditions, one who suffers from either a mental or a physical illness has in come way disturbed or come in contact with the supernatural-perhaps a certain animal, a ghost, or the dead. To counteract this evil contact, the ill person or one of his relatives will employ a medicine man called a "singer" to perform a healing ceremony which will attract a powerful supernatural being. During the ceremony, which may last from 2 to 9 days, the "singer" will produce a sandpainting on the floor of the Navaho hogan. On the last day of the ceremony, the patient will sit on this sandpainting and the "singer" will rub the ailing parts of the patient's body with sand from a specific figure in the sandpainting. In this way the patient absorbs the power of that particular supernatural being and becomes strong like it. After the ceremony, the sandpainting is then destroyed and disposed of so its power will not harm anyone. The art of sandpainting is handed down from old "singer" to their students. The material used are easily found in the areas the Navaho inhabit; brown, red, yellow, and white sandstone, which is pulverized by being crushed between 2 stones much as corns is ground into flour. The "singer" holds a small amount of this sand in his hand and lets it flow between his thumb and fore-finger onto a clean, flat surface on the floor. With a steady hand and great patience, he is thus able to create designs of stylized people, snakes and other creatures that have power in the Navaho belief system. The traditional Navaho does not allow reproduction of sandpaintings, since he believes the supernatural powers that taught him the craft have forbidden this; however, such reproductions can in fact be purchased today in tourist shops in Arizona and New Mexico. These are done by either Navaho Indians or by other people who wish to preserve this craft.

1798.txt

Which of the following titles will be best suit the passage?

Art is considered by many people to be little more than a decorative means of giving pleasure. This is not always the case, however; at times, art may be seen to have a purely functional side as well. Such could be said of the sandpaintings of the Navaho Indians of the American Southwest; these have a medicinal as well as an artistic purpose. According to Navaho traditions, one who suffers from either a mental or a physical illness has in come way disturbed or come in contact with the supernatural-perhaps a certain animal, a ghost, or the dead. To counteract this evil contact, the ill person or one of his relatives will employ a medicine man called a "singer" to perform a healing ceremony which will attract a powerful supernatural being. During the ceremony, which may last from 2 to 9 days, the "singer" will produce a sandpainting on the floor of the Navaho hogan. On the last day of the ceremony, the patient will sit on this sandpainting and the "singer" will rub the ailing parts of the patient's body with sand from a specific figure in the sandpainting. In this way the patient absorbs the power of that particular supernatural being and becomes strong like it. After the ceremony, the sandpainting is then destroyed and disposed of so its power will not harm anyone. The art of sandpainting is handed down from old "singer" to their students. The material used are easily found in the areas the Navaho inhabit; brown, red, yellow, and white sandstone, which is pulverized by being crushed between 2 stones much as corns is ground into flour. The "singer" holds a small amount of this sand in his hand and lets it flow between his thumb and fore-finger onto a clean, flat surface on the floor. With a steady hand and great patience, he is thus able to create designs of stylized people, snakes and other creatures that have power in the Navaho belief system. The traditional Navaho does not allow reproduction of sandpaintings, since he believes the supernatural powers that taught him the craft have forbidden this; however, such reproductions can in fact be purchased today in tourist shops in Arizona and New Mexico. These are done by either Navaho Indians or by other people who wish to preserve this craft.

1798.txt

What is the main purpose of the passage?

