Datasets:

Nithiwat

/

claimbuster

like 1

I don't think we agree on that.

And I think that's a private matter.

And therefore Congress passes the bill after our session in 1997 ended, we passed an enabling legislation in 1999.

I believe there are 1.4 million children in Texas who do not have health insurance.

We've spent $4.7 billion a year in the State of Texas for uninsured people.

And Texas is number one in industrial pollution.

That is why Senator wh- President Eisenhower was also correct in his policy in the Formosa Straits, where he declined, and refused to follow the recommendations - recommendations which Senator Kennedy voted for in 1955; again made in 1959; again repeated in his debates that you have heard - recommendations with regard to - again - slicing off a piece of free territory, and abandoning it, if - in effect, to the Communists.

And so we need military strength, we need economic strength, we also need the right diplomatic policies.

And you cannot fight a victory for Communism or a strategy of victory for Communism with the strategy, simply of holding the line.

I voted for the Formosa resolution in 1955.

In 1957 I was in Havana.

And yet last year we gave them less than five percent of all the technical assistance funds that we distributed around the world.

There isn't one country in the Middle East that now endorses the Eisenhower Doctrine.

But are we doing enough in these areas?

Are we doing enough in that area?

I think we are today.

Now, what can we do?

He surely must be aware that most of the equipment and arms and resources for Castro came from the United States, flowed out of Florida and other parts of the United States to Castro in the mountains.

So that is my answer to this question.

Second, as far as this report is concerned, I would have no objection to having it made public.

What I said was that ten years ago, we were producing twice as many scientists and engineers as the Soviet Union and today they're producing twice as many as we are, and that this affects our security around the world.

I think we should go back to Geneva, who's ever elected president, Mr. Nixon or myself, and try once again.

This means at the secretary of state level and at the ambassadorial level.

I don't believe we should go to a summit conference unless we have such an agenda, unless we have some reasonable insur- assurance from Mr. Khrushchev that he intends seriously to negotiate on those points.

We can make it move.

If he says that, this issue will not be discussed in the campaign.

Let's talk about civil rights.

Anybody that says America has been standing still for the last seven and a half years hasn't been traveling in America.

It is essential that we extend freedom, extend it to all the world.

And this means more than what we've been doing.

The whole th- the United States now has a treaty - which I voted for in the United States Senate in 1955 - to defend Formosa and the Pescadores Island.

The treaty does not include these two islands.

Then I believe that we should move full time on our missile production, particularly on Minuteman and on Polaris.

There have been many wars in the history of mankind.

Now, we may not succeed.

What do we do then?

But certainly we're not going to have peace by giving in and indicating in advance that we are not going to defend what has become a symbol of freedom.

I would take any action necessary to defend the treaty, Formosa, and the Pescadores Island.

I don't suggest that, I don't support it.

On our last television debate, I pointed out that it was my position that Americans must choose the best man that either party could produce.

Uh - Also, so that we can get the uh - opportunity for the questioners to question me, it will be before the next television debate.

The difficulty now is the president's course is quite limited.

My judgment is that the program the Vice President put forward, which is an extension of Mr. Benson's program, will cost a billion dollars more than the present program, which costs about six billion dollars a year, the most expensive in history.

I don't believe we ought to pay our bills through inflation, through a phony interest rate.

We've got to grow enough to maintain the forces that we have abroad and to wage the non-military battle for the war - uh - for the world in Asia, in Africa and Latin America.

We have to move into those areas with programs so that we make adequate use of the resources of those areas.

And so he would be doing exactly the wrong thing.

I oppose it because I want us to have more oil exploration and not less.

I believe that we must be able to compete in the market - steel and in all the basic commodities abroad - we must be able to compete against them because we always did because of our technological lead.

Every other ca- African country either abstained or voted against us.

I thought you'd forgotten I was here.

So I have to stand up for myself.

I don't think we're a declining nation.

Then the question is, can we govern?

In 1974, we had the worst recession, the deepest and most penetrating recession since the Second World War.

In addition, we've brought down inflation.

And Business Week, which is not a Democratic publication, said that this Reagan-Kemp-Roth proposal - and I quote them, I think - was completely irresponsible and would result in inflationary pressures which would destroy this nation.

We've had a 25% reduction since the first year I was in office.

It had been cut in two by President Gerald Ford.

It is now running at 12.7%.

Mr. Carter had also promised that he would not use unemployment as a tool to fight against inflation.

We don't have inflation because the people are living too well.

I'll have to get this out very fast.

He more than doubled state spending while he was Governor - 122% increase - and had between a 20% and 30% increase in the number of employees

I have brought into the top level, top levels of government, into the White House, into administrative offices of the Executive branch, into the judicial system, highly qualified black and Spanish citizens and women who in the past had been excluded.

That's been a consistent policy, one I intend to carry out.

I have no quarrel whatsoever with the things that have been done, because I believe it is high time that the civilized countries of the world made it plain that there is no room worldwide for terrorism; there will be no negotiation with terrorists of any kind.

Now, I have not blocked the SALT II treaty, as Mr. Carter and Mr. Mondale suggest I have.

Every President who has served in the Oval Office since Harry Truman has been dedicated to the proposition of controlling nuclear weapons.

To negotiate with the Soviet Union a balanced, controlled, observable, and then reducing levels of atomic weaponry, there is a disturbing pattern in the attitude of Governor Reagan.

We've now reduced the importing of foreign oil in the last year alone by one-third.

I just happen to believe that free enterprise can do a better job of producing the things that people need than government can.

Six predecessors of mine who served in the Oval Office called for this guarantee of women's rights.

I thought that was the subject we were supposed to be on.

I've been President now for almost four years.

I've seen the strength of my nation, and I've seen the crises it approached in a tentative way.

I consider myself in the mainstream of my party.

And we must extend the benefits of our own commitment to peace, to create a peaceful world.

Next Tuesday is Election Day.

I know that the economic program that I have proposed for this nation in the next few years can resolve many of the problems that trouble us today.

We cut the cost - the increased cost of government - in half over the eight years.

And I want to call a hemispheric summit just as soon after the 20th of January as possible to fight that war.

You know, the American people are fair.

They want to judge it on the record itself.

And I don't want to do that, and I won't do that.

And it's going to take discipline of the executive branch; it's going to take discipline of the congressional branch.

The American people are pretty smart: they know who writes out the checks.

And they know who appropriates the money.

And those pessimists who say it can't be done, I'm sorry, I just have a fundamental disagreement with them

He says he wants to give the wealthiest one percent of the people in this country a five-year $40 billion tax break, and we're going to pay for it.

will go out and do the job that we expect of him and do it with the Congress of the United States.

We can do all of those things, and at the same time build a future in which we are standing on a good strong fiscal foundation.

The Governor has to balance the budget in his state he is required to by law.

I'm not going to do that; I won't do that.

As a matter of fact, I'm the first governor in the history of my state to fund that pension system, and I'm very proud of that.

I think the presidency of the United States is a very serious office, and I think we have to address these issues in a very serious way.

So I hope and expect that I will be liked by the people of this country as president of the United States; I certainly hope I will be liked by them on the 8th of November.

So that pledge isn't realistic, and I think the vice president knows it; I think the people of this country know it.

And I am going to be a president who is serious, I hope and expect will be liked by the American people.

But more than that, to do the kind of job that I'm elected to do, will do it with as much good humor as I can, but at the same time will do it in a way which will achieve the goals we want for ourselves and our people.