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to prove her own value. lillian achieves this, when she passes information to james taggart about her husband's affair with his sister. this information is used to blackmail rearden to sign a gift certificate which delivers all the property rights of rearden metal to others. lillian thereafter uses james taggart for sexual satisfaction, until hank abandons her. dr. floyd ferris ferris is a biologist who works as "co-ordinator" at the state science institute. he uses his position there to deride reason and productive achievement, and publishes a book entitled why do you think you think? he clashes on several occasions with hank rearden, and twice attempts to blackmail rearden into giving up rearden metal. he is also one of the group of looters who tries to get rearden to agree to the steel unification plan.

ferris hosts the demonstration of the project x weapon, and is the creator of the ferris persuader, a torture machine. when john galt is captured by the looters, ferris uses the device on galt, but it breaks down before extracting the information ferris wants from galt. ferris represents the group which uses brute force on the heroes to achieve the ends of the looters. dr. robert stadler a former professor at patrick henry university, and along with colleague hugh akston, mentor to francisco d'anconia, john galt and ragnar danneskjold. he has since become a sell-out, one who had great promise but squandered it for social approval, to the detriment of the free. he works at the state science institute where all his inventions are perverted for use by the military, including a sound-based weapon known as project

x (xylophone). he is killed when cuffy meigs (see below) drunkenly overloads the circuits of project x, causing it to destroy itself and every structure and living thing in a 100-mile radius. the character was, in part, modeled on j. robert oppenheimer, whom rand had interviewed for an earlier project, and his part in the creation of nuclear weapons.` to his former student galt, stadler represents the epitome of human evil, as the "man who knew better" but chose not to act for the good. wesley mouch the incompetent and treacherous lobbyist whom hank rearden reluctantly employs in washington, who rises to prominence and authority throughout the novel through trading favours and disloyalty. in return for betraying hank by helping broker the equalization of opportunity bill (which, by restricting the number of

businesses each person may own to one, forces hank to divest most of his companies), he is given a senior position at the bureau of economic planning and national resources. later in the novel he becomes its top co-ordinator, a position that eventually becomes economic dictator of the country. mouch's mantra, whenever a problem arises from his prior policy, is to say, "i can't help it. i need wider powers." secondary characters the following secondary characters also appear in the novel. hugh akston is identified as "one of the last great advocates of reason." he was a renowned philosopher and the head of the department of philosophy at patrick henry university, where he taught francisco d'anconia, john galt, and ragnar danneskjold. he was, along with robert stadler, a father figure to these three. akston's

name is so hallowed that a young lady, on hearing that francisco had studied under him, is shocked. she thought he must have been one of those great names from an earlier century. he now works as a cook in a roadside diner, and proves extremely skillful at the job. when dagny tracks him down, and before she discovers his true identity, he rejects her enthusiastic offer to manage the dining car services for taggart transcontinental. he is based on aristotle. jeff allen is a tramp who stows away on a taggart train during one of dagny's cross-country trips. instead of throwing him out, she allows him to ride as her guest. it is from allen that she learns the full story behind the collapse of the twentieth century motor company (rand's extensive metaphor for the inherent flaws of communism), as well as a hint of

john galt's true background. calvin atwood is owner of atwood light and power company and joins galt's strike. mayor bascom is the mayor of rome, wisconsin, who reveals part of the history of the twentieth century motor company. dr. blodgett is the scientist who pulls the lever to demonstrate project x. orren boyle is the head of associated steel, antithesis of hank rearden and a friend of james taggart. he is an investor in the san sebastian mines. he disappears from the story after having a nervous breakdown following the failed 'unification' of the steel industry. laura bradford is an actress and kip chalmers' mistress. she is one of the passengers on his train, and dies in the taggart tunnel disaster. bill brent is the chief dispatcher for the colorado division of taggart transcontinental, who tries to prevent

the taggart tunnel disaster. cherryl brooks is a dime store shopgirl who marries james taggart after a chance encounter in her store the night the john galt line was falsely deemed his greatest success. she marries him thinking he is the heroic person behind taggart transcontinental. cherryl is at first harsh towards dagny, having believed jim taggart's descriptions of his sister, until she questions employees of the railroad. upon learning that her scorn had been misdirected, cherryl puts off apologizing to dagny out of shame, but eventually admits to dagny that when she married jim, she thought he had the heroic qualities that she had looked up to - she thought she was marrying someone like dagny. shortly after making this admission, she commits suicide by jumping over a stone parapet and into the river, unable

to live with her evil husband and seeing no way to escape him. millie bush was "a mean, ugly little eight-year-old" girl voted to receive gold braces to straighten her teeth by the marxist "family" committee who determined how pay was allocated at the twentieth century motor company. her teeth are later knocked out by a man denied an allowance by the committee to purchase the things he valued. emma chalmers, kip chalmers' mother, gains some influence after his death. known as "kip's ma," she starts a soybean-growing project in louisiana and commandeers thousands of railroad freight cars to move the harvest. as a result, the year's wheat crop from minnesota never reaches the rest of the country, but instead rots in storage; also, the soybean crop is lost, having been reaped too early. kip chalmers is a washington

man who has decided to run for election as legislator from california. on the way to a campaign rally, the taggart transcontinental train that is carrying him encounters a split rail, resulting in the destruction of its diesel engine. his demands lead to a coal-burning steam engine being attached to his train in its stead and used to pull it through an eight-mile tunnel. the result is the suffocation of all passengers and the destruction of the taggart tunnel. dan conway is the middle-aged president of the phoenix-durango railroad. running a railroad is just about the only thing he knows. when the anti-dog-eat-dog rule is used to drive his business out of colorado, he loses the will to fight, and resigns himself to a quiet life of books and fishing. he is not one of those who joined john galt's strike, his resignation

