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[Excerpt] The secretary general of the Organization of African Unity, OAU, His Excellency Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, arrived at Moshoeshoe I International Airport last night on an official visit. Dr. Salim and his delegation were welcomed under a heavy drizzle by the minister of foreign affairs, the Honorable Molapo Qhobela, and the minister of justice, human rights and constitutional affairs, the Honorable Kelebone Maope. Dr. Salim started his busy schedule by having a meeting with the church leaders. Today he will call on His Majesty King Letsie III and hold talks with the prime minister, Dr. Ntsu Mokhehle, on state affairs. He will also meet the minister of foreign affairs, the honorable Molapo Qhobela, and hold a press conference prior to his departure. [passage omitted]

The UN secretary general's special representative, Aldo Ajello, has reiterated that elections will only be held in Mozambique once all troops have been demobilized. Ajello was reacting to an AFP report that the UN could agree to elections being held in October even if the two armies were in place. AFP based its report on statements by Behrooz Sadry, Ajello's deputy. Ajello told our correspondent that he questioned his deputy about the report but that Sadry had denied the remarks attributed to him by AFP.

The Mozambican Government has reiterated that it intends and is willing to have general elections by not later than October 1994 in line with the General Peace Accord timetable. That is according to NOTICIAS which cites a statement issued by the government. NOTICIAS says that is the first government reaction to the recent UN Security Council resolution on the Mozambican peace process. The statement says the apparent delay in the confinement of government troops is not in any way caused by political or logistical reasons. The UN Security Council resolution vigorously urged the government and the Mozambique National Resistance to speed up the confinement of troops, and asked the sides to begin demobilizing their forces.

The Mozambican Government is to begin demobilizing its forces from assembly areas at once without waiting for the Mozambique National Resistance [Renamo]. This was disclosed by Labor Minister Teodato Hunguana at the end of yet another meeting of the Supervision and Control Commission [CSC]. He said the government's decision is designed to speed up the peace process and enable soldiers to leave assembly areas. The simultaneous demobilization of troops of both sides should have started on 22 February, but Renamo was late in submitting the list of its troops. Raul Domingos, head of Renamo's delegation to the CSC, said the government's decision to unilaterally begin confining [as heard] its troops was worrisome. Raul Domingos said the two sides should operate within the parameters of the General Peace Accord so as to prevent mistrust. He said the delay in demobilizing Renamo troops was due to technical problems.

The MOZAMBIQUE INFORMATION AGENCY reports that the Mozambique National Resistance [Renamo] yesterday boycotted a meeting of the Cease-Fire Commission. The source says the government and UN delegations waited for the Renamo delegation for more than 60 minutes, adding that so far no explanation has been given about the boycott. The meeting was scheduled to discuss recent rioting at Renamo assembly areas. The agenda included the destruction of explosive devices collected from both sides, the transfer of war materiel from assembly areas to UN Operations in Mozambique regional depots, and the start of demobilization.

Sadako Ogata, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, arrived in Maputo this afternoon to review progress made in the repatriation of about 1.7 million Mozambican refugees. During her stay in Mozambique, Sadako Ogata will hold meetings with President Joaquim Chissano, senior government and Mozambique National Resistance officials, and ambassadors from donor countries. She is also expected to visit Tete Province to familiarize herself with projects for the reintegration of civilians in Angonia District, which harbors more than 200,000 Mozambican refugees returning from Malawi.

[Speech by King Mswati III at the opening of the Sixth Parliament in Lobamba on 18 February--live] Your majesty the Ndlovukazi, your royal highnesses, right honorable prime minister, chiefs, excellencies, members of the diplomatic corps, honorable ministers, Mr. President and honorable members of the House of Senate, Mr. Speaker, and honorable members of the House of Assembly. Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, let me begin by welcoming you all to the state opening of the first session of the Sixth Parliament of the Kingdom of Swaziland. My first duty today, on behalf of the whole Swazi nation, is to commend the work of the previous government. In often difficult circumstances, and over a period of great change in the Kingdom, the prime minister and his cabinet team, along with the members of both houses of Parliament, worked hard for the development of the Kingdom. The nation owes a vote of appreciation to all who served us over this period. Two years ago, the nation was in the process of deciding the direction to be taken -- of political reform. I made it clear then, in this chamber, that the future of Swaziland depended on the full, active, and peaceful participation of all Swazis in that process to achieve a result which would truly reflect the wishes of the majority of the country. The elections were clearly a success. They were accepted as freely and fairly conducted by the international community, and more importantly they were what we, the Swazi people, wanted. Beyond the fact of a new electoral system, the reforms have been important to Swaziland as a means by which the whole Swazi family has been involved in a debate of national interest and significance. I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the nation for its wholehearted participation and support of the process, and for the peaceful manner in which the exercise was conducted. Of course, the very nature of reform implies an ongoing process, and the recommendations given by the nation include many issues which still require attention. This we will address in the same manner -- carefully and peacefully and with the full knowledge and approval of the Kingdom. I should also like to highlight the achievement of those of you sitting here who are very much the end result of the first reform initiative. You members of the House of Assembly, who have been chosen by your fellow Swazis to be their representatives in the country's most important legislative chamber, you take your seats here at a vital time in the Kingdom's history, and you and all members of both houses hold in your hands the hopes of those you represent, to ensure that the direction of our development aim is correct, and that the effects of development strategies implemented by government reach those who most need them, for the time has now come for the nation to direct its attention to the issue of greatest importance for our future stability and prosperity -- how best to tackle the economic problems facing the country today, and what steps we must take to sustain the progress toward achieving our national development objectives. Before considering this economic challenge at a national level, we should understand the importance to Swaziland's development of events occurring around the world. These days of increasing economic inter-dependence between nations, the effects of situations in one part of the world, or the decisions of other countries and organizations, can have implications for the rest of us. One example of this, and one that perhaps has the greatest significance for the world's economic future, is the signing last December of the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade. This was the result of many years of negotiations between all the major trading blocks aimed at breaking down trade barriers between countries, and it is an important step towards creating a world of free trade. While Swaziland, along with other developing countries, can welcome the outcome of the agreement in terms of expanding markets for our exports, there are several short term disadvantages and implications for our economies to be taken into account. Two examples of these are, first, the issue of our unique access to various markets for our sugar, beef, and other products. Under the terms of GATT, this trading advantage will certainly fall away in time, reducing the revenue from those export markets. And second, linked to the first, is the fact that the agreement will mean all our exports will potentially be in direct competition with every other country. Thus, the GATT signing represents both an advantage and a challenge to the Kingdom. The advantage is the opening up of whole new markets for our exports, and the challenge to Swazi industry of producing exports which stand up to competition from the rest of the world. These are areas for national discussion as we determine ways to lift our levels of quality and efficiency in production. At government level, we have already begun to lobby the First World to consider the penalties to developing countries of the agreement. The price to them of our support for the signing is their understanding of the potential harm it will do to our economies. In the short term, we are looking for a continuation to our preferential access to markets, at least until we are in a position to compete with the developed world in the export market place. This will be a challenge for government and an issue for which we will be looking to our friends in the international community for help and advice. Conflict situations around the world too have an impact on us, not simply for the adverse effect they have on the world economy, but also because they tend to divert attention away from the development needs of emerging countries like Swaziland. The situation in Bosnia, for example, while providing an illustration of the dangers of division within a country, continues to draw resources and concern away from the developing world in a justifiable effort to resolve the crisis there. Swaziland continues to support the process of negotiation between the three rival factions, and we pray that the use of force is avoided. We encourage the moves by the United Nations and the European Union to assist in finding a settlement to the dispute, and an end to the suffering of so many. Another focus for world attention outside Africa has been the developments toward a lasting settlement in the Middle East. The danger of that troubled area developing once more into a global situation with huge economic and social (?cause) can never be overlooked. And so we welcome any moves which reduce tension and bring the separate nations closer together. Swaziland with its long association with the state of Israel gives particular credit to the decision by the Israeli people and government to take the road of negotiation and reconciliation. It is one that we have supported constantly for many years. Despite the delays and setbacks, we are encouraged by the efforts of both sides -- Palestinians and Israel -- to push forward with the agreement signed last September. Let us hope that this first step in the process to real peace in the region can continue, and we trust that other steps to include all the people of the Middle East will soon create an atmosphere in which countries there can develop peacefully without the constant threat of violence and disaster. And here in Africa the tragedy of civil war and internal strife in so many countries continues to affect the economic development of the continent as a whole and serves as a lesson to us all on the importance of maintaining unity within nations. The UN operation in Somalia has been the most expensive in the organization's history. With the withdrawal of most of the UN force in two months' time, let us pray that the lives, resources, and effort which have been expanded over the past year will not be wasted by a return to the bloodshed of recent history. In Sudan, the ongoing conflict between different ethnic groups has resulted not only in death and destruction, but has caused the enforced movement of many thousands of refugees who now tax the resources of countries which are obliged to act as their temporary hosts. The economic effect of refugees on a country is one that we here can well understand and sympathize with. And perhaps most tragic of all is the continuation of the daily shedding of blood in Angola, a country whose people have known no peace for over 20 years and who are paying the appalling price of the use of force to resolve their differences. As fellow member of two organizations of economic cooperation, the resolution of the conflict in Angola has particular importance for us. We hope that the negotiations underway in Lusaka signal the start of lasting peace to that unfortunate country so that her huge natural and human resources can contribute effectively to the economic future of our subregion. Clearly though the economic implications to Swaziland of the situations in our two neighbors, Mozambique and South Africa, deserve our closest attention. The process of peace in Mozambique appears to be on course, and we congratulate all who have contributed toward its success so far. The effect on our economy of a stable and prosperous Mozambique cannot be overemphasized, and we must be doing all we can now not just to support the process, but to understand how best we can prepare ourselves to take the fullest advantage of a return to peace in our neighbor. It is imperative that we keep the channels of communication at all levels between governments, NGO's [nongovernmental organizations], and the private sector as open and as active as possible. Our shared border holds many possibilities for mutual economic improvement including increased trade, joint tourism projects, and the greater use by us of Mozambique's access to the sea. The success of the refugee repatriation program is the first indication of the importance we must attach to increasing cooperation with Mozambique and government must accept this as a major priority. The same is true of our other neighbor, South Africa. The change in policy and direction of a new nonracial government in South Africa is undoubtedly the single most important factor for Swaziland's economic future. We would do well to fully understand the implications to us of change in a neighbor on whom we rely so heavily. The initiative lies with us to open the lines of communication with those with whom we will be dealing in future. With new figures in power in South Africa, it will be up to us to inform and educate about the needs of the Kingdom and to discuss with them the possibilities for increased economic cooperation. Of particular relevance are our shared natural resources, our various financial links and our numerous trade agreements. We must not ignore the significance to Swaziland of change in South Africa, and government must take the lead in establishing links as early as possible. It follows that it is in Swaziland's best interest for South Africa to enjoy as peaceful a transition as possible to a stable and prosperous future. We, therefore, look with concern at the potential for disruption to the process toward elections in April of the non-involvement of large sections of South African society. We have constantly urged all parties in South Africa to grasp this opportunity to be a part of their country's future, and we continue to do so. Instability across our border has the gravest implications for us and we must do all we can to encourage a smooth transition. One important aspect of a new South Africa, and one that has been in focus recently, is the future of those Swazis who through the unjust laws of Swazi territory over the years find themselves unwillingly members of a country which is not their own. The world should be left in no doubt that we are doing all in our power through peaceful negotiation to restore to the Kingdom the land and the people we have lost through a process of historical injustice. The recent establishment of a border adjustment committee signals our intention to proceed with this issue at the highest levels. The nation will also be aware that I raised the subject on a number of occasions last year, including at the United Nations. In the event that we do not achieve our aims before a change in government in South Africa, we are of course prepared to talk to those who will have been given the mandate to act as a result of the elections in April. History and the facts are on our side, and I'm confident that justice will be done. And so we come to the issue of the Kingdom's economy at national level. Clearly the world recession, recent drought, and the number of international factors have combined to ensure very difficult economic times ahead for Swaziland. Our challenge as a nation is to identify the areas of problem, and then to formulate strategies which will ensure the economic stability and prosperity of the Swazi people for many generations to come. I mentioned last year that following on from the successes of the consultation of the nation on our political future, the same process would be used to decide the Kingdom's economic choices. I intend summoning the nation in the very near future to propose a four-stage process aimed first at educating us all to the economic realities of the Kingdom. Then gathering opinion on our national development priorities, seeking views on how best to frame our strategy, and finally deciding on how we implement them. The first two steps require the active involvement of all Swazis. The first stage, one of education, is vitally important as it is central to the process that we will all understand the limitations and realities of composing a national development plan within an underdeveloped country such as ours. We must acknowledge that there are no easy overnight solutions to our economic difficulties, and that the most important ingredients for future success will be hard work, sacrifice, and dedication. The second stage will also involve the support of all Swazis, young and old. This is when we will confirm the nation's priority objectives, the direction to be given to government for the Kingdom's development. Key objectives from the past which still hold good today include economic growth, sustainable development, self-reliance, equity and participation, and social justice and stability. We will need to confirm these, and if necessary, amend or add to them. I should like to highlight some of the more important aspects of each objective to give focus for discussion. The key to our future is clearly to achieve growth in our economy. The creation of jobs and the increase in gross domestic product must be central to any development strategy. How to achieve this will be a major point for debate in the process of national consultation ahead. One aspect for discussion with regard to job creation is the problem of how to create the right environment for investment both by Swazis and by international investors. For Swazis the provision of capital and knowledge, with which to start up businesses, is perhaps the most vital. For foreign investment the provision of a business environment which is attractive in terms of incentives, infrastructure, skilled work force, and good industrial relations is crucial to success. These issues are being addressed within government, but the nation will want to contribute to the debate with ideas and not by action on how to improve this vital area. Hand in hand with economic growth is the need to ensure that our development is sustainable, that we can manage to control and improve our economy to ensure constant progress over the years ahead to get us through times of global recession. While acknowledging the importance of close economic cooperation with other countries in the region, it is nonetheless that we do everything possible to stand on our own in terms of producing the basic everyday requirements such as foodstuffs and essential manufactured goods. We must grasp the message that to rely on imports is to be at the mercy of changes in the world crisis and to miss out on business opportunities. Emphasis must surely be placed on self-reliance. Since the days when we first considered ourselves to be a distinct separate nation, a fundamental theme in protecting the unity and independence of the Swazi people has been the quality of all members of the Swazi family and the active participation of all in the decisions affecting the Kingdom. This principle was central to the process of political reform over the last two years and guides us in the economic debate ahead. And finally, an element of our national objectives which has drawn the nation together and one that has ensured our independence, is the principle of social justice resulting in peace and stability for the Kingdom for so many generations. When we survey the state of perhaps the majority of countries on our continent, we would do well to reflect on the importance of these final two principles, and to realize how sensible we have been in the past to insist on the maintenance of peace and stability through a policy of social justice at all costs. Of course the stability of our country depends on many factors. One is the physical security of the Kingdom and the efficiency of those entrusted with maintaining our system of justice. In these days of increasing crime, there has been a marked decrease in confidence in our ability as a nation to enforce the law. The police and the courts in particular are finding their resources and capabilities stretched to the limit and new answers to this crisis need to be found. One encouraging move is the recent undertaking by the police force to establish close working groups with the civilian community, and this is clearly an initiative which deserves all our support. Crime prevention is the social responsibility of us all, and not an issue to be shrugged off as a problem for the police alone. And for the courts, plans are already in hand to expand existing facilities and courts so that the backlog in cases can be based [as heard] and the administration of justice to be made more efficient. Equally important though is the relationship between the police and the courts. There must be a mutual understanding and sympathy between these two critical elements of our justice system. The two must work in harmony and with closer cooperation toward achieving an overall raising of confidence in the processes of the law. We will be calling for views on how to improve in this vital area in the months ahead. These then are some of the more important aspects of our national objectives, which the nation will be asked to consider during the process of consultation, and I would appeal to all in the Kingdom to give serious thought to the various questions raised. Closely linked to our national development objectives is the confirmation of government priorities on spending. This is an issue that will occupy members of both houses following presentation of the budget by the minister for finance. Since independence, our three highest priorities for government spending have been health, education, and agriculture. These are recognized as being fundamental to the objectives of any developing country. But the nation will be asked to confirm whether in each case the specific targets for spending in each area is correct, and indeed whether other areas deserve more attention. The provision of adequate health care to all members of the Swazi nation continues to demand our concern. New challenges in this field confront as we strive to increase health facilities. To make existing ones more efficient [word indistinct] of most agents to educate our people about the importance of health care and the prevention of diseases. We have all been shocked to learn of the extent of the spread in the Kingdom of the killer disease, AIDS. Swaziland, along with many other countries, stands to lose whole generations to this menace. Unless we act with haste to contain the danger, the real enemy to finding a solution to this potential devastating problem, ignorance -- ignorance of what this disease is, ignorance of what we can do to prevent it, and ignorance of the effect on our future if we fail to contain it. This is a challenge for us all to confront. We all have a role to play in educating others to the dangers. There must be a wholesale change in attitude to our social behavior. The only alternative is to witness a tragedy occur which will undermine all our development efforts and result in a future of misery for our children. We require a national policy on this issue, and we look to you seated here to give the nation its direction. A central principle since independence has been our belief that a nation's future is dependent on the products of its schools. Access to education is right for all Swazis, and this remains a guiding objective for government today. There has been a long debate on the issue of what some call free education. This is an issue the nation shall be addressing in our forthcoming debate on the national strategies. It must be acknowledged though before discussion begins that there is no such thing as free education. In the end the nation will pay, whether perhaps through higher taxes or a change in government spending. There is clearly no magic source of funds to pay for free education. Swaziland must pay for Swazis to be educated. Nor is this something that can be changed in the short term. Whatever the outcome of national debate on this issue, there will be no overnight miracle to cancel the bill to Swazis for our education. Perhaps of more immediate concern and an issue that can be addressed in the short term is that of the direction of our education. The question is: Are we preparing Swazis with the right training, knowledge, and skills to enter the market place as workers? This is something for the nation to consider in the months ahead and for government now to reflect on. The third pillar of our current priorities is the development of our agricultural policies and the support given by government to our farmers. Agriculture remains the stable employment for the majority of Swazis and the foundation of our economy. It deserves its place at the top of the nation's priorities. However, the development and direction of our agricultural policies and the degree and extent on government support to our farmers is another subject for debate. We look for the individual input of ideas from the farming community toward the development of a national agricultural strategy. Our economic future depends to a large degree on the performance of the agricultural sector, and this will be central to our national development plan. An aspect of agriculture which has been ignored too much and which requires the urgent attention of the members of both houses here is the continuing decline in the state of our environment and the abuse of our natural resources. It is a poor worker who does not look after the tools of his trade. For a country whose main employment is centered on the fruits of the soil, we must recognize that our most important asset is the land we have inherited from our forefathers. We must do all we can to protect our natural resources for without them we are nothing. To protect does not mean to avoid using. Indeed in some respects we under use our natural resources. Certainly as an example, recent experience has taught us that we cannot expect by right to receive sufficient rainfall every year to sustain us, and that we must prepare ourselves in future to make more use of the precious water resources in the Kingdom. This includes more emphasis on the construction of dams and the identifying of other sources of water for our irrigation needs. But equally we ignore at pour peril the dangers of overuse of other natural resources. We must conserve our priceless assets so that they will provide for future generations as they have for the past. Our soil, our trees, our rivers, our livestock, and our wildlife. These are part of the rich fabric of Swaziland and must be preserved at all cost. They are the tools of our most important trade. We must look after them. Earlier when discussing the impact on our economy of global free trade, I referred to the requirement for us to become more competitive as producers and suggested that efficiency was the key. This requirement for efficiency extends beyond the private sector and could perhaps become the watchword for all national business. Leading the way in this regard should be government and those organizations supported by government, the parastatals. With a new start for government, this is the ideal time to introduce the notion of efficient practice in all public sector dealings. Improved efficiency equals increased productivity and, in the case of parastatals, this is something the nation expects to see. Too much of government's precious resources are spent on supporting the inefficiency of companies who should be self-sufficient and independent of public subventions. Let us see the introduction of controlled measures on the performance of government and the parastatals and let improved efficiency in the public sector be an example to private business. Before I include, I should like to address a few remarks to our friend in the international community. First, allow me on behalf of Her Majesty the Indlovukazi, the government, and the whole Swazi nation to express my deep gratitude to you all for your continuing support and share the experience toward the development of the nation. That support has been generous and well directed in the past, and it is my hope that you will be able to continue to assist us as we decide on the way ahead. My theme today has been to focus the attention of the members of both houses of the nation's parliament and of the Kingdom's as a whole on to the economic challenge for Swaziland in the years to come. During the process of consultation with all Swazis which will begin very shortly, we will be approaching the international community for advice based on experience gained in your own countries and elsewhere. This is an opportunity for your countries to be part of this important stage in our development and we will result in a detailed analysis of the targets for future development assistance. We urge to help us find the right way forward. [preceding two sentences as heard] I have spoken at length about the challenge facing the nation in the years ahead. These are exciting times and you members of Parliament, Assembly and Senate are at the very center of the decision-making process. We ask for God's guidance in your deliberations in these chambers, and we urge you to reflect on the huge responsibility you share for the future of our Kingdom. You have our confidence and trust. We ask that you perform your duties to the nation with honor, loyalty, and dignity. Thank you. God bless these proceedings.

