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(Redirected from Tax cuts A tax cut is a reduction in the rate of tax charged by a government, for example on personal or corporate income. Whether a given tax cut will increase or decrease total tax revenues is much discussed by both economists and politicians. The immediate effects of a tax cut are, generally, a decrease in the real income of the government and to increase the real income of those whose tax rate has been lowered. In the longer term, however, the effect on government income may be reversed, depending on the response that tax-payers make. Supply-siders argue that tax cuts for corporations and wealthy individuals provide them an incentive for investments which stimulate so much economic activity that even at the lower rate more net tax revenue will be collected. Some economists argue that even in the short term cutting some taxes, for example capital gains tax, may raise government income immediately due to long-postponed sales of securities being made at the lower rate. The longer term macroeconomic effects of a tax cut are not predictable in general, since they will depend on what the taxpayers whose rate has been cut do with their additional income, and how the government adjusts to its reduced income. Four idealised scenarios can be hypothesised: - Government cuts its expenditure, and taxpayers increase theirs, spending the money on commodities sourced from within the country. This combination is macroeconomically neutral, but advocates of a free-market economy argue that it improves economic welfare, since people are more accurate than the government in spending money on commodities that they actually want. - Government maintains its expenditure (thus incurring debt), and taxpayers increase theirs, spending the money on commodities sourced from within the country. This combination provides a stimulus to the economy, and it is on these grounds that advocates of supply-side economics frequently argue for tax cuts. It should lead to economic growth, bringing about greater general prosperity, though unless managed carefully it will also lead to inflation. A government making tax cuts and incurring debt usually hopes that the economic stimulus of the tax cut will be large enough to produce a long-term increase in tax revenues, allowing the debt to be paid off in the future. If that does not occur then the government can be left with a severe budgetary crisis. - Government cuts its expenditure, and taxpayers either save their increased income under their mattresses, or spend it on commodities sourced from outside the country. This combination has a deflationary effect on the country's economy, and could lead to balance of payments problems, though it will tend to expand the economies of the countries sourcing the commodities that people purchase. However, if saving predominates over the purchase of imports, there may be an indirect stimulus to the economy because the additional supply of capital tends to reduce the interest rate. - Government maintains its expenditure (thus incurring debt), and taxpayers either save their increased income under their mattresses, or spend it on commodities sourced from outside the country. This combination is not inherently deflationary, but it contributes to balance of payments difficulties which may have secondary deflationary effects, and as noted above may lead to a government budgetary crisis with a painful readjustment to follow. In practice it is likely that a mixture of these effects will occur, and the net effect of any tax cut will depend on the balance between them. It will therefore be a function of the overall state of the national economy. In conditions where most goods and services (especially those frequently purchased out of discretionary income, such as consumer durables) are produced domestically, a tax cut is more likely to provide a macroeconomic stimulus than in conditions where most consumer durables are imported. Furthermore, the actual effect will inevitably be difficult to discern, because much else will have changed in the economy between the time when a tax cut is proposed and the time when its full effects should be felt. In the United States in recent decades, most "supply-siders" have been Republicans (though the largest individual tax cut was initially proposed by President Kennedy), and both President Ronald Reagan and President George W. Bush are well known for signing tax cuts into law, in the belief that cutting the tax rate would stimulate investment and spending, with overall beneficial effects -- including increased tax revenues. President Reagan's tax cuts were indeed followed by increased growth and substantial job creation, which produced higher tax revenues, helped shrink the deficits and eventually led to the budget surpluses of the 1990s, and supply-side economists argue that the link between the two was causal. Democratic Governor Bill Richardson in recent years has advocated tax cuts to spur job growth. If government does reduce its expenditure to accommodate tax cuts, there must necessarily be reductions in government services, and there may also be a reduction of the government's capacity to redistribute income to reduce income inequalities. Critics of tax cuts argue that this leads to fall in overall economic welfare because the effects fall disproportionately on those with the lowest incomes. Much discussion has occurred regarding the optimum capital gains tax rate, with some advocates calling for tax cuts in the belief that a lower rate (e.g., under 25%) will provide an incentive to investors to sell old stocks and invest in new stocks -- which supply siders maintain encourages the creation of new jobs, reduces unemployment, and has the paradoxical effect of increasing tax revenues more or less immediately, an idea first proposed by economist Arthur Laffer while an advisor to Ronald Reagan (See Laffer curve). While this paradoxical effect is clearly possible in principle, opponents of capital gains tax cuts are not persuaded that it occurs in practice. They therefore argue that the rate of capital gains tax should be raised, since it is paid primarily by the better off, who can afford to contribute disproportionately to government revenues.