being a personal choice of his own. ken danagger owns danagger coal in pennsylvania. he helps hank rearden illegally make rearden metal, then later decides to quit and join galt's strike moments before dagny arrives to try to persuade him otherwise. quentin daniels is an enterprising engineer hired by dagny taggart to reconstruct john galt's motor. partway through this process, quentin withdraws his effort for the same reasons john galt himself had. dagny's pursuit of quentin leads her to galt's gulch. galt recognizes in him a younger version of himself, having emulated both galt's achievements in physics and galt's social reasoning. sebastian d'anconia was the 16th (or 17th) century founder of the d'anconia dynasty. escaped from spain because of expressing his opinions too freely and coming in conflict with

the inquisition, leaving behind a palace and his beloved. started a small mine in south america, which became the beginning of a mining empire and a new fortune (and a new palace). eventually sent for his beloved who had waited for him many years. he is the role model which francisco d'anconia looks to, as dagny taggart looks to nathaniel taggart. francisco remarks that their respective ancestors would have liked each other. balph eubank is called "the literary leader of the age", despite the fact that no book he has written has sold more than 3,000 copies. he complains that it is disgraceful that artists are treated as peddlers, and that there should be a law limiting the sales of books to 10,000 copies. he is a misogynist who thinks it disgusting that dagny taggart is a railroad vice-president. the fishwife

is one of the strikers, who earns her living by providing the fish for hammond's grocery market; she is described as having "dark, disheveled hair and large eyes", and is a writer. galt says she "wouldn't be published outside. she believes that when one deals with words, one deals with the mind." according to barbara branden in her book the passion of ayn rand, "the fishwife is ayn's hitchcock-like appearance in atlas shrugged." so says too leonard peikoff. lawrence hammond runs hammond cars in colorado, one of the few companies in existence that still produces top-quality vehicles. he eventually quits and joins the strike. richard halley is dagny taggart's favorite composer, who mysteriously disappeared after the evening of his greatest triumph. halley spent years as a struggling and unappreciated composer.

at age 24, his opera phaethon was performed for the first time, to an audience who booed and heckled it. after 19 years, phaethon was performed again, but this time it was received to the greatest ovation the opera house had ever heard. the following day, halley retired, sold the rights to his music, and disappeared. it is later revealed that he has joined the strike and settled in galt's gulch. mrs. william hastings is the widow of the chief engineer at the twentieth century motor company. her husband quit shortly after galt did and joined the strike some years later. her lead allows dagny to find hugh akston. dr. thomas hendricks is a famous brain surgeon who developed a new method of preventing strokes. he joined galt's strike when the american medical system was put under government control. tinky holloway

is one of the "looters" and is frequently referred to and quoted by other characters in the story, but he has only one major appearance: during the washington meeting with hank rearden. lee hunsacker is in charge of a company called amalgamated service when takes over the twentieth century motor company. he files a lawsuit that eventually leads to midas mulligan and judge narragansett joining the strike. a failed businessman, he laments constantly that no-one ever gave him a chance. gwen ives is hank rearden's secretary, described as being in her late twenties and remaining calm and professional despite the chaos that threatens his business. when rearden abandons his mills and joins galt's strike, she and many other employees do the same. gilbert keith-worthing is a british novelist of erstwhile fame, now neglected

but still considered a "walking classic," and a proponent of the idea that freedom is an illusion. kip chalmers brings him along on the train to california, "for no reason that either of them could discover"; he dies in the taggart tunnel disaster. owen kellogg is assistant to the manager of the taggart terminal in new york. he catches dagny taggart's eye as one of the few competent men on staff. after seeing the sorry state of the ohio division, she decides to make him its new superintendent. however, as soon as she returns to new york, kellogg informs her that he is quitting his job. owen kellogg eventually reaches, and settles in, galt's gulch. fred kinnan is a labor leader and member of the looter cabal. unlike the others, however, kinnan is straightforward and honest about his purpose. kinnan is the only

one to openly state the true motivations of himself and his fellow conspirators. at the end of galt's three-hour speech, he expresses admiration for the man, as he says what he means. despite this, kinnan admits that he is one of the people galt is out to destroy. paul larkin is an unsuccessful, middle-aged businessman, a friend of the rearden family. he meets with the other looters to work out a plan to bring rearden down. james taggart knows he is friends with hank rearden and challenges his loyalty, and larkin assures taggart that he will go along with them. eugene lawson heads the community bank of madison, then gets a job with the government when it his bank goes bankrupt. one of the looter's cabal, he is a collectivist who abhors production and money-making. mort liddy is a hack composer who writes trite

scores for movies and modern symphonies to which no one listens. he believes melody is a primitive vulgarity. he is one of lillian rearden's friends and a member of the cultural elite. clifton locey is a friend of jim taggart who takes the position of vice-president of operation when dagny taggart quits. pat logan is the engineer on the first run of the john galt line. he later strikes. kay ludlow is a beautiful actress who quit holywood because of the roles she was given and married secretly the pirate ragnar danneskjold. dick mcnamara is a contractor who finished the san sebastian line. dagny taggart plans to hire him to lay the new rearden metal track for the rio norte line, but before she does so, he mysteriously disappears. she later discovers that he has joined the strike and settled in galt's gulch. cuffy

meigs is the director of unification for the railroad business. he carries a pistol and a lucky rabbit's foot, and he dresses in a military uniform, and has been described as "impervious to thought". meigs seizes control of project x and accidentally destroys it, demolishing the country's last railroad bridge across the mississippi river and killing himself, his men, and dr. stadler. dave mitchum is a state-hired superintendent of the colorado division of taggart transcontinental. he is partially responsible for the taggart tunnel disaster. chick morrison holds the position of "morale conditioner" in the government. he quits when society begins to collapse and flees to a stronghold in tennessee. his fellow looters consider it unlikely that he will survive. horace bussby mowen is the president of the amalgamated

switch and signal company, inc. of connecticut. he is a businessman who sees nothing wrong with the moral code that is destroying society and would never dream of saying he is in business for any reason other than the good of society. dagny taggart hires mowen to produce switches made of rearden metal. he is reluctant to build anything with this unproven technology, and has to be cajoled into accepting the contract. when pressured by public opinion, he discontinues production of the switches, forcing dagny to find an alternative source. midas mulligan is a wealthy banker who mysteriously disappeared in protest after he was given a court order to lend money to an incompetent applicant. when the order came down, he liquidated his entire business, paid off his depositors, and joined galt's strike. he is the legal