[Interview with IFP Chairman Frank Mdlalose an ANC Deputy Secretary General Jacob Zuma by SABC announcer Leslie Mashokwe in the Durban studio -- live] [Mashokwe] Tonight we welcome you from our studios in Durban, where we've had a historic meeting between the leader of the IFP [Inkatha Freedom Party], Dr. Mangosuthu Buthelezi, and the president of the ANC [African National Congress], Dr. Nelson Mandela. All sorts of agreements have been reached, which are said to be provisional, still going to be checked with their principals. [passage omitted] It was said throughout the day that the two leaders were smiling and holding each other's hand as if promising South Africa something that they could be proud of -- smiling about. I'm being joined now in the studio by Mr. Jacob Zuma, Deputy Secretary General of the ANC, and the national chairman of the IFP, Dr. Mdlalose. Gentlemen, good evening and welcome. The progress -- what sort progress are we talking about here if you look at this statement, Dr. Mdlalose? [Mdlalose] Well, I think there's progress. First, I think the spirit in which the leaders discussed, the spirit in which the delegations intermingled and discussed was very, very promising; it was really good. And when we came to the actual substance of things that we went into, there was no skirting of issues. Issues were dealt with straight on, and people spoke honestly, and they spoke from their hearts but through their brains. They were not emotional; they were being realistic. And I think a lot of progress came out. [Mashokwe] Mr. Zuma, how would you describe the kind of progress we are talking about here, constructive or satisfactory? [Zuma] I think it was both, more constructive in a sense because both delegations approached the matters in a very serious manner with all the determination to find a solution. And I think that issues were discussed very frankly, and I think both delegations realized the responsibility that the two organizations have in connection with trying to solve the problems of the country, trying to deal with matters of violence, and I think what has been reflected in the statement as the kind of understanding in a joint statement actually reflects I think in a very exceptional manner a kind of....[pauses] The two delegations sat down and said we need to find a solution. A kind of a delegation that said we are not sitting here now to find a solution now, we said we are making a solid foundation so that this meeting is not going to be a one-off meeting, is actually the beginning of a process that is going to move now and, if needed, to go beyond the 27th of April. I thought that was quite a realistic approach that both delegations realized and indeed were determined to continue as much as possible -- in search for the solution. [Mashokwe] Gentlemen, let us now leave out the diplomatic issues and tell South Africans the real story. When you say you are out to promote conditions in which people of South Africa as a whole could exercise their democratic right and to make political choices in accordance with their beliefs and consciousness, what exactly do you mean? You're saying the ANC can put up boards and advertise in Ulundi, open an office there. Can the ANC also reciprocate in the same way? What exactly do you mean? [Mdlalose] But that's exactly what we mean, Lesley. We mean that people should be free to give their own philosophies to the public. People should be free to advocate for participation in elections if they want to and to promote their own philosophies. But equally, we think people must be free to be able to say why they may not be wanting to participate if they do not want to participate. That freedom should be there for everybody and they should be able to say it whether at Ulundi, or around Shell House, or wherever, without any fear. [Mashokwe] Are you saying to your followers out there that they must from tomorrow allow the ANC in your areas and in the same vein the ANC remove their no-go areas wherever they may be? [Mdlalose] Our party has been saying that all the time, and we want to redouble our efforts to let the people know that is what we stand for. [Mashokwe] No-go areas, Mr. Zuma, within the ANC? [Zuma] What we've been saying Lesley, is that in the period running up to where we are, we've had a situation where perceptions have been created that if political players are saying we are not participating in the elections, it means that those who are participating must be stopped from doing so, and those who are not participating must also not be given a chance to canvas their own views among the people on the reasons why they are not participating. What this meeting has said -- which I think is important -- it has underlined an important principle of democracy that people have a right to choose whether to participate or not to participate. But those who are participating don't have a right to prevent others to choose not to participate. And we are saying the question of no-go areas therefore must go. People must be able to reach any part of this country, in this province, and promote any of these two views, that we see as opposing views. And this is what we've said. We've said it doesn't necessarily mean that people must slaughter one another simply because they've got two political different views. And I think it is an important kind of an achievement that we made in this meeting. [Mashokwe] But what the leaders say and what happens at the ground are two different things. You've been professing freedom of political expression on both sides, yet on the ground IFP supporters will not allow ANC supporters to politic in their areas and vice versa. How do you get the message down to the ground. [Mdlalose] Well, as we've said earlier, we are going to redouble our efforts to get to the ground. We are preaching even as I'm talking to you now, preaching through the TV that people are watching. They have to be tolerant one to the other. Whether you belong to ANC, IFP, Azapo [Azanian People's Organization], PAC [Pan-Africanist Congress], whatever, you must be able to listen to the other man and say he's entitled to explain his views to everybody around here. That is the message we're carrying on to the people wherever we are going to be. [Mashokwe] It is evident that there are still differences on constitutional matters between the two parties here. There was talk about possible intervention by the international constitutional experts. What exactly gives? How are you going to unbundle this mess? [Mdlalose] Thank you for asking that. First of all, we have discussed this and we've thought of an option that is before us -- to consult with international organizations and get them perhaps to help us to see through this impasse which we've reached. We have not reached unanimity on that point. The ANC people are going to discuss it among themselves. We'll also discuss it more fully among ourselves and be able next time we meet to come up with definite ideas about how we must approach this subject. [Mashokwe] On that question of calling in international experts, Mr. Zuma? [Zuma] We've certainly agreed that we need to take these two points to our principals: one, the issue that is being raised of the involvement of the international community at two levels. One level is at the level of violence -- in other words, to seek to reach the international community, an organization with the expertise of conflict resolution as well as the aspect of the deadlock on constitutional matters. And we've said we will take these matters to our principals to be considered and come back after that consideration to say how our principals look at those matters, and equally the IFP has felt, as a result of that kind of a discussion, there could be a provisional registration of the IFP in terms of the Electoral Act so that if agreement is reached, they are in a position to find it to participate. I think all of that indicates or gives you the chemistry of the discussions today that we were able to reach that point and have this kind of particular aspect to be referred to our principals. [Mashokwe] I want to come back to this issue of provisional registration later after the break, but for now, how binding would the views of the experts be? In mediation I would imagine that if you say yes, this is what the expert say then it is binding on both of you. Have you reached that stage when you will say what the experts say binds both of you? [Mdlalose] Actually we've reached that point. We've said there will be no point in approaching international experts if at the end of the day when they have given us their point of view we would say but I didn't accept that. We would be able to accept their point of view. [Zuma] Definitely. That is what we discussed, and that's what we came to understand. [Mashokwe] And Mr. Zuma, Mr. Mdlalose, I have to go back to an ad break, I'll be back just after this. Don't go away. [commercial break] Gentlemen, let's talk about this issue of provisional registration of the IFP. Time is against you, 4 March is the deadline again. Will it be possible for you to have registered by then, or do you depend on the outcome of mediation? [Mdlalose] Well, the issue of provisional registration is to be discussed by the IFP's central committee. If we decide we should make provisional registration, we will do so. That of course must clearly be understood not to mean commitment to taking part in the elections. It means commitment to saying, we put our name there, and if at the end of the road we decide we are going to go in for elections, we are clear that we go in for elections. But later on if we find that there is no way we can undertake to do elections, then we don't. [Mashokwe] It seems to water down this whole historic agreement, as it were. It will look like you are saying, we may come in, we may not. What would push you to come in? [Mdlalose] But we have been very clear about that. We have said it so many, many times, that there are a number of things that we have placed before the government and we have placed before the African National Congress, and when those things are undertaken we march on to elections. Before they are undertaken, we have got problems. [Mashokwe] Is this not a new ball game now from the one that.... [Mdlalose, interrupting] A new ball game? [Mashokwe] Yes, are we talking about new things in this one? [Mdlalose] Oh no, come, we placed our ideas and our suggestions before the government and before the ANC a long time ago, and we consolidated them on 19 December 1993. We put them in black and white in what we call the Yellow Paper. Everybody knows about that. A new ball game? That's surprising! [Mashokwe] I am trying to understand one little thing. What are your non-negotiables as the IFP? [Mdlalose] We have put those papers to the whole world. We are saying, so far as the constitution is concerned the provinces must have powers, and those powers must be unfettered, and they should be able to be exercised by those provinces even in the future, not to be removed so easily by the central government without the proper acceptance by the provinces themselves, and by all the structures of government. Secondly, we are saying in order that those functions may be exercised the provinces must have power to have money, to collect money, that is, the fiscal powers of the provinces must be enhanced. Thirdly, we are saying the provinces as such must be able to have their own constitution, and to have a constitution, of course, in line with the general constitution of the whole country, but they must be able to make up their own constitutions and put them before everybody. [Mashokwe] But have these things not been addressed by these concessions? [Mdlalose] No, no. No, no. They have not been sufficiently addressed. [Mashokwe] The ANC, why don't you give the IFP what they want so that we march on to elections come 27 April? Is it difficult? [Zuma] Leslie, I don't think it is a question of giving the IFP want they want, it's a question of negotiating. I think we have been involved in negotiations for quite a long time, including the very package that the ANC has announced in the recent past, which is again an indication of how flexible the ANC can be. And I think the very fact that we had a meeting today is an indication that all of us are keen to discuss and find one another in the process. I think what is critical in negotiations is a spirit of being ready to give as well as take, and I think this is what we are doing, and this is what we would like all parties to be able to do, and I think we have done that, and I think we are in the process of perhaps even looking at the responses that the IFP is making to our package that we have come up with. [Mashokwe] Mr. Zuma, Dr. Mdlalose says here and now that those concessions do not meet with their demands, therefore the two of you are not finding each other yet. What else do you have to do? Do you know what you have to do in order to meet their demands? Are you prepared to do that? [Zuma] I think what we are prepared to do is to debate the issues. I am not certain whether we have had enough time with the IFP to sit down and look even at what the IFP says, it doesn't mean anything, because if we debated the matters we might actually emerge with a position where we could be even much closer. I think it is a question of us looking at this package, and looking at the criticism that the IFP is leveling against the package, and arguing back, because we do not believe if one has heard some noises, that all the objections that the IFP is making are not debatable. We think they are still debatable, and I am sure they would feel the same. [Mashokwe] I see that you know in your h?ad, but could I just go back to Mr. Zuma? You've had a chance with the 19 December -- the Yellow Paper that is being stated here. Have you addressed their concerns? Are going to be addressing these concerns at all? [Zuma] We have, we have addressed the concerns, and this is what we are saying -- negotiations, ever since they began more than two years ago, the business has been to address the concerns of other parties, and I think it goes on. And I think even the fact that today we have come to discuss some possibility of the international kind of people participating, as well as even the IFP saying -- we could register after consulting with our principal on the provisional basis -- is an indication of the process. I think the process is on. [Mashokwe] Mr. Mdlalose? [Mdlalose] Well, I agree entirely with what Jacob is saying. The issue is this -- it's not just a matter of yes, no, to an issue. It's an issue of, what does this involve? How far can this be taken? Take for example the issue of powers, powers for the provinces. It isn't just one power. There are several powers that are mentioned, and then, when you consider those powers in a sense you say how much of that power to be taken by the province or by the state will do, as we would prefer to say? Now then, you've discussed that and somebody might say, all right, that power may be given but it should be in the context that the national government will have a say over what you have got. Then we have to negotiate that. [Mashokwe] Dr. Mdlalose, it's almost like somebody who is watching could say the IFP has an attitude of -- if you don't give us what we want, we don't take part in the elections. Is that true? [Mdlalose] Well, that would be a wrong interpretation. [Mashokwe] What is the right one? [Mdlalose] We are saying, for the sake of South Africa, and that must be importantly understood. For the sake of South Africa, the constitution is best when it has this, that, or the other feature. We have already, in fact, considered many things even though we would not have liked to have considered those issues, but we have considered them in a spirit of understanding and reaching some consensus. So we see these powers have got to come up and we have mentioned them, and then of course the other party will say -- no, yes, you can have that, but not that far, then they well know we can't. We must have it at least thus far. So that there is negotiation. Negotiation is not just a matter of saying A or B. [Mashokwe] OK, I hear that it sounds very reasonable, but in actual fact here we have.... [Mdlalose, interrupting] It is in fact, it is in fact reasonable... [Mashokwe, continuing] I say it sounds reasonable, but out there the reality is that -- the chief minister said he does not recognize the authority of the TEC [Transitional Executive Council]. Now, the text here says: The responsibility for peace and the end of violence rests with the government. Again shifting the goal posts, shifting the blame to the government. Are you not as leaders supposed to be taking this responsibility on your shoulders and saying to your supporters: Stop it? [Mdlalose] But I don't think you have read that statement correctly. We have said it clearly that there is a responsibility on our part to redouble our efforts, those are the words we have said. It means we go on to our constituencies, we go on to the people on the ground, we go on to the structures of our parties, we meet ever so often with our branches and let them know that they must tolerate one another. We take part in the peace committee structures. There is a regional Dispute Resolution Committee, there are also the local dispute resolution committees. For example here in Natal we have got six centers that are actually manned by various people. Since certain instances some of our members don't turn up, in certain instances some of the ANC members do not turn up. So we have got to get to our people and say: Look, turn up. And that is not government, it's our parties. We are going to press them to go and take part in these dispute resolution committees... [Mashokwe, interrupting] OK.... [Mdlalose, continuing] ...and then we say the government might as well do its part. We are not saying that's only the government. [Mashokwe] Let me hear it from the ANC. Are you also redoubling your efforts, redoubling the issue of no revenge killings? How do you interpret it? [Zuma] Definitely, that's what we are saying. There are efforts which have been undertaken by both organizations, because it doesn't necessarily mean nothing has happened between the two organizations in an attempt to stamp out violence. We are saying we are going to redouble that effort. in other words, as two organizations we want to ensure that the peace structures that we are party to, and every other thing, including new initiatives, we are going to do everything we can. But we are then saying, there is a voice that comes from the government if there is a kind of violence. They will say this is between the IFP and the ANC, let them sort it out. We are saying, while we have got the responsibility to deal with the matters that we have just spelt out, the government at the end has the responsibility to ensure that there is law and order in this country, not to pass the buck and say -- violence is there, we can't do anything about it, it is a matter between the IFP and the ANC. [Mashokwe] Okay, I have to ask again on this issue of provisional registration. Will this influence in any way your relationship with the other members of the Freedom Alliance? [Mdlalose] Well, it may. We are working as a party to make decisions on our own as a party, but naturally we communicate our ideas to our partners in the Freedom Alliance. [Mashokwe] Do you think they will be disappointed with your move? [Mdlalose] I won't talk on their behalf, they are big enough to make those decisions. [Mashokwe] Let us try and get to the root of this. You have moved from an alliance that said it will not take part before A, B, C, and Z, etc. You've taken a stand now -- provisional registration. Is that not in the same tone. It seems to me it's not in the same tone with your friends in the Freedom Alliance. [Mdlalose] The first thing to recognize is the we have not decided on having those provisional registrations done yet. We are going to refer them to our Central Committee -- we have said that before. There has not been a decision as yet, but we are an independent party. If we think that is the right thing to be done, that will be so, then we'll inform the other parties. We have power to make our decisions; they also have power to make their own decisions. [Mashokwe] Mr. Zuma, let me go back to you. The issue of the ANC and socio-economic reconstruction development. Are we in a situation now where we could say you are going to be able to pursue this, say within the Natal region? [Zuma] Certainly, that is our aim. That is what we would like to do. All that we are doing, basically we would like to have peace and stability. We don't think it is a good thing that our people should be killing one another, because if there's violence there is no peace and stability, then you cannot address the question of reconstruction and development. That has to take place within the context and environment that is conducive. If there is violence, there is destruction of property, burning of houses, etc.; then you cannot have that kind of situation. That is why the issue of stopping violence is a cardinal question that here, particularly Natal, we've got to work so closely all of us to ensure that we succeed. [Mashokwe] OK, let us look at the new task group. In the past when the leaders had met they have come up with meeting -- with task groups or committees. How effective is this one going to be which is charged with bringing back peace in this area [as heard]? How are you going to go about it practically on the ground? [Zuma] We believe that in order to follow up the decisions taken today and the discussions and other agreements reached before, we do need the task force that is going to ensure that the kind of double efforts that we are talking about are actually put in place. It has to meet and plan as to how do we in practice take these decisions and implement them and ensure that decisions, like the two leaders visiting various areas, are undertaken. I think we, by the task force, we are trying to ensure that our decisions don't suffer delay in implementation -- and also which implementation -- that they should be implemented quickly and effectively. [Mashokwe] Dr. Mdlalose? [Mdlalose] And that also there should be facilitation of the national peace structures at local levels. [Mashokwe] Gentlemen, I have to ask you this. It would appear you have avoided in this statement here the issue of the king and the monarchy. What is the agreement there, because they live close to the hearts of.... [Mdlalose, interrupting] We discussed the issue of the king and we have not included it in our statement. It's a lot of concern and there are a lot of sensitivities about that. But we went into that and we did not feel it was our duty really to make pronouncements on that issue. [Mashokwe] But it is an issue that South Africans would want to know about. Mr. Zuma, is it not important to tell us what you discussed at least? [Zuma] The issue was discussed as Dr. Mdlalose says we will not necessarily put it in a statement, but there was an indication from the ANC's position for an example that the ANC recognizes and respects the king, and I think you should be aware that in the ANC's position the respect of the traditional leadership has been pronounced. Even the interim constitution that is there does provide this, and we believe that in the provincial constitution which will deal with the peculiarities of Natal as Natal, that issue will certainly be accommodated. But we did not necessarily discuss it with an aim to conclude the issue, because we know the issue is under discussion. That's why we thought it was not necessary to put it in the statement here. [Mashokwe] Does provisional constitutions [as heard] make enough room for the kingdom of Zululand in your view, Dr. Mdlalose? [Mdlalose] Provincial constitutions? [Mashokwe] Yes, the ones that have been agreed upon. [Mdlalose] Well, from the point of view of IFP we have provision for the position of the king. [Mashokwe] Are you satisfied with those pronouncements that the ANC has come up with in that regard? [Mdlalose] There is a lot still to be discussed. I mean, the ANC have made their comments about it, but there is nothing that's finalized, as Mr. Zuma said. [Mashokwe] Gentlemen, I have to ask you this in conclusion. Which of you believe that there is a need for a Zulu volkstaat [homeland]? Do you believe there is a need, Mr. Zuma? [Mdlalose] A Zulu volkstaat? We have not spoken about a Zulu volkstaat [laughter from Zuma]. And that is not equivalent to a Zulu kingdom. [Mashokwe] OK, let me get this quickly, you're left with 10 seconds. [Zuma] No, but the Zulu kingdom is there. It has been there. It is not a question of debate about it. I think what is being debated is the role and the place of it constitutionally. I don't think there's anyone who debates or disputes the fact of the Zulu kingdom. [Mdlalose] The Zulu kingdom is there. It has been there for centuries. And no one is going to abolish that. [Mashokwe] Dr. Mdlalose, Mr. Zuma, thank you for talking to us. That was Newsline from Durban and thank you for watching, good night.