http://www.biologydaily.com/biology/Tax_cuts

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ZIP Code History A Brief History of the Development of the ZIP Code in the United States ZIP Codes have an interesting history beginning with their inception in the early 1960's to their unintended use today in sales and marketing applications, internet technology, data collection and GIS. The ZIP code is the system of postal codes used by the United States Postal Service (USPS). The name ZIP, an acronym for Zone Improvement Plan, is written properly in capital letters and was chosen to suggest that the mail travels more efficiently, and therefore more quickly, when senders use it. The basic format consists of five numerical digits. An extended ZIP + 4 code includes the five digits of the ZIP code, a hyphen and then four more digits, which allow a piece of mail to be directed to a more precise location than by the ZIP code alone. ZIP Code was originally registered as a trademark by the U.S. Postal Service but its registration has since expired. The postal service implemented postal zones for large cities in 1943. For example: 28 Prince St. Boston 24, Massachusetts The "24" in the example above is the number of the postal zone within the city. By the early 1960s a more general system was needed, and on July 1, 1963, non-mandatory ZIP codes were announced for the whole country. Robert Moon, an employee of the post office, is considered the father of the ZIP code. He submitted his proposal in 1944 while working as a postal inspector. The post office only gives credit to Moon for the first three digits of the ZIP code, which describe the region of the country. In most cases, the last two digits coincide with the older postal zone number, thus: 28 Prince St. Boston 24, Massachusetts 02113 Enter Mr. ZIP In 1967, these were made mandatory for second- and third-class bulk mailers, and the system was soon adopted generally. The United States Post Office used a cartoon character, Mr. ZIP, to promote use of the ZIP code. He was often depicted with a legend such as "USE ZIP CODES" in the selvage of panes of stamps or on labels contained in, or the covers of, booklet panes of stamps. Curiously enough, the only time the Postal Service issued a stamp promoting the ZIP code, in 1974, Mr. ZIP was not depicted. Mr. ZIP promoted the use of ZIP codes for the USPS during the 1960s and 1970s. Watch an early advertisement of "The Swingin' Six" hoping to persuade people to use ZIP Codes. ZIP + 4 In 1983, the U.S. Postal Service began using an expanded ZIP code system called "ZIP + 4", often called "plus-four codes" or "add-on codes." A ZIP + 4 code uses the basic five-digit code plus an additional four digits to identify a geographic segment within the five-digit delivery area, such as a city block, a group of apartments, an individual high-volume receiver of mail or any other unit that could use an extra identifier to aid in efficient mail sorting and delivery. Use of the plus-four code is not required except for certain presorted mailings. In general, mail is read by a multiline optical character reader (MLOCR) that instantly determines the correct ZIP + 4 code from the address and — along with the even more specific delivery point — sprays a Postnet barcode on the face of the mail piece that corresponds to 11 digits. This technology has greatly increased the speed and accuracy of mail delivery and, in turn, kept costs nearly constant for over a decade. For post-office boxes, the general (but not invariable) rule is that each box has its own ZIP + 4 code. The add-on code is often one of the following: the last four digits of the box number (e.g., PO Box 58001, Washington DC 20037-8001), zero plus the last three digits of the box number (e.g., PO Box 12344, Chicago IL 60612-0344), or, if the box number consists of fewer than four digits, enough zeros added to the front of the box number to make it a four-digit number (e.g., PO Box 52, Garrett Park MD 20896-0052). However, there is no uniform rule, so the ZIP + 4 code must be looked up individually for each box. It is common to use add-on code 9998 for mail addressed to the postmaster (to which requests for pictorial cancellations are usually addressed), 9999 for general delivery and other high-numbered add-on codes for business reply mail. For a unique ZIP code (explained below), the add-on code is typically 0001. Structure and allocation ZIP codes are numbered with the first digit representing a certain group of U.S. states, the second and third digits together representing a region in that group (or perhaps a large city) and the fourth and fifth digits representing more specific areas, such as small towns or regions of that city. The main town in a region (if applicable) often gets the first ZIP codes for that region; afterward, the numerical order often follows the alphabetical order .Generally, the first