owner of the land where galt's gulch is located. mulligan's birth name was michael, but he had it legally changed after a news article called him "midas" in a derogatory fashion, which mulligan took as a compliment. judge narragansett is an american jurist who ruled in favor of midas mulligan during the case brought against him by the incompetent loan applicant. when narragansett's ruling was reversed on appeal, he retired and joined the strike. at the end of the novel, he is seen editing the united states constitution, crossing out the contradicting amendments of it and adding an amendment to prohibit congress from passing laws that restrain freedom of trade. ben nealy is a railroad contractor whom dagny taggart hires to replace the track on the rio norte line with rearden metal. nealy is incompetent, but dagny

can find no one better in all the country. nealy believes that anything can get done with enough muscle power. he sees no role for intelligence in human achievement. he relies on dagny and ellis wyatt to run things, and resents them for doing it, because it appears to him like they are just bossing people around. ted nielsen is the head of nielsen motors. he eventually goes on strike, along with most of the other industrialist "producer" types, by closing his motor factory. dagny later finds him when she visits galt's gulch for the first time. betty pope is a wealthy socialite who is having a meaningless sexual affair with james taggart. she is deliberately crude in a way that casts ridicule on her high social position. dr. potter holds some undefined position with the state science institute. he is sent to try

to obtain the rights to rearden metal. dr. simon pritchett is the prestigious head of the department of philosophy at patrick henry university and is considered the leading philosopher of the age. he believes that man is nothing but a collection of chemicals, reason is a superstition, it is futile to seek meaning in life, and the duty of a philosopher is to show that nothing can be understood. rearden's mother, whose name is not mentioned, lives with rearden at his home in philadelphia. she is involved in charity work, and berates rearden whenever she can. she dotes on her weak son philip rearden. philip rearden is the younger brother of hank rearden. he lives in his brother's home in philadelphia and is completely dependent on him. he is resentful of his brother's charity. dwight sanders owns sanders aircraft,

a producer of high-quality airplanes, and joins the strike. bertram scudder is an editorial writer for the magazine the future. he typically bashes business and businessmen, but he never says anything specific in his articles, relying on innuendo, sneers, and denunciation. he wrote a hatchet job on hank rearden called the octopus. he is also vocal in support of the equalization of opportunity bill. scudder claims that the most important thing in life is "brother love" but seems to have nothing but hatred for those around him. he loses his job after dagny taggart reveals her affair with hank rearden over air on his radio show. claude slagenhop is president of political organization friends of global progress and one of lillian rearden's friends. he believes that ideas are just air, that this is no time for talk,

but for action. global progress is a sponsor of the equalization of opportunity bill. gerald and ivy starnes are the two surviving children of jed starnes, the founder of the twentieth century motor company. together with their since-deceased brother eric, they instituted a communistic payment-and-benefits program that drove the company into bankruptcy. gerald, a dying alcoholic, and ivy, a pseudo-buddhist ascetic, continue to insist that the plan was perfect and that the failure of their father's company was entirely due to the workers. eric was a weak, attention-seeking man with a pathological desire to be loved. he committed suicide after the woman he loved married another man. gerald claims that he always acted for the good of the employees, but he was vain and incompetent and often threw lavish parties using

company funds. ivy, on the other hand, is described as a sadist who relishes seeing others in poverty, but who has no desire for wealth of her own. andrew stockton runs the stockton foundry in stockton, colorado. when he joins the strike, he opens a foundry in galt's gulch. nathaniel "nat" taggart was the founder of taggart transcontinental. he built his railroad without any government handouts, and ran the business for no other reason than to turn a profit. he began as a penniless adventurer and ended up as one of the wealthiest men in the country. he never earned money by force or fraud (except for bribing government officials and throwing an opponent down a flight of stairs), and never apologized for becoming wealthy and successful. he was one of the most hated men of his time. dagny is often inspired by looking

at a statue of nat taggart at the railroad headquarters, and draws a dollar sign on its base as a signal to francisco when she is ready to join galt's strike. it is suspected that he is modeled after james jerome hill, builder of the great northern railroad. mr. thompson is the "head of the state" for the united states. he is not particularly intelligent and has a very undistinguished look. he knows politics, however, and is a master of public relations and back-room deals. rand's notes indicate that she modeled him on president harry s. truman, and that she deliberately decided not to call him "president of the united states" as this title has "honorable connotations" which the character does not deserve. lester tuck is the campaign manager for kip chalmers and one of his guests on the train trip to california.

he dies in the taggart tunnel disaster. clem weatherby is a government representative on the board of directors of taggart transcontinental. dagny considers him the least bad of the government representatives, since he does have some real knowledge on the running of trains. she notices, however, that he is the least appreciated by his own bosses. the wet nurse (tony) is a young bureaucrat sent by the government to watch over rearden's mills. though he starts out as a cynical follower of the looters' code, his experience at the mills transforms him, and he comes to respect and admire the producers. he is shot attempting to inform hank rearden about a government plot, but does succeed in warning rearden just before he dies. ellis wyatt is the head of wyatt oil. he has almost single-handedly revived the economy

of colorado by discovering a new process for extracting more oil from what were thought to be exhausted oil wells. when first introduced, he is aggressive towards dagny, whom he does not yet know and whom he blames for what are, in fact, her brother's policies which directly threaten his business. when the government passes laws and decrees which make it impossible for him to continue, he sets all his oil wells on fire, leaving a single note: "i am leaving it as i found it. take over. it's yours." one particular burning well that resists all efforts to extinguish it becomes known as "wyatt's torch". later dagny meets him in galt's gulch. footnotes notes citations general references external links website with comprehensive list of individuals mentioned in atlas shrugged fictional socialites lists of literary