The kwaZulu Legislative Assembly caucus has supported the agreement reached between Mr. Mandela and Dr. Buthelezi on international mediation. However, it questioned the deadline for the registration of political parties, saying there could be no solution if the process of registering parties ran its course before mediation could bring effective solutions to the constitutional crisis.

[Report bu Craig Doonan] Durban March 2 SAPA -- Inkatha Freedom Party [IFP] leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi on Wednesday [2 March] called for a Zulu kingdom separate from the rest of South Africa and said the kwaZulu government could not be held responsible for the Zulu nation's anger if elections proceeded without this demand being met. Addressing a kwaZulu legislative assembly caucus meeting in Ulundi, Mr Buthelezi said: "We need to separate the kingdom of kwaZulu from the rest of South Africa." "If this can be done through a constitutional principle in the 1993 Constitution then we will entertain constitutional amendments to this effect." If the African National Congress and the SA Government went ahead with the April poll without the Zulu king's demands being met, "the kwaZulu government cannot be held responsible for the anger of the Zulu nation". Mr Buthelezi made no mention of his talks with ANC [African National Congress] President Nelson Mandela on Tuesday at which he agreed to consider registering the IFP for South Africa's first all-race elections in April. Repeating his rejection to recent constitutional concessions, the IFP president said these did not even begin to address demands for exclusive provincial powers, autonomous regional taxing powers, and the protection and guarantee of regional constitutions against arbitrary decisions of the constituent assembly. King Goodwill Zwelithini was demanding formal recognition and constitutional accommodation of the kingdom of kwaZulu, he added. Furthermore, the constitution had to make provision for the "establishment of a constitution by the provincial legislature of kwaZulu/Natal which shall recognise and protect the institution, status and role of the king of the Zulus, the kingdom of kwaZulu and the traditional leaders as well as their powers with regard to indigenous laws, customs, culture, language and land tenure system". The "intractable" problem concerning the problem of King Zwelithini and the kingdom of kwaZulu could not be resolved through amending sections of the present constitution, but through a constitutional principle only. The new constitutional principle on self-determination was not compatible with the king's demands, said Mr Buthelezi. "The position of our government regarding the failure of the SA Government and the ANC to accommodate our reasonable demands remains exactly the same as before. "To deny the citizens of kwaZulu the right to self-determination is a savage attempt to strip us of our cultural heritage, to belittle the traditional importance of his majesty the king of the Zulus, and to eradicate all evidence of our Zulu existence." Mr Buthelezi again slammed the ANC for "manipulating" the constitutional process to subject Zulus to the "illegitimate sovereignty of the ANC/SA Communist Party alliance without our consent, without these people having defeated us, and against our will". "As far as his majesty the king is concerned, elections in kwaZulu can only take place once this issue of sovereignty has been resolved." The Zulu nation was demanding an end to the illegitimate domination of its territory, said Mr Buthelezi, and "what the king is demanding is not so wild when one has been watching the ease with which the (State President F W) de Klerk government has just handed back Walvis Bay to Namibia".

Dr. Mangosuthu Buthelezi has denied reports that Mr. Mandela has offered a post as vice president to ensure the IFP's [Inkatha Freedom Party] participation in the election. However, he confirmed that he and Mr. Mandela had discussed possible positions the IFP would be qualified for in the future government.

[Report by S. Denny] Durban March 2 SAPA--The leaders of the Freedom Alliance have been summoned to an emergency meeting in Cape Town on Thursday [3 March] to discuss its latest position, SABC [South African Broadcasting Corporation] radio news reported on Wednesday. This follows talks between African National Congress President Nelson Mandela and Inkatha Freedom Party [IFP] leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi in Durban. An IFP central committee meeting will be held in Ulundi on Friday to discuss the party's provisional registration for the election and the role of international mediators.

Cape Town March 3 SAPA -- The Freedom Alliance [FA] would make a decision on registering for the elections once there was a clear response to its proposal for international mediation, its leaders decided in Cape Town on Thursday [3 March]. At a meeting in a Constantia hotel it was decided to appoint a committee to investigate all the ramifications of mediation action. The decision to go ahead would rest with the Inkatha Freedom Party's [IFP] Central Committee on Friday, which must consider IFP leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi's offer of provisional registration for the election. The leaders of the Freedom Alliance, Mr Buthelezi, President Lucas Mangope of Bophuthatswana, Dr. Ferdi Hartzenberg of the Conservative Party and Gen Constand Viljoen of the Afrikaner Volksfront [National Front] met at the cellars in Constantia and started their deliberations shortly after 10:30AM on Thursday. After almost three hours of talks the Bophuthatswana Foreign Minister Rowan Cronje made a brief statement on their behalf. He said in view of the present state of affairs the alliance members had endorsed Mr Buthelezi's initiative to break the deadlock -- his call for international mediation. "It would be presumptuous of us to say who should be called to mediate." He said that would still have to be decided. "We are waiting for a response of Mr Nelson Mandela to the proposal put by Chief Buthelezi." Only then could the framework and agreement to the terms of mediation be determined. "Time is important. It is important for both mediation, which can take place very speedily, and for registration." Mr Buthelezi was asked whether he believed mediation could take place and registration effected in time for the elections. "That is not determined by myself, it doesn't depend on me. If the (IFP) Central Committee decides to register then it means that it is accepted in principle." He stressed that he personally had not decided to register but had suggested mediation in that regard, a proposal which would be put to the IFP Central Committee. For this purpose he had moved forward Saturday's Central Committee meeting by one day. In that way he could not be accused of meaningless gestures as the deadline for registration is on Friday midnight. Dr. Hartzenberg also confirmed the alliance's stand. "The whole matter of registration is connected to mediation," he said. He would not speculate on the hypothetical ANC agreement to the mediation proposal. Asked about possible dissension within CP ranks regarding participation or non-participation in the elections, he said it had been thoroughly discussed and a decision had been taken. The alliance leaders were concerned about what Mr Cronje called the unilateral suspension of negotiations by the government. "Does it mean they don't want us in the election?" Mr Buthelezi asked. "We would like an inclusive settlement before the elections."

[Report by C. Doonan] Durban March 3 SAPA -- State President F W de Klerk said on Thursday [3 March] he did not believe there was enough time for mediation to bring the Inkatha Freedom Party [IFP] back into South Africa's transition and urged ongoing dialogue to achieve this end. "I don't think mediation is a very expeditious means," he told reporters after meeting community leaders in Pietermaritzburg -- part of his election roadshow through Natal. "Time is of the essence," he said, adding that direct dialogue was the best way to overcome differences. Mr de Klerk told parties intent on boycotting the election that they were "shooting themselves in the foot". On reports of a split in the Conservative Party [CP], Mr de Klerk said it did not surprise him, as he believed there was strong support by CP members at grassroots level to contest the April poll. In reply to a question, Mr de Klerk said he did not feel intimidated by venturing into kwaZulu territory, saying he had not received any negative reaction from IFP President Mangosuthu Buthelezi on his journey into that region. Mr de Klerk will on Friday afternoon visit strife-torn Umbumbulu south of Durban, a district of kwaZulu which has been wracked by years of political violence. Mr de Klerk also said he had discussed issues such as abortion and satanism with a group of church, local government, traditional and other leaders in Pietermaritzburg on Thursday morning. On abortion, he said he believed the NP [National Party] policy which outlawed unnatural birth except under exceptional circumstances, was a good one. Only when the life of a mother was in jeopardy did the NP believe abortion should be considered. Mr de Klerk moved to central Pietermartizburg later on Thursday.

[Report by L. Braid] Cape Town March 2 SAPA -- President F W de Klerk on Wednesday [2 March] advised Freedom Alliance parties to register for the election to ensure their voice was heard and so that they could participate in negotiations. "My advice is for them to register and participate. They will not be giving anything away but will ensure their voice being heard; that they will be represented; and will fully become part of the continuing negotiation process," he said at Tuynhuys after meeting Portuguese Foreign Minister Dr Jose Barroso. "Participation does not prevent anyone from continuing with negotiations." He said that after his talks on Tuesday evening with Freedom Alliance leader Gen Constand Viljoen, the ball was now in the Alliance's court. "We would like some specific proposals and then negotiations can continue. These can be concluded before the elections for implementation after the elections. I believe such an agreement would be better for all concerned. "Reneging after the election will be visible for everyone to see, will leave more than a bad tase and would have international focus." A signed agreement could contribute to defusing tensions. Mr de Klerk would not comment on his discussions with Gen Viljoen except to say he had the impression there was a move for the election date to be shifted. He had stressed the process had reached the stage when it had to continue on its course. He did not foresee Parliament being recalled again soon because "the strength of the amended constitution which we passed for federalism is such that there is no reason for them (the Alliance) not to participate."

The newly founded African Christian Democratic Party, the ACDP, has launched its manifesto. It aims to provide a platform for what it calls the silent majority who want peace. The ACDP says its image, unlike those of other parties, is not scarred by the past. The party's president-elect, Reverend Kenneth Meshoe, says he had a message from God to form a party which will represent Christians. The party's main policy will be to bring about peace through the word of God. [Begin Meshoe recording] We are meeting a need that nobody at the moment is meeting. Most South Africans do believe in God. That is why when you talk of bringing God back into government, they are comfortable with that. [end recording] Reverend Meshoe says unlike other parties they will be consistent in carrying over the message of peace. [Begin Meshoe recording] As everybody wants a good economy, everybody wants jobs, everybody wants investment in the country, we say for investments to come to the country must be stable, and for stability to be there, there must be peace, and for peace to be there people must be reconciled one to the other. [end recording] The ACDP believes in an open market economy. It favors a federal government with maximum constitutional powers at the lowest level. The party will contest all nine regions and claims to have strong support countrywide.

The 20th party that will take part in the election registered this morning. The Luso South African Party, Lusap, will represent primarily the Portuguese community.

Foreign Affairs Minister Pik Botha says a party cannot come to power, no matter with what majority, if it cannot cope with the economic challenges of Africa. Addressing a National Party gathering in Johannesburg's southern suburbs last night, Mr. Botha said the ANC [African National Congress] was so busy with its internal political work that it was forgetting about the world. He said a new government could not afford to have large budget deficits or loans that the economy could not carry. [Begin Botha recording] Not only South Africans possess holiday homes. A vast number of overseas investors possess holiday homes. A vast numbner of people from abroad have farms in this country. They have invested in this country. Business corporations, business companies from all over Europe and from America have game farms, they have holiday homes, and the government that touches those rights will get into trouble with the governments of those citizens whose rights are in this way affected, and tax everybody out of existence. [end recording] Mr. Botha went on to say that the ANC was to blame for the problems experienced within the peacekeeping force. [Begin Botha recording, in Afrikaans] That is the kind of thing you get with the aggressive insistence of the ANC to get its way over us. Let the ANC have its way, and the whole defense force will end up like that peacekeeping force. [end recording]

Pretoria March 3 SAPA -- The Afrikaner Volksfront [National Front -- AVF] on Thursday [3 March] denied that there was "any talk" of a split in its ranks. AVF media secretary Stephan Maninger said in a statement: "The National Party media is usually inclined to reach new heights of the imagination shortly before the elections." The statement followed speculation that some rightwingers considered forming a breakaway organisation to contest the elections in defiance of those who persist in their hard-line stance to boycott the polls.

Pretoria March 1 SAPA -- Members of the National Peace Keeping Force [NPKF] are refusing to continue training until a dispute over a disparity in salaries has been resolved, the NPKF's Command Council said on Tuesday [1 March]. A NPKF statement said both the Command Council and the NPKF's general officer commanding, Maj-Gen Gabriel Ramushwana, took the matter "very seriously". "It is believed the necessary steps will be taken quickly to resolve this issue," said the statement. The NPKF could not be reached for further information.

Groups of soldiers are reported to be going absent without leave from the National Peacekeeping Force Barracks at De Brug near Bloemfontein. Our Bloemfontein news staff reports that the soldiers, carrying their baggage, have been seen on the way to the city. They refused to talk to reporters, and it's not known whether they intend leaving permanently. The commander of the peace force, Major General Gabriel Ramushwana was unavailable for comment. Members of the Transitional Executive Council, TEC, visited the place today, but it is not known whether the wage dispute that resulted in a strike by members of the force has been resolved.

Pretoria March 2 SAPA -- The Transitional Executive Council [TEC] said on Wednesday problems at the National Peacekeeping Force [NPKF] barracks at De Brug Base outside Bloemfontein were administrative. In a statement in Pretoria, the council said senior administrative members had left for De Brug to urge striking trainee peacekeepers to return to work. NPKF members refused training on Tuesday when they discovered they were being paid at the lowest rate for their particular rank, instead of at the highest rate which they had been promised. The highest rates had been recommended by the NPKF Command Council to the Transitional Executive Council Sub-Council on Defence. However, the sub-council had only approved the lowest rates. A TEC management committee delegation would also visit the base soon, the statement said.

The Transitional Executive Council has approved a 129 million rand budget for the National Peacekeeping Force. The budget covers the cost of the peacekeeping force until 31 March. It covers salary and administration costs for both the De Brug Camp near Bloemfontein and the camp near Koeberg.

The Transitional Executive Council hopes to settle matters today with members of the National Peacekeeping Force at De Brug near Bloemfontein who are striking over a wage dispute. About 80 percent of the force went on strike on Tuesday, and many left the base because they did not receive the top scale for their rank as promised earlier. A force spokesman said many of the deserters have returned. He said every day lost could have a disruptive effect since it was affecting the training of the troops, which was now in its final stages.

Cape Town March 1 SAPA--The Transitional Executive Council [TEC] has resolved that the R[rand]90-billion housing plan announced by Housing Minister Louis Shill should be suspended until the controversy about the matter has been settled, SABC [South African Broadcasting Corporation] radio news reported on Tuesday [1 March]. The Council could not agree on another resolution, which among other things asked for the minister's action to be condemned. Democratic Party negotiator said Mr Shill should be allowed to explain his position before such a resolution could be accepted. African National Congress [ANC] Secretary General Cyril Ramaphosa said the housing scheme was still under discussion at a multiparty level within the housing forum. Mr Shill was summoned to appear before the TEC at its next sitting in Pretoria to answer questions from the Council and the National Housing Forum. The ANC, the ANC-aligned SA [South African] National Civic Organisation and the National Housing Forum have said the minister's announcement was unilateral and "blatant politicking". The announcement had damaged the process of achieving concensus on housing subsidy policy and thereby delayed the delivery of housing. By announcing an "incomplete" housing guarantee scheme, long and sensitive negotiations undertaken to bring the banks into the delivery of low income housing might also now be jeopardised, they claimed.

The ANC [African National Congress] has warned financial institutions against involvement in the 90-billion-rand housing program announced by the minister of national housing, Mr. Louis Shill. The party said it would not recognize any such contracts signed before the election, and said the scheme would have to be sanctioned by the Transitional Executive Council before being implemented. The ANC added that it would oppose any attempt by the National Party to preempt the electoral right of the voters to pass their judgment on housing. The Transitional Executive Council has decided that the scheme should be suspended until differences on the issue have been resolved. Mr. Shill claimed that politically motivated organizations wanted the provision of housing delayed until a new government was in power.

[By political correspondent Pierre Claassen] Cape Town March 1 SAPA -- ANC [African National Congress] Secretary General Cyril Ramaphosa has called for the resignation of National Housing Minister Louis Shill for trying to hijack political benefit for the National Party [NP] government by announcing a multi-billion housing programme. Mr Ramaphosa made the call in a resoluation submitted to the Transitional Executive Council [TEC] at its Cape Town sitting on Tuesday. [1 March] Quoting newspaper reports and producing the official media release, he said Mr Shill had arrogantly proceeded to make an announcement on an as yet incomplete package negotiated by the multi-party National Housing Forum [NHF]. "He is clearly taking the housing issue and making it a party political matter," he said. Mr Ramaphosa told the council that when it was heard that Mr Shill was going to make the announcement, he was asked to wait and do so jointly with the NHF. "They (NHF) say the announcement is premature and has the potential to put at risk everything they have done." It was quite clear that by making the announcement Mr Shill was trying to demonstarte to the country that one party, the NP government, was solely responsible for the plan. "He is abusing his position as a minister by using a package negotiated at a multi-party forum to boost the fortunes of the National Party. "It is the most arrogant, the cheapest shot Mr Shill could take on an issue like this," he said. Housing was a national issue and had to be handled on a multi-party level. The issue affected the levelling of the playing field (the primary function of the TEC). Mr Shill had made it unlevel. "We have had enormous problems with this minister." When the housing board was formed he had made it clear he would not be dictated to. "This minister must be brought to book." He should be brought before the council, along with the NHF, to explain his actions. "I would like to say that this government is on its way out, and that ministers should not make announcements on issues that affect all our people without first making sure at multi-partyy level that there is agreement." After listening to the response of some members, including Dr Dawie de Villiers, who called for fuller information before condemnatory action was taken, Mr Ramaphosa called for the minister's resignation. "We have had good relations with other ministers who have constrained themselves and not acted on a unilateral basis but consulted on a multi-party basis." He named Dr de Villiers and the complicated issue of cellular phones. The minister of finance and of foreign affairs were other examples. Mr Shill's actions was upsetting the tenuous balance which the council was trying to establish over the transition. "He has done the country a disservice -- he must go," Mr Ramaphosa said. The debate on his proposal was adjourned to allow efforts to be made to get Mr Shill to attend the session and explain himself.

[Report by E. van Wyk] Pretoria March 1 SAPA -- Housing Minister Louis Shill on Tuesday [1 March] denied that the government's announcement of a R[rand]90 billion housing plan was premature and accused the National Housing Forum [NHF] of delaying tactics to obstruct its implementation. "By frustrating the housing process rather than encouraging it, my impression is that the forum has now yielded completely to political influences which sole purpose is to delay the delivery of housing until after the election for political gain," Mr Shill said in a statement. Discussions with mortgage lending organisations were far advanced and it would be "sad" if the forum should try to impede progress in this regard. He was reacting to NHF criticism that the announcement was unilateral, premature and jeopardised a resolution on the housing crisis. Mr Shill pointed out that the scheme had been negotiated with housing role players for about a year and that it had been recommended by the fully representative National Housing Board. "The government has not been premature in announcing the scheme. If anything, we stand accused of allowing the NHF of delaying the process for too long." [as received] The NHF had literally since its inception delayed the discussions on the grant scheme, he said. "The suggestion that we have to delay the process -- which in fact means that the regional housing boards cannot proceed with their task until the administrative arrangements have been approved by the forum -- is preposterous. This decision was based on lengthy discussions and expert advice. Any accusations of premature and unilateral action is based on a frustration of not being able to delay matters any further." Citing examples, Mr Shill said in March last year the NHF declared December 1993 as their target date for resolving the subsidy policy but the body did not start discussions until September 1993 despite requests by him. It was then agreed by the Department of National Housing and the NHF that the target date for finalising the subsidy policy would be November 1993, but through further delays documentation was only agreed upon on December 14 1993, after which it was submitted to the National Housing Board for advice. "The National Housing Board recommended that the minister (Mr Shill) proceed with the scheme but at this late stage the NHF insisted on further changes and wanted to refer the matter to their plenary meeting on March 14, 1994." He was happy to discuss housing matters with the forum but the decision to proceed with the scheme and when to announce it remained his responsibility, Mr Shill said.