Camp memories last forever! We make sure they are unforgettable! Shadow Ridge Summer Camps offer so many exciting things for campers to do. Unlike other camp programs that include horses as a small part of their program, at Shadow Ridge horses ARE the program！We are 100% horse from stable(）management, nature walks, and track rides to bedroom furnishings. Horses help us achieve many of our aims. Girls can learn to develop responsibility. self-confidence and personal connections in their lives while having fun. Using horses as a wonderful told for education，our camps offer an interesting place for growth and learning. Imagine each girl having her very own horse to spend time with and a best friend to love and take care of. Each camper is responsible for a horse for the week. Our riding program provides a lot of riding and lesson time. Campers will learn how to take care of the horse and the tack(）,as well as how to ride, Days are filled with horse-related activities to strengthen the connection between each girl and horse, as the girls learn to work safely around the horses. At Shadow Ridge we try to create a loving, caring family atmosphere for our campers. We have "The Bunkhouse"(4 girls），the "Wranglers Roost"(4 girls），and "The Hideout"(2 girls） in our comfortable 177-year-old farm house. All meals are home cooked, offering delicious and healthy food for the hungry rider. Our excellent activities create personalized memories of your child's vacation, Each child will receive a camp T-shirt and a photo album (usually 300-500 pictures） of their stay at camp. Our camps are offered during Jane，July and August 2007，for small groups of girls aged 13-16 years，not only from Canada but also other parts of the world. We will send you full program descriptions at year request.

3715.txt

What do we know about the camp programs at Shadow Ridge?

Camp memories last forever! We make sure they are unforgettable! Shadow Ridge Summer Camps offer so many exciting things for campers to do. Unlike other camp programs that include horses as a small part of their program, at Shadow Ridge horses ARE the program！We are 100% horse from stable(）management, nature walks, and track rides to bedroom furnishings. Horses help us achieve many of our aims. Girls can learn to develop responsibility. self-confidence and personal connections in their lives while having fun. Using horses as a wonderful told for education，our camps offer an interesting place for growth and learning. Imagine each girl having her very own horse to spend time with and a best friend to love and take care of. Each camper is responsible for a horse for the week. Our riding program provides a lot of riding and lesson time. Campers will learn how to take care of the horse and the tack(）,as well as how to ride, Days are filled with horse-related activities to strengthen the connection between each girl and horse, as the girls learn to work safely around the horses. At Shadow Ridge we try to create a loving, caring family atmosphere for our campers. We have "The Bunkhouse"(4 girls），the "Wranglers Roost"(4 girls），and "The Hideout"(2 girls） in our comfortable 177-year-old farm house. All meals are home cooked, offering delicious and healthy food for the hungry rider. Our excellent activities create personalized memories of your child's vacation, Each child will receive a camp T-shirt and a photo album (usually 300-500 pictures） of their stay at camp. Our camps are offered during Jane，July and August 2007，for small groups of girls aged 13-16 years，not only from Canada but also other parts of the world. We will send you full program descriptions at year request.

3715.txt

The programs at Shadow Ridge mainly aim to help people _ .

Camp memories last forever! We make sure they are unforgettable! Shadow Ridge Summer Camps offer so many exciting things for campers to do. Unlike other camp programs that include horses as a small part of their program, at Shadow Ridge horses ARE the program！We are 100% horse from stable(）management, nature walks, and track rides to bedroom furnishings. Horses help us achieve many of our aims. Girls can learn to develop responsibility. self-confidence and personal connections in their lives while having fun. Using horses as a wonderful told for education，our camps offer an interesting place for growth and learning. Imagine each girl having her very own horse to spend time with and a best friend to love and take care of. Each camper is responsible for a horse for the week. Our riding program provides a lot of riding and lesson time. Campers will learn how to take care of the horse and the tack(）,as well as how to ride, Days are filled with horse-related activities to strengthen the connection between each girl and horse, as the girls learn to work safely around the horses. At Shadow Ridge we try to create a loving, caring family atmosphere for our campers. We have "The Bunkhouse"(4 girls），the "Wranglers Roost"(4 girls），and "The Hideout"(2 girls） in our comfortable 177-year-old farm house. All meals are home cooked, offering delicious and healthy food for the hungry rider. Our excellent activities create personalized memories of your child's vacation, Each child will receive a camp T-shirt and a photo album (usually 300-500 pictures） of their stay at camp. Our camps are offered during Jane，July and August 2007，for small groups of girls aged 13-16 years，not only from Canada but also other parts of the world. We will send you full program descriptions at year request.

3715.txt

The passage is written mainly for _ .