anthropology is the scientific study of humanity, concerned with human behavior, human biology, cultures, societies, and linguistics, in both the present and past, including past human species. social anthropology studies patterns of behaviour, while cultural anthropology studies cultural meaning, including norms and values. a portmanteau sociocultural anthropology is commonly used today. linguistic anthropology studies how language influences social life. biological or physical anthropology studies the biological development of humans. archaeological anthropology, often termed as 'anthropology of the past', studies human activity through investigation of physical evidence. it is considered a branch of anthropology in north america and asia, while in europe archaeology is viewed as a discipline in its own right

or grouped under other related disciplines, such as history. etymology the abstract noun anthropology is first attested in reference to history. its present use first appeared in renaissance germany in the works of magnus hundt and otto casmann. their new latin derived from the combining forms of the greek words anthropos (, "human") and logos (, "study"). (its adjectival form appeared in the works of aristotle.) it began to be used in english, possibly via french , by the early 18th century. history through the 19th century in 1647, the bartholins, founders of the university of copenhagen, defined as follows: sporadic use of the term for some of the subject matter occurred subsequently, such as the use by etienne serres in 1839 to describe the natural history, or paleontology, of man, based on comparative

anatomy, and the creation of a chair in anthropology and ethnography in 1850 at the french national museum of natural history by jean louis armand de quatrefages de breau. various short-lived organizations of anthropologists had already been formed. the societe ethnologique de paris, the first to use the term ethnology, was formed in 1839. its members were primarily anti-slavery activists. when slavery was abolished in france in 1848, the societe was abandoned. meanwhile, the ethnological society of new york, currently the american ethnological society, was founded on its model in 1842, as well as the ethnological society of london in 1843, a break-away group of the aborigines' protection society. these anthropologists of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-human-rights activists. they maintained international

connections. anthropology and many other current fields are the intellectual results of the comparative methods developed in the earlier 19th century. theorists in such diverse fields as anatomy, linguistics, and ethnology, making feature-by-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were beginning to suspect that similarities between animals, languages, and folkways were the result of processes or laws unknown to them then. for them, the publication of charles darwin's on the origin of species was the epiphany of everything they had begun to suspect. darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild. darwin and wallace unveiled evolution in the late 1850s. there was an immediate rush to bring it into the social sciences. paul broca in paris was

in the process of breaking away from the societe de biologie to form the first of the explicitly anthropological societies, the societe d'anthropologie de paris, meeting for the first time in paris in 1859. when he read darwin, he became an immediate convert to transformisme, as the french called evolutionism. his definition now became "the study of the human group, considered as a whole, in its details, and in relation to the rest of nature". broca, being what today would be called a neurosurgeon, had taken an interest in the pathology of speech. he wanted to localize the difference between man and the other animals, which appeared to reside in speech. he discovered the speech center of the human brain, today called broca's area after him. his interest was mainly in biological anthropology, but a german philosopher

specializing in psychology, theodor waitz, took up the theme of general and social anthropology in his six-volume work, entitled die anthropologie der naturvolker, 18591864. the title was soon translated as "the anthropology of primitive peoples". the last two volumes were published posthumously. waitz defined anthropology as "the science of the nature of man". following broca's lead, waitz points out that anthropology is a new field, which would gather material from other fields, but would differ from them in the use of comparative anatomy, physiology, and psychology to differentiate man from "the animals nearest to him". he stresses that the data of comparison must be empirical, gathered by experimentation. the history of civilization, as well as ethnology, are to be brought into the comparison. it is to be

presumed fundamentally that the species, man, is a unity, and that "the same laws of thought are applicable to all men". waitz was influential among british ethnologists. in 1863, the explorer richard francis burton and the speech therapist james hunt broke away from the ethnological society of london to form the anthropological society of london, which henceforward would follow the path of the new anthropology rather than just ethnology. it was the 2nd society dedicated to general anthropology in existence. representatives from the french societe were present, though not broca. in his keynote address, printed in the first volume of its new publication, the anthropological review, hunt stressed the work of waitz, adopting his definitions as a standard. among the first associates were the young edward burnett

tylor, inventor of cultural anthropology, and his brother alfred tylor, a geologist. previously edward had referred to himself as an ethnologist; subsequently, an anthropologist. similar organizations in other countries followed: the anthropological society of madrid (1865), the american anthropological association in 1902, the anthropological society of vienna (1870), the italian society of anthropology and ethnology (1871), and many others subsequently. the majority of these were evolutionists. one notable exception was the berlin society for anthropology, ethnology, and prehistory (1869) founded by rudolph virchow, known for his vituperative attacks on the evolutionists. not religious himself, he insisted that darwin's conclusions lacked empirical foundation. during the last three decades of the 19th century,

a proliferation of anthropological societies and associations occurred, most independent, most publishing their own journals, and all international in membership and association. the major theorists belonged to these organizations. they supported the gradual osmosis of anthropology curricula into the major institutions of higher learning. by 1898, 48 educational institutions in 13 countries had some curriculum in anthropology. none of the 75 faculty members were under a department named anthropology. 20th and 21st centuries this meager statistic expanded in the 20th century to comprise anthropology departments in the majority of the world's higher educational institutions, many thousands in number. anthropology has diversified from a few major subdivisions to dozens more. practical anthropology, the use of anthropological

knowledge and technique to solve specific problems, has arrived; for example, the presence of buried victims might stimulate the use of a forensic archaeologist to recreate the final scene. the organization has reached a global level. for example, the world council of anthropological associations (wcaa), "a network of national, regional and international associations that aims to promote worldwide communication and cooperation in anthropology", currently contains members from about three dozen nations. since the work of franz boas and bronisaw malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social anthropology in great britain and cultural anthropology in the us have been distinguished from other social sciences by their emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons, long-term in-depth examination of context,

and the importance they place on participant-observation or experiential immersion in the area of research. cultural anthropology, in particular, has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of findings to frame cultural critiques. this has been particularly prominent in the united states, from boas' arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through margaret mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. ethnography is one of its primary research designs as well as the text that is generated from anthropological fieldwork. in great britain and the commonwealth countries, the british tradition of social anthropology tends to dominate. in the united states, anthropology has traditionally been divided