Foreign Minister Durao Barroso is in South Africa. He will meet the community at a time of great uncertainty in the country. The are concerned about the political changes. Maria de Lurdes Torcato was at the airport when the minister arrived. [Begin recording] [Torcato] Durao Barroso is going to Cape Town where he is to meet President de Klerk. Tomorrow he is expected to meet Nelson Mandela at home in Johannesburg at 0730. He is also to meet the President of PAC, the leader of the Conservative Party, and General Viljoen of the Afrikaner National Front. Durao Barroso's arrival coincided with the registration of the Luso African Party, Lusap, which hopes to obtain the votes of the community and to elect at least one MP, at the national or regional level, who will represent the interests of this important linguistic minority in South Africa. Durao Barroso spoke about the new party. [Barroso] Obviously, I cannot and will not, as a representative of the people, comment on matters of a party political nature. It is up to the residing here, those who have he right to vote -- many can now vote because they have been here for over five years -- to make their choice conscienciously and freely. I will not in any way say what they should do. They are adults with the ability to discern, with full use of their rights, to make the choices which they believe to be the best for themselves and their families. However, I can make a general recommendation, in the name of the government, and that is that they participate, participate in the transition process, that they do not exclude themselves, and that they never set up a ghetto. This would be in my opinion very negative. For the set themselves up in a, shall we say, ghetto of the political system, or to decline to participate...[pauses] it is important for them to be associated to the transition at the moment. It is important to feel really integrated and that the South African society recognizes them also as active members in this transition and in this society. But as for their political choices, it is not up to me to comment. [Torcato] Tomorrow Durao Barroso will open the conference on the transition to democracy and regional cooperation, organized by the South African Institute for External Relations. [end recording]

[Editorial Report] THE CITIZEN Housing Scheme Becomes `Political Football' -- Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English on 2 March in its page-6 editorial comments on Housing Minister Louis Shill's announcement of a 90 billion rand housing plan, saying "it is a shame that a vast housing scheme for the low-income group should be turned into a political football, to be kicked around by the ANC [African National Congress] and its associates." It is also "a disgrace" that the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) should not only call for the schemes's suspension but summon a minister before it to explain his actions. "But then the TEC has gone far beyond the State President's original intention that it should have advisory and not executive powers. It intends to run the country ahead of the election and it refuses to allow the government to take decisions without its consent, even on such matters as a housing scheme which brings great benefits to poorer people. It is not that Mr Shill has jumped the gun, but that the ANC and its allies are pointing the gun at Mr Shill and the government." THE STAR Mandela-Buthelezi Meeting Breaks Talks Deadlock -- Referring to the Mandela-Buthelezi meeting, Johannesburg THE STAR in English on 3 March in a page-14 editorial states that "whether it had been broken, breached or merely dented, something had happened to the deadlock." "Emotionally, we have a new lease on the hope of peace. The outlines of a compromise are discernible. The ANC and the Government should now, while feelings are warm and spirits high, drop their insistence on so much overriding central power. The Freedom Alliance should forgo its insistence on the restoration of the pre-colonial Zulu monarchy and the establishment of an ethnically exclusive Afrikaner volkstaat [homeland]." BUSINESS DAY Buthelezi Changes Negotiating Style -- It is "premature and wishful thinking" to believe that the Mandela-Buthelezi meeting represents a breaking of the talks deadlock, says a page-8 editorial in Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English on 3 March. Buthelezi changed his "negotiating style" and "instead of responding to Mandela's approach with the usual, gruff `this proposal is fatally flawed', was `all smiles'." An explanation for Buthelezi's new approach is that faced with pressures, Buthelezi and Inkatha decided on the new approach "because they needed extra breathing space to avoid a poll they are likely to lose. The process of international mediation could also help them regain some moral high ground." BEELD Intimidation Campaign Against De Klerk -- An editorial on page 10 of Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans on 25 February says: "Intimidation is an evil which cannot be easily erased during the current election campaign. It is clear that no political party can be declared entirely innocent, but nevertheless a certain pattern is beginning to take form." "What emerges is that President F.W. de Klerk, as leader of the National Party, has all too often been on the receiving end from ANC supporters. In contrast, ANC leader Mr. Nelson Mandela is able to address his followers relatively unhindered. Mr. Tony Leon of the Democratic Party was this week able to move through Alexander township peacefully, as was Minister Roelf Meyer through Soweto. Examples of the campaign against President de Klerk were evident during his visits to the various regions...reaching a low point...when he was struck by an object thrown at him, and at Kimberley...where a meeting had to be cancelled for his safety. It is clearly no coincidence that these attacks follow bitter personal criticsm of President de Klerk by Mr. Mandela." Homeland Sets Time Bomb Ticking -- In his "Political Beeld" column on the same page Willie Kuhn warns: "Even among those who ought to know better, a dangerous oh-well-why-not approach has emerged -- give the right wing their homeland, so there can be peace in the land." "Therein lies the danger -- that half-baked plans will be accepted in order to achieve temporary peace; but this will set a time bomb ticking." He adds: "What happened at Newcastle this week is an indication of the explosive force which can be triggered by homeland claims. The right wing says Newcastle belongs to it, the Zulus consider it as part of the Zulu kingdom, the ANC supporters believe it is part of South Africa -- and the Indians are probably wondering how they are going to be Pakistanized. Even in Standerton the right wing and the ANC are fighting for possession." "A homeland cannot be established through emotional force," as this "would simply repeat and multiply the mistakes of the past. Sober reasoning is needed, rather than irresponsible surrender." "There must be thousands of right wingers who realize that a homeland cannot be simply wished into being. The blacks in the so-called homeland towns will not simply evaporate; nor will they accept sudden alien status in their own country." "These right wingers cannot close their eyes to the creation of a tragedy in South Africa." ID Document Fraud Causes Concern -- An editorial on page 8 of Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans on 28 February says: "The alleged fraud involving the issuing of identity documents to young Zimbabweans entering northern Transvaal legally or illegally is reason for great concern. Should the allegations prove to be true, it could mean that thousands of Zimbabweans will be able to vote in the April election. Apart from the fact that this would be illegal, the implications of such voting are enormous. Such foreigners could even play a decisive role in the election in the north of the country. Part of the problem appears to be that Shangaan-and Venda- speaking blacks live on both sides of the South African-Zimbabwean border. As a result of a lack of jobs, and sometimes food, in Zimbabwe, many of these people enter the northern Transvaal and they can be mistaken for, and registered as, South African citizens." "We hope that the Department of Home Affairs and the electoral commission will investigate these allegations urgently and get hold of the offenders."

Libreville, 2 Mar (AFP) -- The fifth conference of African finance ministers today severely criticized the recent "substantial and uncoordinated" devaluation of the CFA franc. The criticisms are contained in the resolution the participants adopted in Libreville on the last day of the meeting held under the auspices of the UN Economic Commission for Africa. During the public examination of the draft resolution, only Cote d'Ivoire's delegation intervened for the removal of the portion saying that "sudden, substantial, and uncoordinated devaluations are inefficient solutions in the African context." Also, Cote d'Ivoire did not want the resolution to say that the devaluation of the CFA franc was "caused by external and internal pressures on African countries." In the text that was adopted, the ministers and their representatives called on the IMF and the World Bank to henceforth take "a critical look at the issue of efficiency of substantial devaluations in African countries. This is mainly in view of the inflexible structures of the continent's economies and, in particular, the steady fall in the prices of basic cash crops." The resolution also stressed the "negative effects of substantial and non-coordinated devaluations on interregional cooperation and integration" when describing the 50-percent devaluation of the CFA franc decided on 11 January.

Accra, 2 Mar (GNA/PANA) -- Twelve people were killed and 21 others wounded when soldiers shot to disperse a crowd that besieged the Agricultural Development Bank (ADB) in Tamale, Ghana's northern regional capital on Monday [1 March], police said in Accra on Tuesday. Nine of the victims died during the incident while three died later in hospital, a police spokesman said. He said the crowd had marched on the bank when word went round that a Kokomba man was inside to cash some money, apparently to lynch him. "The bank called in the soldiers after the crowd refused to heed appeals to disperse after failure to convince them that no Kokomba man was inside", the police spokesman said. When the soldiers failed to disperse the crowd by shooting into the air, "they started shooting into the crowd which had by then started stoning them". The incident has undermined the relative calm that had slowly returned to the municipality over the past two weeks, after previous incidents of rioting, killings, arson and looting, in the wake of the Kokomba-Nanumba ethnic conflict, which later engulfed the north to include the Dagombas and Gonjas. The Tamale municipality is predominantly Dagomba. The National Mobilisation Programme (NMP) said over 120,000 people have so far been registered as refugees and are being held in schools, mosques, church compounds, police stations and military barracks in the conflict areas. More than 1,000 corpses had been buried following the fighting, which erupted after a Nanumba killed a Kokomba man in a marketplace row over the price of a guinea fowl. Several others either died in the bush or were thrown into rivers or burnt alive in their houses. The police said all markets within the Tamale Municipality had been temporarily closed down and a night curfew continues while a three-month state of emergency has been clamped on the conflict areas of Gushiegu/Karaga, Zabzugu/Tatale, east Gonja, Nanumba, Saboba/Chereponi and Yendi. Meanwhile, police said three persons were injured Tuesday night when a grenade exploded at the yam market in Accra, popularly known as "Kokomba market" because the Kokombas who are mainly yam farmers are engaged in the supply and distribution of the food stuff to that market. They named the three, who were described as traders, as Kwaku Sasu and Eric Danso, on admission with serious injuries and Joseph Asare, who had been treated and discharged. "No one has claimed responsibility for the explosion and no one has been arrested. But we believe the incident is a spillover of the Kokomba-Nanumba conflict in the northern region", they said. They said one unexploded grenade was found at the site of the incident, and that the injured were asleep when the grenade exploded. Police said three men in military uniform were seen in the market area about the time of the incident and that investigations are going on. The National Electoral Commission (NEC) has postponed indefinitely the district election slated for 22 March in the entire northern region and parts of the Volta and Brong-Ahafo regions which experienced a spillover of the conflict.

It seems as if the government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola [UNITA] are finally reaching agreements on specific principles and modalities of national reconciliation and may soon close down this topic. Today, more than ever before, the news blackout was reinforced in Lusaka. The only information that our correspondent in Lusaka was able to obtain is that the negotiating teams continue to meet and in view of the time they took for discussions [words indistinct]. Pedro Manuel reports. Good evening! The press was not able to obtain any kind of information on the peace talks between the government and UNITA today. This is because, first, the morning session lasted more than usual and second, after this afternoon's session, the negotiating teams began to hold their own meetings, which are still going on. According to reports, the parties are expected to once and for all conclude discussions on specific principles and modalities of national reconciliation. The information that only two points remain to be discussed in this topic, has not been denied yet. What is more, in view of today's intense movement it is very probable that the mediators have set a deadline to reach an agreement on national reconciliation. Sources here say the parties have already reached agreements on issues such as administrative decentralization and UNITA's participation in the country's administration.

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Amendment Bill and the Electoral Amendment Bill have both been approved by Parliament. The Constitutional Bill was approved by 115 votes to 33, while the Electoral Bill was approved by 170 votes to 28. Dissenting parties to the Constitutional Bill in the House of Assembly were the Inkatha Freedom Party [IFP], the Conservative Party [CP] and Independent MP's aligned to the Afrikaner Volksfront [Afrikaner National Front -- AVF]. The CP reiterated its rejection of the amendments saying they had been inspired by communists. CP leader, Dr. Ferdie Hartzenberg, said that the constitution provided for a unitary state and that none of the amendments changed this. The National Party [NP] and the Democratic Party [DP] supported the bill saying the Freedom Alliance had received everything it had asked for. The amendments, among other things, grant further regional powers, introduced the principle of a volkstaat [homeland], and permit a double ballot. The five IFP members in the house joined the NP, DP, and ANC [African National Congress] in voting for the Electoral Bill. It was opposed by members of the CP caucus and independent MP's aligned to the AVF. Parliament also approved a resolution empowering the state president to extend the operation of the 1990 Indemnity Act for a further year until 17 May 1995.

State President F.W. de Klerk has ruled out a reconvening of parliament before the election next month. Speaking at a news conference at Tuynhuys in Cape Town he said the constitution had been amended to accommodate the demands of the Freedom Alliance, and that it was now up to the Alliance to make a tangible contribution.

[From the "Focus on Africa" program] Very little is being said about the state of play in the border row between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula and the islands in the Gulf of Guinea. The region has been the scene of clashes, of troop movements, and flight of populations of Nigerian nationals. Now, President Eyadema of Togo has turned up in Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon, setting speculative tongues wagging. On the line to Yaounde, Ajoa Yeboah-Afari asked our reporter, William Moles, if it was known what President Eyadema was doing there: [Begin recording] [Moles] Well, nothing has been said, especially, yet. In fact, the government has been tight-lipped over all the negotiations that have been going on in the last few weeks. But I do know that President Eyadema met with President Paul Biya this morning for half an hour, but I have just missed them at the Hilton at lunch time. I just heard from sources at state television that he is now on his way to Abuja. They also said that he had sent his foreign minister to Abuja on Monday [28 February]. So, I don't think there is much doubt that he is here in some kind of negotiating role between Nigeria and Cameroon. Also, sources at the Foreign Ministry here told me that President Omar Bongo from Gabon will also be arriving in Yaounde shortly. State radio reported earlier on this week that he wanted to use his experience to negotiate between Nigeria and Cameroon over the Bakassi dispute. [Yeboah-Afari] We understand that there is also a French naval vessel nearby. Can you confirm this? [Moles] Yes, I can confirm this. I have had confirmation of this from the French Embassy here. At the Nigerian Embassy, they are rather alarmed by the arrival of this French frigate they call the (Vondemiere). It came to the port in Douala last night with a crew of about 90 sailors. At the French Embassy they say that it is just here for a routine surveillance trip and that they were also here last September. But obviously, the Nigerians here are naturally a bit skeptical about that. [Yeboah-Afari] Well, we understand that the French Embassy are saying that the current round of negotiations are going on quite smoothly. What would you say to this? [Moles] Well, they haven't actually revealed a great deal about negotiations. All they did say to me was that there has been some progress in the negotiations after their meetings in Abuja on Tuesday [1 March], and they also said that the fierce pronouncements of Baba Kingibe, Nigeria's foreign minister, in a press conference yesterday, were rhetorical and they didn't really say the atmosphere in which they talks were conducted. They really have not said much more than that. [end recording]

Yaounde, 3 Mar (AFP)--Cameroonian President Paul Biya said today in Yaounde that he wanted a "peaceful, final, and lasting solution" to the border dispute between his country and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula. In a very short statement on national television following the visit of Togolese President Gnassingbe Eyadema, President Biya expressed his "desire to seek a final, lasting, and peaceful solution," the television quoted him as saying. "My brother and friend Eyadema and I had similar views on the development and promotion of peace on the continent," Mr. Biya added. President Biya, who was publicly mentioning this conflict for the first time, did not comment on the latest declarations by Nigerian External Relations Minister Babagana Kingibe. The Nigerian minister said yesterday that the situation at the border "could explode if nothing is done quickly to return to dialogue." President Eyadema, who has been asked to mediate in the dispute between the two countries, called on African leaders "to do everything to find an African solution to the conflict," according to national television. The Egyptian Foreign Ministry said today that Cameroon has requested intervention by the OAU in the dispute. Egypt is the current chairman of the OAU. This request will be examined at an emergency meeting of the OAU, which was created in June 1993 for the prevention and settlement of inter-African conflicts. At the end of his discussions with his Cameroonian counterpart, President Eyadema went to Nigeria where he met the head of state, General Sani Abacha, sources close to the Nigerian presidency in Abuja pointed out.

[Excerpts] The border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria on the Bakassi Peninsula has taken on a new dimension. Nigerian Foreign Minister Babagana Kingibe says the situation could become explosive if something is not done quickly to get back to dialogue, but above all, he directly attacked France. In the view of the Nigerian foreign minister, Paris is a party to the border conflict. [passage omitted] The delegation, which was in Nigeria, returned to France today after further talks with the Cameroonian authorities. Catherine Colonna, deputy spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry, summed up the results of these visits, in answer to questions put to her by Adala Benraad: [Begin recording] [Colonna] The mission returned early this morning. Its members are going to give an account of their talks to the authorities. It was a mission of fact-finding and discussion; it was not a question of mediation or anything else. We spoke to both sides in the same terms; that is, the situation is still worrying and the tension between the two countries over their disagreement is a matter of concern to us. Also, we believe the international community should help the two sides to achieve a solution to their disagreement by peaceful means. [Benraad] Is the matter going to be referred to the Security Council or the International Court of The Hague? [Colonna] Cameroon asked that the matter be referred to the Security Council several days ago. France, which has been chairman of the Security Council since 1 March, has held consultations on the matter, and, in accordance with its duty as chairman, will make a decision regarding this meeting. [end recording] [passage omitted]

Yaounde, 3 Mar (AFP) -- Cameroonian media ran a number of articles today on the Nigeria-Cameroon border conflict. The media ran numerous calls to be "vigilant," and questioned the possibility of a possible "costly war." Independent newspapers openly criticized the "silence" observed by the Yaounde government on the matter. The weekly LA NOUVELLE EXPRESSION ran an article titled "Sani Abacha Wants a War" in which it disclosed that France, which has sent a high-ranking delegation to the two countries, was "now caught in the middle," involved in a nonaggression pact with Cameroon and caught up with "its interests" in Nigeria. Yaounde media were especially critical of the manner in which Cameroonian authorities are handling the situation. LE MESSAGER says that the decision made by the country and announced on 21 February to take the matter to the International Court of Justice at The Hague is "inadmissible" due to "improper procedure." Furthermore, the newspapers blame the government for its "silence." Neither Paul Biya nor his government has expressed an opinion on the conflict on the Bakassi Peninsula. LA DETENTE denounced "the impotence of a decaying power." Other newspapers, such as PERSPECTIVES HEBDO, describe the conflict as "a crude plot by foreign secret services" and that "Paul Biya and Sani Abacha are taking this opportunity to divert the attention of the people." Only LA DETENTE condemns some of its colleagues who "have a tendency to enjoy the misfortunes of the regime," especially by spreading rumors, like DIKALO, which stated that the 18 and 19 February clashes killed "180 people on the Nigerian side and four on the Cameroonian side." LA DETENTE reminded the public that "this is a very serious issue." Cameroonian television invited Cameroonians to be "vigilant." In a program broadcast during the evening of the 2 March conflict, Cameroonian television asked the public "to sleep with one eye open, because the enemy never sleeps." The presenter, reacting to a Nigerian proposal suggesting a bilateral settlement of the conflict without foreign interference, stated that this proposal was "a trick to deceive Cameroonians." However, he added that Cameroon and Nigeria had no interest in "engaging in a costly war." Recalling the principle of the inviolability of the border, the television said that "Cameroon was ready to defend any part of its national territory. In the television studio, jurists and professors in the field of international relations denounced "Nigeria's moves toward annexation," reaffirming the "non-negotiable character of Bakassi, which is an integral part of Cameroon." The television presenter also affirmed that about three million Nigerians were living in Cameroon and regretted that "despite the sense of hospitality showed by Cameroonians, these Nigerians do not always abide by the laws of the land that welcomed them."