Camp memories last forever! We make sure they are unforgettable! Shadow Ridge Summer Camps offer so many exciting things for campers to do. Unlike other camp programs that include horses as a small part of their program, at Shadow Ridge horses ARE the program！We are 100% horse from stable(）management, nature walks, and track rides to bedroom furnishings. Horses help us achieve many of our aims. Girls can learn to develop responsibility. self-confidence and personal connections in their lives while having fun. Using horses as a wonderful told for education，our camps offer an interesting place for growth and learning. Imagine each girl having her very own horse to spend time with and a best friend to love and take care of. Each camper is responsible for a horse for the week. Our riding program provides a lot of riding and lesson time. Campers will learn how to take care of the horse and the tack(）,as well as how to ride, Days are filled with horse-related activities to strengthen the connection between each girl and horse, as the girls learn to work safely around the horses. At Shadow Ridge we try to create a loving, caring family atmosphere for our campers. We have "The Bunkhouse"(4 girls），the "Wranglers Roost"(4 girls），and "The Hideout"(2 girls） in our comfortable 177-year-old farm house. All meals are home cooked, offering delicious and healthy food for the hungry rider. Our excellent activities create personalized memories of your child's vacation, Each child will receive a camp T-shirt and a photo album (usually 300-500 pictures） of their stay at camp. Our camps are offered during Jane，July and August 2007，for small groups of girls aged 13-16 years，not only from Canada but also other parts of the world. We will send you full program descriptions at year request.

3715.txt

In this passage, good writing is compared to fine food because _ .

Like fine food, good writing is something we approach with pleasure and enjoy from the first taste to the last. And good writers, good cooks, do not suddenly appear full-blown. Quite the contrary, just as the cook has to undergo an intensive training, mastering the skills of his trade, the writer must sit at his desk and devote long hours to achieving a style in his writing, whatever its purpose-schoolwork, matters of business, or purely social communication. You may be sure that the more painstaking the effort, the more effective the writing, and the more rewarding. There are still some remote places in the world where you might find a public scribe to do your business or social writing for you, for a fee. There are a few managers who are lucky enough to have the service of that rate kind of secretary who can take care of all sorts of letter writing with no more than a quick note to work from. But for most of us, if there is any writing to be done, we have to do it ourselves. We have to write school papers, business papers or home papers. We are constantly called on to put words to paper. It would be difficult to count the number of such words, messages, letters, and reports put into the mails or delivered by hand, but the daily figure must be enormous. What is more, everyone who writes expects, or at least hopes. We want whatever we write to be read, from first word to last, not just thrown into some "letters-to-be-read" file or into a wastepaper basket. This is the reason we bend our efforts toward learning and practicing the skill of interesting, effective writing.

3186.txt

A public "scribe" (Para. 2, Line 1) is _ .

Like fine food, good writing is something we approach with pleasure and enjoy from the first taste to the last. And good writers, good cooks, do not suddenly appear full-blown. Quite the contrary, just as the cook has to undergo an intensive training, mastering the skills of his trade, the writer must sit at his desk and devote long hours to achieving a style in his writing, whatever its purpose-schoolwork, matters of business, or purely social communication. You may be sure that the more painstaking the effort, the more effective the writing, and the more rewarding. There are still some remote places in the world where you might find a public scribe to do your business or social writing for you, for a fee. There are a few managers who are lucky enough to have the service of that rate kind of secretary who can take care of all sorts of letter writing with no more than a quick note to work from. But for most of us, if there is any writing to be done, we have to do it ourselves. We have to write school papers, business papers or home papers. We are constantly called on to put words to paper. It would be difficult to count the number of such words, messages, letters, and reports put into the mails or delivered by hand, but the daily figure must be enormous. What is more, everyone who writes expects, or at least hopes. We want whatever we write to be read, from first word to last, not just thrown into some "letters-to-be-read" file or into a wastepaper basket. This is the reason we bend our efforts toward learning and practicing the skill of interesting, effective writing.

3186.txt