into the four field approach developed by franz boas in the early 20th century: biological or physical anthropology; social, cultural, or sociocultural anthropology; and archaeological anthropology; plus linguistic anthropology. these fields frequently overlap but tend to use different methodologies and techniques. european countries with overseas colonies tended to practice more ethnology (a term coined and defined by adam f. kollar in 1783). it is sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the parts of the world that were influenced by the european tradition. fields anthropology is a global discipline involving humanities, social sciences and natural sciences. anthropology builds upon knowledge from natural sciences, including the discoveries about the origin and evolution of homo sapiens, human

physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of humans, how the evolutionary past of homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and from social sciences, including the organization of human social and cultural relations, institutions, social conflicts, etc. early anthropology originated in classical greece and persia and studied and tried to understand observable cultural diversity, such as by al-biruni of the islamic golden age. as such, anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science, global studies, and various ethnic studies. according to clifford geertz, sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a shift toward

the analysis of modern societies. during the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline. during this shift, enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and social anthropology. in contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist. due to this difference in epistemology, the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion over the last several decades. sociocultural sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology. cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make sense of the world around them, while social anthropology is the study

of the relationships among individuals and groups. cultural anthropology is more related to philosophy, literature and the arts (how one's culture affects the experience for self and group, contributing to a more complete understanding of the people's knowledge, customs, and institutions), while social anthropology is more related to sociology and history. in that, it helps develop an understanding of social structures, typically of others and other populations (such as minorities, subgroups, dissidents, etc.). there is no hard-and-fast distinction between them, and these categories overlap to a considerable degree. inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values. accepting other cultures

in their own terms moderates reductionism in cross-cultural comparison. this project is often accommodated in the field of ethnography. ethnography can refer to both a methodology and the product of ethnographic research, i.e. an ethnographic monograph. as a methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a community or other research site. participant observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology. ethnology involves the systematic comparison of different cultures. the process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view. the study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a human universal. sociocultural

anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology). comparison across cultures is a key element of method in sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized (and de-industrialized) west. the standard cross-cultural sample (sccs) includes 186 such cultures. biological biological anthropology and physical anthropology are synonymous terms to describe anthropological research focused on the study of humans and non-human primates

in their biological, evolutionary, and demographic dimensions. it examines the biological and social factors that have affected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that generate, maintain or change contemporary genetic and physiological variation. archaeological archaeology is the study of the human past through its material remains. artifacts, faunal remains, and human altered landscapes are evidence of the cultural and material lives of past societies. archaeologists examine material remains in order to deduce patterns of past human behavior and cultural practices. ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a better understanding of the evidence left behind by past human groups, who are presumed to have lived

in similar ways. linguistic linguistic anthropology (not to be confused with anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. it is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis. ethnography ethnography is a method of analysing social or cultural interaction. it often involves participant observation

though an ethnographer may also draw from texts written by participants of in social interactions. ethnography views first-hand experience and social context as important. tim ingold distinguishes ethnography from anthropology arguing that anthropology tries to construct general theories of human experience, applicable in general and novel settings, while ethnography concerns itself with fidelity. he argues that the anthropologist must make his writing consistent with their understanding of literature and other theory, but notes that ethnography may be of use to the anthropologists and the fields inform one another. key topics by field: sociocultural art, media, music, dance and film art one of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon. several

anthropologists have noted that the western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literature', conceived as independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-western contexts. to surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in objects which, without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. boas' primitive art, claude levi-strauss' the way of the masks (1982) or geertz's 'art as cultural system' (1983) are some examples in this trend to transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally specific 'aesthetics'. media media anthropology (also known as the anthropology of media or mass media) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a means of understanding producers, audiences,

and other cultural and social aspects of mass media. the types of ethnographic contexts explored range from contexts of media production (e.g., ethnographies of newsrooms in newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to contexts of media reception, following audiences in their everyday responses to media. other types include cyber anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of other areas of research which happen to involve media, such as development work, social movements, or health education. this is in addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such as radio, the press, new media, and television have started to make their presences felt since the early 1990s. music ethnomusicology is an academic field encompassing various approaches to

the study of music (broadly defined), that emphasize its cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of or in addition to its isolated sound component or any particular repertoire. ethnomusicology can be used in a wide variety of fields, such as teaching, politics, cultural anthropology etc. while the origins of ethnomusicology date back to the 18th and 19th centuries, it was formally introduced as ethnomusicology by dutch scholar jaap kunst around 1950. later, the influence of study in this area spawned the creation of the periodical ethnomusicology and the society of ethnomusicology. visual visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. while the term is sometimes

used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study of visual representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the production and reception of mass media. visual representations from all cultures, such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings, and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology. economic, political economic, applied and development economic economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. it has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the polish-british founder

of anthropology, bronisaw malinowski, and his french compatriot, marcel mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. economic anthropology remains, for the most part, focused upon exchange. the school of thought derived from marx and known as political economy focuses on production, in contrast. economic anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial system from an anthropological perspective. political economy political economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of historical materialism to the traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not limited to, non-capitalist societies. political economy

introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. three main areas of interest rapidly developed. the first of these areas was concerned with the "pre-capitalist" societies that were subject to evolutionary "tribal" stereotypes. sahlin's work on hunter-gatherers as the "original affluent society" did much to dissipate that image. the second area was concerned with the vast majority of the world's population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in vietnam. the third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system. more recently, these political economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism around the

world. applied applied anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and solution of practical problems. it is a "complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct action, and/or the formulation of policy". more simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropological research; it includes researcher involvement and activism within the participating community. it is closely related to development anthropology (distinct from the more critical anthropology of development). development anthropology of development tends to view development from a critical perspective. the kind of issues addressed and implications for the approach

simply involve pondering why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, is poverty increasing? why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes? why are those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer? why is development so externally driven rather than having an internal basis? in short, why does so much planned development fail? kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality kinship kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it can refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. over its history, anthropology has developed a number of related concepts and terms, such as "descent", "descent groups", "lineages", "affines", "cognates", and even "fictive kinship". broadly, kinship patterns