Ndjamena, 3 Mar (AFP) -- Chadian Interior Minister Abderamane Izzo today accused Moise Kette, chairman of the National Awakening Committee for Peace and Democracy [CSNPD], a political and military movement operating in the south of Chad, of causing the failure of the recent peace talks in Bangui. "Through the CSNPD's fault and because of its intransigence, we were only able to examine a certain number of problems," the minister, who led the government delegation to the Bangui talks at the end of February, stated on national radio. The objective of these talks, which were held under the auspices of the Central African Republic [CAR] authorities, was to sign a peace agreement between the government and the CNSPD. They only resulted in the signing of a simple joint communique between the two sides. "Right from the start, the CSNPD laid down conditions. When one goes to a negotiation and starts with conditions, it often does not bode well," Mr. Izzo added. Despite this, he added, "we examined these conditions, but the meeting was only able to agree on matters of principle, particularly on the cease-fire, the withdrawal of the republican guards from the south of the country, and the free movement of goods and persons." According to reliable sources, Moise Kette had demanded at the opening of the talks the withdrawal of the republican guards -- an elite unit under the exclusive orders of President Idriss Deby -- as well as the holding of a referendum within a short time in order to institute federalism in Chad. The republican guards have been accused of molesting civilians in the south of the country, thus provoking a massive exodus towards the CAR. In June 1993, a cease-fire agreement was signed between the Chadian Government and the CSNPD.

Libreville, 3 Mar (AFP) -- President Omar Bongo today invited "all the leaders of legally recognized political parties" to meet him on 7 March, following the civil strife that claimed nine lives in Libreville last week, according to official sources. This meeting is "part of necessary consultations with various national political actors with a view to reinforcing democracy," a communique published by the government daily L'UNION stated. The government blamed the main opposition party, the National Lumberjacks Rally [RNB] and its leader, Father Paul Mba Abessole, for the violence that erupted in several districts of the capital, following a general strike called by a labor union close to the opposition. The labor union was demanding wage increases in the aftermath of the 11 January CFA franc devaluation. The RNB has not yet made a decision either to participate or not in the 7 March meeting. Its general assembly is slated for tomorrow, a party spokesman disclosed.

President Habyarimana yesterday received the UN secretary general's special representative, Jacques-Roger Booh Booh, and Tanzanian Ambassador Stanley Tambwe. Jacques-Roger Booh Booh and Stanley Tambwe expressed their optimism concerning progress in talks aimed at achieving the establishment of the national assembly and the transitional government. The two expressed their satisfaction with the fact that there are no further problems concerning the establishment of parliament but expressed the strong wish that difficulties relating to the establishment of a government extended to include the Rwandan Patriotic Front would be speedily resolved.

[Article by C.B.: "Controversial Transition in Zaire"] The High Council of the Transitional Republic-Parliament met this week in Kinshasa, holding a plenary session after one month's suspension of activities. But it appears that many irreconcilable differences remain, on the appointment of army chiefs, governors of the provinces and diplomatic representatives, and control of the Central Bank. A particularly lively debate is promised on Article 76 of the proposed constitution which lays down the procedure for appointing the prime minister. The UDPS [Union for Democracy and Social Progress] wants Mr. Tshisekedi, who was elected by the national conference, to be confirmed in his position without a vote, while President Mobutu's supporters would like to be able to choose other candidates. It is this which has produced the candidacy of Mr. Kengo Wa Dondo, leader of the Union of Democratic Independents and former prime minister, who is known for his previous firm government. Paradoxically, his candidacy divides Mr. Mobutu's supporters at least as much as it does the Tshisekedi camp, as they fear that a political expert will be even more skilled at thwarting any maneuvering, imposing his authority, and guaranteeing a transition outside the president's control. Mr. Kengo Wa Dondo seems all the more dangerous to the Mobutu presidency as he apparently has no very long term political ambitions and would be prepared to stake his reputation on a proper management of the transitional period. The West is continuing to carefully watch the Zairian crisis, but it seems that pressure on Mobutu to agree to power sharing has yet to produce results. Meanwhile, France has granted, "on humanitarian grounds," a temporary visa to the president's wife so that she can visit one of her children who is seriously ill in Paris.

[Speech by President Meles Zenawi on the occasion of the 98th anniversary of victory in the Battle of Adwa; place and date not given -- recorded] [Excerpts] [passage omitted] The main objective of the transitional period is to draft and approve the country's constitution with the full participation of the people and, based on this, to hand over power to a constitutionally elected government. The government is committed to this objective. Because of the government's efforts to ensure that the people take part in drafting the future constitution, more than 16 million people have debated the draft constitution. [passage omitted] I want to confirm that the transitional government will take all the necessary steps to ensure that the transitional period is democratic and successful and that it will create a conducive atmosphere for parties to participate in the constitutional congress. Although it is clear that the government's and peace-loving people's desire and efforts are to make sure that the constitutional process is a success, there are people who are still opposed to it. These people, who are living abroad and within the country, are struggling to halt or change the direction of the transitional path. There is a basic issue which we want to confirm to these people once and for all. The programs and structures set up to end the transitional period victoriously will not be changed under any circumstances. The transitional period will end in accordance with the time and direction determined. The struggle to change this is nothing but a daydream, so I call on these dreamers to change their ideas and to declare publicly that they want to pursue their objectives in a peaceful way, and participate in the May elections and other programs of the transitional period. The democratic path embarked on in our country does not seek to isolate others. The legal and democratic participation of all will rather strengthen the transitional process. [passage omitted] It must be clear that although the government is ready to help dreamers if they publicly declare their readiness to pursue their objectives peacefully and to participate in the elections, it will not accept any kind of attempt to halt the transition programs or structures, whether directly or indirectly. Concerning the economy, it is no secret for the Ethiopian people that our economy has problems because of mismanagement by the previous regime and civil war. However, because of the steps taken by the transitional government and the people's efforts, the economic situation has improved in the past two years. It may be recalled that last year alone the economy grew by 7.6 percent. This progress was achieved because of the progress made in the agricultural and other economic sectors, especially the increase in production in the industrial sector. The various economic policies of the government also played a major role in development. This year, although the government had planned that the economy would grow by 5.6 percent, according to the prevailing situation the expected growth will not exceed 3.5 percent. The main reason for this is because of the prevailing drought which has seriously affected agricultural production. [passage omitted] As a result of the government's efforts it has been possible to limit the displacement and death of our people. However, it is very difficult to contain the situation by the efforts of the government and the people alone. It requires the assistance of the donor (?agencies). In this regard, on behalf of the victims and the Ethiopian people in general, I would like to extend my appreciation to the donor countries and agencies for the assistance they have rendered so far, however, the extent of the assistance and the (?means) of delivery are not helping us to contain the situation. We call on the donor countries to extend their assistance, bearing in mind the dangerous consequences at stake. The other issue which should be raised in connection with our economic activities is the ongoing restructuring process in the civil service. It may be recalled that after the formation of regional administrations, these regional administrations had problems regarding expertise. As a result of this, and the huge number of civil servants in the (?cities), it was necessary to carry out a restructuring in the central government's offices. [passage omitted] The objective of the restructuring process is not to suspend employees, but to transfer employees from the central government's offices to regional administrations. However, some people are being dismissed because they refused to work in regional administrative offices. So conscientious employees should not fear that they will be affected by the restructuring process. Dear Ethiopians, the remaining tasks for the fulfillment of the transitional process are no greater than those we have achieved so far. We have managed to overcome the difficult ones in a proper and positive way. The major remaining task is the adoption of the draft constitution which will enable us to form a people's government. So far, the process is going smoothly and I am sure that it will be concluded successfully. The transitional government is, more than ever before, on the side of the people concerning the above key issue, and concerning the improvement of the economy and combating the problem of drought and, in general, maintaining the prevailing peace and further strengthening the democratic system. Thank you.

Kakamega, 4 Mar (KNA) -- The former MP for Lugari Mr. Apili Wawire, vying for the seat on a KANU [Kenya African National Union] ticket, today trounced his two opponents, former cabinet minister, Burudi Nabwera, FORD [Forum for the Restoration of Democracy]-Kenya, and Mr Nathan Fendha [FORD-Asili] in the just ended Lugari by-elections. In the hotly contested elections Mr Wawire got 8,831 votes closely followed by Mr Nabwera who got 7,778 votes while Mr Fendha got 550 votes. A total of 15,405 votes were cast of which 246 were rejected. The voter turnout was 37.04 percent. The seat fell vacant following the defection of the former area MP Mr Apili Wawire to KANU.

[Excerpts] KANU's [Kenya African National Union] Apili Wawire was today declared the winner of the Lugari by-election after trouncing his closest rival, Burudi Nabwera. [passage omitted] The hotly contested race, seen as a battle between KANU and FORD [Forum for the Restoration of Democracy]-Kenya, saw repeat results of the 1992 general elections when Wawire, on a FORD-Asili ticket, beat Nabwera then seeking reelection on a KANU ticket. Today's counting was temporarily stopped for 50 minutes, from 0730, after protests from FORD-Kenya officials. The counting, however, resumed at 0820. With the results from Lugari, KANU now controls 103 seats in Parliament, FORD-Kenya 30, FORD-Asili 28, Democratic Party of Kenya 22, and the smaller parties -- Kenya Social Congress, Kenya National Congress and PICK [Party for Independent Candidates of Kenya] -- each with one seat. Two seats remain vacant following the death of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga in Bondo, FORD-Kenya, and Josephat Karanja, the late FORD-Asili MP for Githunguri who will be buried today.

[Article by Emman Omari and Caleb Atemi] [Excerpts] General service unit [GSU] and regular policemen fired into the air and sealed off the biggest polling station in Lugari [western Kenya] for 30 minutes during by-election voting yesterday. There was no explanation for the siege of Lumakanda divisional headquarters but FORD [Forum for the Restoration of Democracy]-Kenya officials claimed it was "psychological warfare" intended to intimidate voters. Even after the paramilitary unit had withdrawn, armed policemen patrolled the periphery of the station. Reports from around the constituency indicated little serious violence but there were persistent reports of irregularities including the expulsion of a cabinet minister from a polling station. [passage omitted] There were near-riots at Chekalini polling station when voters hurled stones at KANU [Kenya African National Union] candidate Apili Wawire when he arrived in a convoy of nine vehicles packed with people singing party songs. The by-election pitted the former Lugari member, Mr Wawire, who defected from FORD-Asili, against Mr Burudi Nabwera, a KANU defector to FORD-Kenya, and Mr Nathan Fedha (FORD-A). Voting, at least in the early hours, appeared to be slow. It was three P.M. when heavily armed security personnel in combat and anti-riot gear blocked the entrance to the township polling station and sealed off the Lumakanda headquarters. Six shots were fired into the air but no reasons were given for the action. Opposition leaders held a 30-minute meeting with the provincial police officer and at 3:30 P.M., the GSU lorry and policemen who had blocked the entrance to the station were withdrawn. [passage omitted] There was a high turnout at the three newly-created and controversial sub-stations of Savala, Mahanga and Lumani. [passage omitted] By 1:30 P.M., only 800 people at the [Lugari] township station -- the largest in Lugari with seven streams -- had cast their votes out of the registered 7,000.

[Excerpt] His Excellency President Daniel arap Moi today said he was concerned that certain embassies were showing open support for subversive elements operating in the country in the name of democracy. The president said it was saddening that some opposition groups had issued threats of terrorism in the run-up to the Lugari by-election, but no embassy had protested over it. The president said the failure by the embassies to condemn the threats showed that they supported subversion and were putting democracy in the country at risk. President Moi was speaking at State Lodge, Eldoret, this afternoon when he received a goodwill delegation of elders from Uasin Gishu District, who paid him a courtesy call. He said true democracy was only possible in an atmosphere where wananchi [citizens] are free to elect their leaders without any intimidation. President Moi termed the demand by certain embassies to observe the Lugari by-election as an interference in the internal affairs of the country. Such demand said the president was tantamount to supervision and neocolonialism. [passage omitted]

We have just heard that for about half an hour this morning about 20 Somalis directed fire at the former Embassy in Mogadishu, in which a unit of the contingent is based. Guards returned fire, as did the crews on two caterpillar vehicles that were returning to the base when they also came under attack. No s have been hurt. The Somalis fled shortly afterward and it is not known if any of them were hurt. The motives behind the attack are not yet known.

[Excerpt] Before we go, let us return live to Mogadishu, where our correspondent Carmen Lasorella is inside the embassy that was attacked by Somali rebels a few hours ago. What is the current situation? [Lasorella, on telephone] The situation is that the calm did not last very long. About 15 minutes ago Somali snipers started firing at the embassy again. The shots are coming from several different positions. It is not heavy gunfire but the shots are still coming. The servicemen inside the embassy are returning fire with machine-guns. Helicopters have also been requested. Two helicopters are now here and flying over the embassy to provide air cover. Before this latest attack started, a small group of caterpillar vehicles was heading for the port with Commander General Carmine Fiore, who was to return to headquarters at Balad. The operation has now been suspended. The general is here with me, inside the embassy. All possible security measures have been put into operation, because even though, as I have said, the gunfire is not heavy, the shots are still coming. Shots are coming from several different positions around the embassy -- from the south and from the side of the embassy. soldiers are returning fire from the guard towers...[passage omitted]

[Excerpts] The Embassy in Mogadishu has been attacked. [passage omitted] Our correspondent Carmen Lasorella reports from the embassy in Mogadishu. [Lasorella] I am calling you from the embassy, where everything is back to normal. There are no signs of tension -- not even on the road. Outside the embassy, the usual groups of Somalis are crouching on the ground. Inside, servicemen are going about their normal duties, although all defense positions have been reinforced. Only three hours ago the air was ablaze with heavy gunfire, which lasted about half an hour. The embassy was attacked from several different positions, with shots fired at the southeast side of the building, at the main entrance on the road, and at an internal facade off the road. According to estimates, at least 30 Somalis armed with automatic rifles and Kalashnikovs were involved in the attack. servicemen returned fire from inside the embassy compound, as did two VCC [expansion unknown] caterpillar vehicles that were coming from the port. The vehicles had two Red Cross women and an journalist from the INTERARMA periodical on board. The VCC came under a hail of snipers' bullets and returned fire with machine guns and automatic rifles. Four helicopters also became involved and circled the embassy for some time, but did not fire. None of the s were hurt, but one of the Somalis was killed and another seriously wounded. But why did this attack take place this morning? Servicemen say it is to apply pressure. On the eve of the withdrawal from the country, the Somalis want to draw attention to their problems, obtain more aid and compensation for damage allegedly suffered.

[Report by N. Patterton] Johannesburg, March 4 SAPA -- It was not the Afrikaner Volksfront's [AVF, Afrikaner National Front] policy to become involved in hit squad activites, AVF leader Gen Constand Viljoen said on Friday [4 March]. He was speaking against the background of a SOWETAN newspaper report of an alleged rightwing plot to murder African National Congress Secretary-General Cyril Ramaphosa. Gen Viljoen said the story was probably aimed at discrediting the rightwing. The unfortunate assassination of SA Communist Party General Secretary Chris Hani was a clear example of an incident from which the country, and especially the AVF, had not benefited at all. "On the contrary, it caused more damage. "I as a person am not involved in the alleged activities and play no role in such planning. "If I should become aware of such planning I would report it to the police and do everything possible to prevent such a dangerous deed." Mr Ramaphosa said on Radio 702 he had been left numb by the reports. "It causes a great deal of concern that there could be a bunch of people out there who want to eliminate one." The WEEKLY MAIL on Friday ran a story about an alleged rightwing war plan to hijack the SA Defence Force's Rapid Deployment Force and strategic installations and to "neutralise" hostile generals at the outbreak of hypothetical hostilities.

[Report by Chris Whitfield, political correspondent] Cape Town -- The Conservative Party [CP] is so racked by internal dissent that it could see a breakaway right-wing group registering for the election. A group of CP MPs made it clear during a caucus meeting yesterday that they believed the party should go to the polls. One source said they had effectively "thrown down the gauntlet". They argued that if the right wing could get support for a volkstaat [Afrikaner homeland] council -- provided for in the Interim Constitution this week -- it could force a new government to seriously consider allowing for the creation of such a homeland. Developments in Durban during the meeting between ANC [African National Congress] president Nelson Mandela and kwaZulu Chief Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi were increasing the pressure on the party leadership. Some members of the caucus said bluntly that if the IFP [Inkatha Freedom Party] and Bophuthatswana did provisionally register for the election, the CP would be making a fatal error not to do the same. Yesterday afternoon a CP MP said the party had taken no decision on whether to follow Buthelezi's lead. The party leadership had been trying to establish contact with Buthelezi for clarity on his plans. There were attempts to call a meeting of the Freedom Alliance as soon as possible, and CP leader Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg had held extensive discussions with Afrikaner Volksfront [National Front] (AVF) leader General Constant Viljoen since he arrived in Cape Town late on Tuesday. A prominent CP member said some rightwingers had considered forming a breakaway organisation to contest the election. Those in favour of this move were waiting to see whether the CP as a whole, or the AVF, would decide to take part, he said. He believed a major consideration was finding a "face" -- a well-known leader who could draw support -- to lead a breakaway party. It it understood that younger MPs like brothers Pieter and Corne Mulder were among the prime movers in the participation lobby. Respected MP for Parys Dr Piet Gous is also thought to be in favour of contesting the election. A senior CP source said a major factor behind the cracks in the party was the fact that some younger MPs saw their careers going down the drain. There also appears to be disillusionment with Hartzenberg's leadership. Another party member said the divisions were not about what the party should be striving for, but how to achieve it.

The Conservative Party [CP] says there is absolute solidarity in its ranks, and it has accused what it called the left-wing media of trying to cause divisions in the right wing. The party's chief secretary, Dr. Lem Theron, said the reason for the campaign was the success achieved by the CP during the past 12 years in establishing a bastion for the political aspirations of Afrikaners and their desire for freedom and independence. The Mulder brothers, members of the Afrikaner Volksfront's [Afrikaner National Front] negotiating team, say there are no differences within the Conservative Party about the ideal of an Afrikaner volkstaat [homeland] and the need to attain such a state as soon as possible. Dr. Pieter Mulder said in a statement by himself and his brother, Corne Mulder, that they were still convinced that a volkstaat should be seen as part of the solution to South Africa's problems.

[Report by E van Wyk] Pretoria March 3 SAPA -- Conservative Party [CP] MP Piet Gous on Thursday [3 March] rejected the "government-inspired" attempt to sow division among rightwingers and suggestions that he was committed to participation in the elections. "I have never experienced any yearning to betray my people in the Orange Free State or my party," Dr Gous, who represents the Parys constituency, said in a statement. Dr Gous said African National Congress [ANC] leader Nelson Mandela and ANC Secretary-General Cyril Ramaphosa had repeatedly stated that plans were being made for South Africa to become a unitary state and that there would be no Afrikaner volkstaat [homeland]. "Measured against these utterances, it is clear that if a volkstaat does not come into being before the April 27 elections, the legal implication that it could possibly come into being after that date, is meaningless." Any reasonable person could see that the so-called constitutional concessions would not realise the ideal of the Afrikaner people, he said. "Therefore, it is impossible to convince us to participate in such an election." Dr Gous called for something concrete, not vague promises, to create the basis for positive negotiations. Dr Gous was one of eight CP MPs named by the SABC [South African Broadcasting Corporation] as having been absent during parliamentary voting on amendments to the interim constitution and the electoral act. The SABC claimed this could indicate a possible split in the party over participation in the elections.