may be considered to include people related both by descent (one's social relations during development), and also relatives by marriage. within kinship you have two different families. people have their biological families and it is the people they share dna with. this is called consanguineal relations or "blood ties". people can also have a chosen family finding connection through "chosen family" in which they chose who they want to be a part of their family. in some cases people are closer with their chosen family more than with their biological families. feminist feminist anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of knowledge. anthropology

engages often with feminists from non-western traditions, whose perspectives and experiences can differ from those of white feminists of europe, america, and elsewhere. from the perspective of the western world, historically such 'peripheral' perspectives have been ignored, observed only from an outsider perspective, and regarded as less-valid or less-important than knowledge from the western world. exploring and addressing that double bias against women from marginalized racial or ethnic groups is of particular interest in intersectional feminist anthropology. feminist anthropologists have stated that their publications have contributed to anthropology, along the way correcting against the systemic biases beginning with the "patriarchal origins of anthropology (and (academia)" and note that from 1891 to 1930

doctorates in anthropology went to males more than 85%, more than 81% were under 35, and only 7.2% to anyone over 40 years old, thus reflecting an age gap in the pursuit of anthropology by first-wave feminists until later in life. this correction of systemic bias may include mainstream feminist theory, history, linguistics, archaeology, and anthropology. feminist anthropologists are often concerned with the construction of gender across societies. gender constructs are of particular interest when studying sexism. according to st. clair drake, vera mae green was, until "[w]ell into the 1960s", the only african-american female anthropologist who was also a caribbeanist. she studied ethnic and family relations in the caribbean as well as the united states, and thereby tried to improve the way black life, experiences,

and culture were studied. however, zora neale hurston, although often primarily considered to be a literary author, was trained in anthropology by franz boas, and published tell my horse about her "anthropological observations" of voodoo in the caribbean (1938). feminist anthropology is inclusive of the anthropology of birth as a specialization, which is the anthropological study of pregnancy and childbirth within cultures and societies. medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and transpersonal medical medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which studies "human health and disease, health care systems, and biocultural adaptation". it is believed that william caudell was the first to discover the field of medical anthropology. currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main

growth areas in the field of anthropology as a whole. it focuses on the following six basic fields: other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering (farmer, 1999, 2003; beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and suffering that are not a result of illness. on the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry. nutritional nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the interplay between economic systems, nutritional status and food security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. if economic and environmental changes

in a community affect access to food, food security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development (either in terms of human development or traditional western models) for any given group of people. psychological psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental processes. this subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans' development and enculturation within a particular cultural group with its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories shape processes of human cognition,

emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. it also examines how the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models of cultural and social processes. cognitive cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive

and relate to the world around them. transpersonal transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. as with transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (asc) and transpersonal experience. however, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of cross-cultural issues for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting extraordinary experiences. political and legal political political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of societies. political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a new development started from

the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to study more "complex" social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both ethnographic accounts and analysis of local phenomena. the turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were taken up at two main levels. firstly, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political phenomena that lay outside the state-regulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal political organization). secondly, anthropologists slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions). an anthropology of the state developed, and it is a most thriving field today. geertz' comparative

work on "negara", the balinese state, is an early, famous example. legal legal anthropology or anthropology of law specializes in "the cross-cultural study of social ordering". earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime, sanctions, or formal regulation. more recent applications include issues such as human rights, legal pluralism, and political uprisings. public public anthropology was created by robert borofsky, a professor at hawaii pacific university, to "demonstrate the ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the discipline illuminating larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging broad, public conversations about them with the explicit goal of fostering social change". nature, science, and technology cyborg cyborg

anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the american anthropological association's annual meeting in 1993. the sub-group was very closely related to sts and the society for the social studies of science. donna haraway's 1985 cyborg manifesto could be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the term. cyborg anthropology studies humankind and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specifically modern technological systems that have reflexively shaped notions of what it means to be human beings. digital digital anthropology is the study of the relationship between humans and digital-era technology, and extends to various areas where anthropology and technology intersect. it is sometimes grouped

with sociocultural anthropology, and sometimes considered part of material culture. the field is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of emphases. these include techno-anthropology, digital ethnography, cyberanthropology, and virtual anthropology. ecological ecological anthropology is defined as the "study of cultural adaptations to environments". the sub-field is also defined as, "the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment". the focus of its research concerns "how cultural beliefs and practices helped human populations adapt to their environments, and how their environments change across space and time. the contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies

and cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. many characterize this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, century anthropology and more. the focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. often, the observer has become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles, documentaries, books, ethnographies). such is the case with environmental justice advocate melissa checker and her relationship with the people of hyde park. environment social sciences, like anthropology, can provide interdisciplinary approaches to the environment. professor kay milton, director of the anthropology research

network in the school of history and anthropology, describes anthropology as distinctive, with its most distinguishing feature being its interest in non-industrial indigenous and traditional societies. anthropological theory is distinct because of the consistent presence of the concept of culture; not an exclusive topic but a central position in the study and a deep concern with the human condition. milton describes three trends that are causing a fundamental shift in what characterizes anthropology: dissatisfaction with the cultural relativist perspective, reaction against cartesian dualisms which obstructs progress in theory (nature culture divide), and finally an increased attention to globalization (transcending the barriers or time/space). environmental discourse appears to be characterized by a high degree

of globalization. (the troubling problem is borrowing non indigenous practices and creating standards, concepts, philosophies and practices in western countries.) anthropology and environmental discourse now have become a distinct position in anthropology as a discipline. knowledge about diversities in human culture can be important in addressing environmental problems - anthropology is now a study of human ecology. human activity is the most important agent in creating environmental change, a study commonly found in human ecology which can claim a central place in how environmental problems are examined and addressed. other ways anthropology contributes to environmental discourse is by being theorists and analysts, or by refinement of definitions to become more neutral/universal, etc. in exploring environmentalism

- the term typically refers to a concern that the environment should be protected, particularly from the harmful effects of human activities. environmentalism itself can be expressed in many ways. anthropologists can open the doors of environmentalism by looking beyond industrial society, understanding the opposition between industrial and non industrial relationships, knowing what ecosystem people and biosphere people are and are affected by, dependent and independent variables, primitive ecological wisdom, diverse environments, resource management, diverse cultural traditions, and knowing that environmentalism is a part of culture. historical ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and indigenous customs by examining historical records. it is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups

that may or may not exist today. ethnohistory uses both historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. its historical methods and materials go beyond the standard use of documents and manuscripts. practitioners recognize the utility of such source material as maps, music, paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exploration, archaeological materials, museum collections, enduring customs, language, and place names. religion the anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions, and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. modern anthropology assumes that there is complete continuity between magical thinking and religion, and that every religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that

worships it. urban urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. ulf hannerz quotes a 1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were "a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition". various social processes in the western world as well as in the "third world" (the latter being the habitual focus of attention of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures'" closer to their homes. there are two main approaches to urban anthropology: examining the types of cities or examining the social issues within the cities. these two methods are overlapping and dependent of each other. by defining different types of cities, one would use social factors as well as economic and political factors to categorize the cities. by directly looking

at the different social issues, one would also be studying how they affect the dynamic of the city. key topics by field: archaeological and biological anthrozoology anthrozoology (also known as "humananimal studies") is the study of interaction between living things. it is an interdisciplinary field that overlaps with a number of other disciplines, including anthropology, ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and zoology. a major focus of anthrozoologic research is the quantifying of the positive effects of human-animal relationships on either party and the study of their interactions. it includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and philosophy. biocultural biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between

human biology and culture. physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a racial perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural differences. after world war ii the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human biology. evolutionary evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour and the relation between hominins and non-hominin primates. evolutionary anthropology is based in natural science and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors. evolutionary anthropology is concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present. it is

based on a scientific approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral ecology, psychology, primatology, and genetics. it is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human experience, past and present. forensic forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim's remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition. a forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed, burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. the adjective "forensic" refers to the application of this subfield of science to a court of law. palaeoanthropology paleoanthropology combines the disciplines

of paleontology and physical anthropology. it is the study of ancient humans, as found in fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints. genetics and morphology of specimens are crucially important to this field. markers on specimens, such as enamel fractures and dental decay on teeth, can also give insight into the behaviour and diet of past populations. organizations contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges. the single largest organization of anthropologists is the american anthropological association (aaa), which was founded in 1903. its members are anthropologists from around the globe. in 1989, a group of european and american scholars in the field of anthropology established the european association of social anthropologists

(easa) which serves as a major professional organization for anthropologists working in europe. the easa seeks to advance the status of anthropology in europe and to increase visibility of marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world anthropology. hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well. list of major organizations american anthropological association american ethnological society asociacion de antropologos iberoamericanos

en red, aibr moving anthropology student network anthropological society of london center for world indigenous studies ethnological society of london max planck institute for evolutionary anthropology network of concerned anthropologists n.n. miklukho-maklai institute of ethnology and anthropology royal anthropological institute of great britain and ireland society for anthropological sciences society for applied anthropology usc center for visual anthropology ethics as the field has matured it has debated and arrived at ethical principles aimed at protecting both the subjects of anthropological research as well as the researchers themselves, and professional societies have generated codes of ethics. anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research),

have over time assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism. some commentators have contended: that the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derives some of its key notions from it, consciously or not. (see, for example, gough, pels and salemink, but cf. lewis 2004). that ethnographic work is often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in an "ethnographic present" (johannes fabian, time and its other). in his article "the misrepresentation of anthropology and its consequence," herbert s. lewis critiqued older anthropological works that presented other cultures as if they were strange and unusual. while the findings of those researchers should not be discarded, the field should learn from its mistakes. cultural relativism as part

of their quest for scientific objectivity, present-day anthropologists typically urge cultural relativism, which has an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology. this is the notion that cultures should not be judged by another's values or viewpoints, but be examined dispassionately on their own terms. there should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture. ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, sexism, mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and torture. topics like racism, slavery, and human sacrifice attract anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies, to genes, to acculturation, to colonialism, have been proposed to explain their origins and

continued recurrences. to illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields. military involvement anthropologists' involvement with the u.s. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the discipline. franz boas publicly objected to us participation in world war i, and after the war he published a brief expose and condemnation of the participation of several american archaeologists in espionage in mexico under their cover as scientists. but by the 1940s, many of boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the axis powers (nazi germany, fascist italy, and imperial japan). many served in the armed

forces, while others worked in intelligence (for example, office of strategic services and the office of war information). at the same time, david h. price's work on american anthropology during the cold war provides detailed accounts of the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist sympathies. attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the cia and government intelligence activities during the vietnam war years have turned up surprisingly little. many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement. numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of the american anthropological association (aaa). professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for

the benefit of the state. their codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. the association of social anthropologists of the uk and commonwealth (asa) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. the "principles of professional responsibility" issued by the american anthropological association and amended through november 1986 stated that "in relation with their own government and with host governments... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or given." the current "principles of professional responsibility" does not make explicit mention of ethics surrounding state interactions. anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the us military as part of the us army's strategy in afghanistan.