Conservative Party leader Dr. Ferdi Hartzenberg says his party stands by its decision not to participate in the election. Speaking in Roodepoort last night, Dr. Hartzenberg said the latest concessions by the ANC [African National Congress] and the government still were not enough. [Begin Hartzenberg recording, in Afrikaans] We say up till tonight nothing has happened, nothing at all, to make it possible or necessary for us to change our decision not to take part in their election. Nothing has happened, nothing at all. Mr. Chairman, by participating in the election, we will only be helping to give it legitimacy. We will be helping to give it credibility. What's more, we will become party to subjecting our people to a communist government. And as I said, Mr. Chairman, that constitution and that South Africa will not be tenable. Let us not be party to keeping it artificially alive. We must do everything possible to bring about its collapse as soon as possible. [end recording]

Cape Town March 1 SAPA -- The Transitional Executive Council's [TEC] Management Committee was directed to take effective political and security steps on Tuesday [1 March] to ensure that the election went ahead unhindered in Natal. A resolution adopted unanimously at a Council meeting in Cape Town urged it to ensure that the people of Natal were freely able to exercise their right to vote. Supporting the motion, ANC [African National Congress] Secretary-General Cyril Ramaphosa said Natal posed the greatest challenge to the TEC's authority. He said people were being trained and armed by white conservative farmers in Northern Natal with the apparent aim of "serving the stated goal of certain parties" that no election would be held in the territory. "The TEC cannot pussy-foot around this issue. We have to act firmly and demonstrate that the TEC's powers are enforceable." Mr Ramaphosa said the TEC had to reaffirm its commitment to free and fair elections throughout the country on April 27 and no single province should be exempted. With the co-operation of the South African Government, a climate conducive to free and fair elections could be created in Natal. Chairman Zam Titus said important steps had already been taken to ensure that elections went ahead unhindered throughout the country. "We are now looking at reinforcing what is there already."

[Excerpts] The Transitional Executive Council [TEC] today expressed concern over the training of between 500 and 1,000 people at Umfolozi. The TEC said the government should deploy the defense force in this area to ensure a free and fair election. [passage omitted] There was also heated debate following a resolution that the TEC [Transitional Executive Council] said must be relayed to the president and be entered in the Constitution of the country to ensure that people residing in Bophuthatswana and other areas are able to vote freely. It was proposed that security forces be deployed in these areas and ballot boxes be placed at polling places on the Bophuthatswana border so that voters do not have to travel long distances to cast their vote, as the people of Bophuthatswana resumed their South African citizenship legally on 1 January 1994, including public servants, the police and the defense force. [Begin Cyril Ramaphosa recording, in English] To allow all our people in Bophuthatswana, and we have up to 2 million of them, to go and vote knowing that they exercise their vote freely and fairly, and that they will be protected by South African security forces, if the Bophuthatswana Defense Force ever seeks to do anything. But this resolution goes further, Mr. Chairman. It calls on the civil servants in Bophuthatswana, the soldiers, policemen, nurses, judges and magistrates and everyone else to know that they are not going to be left in the lurch when the rationalization process takes place. So it calls on them to have full confidence in what we are doing. Already there is unrest in Bophuthatswana. Civil servants are up in arms and they are up in arms because they have deep uncertainties of what the future holds for them. [end recording] [passage omitted]

[Report by Kathryn Strachan] The SAP [South African Police] strategy for policing the election was an unprofessional plan with major gaps, EC and Independent Electoral Commission security adviser Mike Brogden said yesterday. Speaking at Wits [Witwatersrand] University's Centre for the Study of Violence, Brogden said that once the administrative staff had been subtracted from the SAP's manpower of 140,000, it left fewer than 70,000 effective police officers. This amounted to a totally inadequate number of two to three officers to each polling station on the three voting days. The SAP planned to call all police officers from their usual duties, leaving these tasks to inadequately trained reserve policemen during this volatile period. Brogden questioned the quality of policing and policemen's knowledge of electoral procedure. Another criticism was the lack of contingency plans if things failed to go smoothly. The plan was also very centralised, which was an obstacle given the time taken to relay a message from Pretoria to peripheral areas. There were no plans to coordinate with emergency services. Nadia Levine, a researcher from the centre's policing project, highlighted the plan's vagueness and the lack of detail about its implementation. She said it failed to focus on the various problems the different regions would experience. SAP spokesman Brig Francois Cronje countered criticism of the plan being too centralised, saying the SAP's 10 regions had a high degree of independence. For this reason the plan was intended to be only a guideline, and the regions would be able to develop their own plans according to circumstances on the ground. He said reservists would be used only in trouble-free areas. Contingency plans were in place, but could not be disclosed. SAPA reports that President F.W. de Klerk told Parliament yesterday that government had a contingency plan to counteract violence or any threat to the election but it would not be made public. "I will ensure that the election is free and fair." The law would be brought into effect and the security forces applied against any effort to deny voters their rights. The TEC [Transitional Executive Council] would also be brought into play. SADF [South African Defense Force] spokesman Maj Merle Meyer said troops would be deployed to assist. Some citizen force members were also being called up to replace soldiers seconded to the National Peacekeeping Force.

Umtata March 4 SAPA -- The Transkei Defence Force [TDF] is to make its training facilities immediately available to the Azanian People's Liberation Army [APLA], both parties said in a joint statement on Friday [4 March]. The decision follows a meeting on Thursday night between TDF and APLA leaders, including TDF head Maj-Gen T. T. Matanzima and APLA chief Maj-Gen Daniel Romero Mofokeng. "Among the decisions taken in the meeting was the response of APLA's high command on the offer made by the chairman of the military council, Maj-Gen Bantu Holomisa, for training facilities. Both delegations agreed that these facilities will be made use of by APLA with immediate effect," the joint statement said. No further details of the training or numbers involved were immediately available.

[Report by E. van Wyk] Pretoria, March 1, SAPA--Afrikaner Volksfront [National Front -- AVF] leader Gen. Constand Viljoen on Tuesday [1 March] said he seriously doubted whether many right-aligned soldiers would be willing to collaborate with the government in its efforts to suppress "their own people. Gen Viljoen was reacting in a statement to State President F.W. de Klerk's "continued threats" to clamp down on Afrikaners with the help of the security forces. Mr. de Klerk warned in Parliament on Monday that the government would use every means at its disposal, including security forces to prevent any party from hindering any person in his democratic right to vote, or from hampering the elections. The Freedom Alliance has indicated it will boycott the elections. Gen. Viljoen said problems should not be solved through force but through negotiations and, if necessary, the elections could be postponed. "I would like to remind the state president that the South African Defence Force [SADF] of 1994 is not the SADF of 1984. Not in capacity, training or experience. Yet a very competent part of the defence force, the most competent part, consists of many of our supporters." The government and the African National Congress [ANC] had failed to grant the Freedom Alliance its right to self- determination, he said. "Through their arrogance and complete disregard for the just demands of the Alliance, they have created anger and frustration which is bound to burst out in the open. It is time they accept the responsibility for this anger. The correct way to solve these problems is not through force but through negotiations and, if necessary, to shift the election date. It will be justifiable in the light of the requirement for peace in this country." Although the AVF's demands had not been accommodated by the government and the ANC "we are now threatened with force if we do not comply with the dictated political dispensation which amounts to terms of surrender." Although the AVF's demands had not been accommodated by the government and the ANC, "we are now threatened with force if we do not comply with the dictated political dispensation which amounts to terms of surrender." The AVF's action thus far had been directed against the interim constitution that could result in a communist state, Gen. Viljoen said. "A soldier is loyal to the values and norms of his nation, of which the constitution is intended to be the product. Our people, being part of the defence force of this country ... realise that it (the interim constitution) does not represent their values. I sincerely doubt whether many of our soldiers, under these circumstances, will be willing to collaborate with the government in its intended efforts to suppress their own people." Gen. Viljoen wanted to know why the government was suddenly so keen to act against Afrikaners while, he said, the ANC continued with its "political cleansing campaign" countrywide. "Why does the government threaten to bomb us into submission by using our own security forces, while Azanian Peoples Liberation Army terrorists are granted indemnity for terror acts such as the St. James church massacre?"

Pretoria March 3 SAPA -- The Transitional Executive Council [TEC] and members of its Sub-Council on Defence meet on Friday [4 March] in a bid to solve the pay grievances which sparked a strike by 3,100 members of the National Peacekeeping Force [NPKF]. NPKF spokesman Capt Johan Loots said on Thursday members of the TEC Management Council would visit the De Brug training camp, near Bloemfontein, on Monday to present the force's commander Maj-Gen Gabriel Ramushwana with a solution to the problem. Capt Loots said the majority -- 98 per cent -- of the trainees who went on strike on Monday had returned to work, following a visit to the camp by TEC representatives.

Pretoria March 4 SAPA -- Developments at the National Peacekeeping Force [NPKF] at De Brug are damaging the image of all participants in the force, Justice Minister Kobie Coetsee said on Friday [4 March]. He said in a statement the whole of South Africa was interested in the NPKF's orderly functioning.

The government is determined to go ahead with its announced housing project worth 90 billion rands despite the ANC's [African National Congress] efforts to keep business from getting involved in the project. The ANC has threatened that the new government will probably not be able to honor the contracts. This evening National Housing Minister Louis Shill spoke to Ed Herbst about it: [Shill, in English] I think that's a very intimidating attitude. I cannot believe that any organization that believes they have a part to play in the future South Africa -- and that part is going to be played from May month onward -- would want to prevent the building of houses. Many of the grounds which we are doing under this present scheme -- and which was evolved together with the forum in which the ANC plays a very major role -- are only going to be developed into houses from May, June and July month onward. They would be cutting off their noses to spite their face. My appearing at the TEC [Transitional Executive Committee] yesterday was meeting my responsibilities as a minister in this government to provide information to the organization like the TEC of my own volition. They have no right to summons me, and they will have no right to summons me for next Tuesday either. And the fact that I will be turning up there is because I would like to have clarity on this matter and I am sure the forum would like it as well. Maybe we can help sort the matter out and get back to a normal keel and have the politicians out of the business of housing.

[Statement issued by the ANC on 3 March on the SAPA PR Wire Service] Housing. The problem is staggering 3.5 millions housing units needed just to catch up with the backlog. Over 5 million people in misery in urban squatter camps and informal settlements, their numbers rising by over 200,000 a year; thousands more in unacceptable urban hostels; an unknown number in farm and rural slums. This is not something to be dealt with in some vote-catching `number contest', like that recently unveiled -- and then withdrawn -- by the NP [National Party] and Minister Shills. Housing the homeless will be one of the most critical challenges the new government will face. The ANC [African National Congress] in government will give it an urgent priority. An immediate start will have to be made on it as soon as the new government is formed. The framework of the ANC policy is clear. It rests on the ANC belief that all South Africans have a right to decent and affordable housing; that government must take on the responsibility of directing the management of the available financial, manpower and material resources in order to translate that right into actual homes. The programme we have adopted is also staggering. It proposes to speed up house building vastly so as to provide 1 million houses within the first five years; to achieve an annual rate of building of 350,000 houses a year, (compared with the NP government's record figure of 50,000 in 1992). That scale of action will provide affordable for low income families in town and country. It will break the backlog of homelessness and hostel squalor within ten years. No one should underestimate the magnitude of that task. But can it be done? We are confident that, with the ANC in the driving seat of government, it can. Our programme is not simply a set of aims. It is a realistic statement of the state action that will be taken during the early days of an ANC government. We propose to set up a single national housing department to replace the wasteful 14 departments left behind by the NP government. We propose to commit greatly increased funds to the housing programme, rising to 5 percent of the state budget with five years. We propose to challenge private financial institutions to match the state contribution of R[rand]50 billion over ten years, the funds to be vested in a housing finance bank which will co- ordinate housing subsidies and home loan guarantees. We will ensure that the available funds are used to meet national priorities, namely: (a) the provision of affordable public and subsidised housing together with a rented sector, especially for low-income families in town and country; (b) a thorough programme of reconstruction of urban hostels into acceptable standard family or single-person homes; (c) the upgrading of existing subsidised housing to meet agreed national minimum standards of construction and service provision. We will seek to persuade employers and trade unions to plan the provision of housing for their own employees, in reasonable proximity to the workplace. We will explore the possibilities of providing tax or other financial incentives to encourage acceptable schemes. In accordance with our overall democratic approach, we will strip away the existing covers of secrecy and confidentiality which should housing policies. We will insist on full public disclosure by all housing bodies of all information relating to plans and decisions; that policy making is open and transparent; that all housing organisations are publicly accountable for their actions; and that proper arrangements are made for public participation in policy planning at all levels. This will apply, inter alia, to the setting of minimum constructional standards, the selection of sites and appropriate services for new housing, the overall planning of housing schemes, the allocation of funds to both public and private sector schemes. We will ensure that the national priorities in other fields are taken fully into account in housing matters. Accordingly, wherever financial parameters can be maintained, we will insist that preference be given to labour intensive schemes in order to put the jobless back to work; and that preference in allotting contracts is given to small contractors and suppliers in order to redress past discrimination in favour of big business and white entrepreneurs. These are the basic elements of the ANC programme. It has been developed with inputs from many other organisations which are co-ordinated within the National Housing Forum. At this time it is possible that in that forum further specific propositions may emerge which will be incorporated in our actual programme in government. It is not yet clear which aspects of delivery and execution of a national housing programme will finally be devolved to regional or provincial government structures. But this statement sets out the ANC national programme. It will form the guidelines and set the parameters for all ANC members in public office at any level of the administration.

[Editorial Report] THE CITIZEN Call for CP, IFP To Register for Election -- Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English on 3 March in a page-6 editorial notes that Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi "is wise" to keep his "options open" by considering to provisionally register his party for the election. He can participate in the election "if he succeeds in getting his basic demands addressed, or he can continue to boycott the election if they are not." THE CITIZEN's advice to the Conservative Party (CP) is to "register -- and decide what you want to do afterwards." THE STAR Anxiety Over National Peacekeeping Force -- Johannesburg THE STAR in English on 4 March in a page-14 editorial believes there are "real reasons for anxiety" over the National Peacekeeping Force (NPKF) members' strike over pay. The strike, as well as reports of "drunkenness, insubordination, desertion and racism within the ranks" reinforces perceptions of the NPKF as "an ill-disciplined, if not mutinous force." "To top it all, the NPKF commander and former military ruler in Venda, Gabriel Ramushwana, has been accused of being in receipt of money from the Venda Pension Fund to which he is not entitled." "Meant to serve as a model for the future, the NPKF has so far been a generator of gloom." No Time for International Mediation -- A second editorial on the same page welcomes international mediation if it will bring Buthelezi back into the constitutional process. "But it needs to be realised that the mere logistics of this process are daunting." The mediators would need more time "than is available before the April election, which it would now be highly unwise if not downright impossible to postpone." BUSINESS DAY Inadequate Security for Election Process -- "How many times have we heard government and police spokesman saying that `violence will not be tolerated'?" notes a page-10 editorial in Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English on 4 March. "With the best will in the world, police cannot guarantee public safety." Just as worrying as the security of the polling stations is "the problem the police will face in combating ordinary crime with their depleted numbers on election days. If 70,000 policemen are indeed going to be on election duty, who is going to be on the beat, or chasing criminals?" Although thousands of foreign monitors will be on hand, "their job is to observe, not keep the peace." "It is hoped that security chiefs will swallow their pride and call on the expertise of their knowledgeable critics in revising their strategies." SOWETAN `Disjointed' Freedom Alliance -- Johannesburg SOWETAN in English on 4 March in a page-10 editorial notes that the latest reports are that "the Conservative Party is so racked by internal dissent that it could see a breakaway rightwing group registering for elections. There is general confusion and distress -- not unexpected for a strange and disjointed grouping united only by expedience -- in the Freedom Alliance. There is likewise uncertainty in Natal and, it must be said, in the rest of the country. For all these reasons Mandela must have read the signals well -- there can be no lasting solution to the country's problems without Buthelezi's inclusion and active co-operation." CAPE TIMES `Political Opportunism' in New Housing Scheme -- "Housing Minister Louis Shill's unveiling of the government's massive new housing subsidy scheme is a classic example of political opportunism jeopardising political progress," points out Cape Town CAPE TIMES in English on 2 March in a page-6 editorial. "If the National Housing Forum [NHF] is correct, and Mr Shill has jeopardised the scheme through a premature announcement, he and his party will have much to answer for. The NHF and the ANC [African National Congress] for that matter should, however, avoid making the threat self-fulfilling." "Just as the incumbent government does not deserve all the blame for failures in the transition process, it cannot claim exclusive ownership of the successes either." WEEKLY MAIL & GUARDIAN Official Indifference To Township Bloodletting -- Johannesburg WEEKLY MAIL & GUARDIAN in English for 4-10 March in a page-16 editorial says: "At first sight, the swift reaction by state and private institutions to the Merriespruit slimes dam disaster seemed to send messages of old. In sharp contrast to the absence of meaningful response to violence on the East Rand, where the average weekend death toll matches that of the dam burst, the 15 white fatalities and destruction of property in the [Orange] Free State provoked the prompt declaration of a disaster area. Massive aid appeals were launched, topping R[rand] 1 million within a week. Why, we might ask, have government and the public not been able to react in a similar fashion to the wholesale destruction of the communities of Thokoza, Katlehong, and Vosloorus? Why is it that an apparent act of God can generate a sense of urgency, while the daily bloodletting in the townships meets increasing official indifference?" BEELD De Klerk Shows `Welcome' Leadership -- Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans on 1 March says in a page-10 editorial: "In his address to Parliament yesterday, State President de Klerk showed why he, as an analytical thinker, has no equal in the government and the National Party. In a short, powerful address he analyzed the state of constitutional negotiations and summed it up in a nutshell, and with a single stroke laid bare the political opportunism of the leaders of the Freedom Alliance. His conclusions were equally convincing: there is no longer any reasonable excuse for nonparticipation in the election and the national constitutional process." "For the first time he left no doubt among Freedom Alliance and left-wing radicals that the government would use every means at its disposal, including the security forces, to protect the democratic process. The firmness with which he declared that the police and the defense force would defend the integrity of the state and the constitution points to a newly found confidence in their loyalty -- an assurance which all democrats will welcome and the kind of leadership which the majority of South Africans expect of him. President de Klerk's understanding of the concern of the Zulu king and his followers over the future of the monarchy is only partially shared. We do not believe that the Zulu king ought necessarily to hold a unique position in any constitution. In South Africa, with its unique ethnic diversity, such ethnic exceptions create a recipe for ethnic conflict." PAC Hostility Toward Journalists Intolerable -- A second editorial on page 10 says: "The Pan-Africanist Congress' [PAC] open hostility towards journalists, and in particular white journalists, is becoming intolerable." "At the weekend PAC leaders and supporters called for the summary shooting of white journalists attending the funeral of PAC's Sabelo Phama in Transkei. The guns of the organization's armed wing should be turned on the white journalists, mourners said." "This kind of naked racism is worrying. In the emotionally laden atmosphere of such a funeral things could easily have taken a tragic turn. Until the PAC leadership publicly repudiates these statements, the PAC should not be surprised if journalists give a wide berth to its election rallies. And that could only be to the disadvantage of the PAC itself." Criticism of Peacekeeping Force Members' Strike -- The strike by National Peacekeeping Force members "necessitates urgent and real steps by authorities and leaders involved in the government in the transition process," says a page-10 editorial in Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans on 2 March. "It just does not seem as though the peace force is getting its act together." "If there is so much disaffection in the peace force, how on earth will it succeed in ensuring peace during the election itself?" "South Africa's political leaders must realize that the problems in the peace force have the pontential to make the transition, which is already proving to be very difficult, even more so. Which is why urgent steps must be taken." Housing Issue Too Politicized -- A second editorial on page 10 of BEELD says: "National Housing Minister Louis Shill yesterday landed in the crossfire once again over his efforts to ease the problems of South Africa's millions of homeless people. In the Transitional Executive Council yesterday Mr. Cyril Ramaphosa of the ANC went so far as to demand Mr. Shill's resignation" for having allegedly acted without the approval of the National Housing Forum. "The announcement of the housing scheme, said Mr. Ramaphosa, was made for political gain in the run-up to the election. Last year Mr. Moses Mayekiso on several occasions accused Mr. Shill of unilateral action. As was the case then, it is difficult to separate valid critism from politically motivated criticism. One thing is certain: the whole issue of housing has for a long time been highly politicized. In the circumstances, one could hardly imagine that Mr. Shill could believe he could issue such an important announcement unilaterally. The ball is now in Mr. Shill's court to prove that he acted with the necessary support of the National Housing Forum." ILANGA Call for Community Protection -- Durban ILANGA in Zulu for 28 February-2 March in a page-4 editorial notes it is a "mere eight weeks" before election day. ILANGA cannot figure out "when the ANC, and other groups that are campaigning, will begin preparing to ensure a peaceful election. We do not know when the government itself will flex its muscle to put some fear into these lawbreakers who insist on disrupting the lives of people." "Ideally voters should be experiencing peace already in their communities. Even those from overseas cannot bring peace if there is no peace within the country. We have peace agreements that were signed by various groups in the country, they too are broken day and night and nobody cares. Parties on the election campaign trail have their rallies disrupted by lawless groups, and some party leaders even end up canceling meetings in some areas." "The nation is without any protection. It has become a cardinal sin to belong to a political party, and yet Mr. de Klerk and others say there can be no disruption of elections. Does this mean that the protection of the masses will only begin on election day? We feel that the protection of communities should have long begun, so that come election day all is quiet, with everyone wary of disturbing the peace, but as things are now, lives are in danger. When will the campaign to protect the people of this country from strife begin?"