the christian science monitor reports that "counterinsurgency efforts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs" in afghanistan, under the human terrain system (hts) program; in addition, hts teams are working with the us military in iraq. in 2009, the american anthropological association's commission on the engagement of anthropology with the us security and intelligence communities released its final report concluding, in part, that, "when ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment all characteristic factors of the hts concept and its application it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise

of anthropology. in summary, while we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, ceaussic suggests that the aaa emphasize the incompatibility of hts with disciplinary ethics and practice for job seekers and that it further recognize the problem of allowing hts to define the meaning of "anthropology" within dod." postworld war ii developments before wwii british 'social anthropology' and american 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. after the war, enough british and american anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology. basic trends there are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. one of the central characteristics

is that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly empirical. the quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia. in the 1990s and 2000s, calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. these dynamic relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed by compiling many local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biological, linguistic or archaeological. biological anthropologists

are interested in both human variation and in the possibility of human universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures). they use many different methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists "into the field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called "fieldwork." on the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs. along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into relevant time periods and geographic regions. human time on earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions based on material, such as the paleolithic

and the neolithic, of particular use in archaeology. further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as olduwan or mousterian or levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past. anthropologists and geographers share approaches to culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. by making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science. commonalities between fields because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see history of anthropology), including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity

dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious studies, it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made. some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in terms of time (past societies) and space (non-european/non-western societies). for example, the classic of urban anthropology, ulf hannerz in the introduction to his seminal exploring the city: inquiries toward an urban anthropology mentions that the "third world" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look "across the tracks" only

in late 1960s. now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home". it is also argued that other fields of study, like history and sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the west. in france, the study of western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly changing, starting in the 1970s from scholars like isac chiva and journals like terrain ("fieldwork"), and developing with the center founded by marc auge (le centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the anthropological research center of contemporary societies). since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in the north atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather

than limiting research to a single locale. there has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordinary people; increasingly, research is set in settings such as scientific laboratories, social movements, governmental and nongovernmental organizations and businesses. see also anthropological science fiction christian anthropology, a sub-field of theology circumscription theory culture dual inheritance theory engaged theory ethnobiology human behavioral ecology human ethology human relations area files intangible cultural heritage origins of society philosophical anthropology, a sub-field of philosophy prehistoric medicine qualitative research lists outline of anthropology list of indigenous peoples list of anthropologists notes references further reading dictionaries

agricultural science (or agriscience for short) is a broad multidisciplinary field of biology that encompasses the parts of exact, natural, economic and social sciences that are used in the practice and understanding of agriculture. professionals of the agricultural science are called agricultural scientists or agriculturists. history in the 18th century, johann friedrich mayer conducted experiments on the use of gypsum (hydrated calcium sulphate) as a fertilizer. in 1843, john lawes and joseph henry gilbert began a set of long-term field experiments at rothamsted research station in england, some of which are still running as of 2018. in the united states, a scientific revolution in agriculture began with the hatch act of 1887, which used the term "agricultural science". the hatch act was driven by farmers'

interest in knowing the constituents of early artificial fertilizer. the smith-hughes act of 1917 shifted agricultural education back to its vocational roots, but the scientific foundation had been built. after 1906, public expenditures on agricultural research in the us exceeded private expenditures for the next 44 years. prominent agricultural scientists robert bakewell norman borlaug luther burbank george washington carver carl henry clerk george c. clerk rene dumont sir albert howard kailas nath kaul thomas lecky justus von liebig jay lush gregor mendel louis pasteur m. s. swaminathan jethro tull artturi ilmari virtanen sewall wright wilbur olin atwater fields or related disciplines agricultural biotechnology agricultural chemistry agricultural diversification agricultural education

agricultural economics agricultural engineering agricultural geography agricultural philosophy agricultural marketing agricultural soil science agroecology agrophysics animal science animal breeding animal husbandry animal nutrition farm management agronomy botany theoretical production ecology horticulture plant breeding plant fertilization aquaculture biological engineering genetic engineering nematology microbiology plant pathology range management environmental science entomology food science human nutrition irrigation and water management soil science agrology waste management weed science scope agriculture, agricultural science, and agronomy are often confused. however, they cover different concepts: agriculture is the set of activities that transform the environment for

the production of animals and plants for human use. agriculture concerns techniques, including the application of agronomic research. agronomy is research and development related to studying and improving plant-based crops. soil forming factors and soil degradation agricultural sciences include research and development on: improving agricultural productivity in terms of quantity and quality (e.g., selection of drought-resistant crops and animals, development of new pesticides, yield-sensing technologies, simulation models of crop growth, in-vitro cell culture techniques) minimizing the effects of pests (weeds, insects, pathogens, mollusks, nematodes) on crop or animal production systems. transformation of primary products into end-consumer products (e.g., production, preservation, and packaging of dairy products)

prevention and correction of adverse environmental effects (e.g., soil degradation, waste management, bioremediation) theoretical production ecology, relating to crop production modeling traditional agricultural systems, sometimes termed subsistence agriculture, which feed most of the poorest people in the world. these systems are of interest as they sometimes retain a level of integration with natural ecological systems greater than that of industrial agriculture, which may be more sustainable than some modern agricultural systems. food production and demand on a global basis, with special attention paid to the major producers, such as china, india, brazil, the us and the eu. various sciences relating to agricultural resources and the environment (e.g. soil science, agroclimatology); biology of agricultural

crops and animals (e.g. crop science, animal science and their included sciences, e.g. ruminant nutrition, farm animal welfare); such fields as agricultural economics and rural sociology; various disciplines encompassed in agricultural engineering. see also agricultural research council agricultural sciences basic topics agriculture ministry agroecology american society of agronomy genomics of domestication history of agricultural science institute of food and agricultural sciences international assessment of agricultural science and technology for development international food policy research institute, ifpri list of agriculture topics national ffa organization research institute of crop production (ricp) (in the czech republic) university of agricultural sciences references further reading agricultural

research, livelihoods, and poverty: studies of economic and social impacts in six countries edited by michelle adato and ruth meinzen-dick (2007), johns hopkins university press food policy report claude bourguignon, regenerating the soil: from agronomy to agrology, other india press, 2005 pimentel david, pimentel marcia, computer les kilocalories, ceres, n. 59, sept-oct. 1977 russell e. walter, soil conditions and plant growth, longman group, london, new york 1973 saltini antonio, storia delle scienze agrarie, 4 vols, bologna 198489, , , , vavilov nicolai i. (starr chester k. editor), the origin, variation, immunity and breeding of cultivated plants. selected writings, in chronica botanica, 13: 16, waltham, mass., 194950 vavilov nicolai i., world resources of cereals, leguminous seed crops and flax, academy