[Italicized passages recorded] [Excerpts] The United States has demanded more responsibility from the Angolans. The MPLA [Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola] and UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of Angola] have until the end of the month to reach some agreement. The two sides are responsible for the death and misery of thousands of people. Now if they do not reach an agreement, U.S. economic aid will be canceled. Anabela Gois. [Gois] [passage omitted] When faced with the ultimatum, Alcides Sakala [UNITA's representative in Brussels] did not hesitate: UNITA is negotiating with goodwill, if the talks are dragging on the blame lies fully with the MPLA. [Sakala] One cannot put things in those terms. As you know UNITA has made all the possible concessions in order that the peace process might advance. At the moment those backing a war solution are the MPLA who launched this offensive against our positions. The MPLA is totally responsible. [Gois] Naturally, the MPLA has a different opinion. Despite not having official knowledge of the American ultimatum, Aldemiro Vaz da Conceicao [presidential spokesman] said that only UNITA is creating obstacles to an agreement. [Conceicao] The process is taking a long time, not only because of the complexity of the issues being discussed and of the nature of the conflict, but also because of the time-wasting tactics by UNITA, who is interested in seeing the process drag on forever. We will do our utmost to find a solution as soon as possible. [Gois] Not even a U.S. ultimatum appears to be enough, for now, to make UNITA and the Angolan Government express their willingness to alter their negotiating strategy. Time will tell whether the United States' threats bear fruit.

UNITA wants to know which government posts it will be allocated. A source at the [Lusaka] peace talks said UNITA is refusing to negotiate further on national reconciliation without knowing about its participation in central and provincial power. According to the same source, the Angolan Government is willing to hand over some posts to Savimbi's movement but it does not agree to negotiate the sharing of power in Lusaka in view of the results of the September 1992 elections.

The Lusaka peace talks are set continue today. Contrary to what was expected, there was no plenary meeting yesterday. The mediators took turns meeting the two sides in a bid to find some kind of agreement. Diplomatic sources have said, though, that no such agreement was forthcoming and the mediators would have to make similar efforts today. Jardo Muecalia, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola [UNITA] representative in Washington, said yesterday that he was optimistic about the outcome of the Lusaka peace talks. He also expressed the hope that the Luanda government would change its attitude. Asked to comment on the talks, Ambassador Muecalia said progress had been made with regard to military and political issues. He noted, however, that such progress had only been possible thanks to the many concessions UNITA has made. He added he hoped the government would also make concessions.

In Lusaka, the government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola [UNITA] talk of peace, but here in Angola the situation is paradoxically characterized by UNITA attacks on civilian and other targets. The FAA [Angolan Armed Forces] General Staff announced today that UNITA troops are carrying out violent actions against civilians. [Begin unidentified army officer recording] An unspecified number of UNITA troops ambushed a civilian vehicle along the Quicabo-Balacende road, 51 km to the northeast of the city of Caxito, Bengo Province, killing 17 civilians, wounding three others, destroying one vehicle, and looting people's property. [end recording]

Eduardo dos Santos continues to display his murderous wrath against innocent civilians in Bengo Province. On 1 and 2 March, Cuban, South African, and Katanguese mercenaries, in the service of the Futungo de Belas Palace, once again shelled civilians, using long- and medium-range self-propelled artillery. The mercenaries shelled the villages of Catota and Batuqueiro, on the outskirts of Nambuangongo, causing heavy casualties. Kandimba Kavava, health director in the region, told our correspondent Octavio Mulangui that 13 civilians, including children, women and old people, were killed in the attack, while about 48 civilians were seriously wounded. What is more, the mercenaries destroyed the local hospital and 12 civilian houses. The wounded have been admitted to Nambuangongo Central Hospital where they are receiving medical assistance. More than one-third of them have been seriously wounded by Soviet BM-21 rockets.

Democratic Party for Progress-Angolan National Alliance, PDP-ANA, supporters in Uige and Zaire Provinces are disappointed with the United Nations' failure to provide information concerning the whereabouts of PDP-ANA leader Nfulumpinga Lando Vitor. He is believed to have been arrested in February of this year, after Andre Santana Pitra Petroff, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-Labor Party, MPLA-PT, government's interior minister, had accused him of incitement in the incidents that led to Bloody Friday on 22 January of last year in which many citizens of Bakongo origin were murdered by the MPLA-PT's police. PDP-ANA had accused the MPLA-PT government of involvement in that massacre. Once the PDP-ANA's militants had learned that their leader had been detained, they asked the United Nations to intervene and secure his release, but so far nothing has been said concerning Lando Vitor's whereabouts. This matter is beginning to worry the Angolan opposition.

The secretary general of the Organization of African Unity, Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, said in Maseru yesterday that he is satisfied that the situation in Lesotho had returned to normalcy following the recent crisis caused by rivalry between two warring factions in the Royal Lesotho Defense Force. Speaking at a press conference at the end of his two-day visit to Lesotho, Dr. Salim said stability was important not only for Lesotho, but for the rest of the continent. He said he had studied a report by the special envoy of the OAU secretary general to South Africa, Ambassador Legwaila Legwaila of Botswana, whom he sent to Lesotho after the crisis to assess the situation. The government had embarked on a consultation process which was continuing to bring the two former rival groups in the army together. The demands of the army were being formulated by a 20-man strong unit and discussed by a committee of four principal secretaries, namely of foreign affairs, defense, finance and home affairs. [Lesotho Foreign Affairs Minister] Mr. Qhobela said the army demands would be sifted by the committee and submitted in a final report to the minister of defense. Dr. Salim and his entourage left Lesotho yesterday.

[Statement issued by the Rasalama Active Forces Political Department on 1 March; place not given -- read by announcer] The Political Department notes the following: students' concern over their bursaries; the rushed increase in civil servants' wages that still does not meet their demands; the explosion in prices and inflation, both of which penalize the people; the prices of rice, bread, drugs and even that of charcoal for households; and the decision by the government to reduce the list of imported goods, which contradicts the spirit of liberalization and competition and can only surely favor the emergence of black or parallel markets indicating inconsistency and immaturity in the government's management methods. The Rasalama Active Forces Political Department, which always remains side by side with the people and is ready to continue the struggle, draws the government's attention in particular to the seriousness of this situation, an example of which is the coming civil servants' strike. The Active Forces Political Department calls on the government to find rapid and appropriate solutions to these insufferable problems. The Political Department believes that the prime minister has only two choices left: He should either resign or should replace ministers who are incompetent.

UN Special Representative Aldo Ajello today granted his usual Friday news conference to the Mozambican and foreign media. Viewing the latest developments in the Mozambican peace process, the UN special representative said he was happy that the government had decided to start demobilizing its forces without waiting for the Mozambique National Resistance [Renamo] to do the same. Aldo Ajello noted that this is a sensible and important initiative and he added that work must start now to do away with what he described as technical red tape, so that government and Renamo can start demobilizing their troops as soon as possible. Those troops are currently confined to assembly areas. [Begin Ajello recording, in English with passage-by-passage translation to ] I have said that the decision of the government is extremely positive and I would like to stress this point because I think that it is one of few gestures of confidence that we have recorded since the peace process began. I think that Mr. Dhlakama understood that and I think his statement this morning was correct. Mainly, what the government did was to recognize Renamo's good faith. Renamo was having problems producing its lists of men to be demobilized, but it really wanted to demobilize them. The government offered to get the process under way unilaterally. It was a good and wise decision. At the same time, it helps to build confidence all around. As for Renamo, I have its first list here. This list was drawn up in conjunction with our officials, so that each soldier will have his own serial number, thereby allowing us to identify each soldier. We will do everything that is needed to [words indistinct] all that data is on our computers. You must be aware that there have been some misunderstandings concerning this list. However, I do not think they will be repeated. I can see, though, that the government's gesture has produced a positive gesture from the other side, even if this is only a small list. Nonetheless, our people are working on upcoming lists. [end recording] UN Special Representative Ajello said that the Finance Ministry is working hard to process documentation relating to the subsidies to which soldiers on both sides are entitled. That UN official also disclosed that 45 percent of the government forces expected at the assembly areas have already been registered. A total of 50 percent of the Renamo forces have already been registered. In his opinion, the existing gap is being rapidly bridged.

Mozambican Renamo [Mozambique National Resistance] movement has expressed concern about the latest government decision to demobilize its troops as soon as possible regardless of whether or not Renamo is ready to do the same. Renamo said the demobilization of troops from both sides will start simultaneously and in line with a set timetable. The demobilization should have begun two days ago, but the United Nations did not submit a list of names of Renamo soldiers waiting to be demobilized. Meanwhile, the United Nations special representative to Mozambique, Mr. Aldo Ajello, has reaffirmed that Mozambique's first multiparty elections will only be held if troops from both sides are demobilized. He dismissed earlier reports that the United Nations might allow the elections to take place even if the Mozambican Government and Renamo still have their respective armies.

NOTICIAS newspaper reports that Afonso Dhlakama, Mozambique National Resistance [Renamo] leader, has described as positive the government's decision to unilaterally and partially demobilize its forces. The Renamo leader did, however, express fears concerning the government's seriousness about sticking to its decision. He added that his movement is committed to having its own troop demobilization process begin as soon as possible.

As was the case yesterday, another meeting of the Cease- Fire Commission failed to take place in Maputo this afternoon, because of the absence of the Mozambique National Resistance's delegation. The meeting was scheduled to discuss four main points: the destruction of obsolete war materiel at assembly areas, the transfer of weapons from assembly areas to regional depots, the start of demobilization process, and incidents in some assembly areas belonging to Renamo.

In Maputo this afternoon President of the Republic Joaquim Chissano received Kenyan Foreign Minister Stephen Musyoka. Radio Mozambique learned that the meeting was aimed at boosting cooperation between the two countries, for development and exchange of experiences in the fields of cooperation, health, trade, education, and culture. Stephen Musyoka returns to his country tomorrow. This afternoon the Mozambican head of state also received Artur Khoza, Swazi minister for natural resources and land utilization. Octavio Mutemba, Mozambican industry and energy minister, said the cooperation program between Mozambique and Swaziland in the field of power supply was discussed at the meeting.

Kenyan Foreign Minister Stephen Musyoka today ended a three-day official visit to Mozambique at the invitation of his counterpart, Dr. Pascoal Mocumbi. During his visit, Mr. Musyoka held talks with Dr. Pascoal Mocumbi on bilateral cooperation between Mozambique and Kenya. The two countries cooperate in the fields of health, culture, agriculture, trade, and education. An agreement for the purpose was signed between the two countries in 1991 when Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano paid a visit to Kenya. During the talks in Maputo, the two sides decided to create a joint commission aimed at boosting their cooperation. Kenya has offered to host the first meeting of the commission in Nairobi on a date to be announced. The Kenyan foreign minister abruptly canceled a news conference he was scheduled to give in Maputo this morning on the last day of his visit, claiming that he had other businesses at the same time, which could not be postponed.

[From the "Focus on Africa" program] There is more embarrassment for the government of President Chiluba in Zambia. The capital, Lusaka, already branded the center for the international illegal drug trade, is now being branded the center of another criminal racket. It seems if you have an expensive car stolen in southern Africa, it is quite likely to turn up in Lusaka, as Joe Mwinga reports in this fax from Lusaka: An international ring of car thieves is doing a roaring business, swooping top cars for hard drugs, and into the bargain causing the Zambian Government extreme embarrassment. Last month, a Mercedes Benz car belonging to the Namibian Prime Minister, Hage Geingob, surfaced here in Lusaka a few days after it was stolen from Windhoek. Three weeks later, seven cars, including a Toyota Land Cruiser belonging to the International Labor Organization, were stolen from Mozambique. They were later intercepted in Lusaka, and now yet another car belonging to a leading politician in the sub-region has surfaced in Lusaka. The ANC [African National Congress] president, Nelson Mandela, recently had his family car, a Mercedes Benz, stolen from South Africa. Investigators traced the car to Lusaka, where its new owner, a senior bank official is insisting he bought the car through the normal channels and has refused to relinquish it. The ANC representative in Lusaka, Jaffat Ndhlovu, told me this morning that the Mandela family is taking legal action to get the car back.

The Zimbabwean Supreme Court has repealed a 34-year-old law used by the Rhodesian and the Zimbabwean Governments to stop political opponents holding public demonstrations. The court ruled that the section of the Law and Order Maintenance Act that made demonstrations illegal, unless they had the approval of the police, was in conflict with the Zimbabwean Bill of Rights which guaranteed freedom of association. The challenge to the law was brought by members of the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions who were arrested in 1992 for staging a procession in Harare after police refused to approve it. They pleaded not guilty on the grounds that the law infringed their constitutional rights and the case was referred to the Supreme Court.

[From the "African News" program] The authorities in Zimbabwe have revealed that the first white-owned farm seized under controversial legislation to resettle landless black farmers has instead been leased to a government minister. Officials said the 3,000-hectare farm was intended for more than 30 landless peasant families. Instead, the five-year lease was granted to the former Agriculture Minister Witness Mangwende who is now the education minister. The white dominated Commercial Farmers Union has criticized the allocation of a farm to a minister, saying it is an abuse of the land reform program. The Agriculture Ministry has defended the deal, saying it was covered by the Tenant Resettlement Scheme for the rental of commercial property.

[Article by Diaby Salif] [Excerpt] Where is the Democratic Party of Cote d'Ivoire- African Democratic Rally [PDCI-RDA] heading to? What will its activists do with the legacy of their founding father, President Houphouet-Boigny? These crucial questions were raised by PDCI-RDA Secretary General Laurent Dona-Fologo at a meeting with members of the party's political bureau at the party house in Cocody yesterday afternoon. This is the party's first meeting since the death of President Houphouet-Boigny. On the occasion, Mr. Dona-Fologo announced that the PDCI-RDA will hold its extraordinary congress in April as stipulated in Article 25 of the standing rules. The congress will focus on the vacant party chairmanship post and the need to fill that prestigious post. [passage omitted]

[From the "Focus on Africa" program] ULIMO [United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia], one of the three signatories of Liberia's Cotonou Peace Accord, along with the interim government, and Charles Taylor's NPFL [National Patriotic Forces of Liberia], seems to be in some difficulties. There have been reports that its soldiers at Tubmanburg have been refusing to allow ECOMOG [Economic Community of West African State Cease-fire Monitoring Group] troops to deploy, insisting that they should receive money in exchange for the arms they surrender. They have sacked their representative on the Transitional Council that is supposed to guide the country to elections later this year. And now ULIMO's chairman, Alhaji Koromah, has called us up from Monrovia to say there is fresh fighting going on. Josephine Hazely asked him what his claim was: [Begin recording] [Koromah] Well, it is very unfortunate that today we have had to send a letter to ECOMOG informing them on an emergency basis that Charles Taylor's NPFL has launched unprovoked attacks for the past three days against ULIMO positions, one in the Salayie district near the town of Golu, under the command of one so-called Major Black Gina of the NPFL. They attacked our forces, wounding three of them, and fierce fighting is now going on. [Hazely] Where is the other attack? [Koromah] The other attack is in the Foya district, a place called Palm Bay Farm, commonly called Vietnam, where General Faya of the NPFL, along with the Revolutionary United Front forces, have attacked the surrounding villages and killed about 24 to 26 civilians. Our forces have engaged them and for the past four days fierce fighting has been going on. He is busy attacking... [pauses] making fresh attacks on our position which we have no alternative but to resist. [Hazely] Are you sure of your facts here, Alhaji Koromah, because people will find these claims that you are making unbelievable. Why would Mr. Taylor want to attack ULIMO positions at this time? Why? [Koromah] We don't know, because we have been hearing lots of rumors that he wants to connect by land between Bong County and Sierra Leone. A lot of [words indistinct] born in Sierra Leone, because he wants to send some of his arms, his military arms, to Fode Sankor so that when the government is seated he can launch a full-scale attack. And also he does not intend to be disarmed totally. He wants an opportunity of unseating the government. So clearly because the attacks that we are getting are coming from both the Sierra Leone end and the Bong County end. So this confirms the speculation that he is trying to make a land connection between Bong County and Sierra Leone, but that cannot be...[pauses] we cannot accept that to be a monkey wrench, because he threw a monkey wrench in this peace process. [Hazely] But where are the peacekeepers? I thought, perhaps, the peacekeepers -- UNOMIL [United Nations Observe Mission in Liberia] -- are all over Liberia keeping watch. [Koromah] They are not all over, they are not all over. They are in few places closer to Monrovia. [Hazely] Yesterday, we got a report that your forces were refusing to hand over their weapons to the peacekeeping force, the African peacekeeping force, and they were saying they wanted money in exchange. Is this perhaps... [pauses] these claims you are making, could it not be that you want to deflect attention from the problems within your organization? [Koromah] Well, let me tell you something. I told one of your colleagues before that your reporter that you have here must be in the employ of somebody because, in the first place, ECOMOG will not tell you that they sent any troops toward Po River, and whatever contingent of ECOMOG, he should ask them if they even went near Po River. There was nobody present, there has been no schedule for Po River and Tubmanburg where our headquarter is, and we have made it clear that the troops will be deployed in Boming Hills as they are deployed in Gbarnga. [Hazely] Couldn't there be a split in your movement also in terms of the replacing of Dr. Mohammed Sheriff with Thomas Ziah and perhaps your troops are fighting over that, and you are claiming now that it is Taylor who is fighting? [Koromah] That has nothing to do with the attacks against our forces. What I am trying to say about the attacks can be verified. The areas are approachable so that shouldn't be a mystery to you. If there are problems within our organization, okay, that is natural, and we are going to deal with those problems today and tomorrow and you will hear the results of that particular problem of the question of how elections are carried out in the Council of State. But that does not mean we will sit here and allow that to cover the heinous crime of attacks against not only ULIMO soldiers but also the 24 to 36 elders and children that were killed. The Kissi people in Foya district were killed by General Faya, who is also a Kissi, but he is a general of NPFL. He is says that his people are exposing him to ULIMO, and I think everybody has listened to this particular interview from the Foya district that are now in Lofa can attest to this. [end recording]

Vandals committed acts of violence in Bamako yesterday evening. Traffic lights in the Koura neighborhood of Bamako were destroyed, and electricity substations in Kinsambougou and (Bagadajeda) were damaged. The Jamana publishing house and the annex of the Ministry of Economic Affairs were also seriously damaged. The police made some arrests. (?CNID Fato Yirouaton) sent us a communique calling for the immediate release of the Association of Malian Students and Pupils [AEEM] secretary general, Yehia Zarawana, and his friends, in order that a frank and constructive dialogue might be initiated. This is the sole condition needed to get the country out of the crisis. According to the (?CNID), it has always fought for democratic ideals and cannot accept repression against the AEEM, which is an important component of the democratic movement.

The communication and culture minister held the weekly press briefing at his office this morning. He spoke about the arrest of the Association of Malian Students and Pupils secretary general, as well as the latest upsurge in violence. Boubakar Toure has the details: [Begin recording] [Toure] The minister first spoke on the cabinet's adoption of a draft bill on methods of taxing public contracts in the state budget. This measure was aimed at avoiding double tax exemptions and curbing government spending. The minister and the newsmen spoke at length on recent developments in the school crisis, especially the confirmation that the AEEM secretary general had been arrested, as well as the violent incidents of 2 March. Minister Cheickna Kamissoko was unequivocal about this. He condemned vandalism and stated that no one was above the law. Zanarawa had to be brought to justice. [Kamissoko] Yehia Zarawana was indeed arrested yesterday morning by the police. Just like the other students who had been arrested before him, he will have to answer for acts that he has publicly acknowledged and admitted to in a radio broadcast. It is at his instigation and that of his association that students, and others who were not even students -- this has been proven by those who were judged initially -- set up roadblocks and vandalized public and private buildings, property, and health vehicles and [words indistinct] Unfortunately, the same thing happened last year in the suburbs. That was the result of an action that he masterminded and claimed responsibility for. The situation is very clear: When one accepts responsibility for a criminal act one has to answer for it. In that sense, no one can be above the law. [Toure] The minister also stressed that this could have a spillover effect on highway banditry. He urged parents to assume their responsibilities. Furthermore, he said the government was open to dialogue and that schools would be reopened as soon as the situation was favorable. When questioned on the situation in the north following Saloum Bilal's death, the minister conceded that tension was high in the region, and that a commission of enquiry would be dispatched to the area to throw more light on the matter. [end recording]

[Excerpts] Cooperation Minister Michel Roussin arrived in Bamako early this afternoon on a 48-hour visit. He was welcomed upon his descent from the plane by Mrs. Sy Kadiatou Sow, the minister of foreign affairs, Malians abroad and African integration and Jean-Didier Roisin, the ambassador to Mali. The cooperation minister spoke, among other things, on the backup measures taken by France in the wake of the devaluation. [passage omitted] Concerning an eventual second devaluation, an issue raised at the recent African finance ministers meeting in Libreville, this is what Mr. Roussin had to say: [Begin Roussin recording] I was not in Libreville. However, I had the pleasure of holding a telephone conversation with President Bongo. I also read the report from that meeting, and I did not glean anywhere the possibility of a second devaluation. The wisdom of the African heads of state is such that this information seems to me erroneous. [end recording]

A Libyan delegation led by Abdul Hamid Amar, member of the committee of the revolutionary movement of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah, has ended its working visit to Tahoua Department. A joint communique was issued at the end of the visit. Ibrahim Mahama has the details. [Begin Mahama recording] The Libyan delegation began the week with visits to several places in the municipal areas and districts of Tahoua, Tchin-Tabaraden, and Abarakat. The delegation also met businessmen of the department and [words indistinct] expressed their satisfaction with the signing of the cooperation agreement between Niger and Libya following the fourth session of the Niger- Libya Joint Commission of Cooperation held in Tripoli from 7 to 12 February. The businessmen in Tahoua Department expressed the hope of seeing the implementation of the general cooperation agreement, especially that on trade. Furthermore, a working session was held between delegations of the two countries [words indistinct]. At the end of the discussions, the committee of the revolutionary movement of Libya pledged to grant emergency medical and school supplies to Tahoua Department. The committee also pledged to oversee the opening and functioning of the Tchin-Tabaraden Franco-Arab (?center) and to undertake necessary additional rehabilitation works at (Kabara Char) High School. Moreover, the two sides agreed to the scrupulous respect of [words indistinct] cultural week. [end recording]

Abuja, 3 Mar (AFP) -- A source close to the Nigerian presidency stated that Nigerian President Sani Abacha discussed the border dispute between his country and Cameroon with Togolese counterpart Gnassingbe Eyadema today. The source did not specify the content of the discussion, but indicated that the meeting -- which took place in the presidential lounge of the Abuja International Airport -- was "frank and cordial." The Togolese head of state held talks earlier with Cameroonian President Paul Biya.

The Togolese president, General Gnassingbe Eyadema, flew to Abuja this evening from Yaounde, capital of Cameroon, to discuss with the head of state, General Sani Abacha, the Nigerian-Cameroon affairs over the Bakassi Peninsula. President Eyadema had held about two and half hours' discussion with President Paul Biya in Cameroon before coming to Abuja. His talks with the Nigerian head of state took place at the special lounge of the Abuja International Airport. The meeting lasted about one and a half hours, after which President Eyadema returned to Lome. Nigeria's foreign affairs minister, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, later talked to State House correspondents on the meeting: [Begin recording] [Kingibe] Well, as you know, the relations between Nigeria and Togo, they have always been excellent and very, very close. Nigeria and Togo have always taken initiatives jointly, initiatives of a kind that is aimed at advancing the process of integration, the process of understanding, and the process of cooperation in our subregion. And it is in this context of regular and close consultation between Togo and Nigeria that the President of Togo came for about a three-hour visit. Of course, when two leaders of the region, like they did, meet, of course they would discuss current issues, they would discuss issues of concern to the region, issues of concern to the OAU, and that kind of review of... [Unidentified Correspondent, interrupting] Excuse me, sir. The Togolese head of state was supposed to have held some two hours' meeting with the Cameroonian president. What would he bring by way of the kind Cameroonian [words indistinct]? [Kingibe] I am sure that the president of Togo would have briefed the head of state on the consultations he might have held with the president of Cameroon. Mind you, I think it is a presumption that they would have discussed the dispute over the Bakassi. But whatever it is, they held a tete-a-tete meeting, a closed-door meeting between the two of them. We have been informed that the meeting had been in the usual brotherly atmosphere, and had been fruitful, and that both leaders emerged happy from the meeting. [Correspondent] What is the latest situation at the Bakassi Peninsula? [Kingibe] Well, I think that troops are maintaining their code of conduct, which is, not to be provocative, not to provoke any incidents and maintain their positions, and not to initiate any action, except perhaps in self-defense. And it has been quiet since, and I am glad about that because we do need a quiet atmosphere in the field in order to allow us to take up the diplomatic way forward. [Correspondent] Have you heard anything on President Biya's proposals to Nigeria? [Kingibe] The position is that when earlier on, before the introduction of a new element by the arrival of the French troops, we were in close consultation and constant touch. And the process of consultation between the two heads of state led to our head of state inviting the president of Cameroon to come to Abuja for discussions. And after further consultations the president of Cameroon accepted it. In fact, he suggested that perhaps, symbolically, they should meet at a border town, and he suggested that perhaps Maiduguri would be a symbolically more appropriate place to meet. To which the head of state agreed. And the head of state went further -- as a gracious host -- to say to President Biya that he can pick or choose any date of convenience to him, he is waiting for him. And we are at this stage, and I am sure that the meeting will come off as soon as President Biya consults his diary, and a convenient time is found, I am sure he will come.

[Excerpts] New York, 3 March (PANA) -- Nigeria has launched a diplomatic offensive at the United Nations to counter that of Cameroon in their dispute over the Bakassi Peninsula in the Gulf of Guinea. Nigeria's deputy permanent representative to the UN, Isaac Ayewa, said on Thursday [3 March] that the mission had embarked on a "one-on-one consultation" with members of the UN Security Council to [word indistinct] Nigeria's side of the dispute. On Tuesday, Cameroon took the dispute to the UN when its foreign minister, Ferdinand Oyono, sent a letter to the world body requesting an urgent meeting of the Security Council over the dispute. [passage omitted] The Nigerian mission on Thursday met the Non-aligned caucus of the 15-member Security Council, of which Nigeria is a member. Ayewa said that the main thrust of the mission's efforts was to "stall the actual consideration of the subject matter" by the council to give bilateral discussions by the two countries a chance. A reliable source said Abuja would soon reply to the Cameroonian letter. "Nigeria believes in good neighbourliness, and since there is a [word indistinct] swell of goodwill between Nigeria and Cameroon, the two countries should be able to solve their problems without any international mediation," the source said. The council, presided over by the French ambassador, Jean-Bernard Merimee, the rotational president for the month of March, met on Thursday to consider its programme of work, but did not discuss the dispute. Nigeria's ambassador to the U.S., Zubair Kazaure, has also briefed State Department officials and some members of the U.S. Congress on the conflict. [passage omitted]

Lagos, March 3 (AFP) -- About 100 students from Niger, currently on hunger strike, are occupying their embassy in Lagos in protest against the non-payment of arrears of bursary allowance by Niamey, a student spokesman said Thursday [3 March]. The students, who last Monday began a "sit-in" strike at the embassy and who have disrupted activities at the mission, Wednesday sent a telex message to authorities in Niamey on their grievances, Adamou Tahirou, Vice President of the Union of Niger Students in Nigeria, told AFP. Niamey has also yet to pay the students, who are studying sciences, banking, engineering, computer science, business administration and arts in Nigerian universities, registration fees for last year and this year as well as other allowances, Adamou said. In a telex message Wednesday by the embassy, a copy of which was shown to AFP, the mission urged the government of Niger to send buses to Nigeria to "repatriate" the students immediately because the embassy might not be able to take care of the cost of the hospitalisation of the students, some of whom are already suffering from "physical weakness". "The students are in a catastrophic situation" following non-payment of seven months of arrears of their allowances, according to the embassy. Niger's ambassador to Nigeria, Maman Mansour, confirmed to AFP the "sit-in" strike of the students and the debt of seven months arrears of grants to the students.

President Gnassingbe Eyadema returned to Lome this evening following a short working visit to Cameroon and Nigeria. He was met at the Lome-Tokoin International Airport by Premier Koffigoh and several ministers. Following military honors, the head of state and the prime minister met in the Airport VIP Lounge, where they spoke for several minutes. President Eyadema's visits to Yaounde and Abuja came at a time of high tension between the two countries. The tension resulted from the border dispute over the Bakassi Peninsular. In Yaounde, President Eyadema held a long discussion with President Paul Biya. He did the same with General Abacha in Abuja. President Eyadema and his delegation were pleased with contacts made with the authorities of the two countries. President Eyadema was accompanied by Mr. Barry Moussa Barque, his special adviser; Foreign Minister Fambare Natchaba, Defense Minister Inoussa Bouraima, and Former Minister Atsu Koffi Amegah.

[Article by Diaby Salif] [Excerpt] Where is the Democratic Party of Cote d'Ivoire- African Democratic Rally [PDCI-RDA] heading to? What will its activists do with the legacy of their founding father, President Houphouet-Boigny? These crucial questions were raised by PDCI-RDA Secretary General Laurent Dona-Fologo at a meeting with members of the party's political bureau at the party house in Cocody yesterday afternoon. This is the party's first meeting since the death of President Houphouet-Boigny. On the occasion, Mr. Dona-Fologo announced that the PDCI-RDA will hold its extraordinary congress in April as stipulated in Article 25 of the standing rules. The congress will focus on the vacant party chairmanship post and the need to fill that prestigious post. [passage omitted]

[From the "Focus on Africa" program] ULIMO [United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia], one of the three signatories of Liberia's Cotonou Peace Accord, along with the interim government, and Charles Taylor's NPFL [National Patriotic Forces of Liberia], seems to be in some difficulties. There have been reports that its soldiers at Tubmanburg have been refusing to allow ECOMOG [Economic Community of West African State Cease-fire Monitoring Group] troops to deploy, insisting that they should receive money in exchange for the arms they surrender. They have sacked their representative on the Transitional Council that is supposed to guide the country to elections later this year. And now ULIMO's chairman, Alhaji Koromah, has called us up from Monrovia to say there is fresh fighting going on. Josephine Hazely asked him what his claim was: [Begin recording] [Koromah] Well, it is very unfortunate that today we have had to send a letter to ECOMOG informing them on an emergency basis that Charles Taylor's NPFL has launched unprovoked attacks for the past three days against ULIMO positions, one in the Salayie district near the town of Golu, under the command of one so-called Major Black Gina of the NPFL. They attacked our forces, wounding three of them, and fierce fighting is now going on. [Hazely] Where is the other attack? [Koromah] The other attack is in the Foya district, a place called Palm Bay Farm, commonly called Vietnam, where General Faya of the NPFL, along with the Revolutionary United Front forces, have attacked the surrounding villages and killed about 24 to 26 civilians. Our forces have engaged them and for the past four days fierce fighting has been going on. He is busy attacking... [pauses] making fresh attacks on our position which we have no alternative but to resist. [Hazely] Are you sure of your facts here, Alhaji Koromah, because people will find these claims that you are making unbelievable. Why would Mr. Taylor want to attack ULIMO positions at this time? Why? [Koromah] We don't know, because we have been hearing lots of rumors that he wants to connect by land between Bong County and Sierra Leone. A lot of [words indistinct] born in Sierra Leone, because he wants to send some of his arms, his military arms, to Fode Sankor so that when the government is seated he can launch a full-scale attack. And also he does not intend to be disarmed totally. He wants an opportunity of unseating the government. So clearly because the attacks that we are getting are coming from both the Sierra Leone end and the Bong County end. So this confirms the speculation that he is trying to make a land connection between Bong County and Sierra Leone, but that cannot be...[pauses] we cannot accept that to be a monkey wrench, because he threw a monkey wrench in this peace process. [Hazely] But where are the peacekeepers? I thought, perhaps, the peacekeepers -- UNOMIL [United Nations Observe Mission in Liberia] -- are all over Liberia keeping watch. [Koromah] They are not all over, they are not all over. They are in few places closer to Monrovia. [Hazely] Yesterday, we got a report that your forces were refusing to hand over their weapons to the peacekeeping force, the African peacekeeping force, and they were saying they wanted money in exchange. Is this perhaps... [pauses] these claims you are making, could it not be that you want to deflect attention from the problems within your organization? [Koromah] Well, let me tell you something. I told one of your colleagues before that your reporter that you have here must be in the employ of somebody because, in the first place, ECOMOG will not tell you that they sent any troops toward Po River, and whatever contingent of ECOMOG, he should ask them if they even went near Po River. There was nobody present, there has been no schedule for Po River and Tubmanburg where our headquarter is, and we have made it clear that the troops will be deployed in Boming Hills as they are deployed in Gbarnga. [Hazely] Couldn't there be a split in your movement also in terms of the replacing of Dr. Mohammed Sheriff with Thomas Ziah and perhaps your troops are fighting over that, and you are claiming now that it is Taylor who is fighting? [Koromah] That has nothing to do with the attacks against our forces. What I am trying to say about the attacks can be verified. The areas are approachable so that shouldn't be a mystery to you. If there are problems within our organization, okay, that is natural, and we are going to deal with those problems today and tomorrow and you will hear the results of that particular problem of the question of how elections are carried out in the Council of State. But that does not mean we will sit here and allow that to cover the heinous crime of attacks against not only ULIMO soldiers but also the 24 to 36 elders and children that were killed. The Kissi people in Foya district were killed by General Faya, who is also a Kissi, but he is a general of NPFL. He is says that his people are exposing him to ULIMO, and I think everybody has listened to this particular interview from the Foya district that are now in Lofa can attest to this. [end recording]

Vandals committed acts of violence in Bamako yesterday evening. Traffic lights in the Koura neighborhood of Bamako were destroyed, and electricity substations in Kinsambougou and (Bagadajeda) were damaged. The Jamana publishing house and the annex of the Ministry of Economic Affairs were also seriously damaged. The police made some arrests. (?CNID Fato Yirouaton) sent us a communique calling for the immediate release of the Association of Malian Students and Pupils [AEEM] secretary general, Yehia Zarawana, and his friends, in order that a frank and constructive dialogue might be initiated. This is the sole condition needed to get the country out of the crisis. According to the (?CNID), it has always fought for democratic ideals and cannot accept repression against the AEEM, which is an important component of the democratic movement.

The communication and culture minister held the weekly press briefing at his office this morning. He spoke about the arrest of the Association of Malian Students and Pupils secretary general, as well as the latest upsurge in violence. Boubakar Toure has the details: [Begin recording] [Toure] The minister first spoke on the cabinet's adoption of a draft bill on methods of taxing public contracts in the state budget. This measure was aimed at avoiding double tax exemptions and curbing government spending. The minister and the newsmen spoke at length on recent developments in the school crisis, especially the confirmation that the AEEM secretary general had been arrested, as well as the violent incidents of 2 March. Minister Cheickna Kamissoko was unequivocal about this. He condemned vandalism and stated that no one was above the law. Zanarawa had to be brought to justice. [Kamissoko] Yehia Zarawana was indeed arrested yesterday morning by the police. Just like the other students who had been arrested before him, he will have to answer for acts that he has publicly acknowledged and admitted to in a radio broadcast. It is at his instigation and that of his association that students, and others who were not even students -- this has been proven by those who were judged initially -- set up roadblocks and vandalized public and private buildings, property, and health vehicles and [words indistinct] Unfortunately, the same thing happened last year in the suburbs. That was the result of an action that he masterminded and claimed responsibility for. The situation is very clear: When one accepts responsibility for a criminal act one has to answer for it. In that sense, no one can be above the law. [Toure] The minister also stressed that this could have a spillover effect on highway banditry. He urged parents to assume their responsibilities. Furthermore, he said the government was open to dialogue and that schools would be reopened as soon as the situation was favorable. When questioned on the situation in the north following Saloum Bilal's death, the minister conceded that tension was high in the region, and that a commission of enquiry would be dispatched to the area to throw more light on the matter. [end recording]

[Excerpts] Cooperation Minister Michel Roussin arrived in Bamako early this afternoon on a 48-hour visit. He was welcomed upon his descent from the plane by Mrs. Sy Kadiatou Sow, the minister of foreign affairs, Malians abroad and African integration and Jean-Didier Roisin, the ambassador to Mali. The cooperation minister spoke, among other things, on the backup measures taken by France in the wake of the devaluation. [passage omitted] Concerning an eventual second devaluation, an issue raised at the recent African finance ministers meeting in Libreville, this is what Mr. Roussin had to say: [Begin Roussin recording] I was not in Libreville. However, I had the pleasure of holding a telephone conversation with President Bongo. I also read the report from that meeting, and I did not glean anywhere the possibility of a second devaluation. The wisdom of the African heads of state is such that this information seems to me erroneous. [end recording]

A Libyan delegation led by Abdul Hamid Amar, member of the committee of the revolutionary movement of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah, has ended its working visit to Tahoua Department. A joint communique was issued at the end of the visit. Ibrahim Mahama has the details. [Begin Mahama recording] The Libyan delegation began the week with visits to several places in the municipal areas and districts of Tahoua, Tchin-Tabaraden, and Abarakat. The delegation also met businessmen of the department and [words indistinct] expressed their satisfaction with the signing of the cooperation agreement between Niger and Libya following the fourth session of the Niger- Libya Joint Commission of Cooperation held in Tripoli from 7 to 12 February. The businessmen in Tahoua Department expressed the hope of seeing the implementation of the general cooperation agreement, especially that on trade. Furthermore, a working session was held between delegations of the two countries [words indistinct]. At the end of the discussions, the committee of the revolutionary movement of Libya pledged to grant emergency medical and school supplies to Tahoua Department. The committee also pledged to oversee the opening and functioning of the Tchin-Tabaraden Franco-Arab (?center) and to undertake necessary additional rehabilitation works at (Kabara Char) High School. Moreover, the two sides agreed to the scrupulous respect of [words indistinct] cultural week. [end recording]