three digits designate a sectional center facility, the mail-sorting and distribution center for an area. A sectional center facility may have more than one three-digit code assigned to it. For example, the Northern Virginia sectional center facility in Merrifield is assigned codes 220, 221, 222 and 223. In some cases, a sectional center facility may serve an area in an adjacent state, usually due to the lack of an appropriate location for a center in that region. For example, 739 in Oklahoma is assigned to Liberal, Kansas; 865 in Arizona is assigned to Gallup, New Mexico; and 961 in California to Reno, Nevada. Geographically, many of the lowest ZIP codes are in the New England region, since these begin with '0'. Also in the '0' region are Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands and APO/FPO military addresses for personnel stationed in Europe. The lowest ZIP code is in Holtsville, New York (00501, a unique ZIP Code for the U.S. Internal Revenue Service center there). Other low ZIP codes are 00601 for Adjuntas, Puerto Rico; 01001 for Agawam, Massachusetts, and 01002 for Amherst, Massachusetts. Up until 2001 there were also six zip codes even lower than 00501 that were numbered from 00210 to 00215 (located in Portsmouth, New Hampshire) and were used by the Diversity Immigrant Visa program to receive applications from citizens of the six other continents. The numbers increase southward along the East Coast, such as 02115 (Boston), 10001 (New York City), 19103 (Philadelphia), 20008 (Washington, D.C.), 30303 (Atlanta) and 33130 (Miami) (these are only examples as each of these cities contain several zip codes in the same range). From there, the numbers increase heading westward and northward. For example, 40202 is in Louisville, 50309 in Des Moines, Iowa, 60601 in Chicago, 75201 in Dallas, 80202 in Denver, 94111 in San Francisco, 98101 in Seattle, and 99950 in Ketchikan, Alaska. It is important to note that despite the geographic derivation of most ZIP codes, the codes themselves are not geographic regions, but simply categories for grouping mailing addresses. ZIP Code "areas" can overlap, be subsets of each other, or be artificial constructs with no geographic area. Similarly, in areas without regular postal routes (rural route areas) or no mail delivery (undeveloped areas), ZIP Codes are not assigned or are based on sparse delivery routes, and hence the boundary between ZIP code areas is undefined. For example, U.S. government agencies in and around the nation's capital are assigned ZIP codes starting with 20200 to 20599, which are Washington, D.C., ZIP codes, even if they are not located in Washington itself. While the White House itself is located in ZIP code 20006, it has the ZIP code 20500. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission is located in Rockville, Maryland, at ZIP code 20852, but has been assigned by the Postal Service the address "Washington, DC 20555". The United States Patent and Trademark Office used to be located in Crystal City, Virginia at ZIP Code 22202 but was assigned by the Postal Service the address "Washington, DC 20231"; however, since its move to Alexandria, Virginia, it uses the ZIP + 4 code 22313-1450. Rarely, a locality is assigned a ZIP code that does not match the rest of the state. This is when the locality is so isolated that it is served from a sectional center in another state. For example, Fishers Island, New York, bears the ZIP code 06390 and is served from Connecticut — all other New York ZIP codes (excepting those at Holtsville for the IRS) begin with "1". Similarly, some Texas ZIP codes are served from New Mexico and thus bear codes beginning with "8" rather than "7". Returned government parcels from the District of Columbia are sent to ZIP codes beginning with "569", so that returned parcels are security checked at a remote facility (this was put into place after the anthrax scare). ZIP codes only loosely tied to cities An address's ZIP code and the "city" name written on the same line do not necessarily mean that address is within that city. The Postal Service designates a single "default" place name for each ZIP code. This may be an actual incorporated town or city, a sub-entity of a town or city or an unincorporated census-designated place. Additional place names, also of any of these types, may be recognized as "acceptable" for a certain ZIP code. Still others are deemed "not acceptable", and if used may result in a delay in mail delivery. Default place names are typically the actual city or town that the address is located in. However, for many cities that have incorporated since ZIP codes were introduced the actual city name is only "acceptable" and not the "default" place name. Many databases automatically assign the "default" place name for a ZIP code, without regard to any "acceptable" place names. For example, Centennial, Colorado is divided among seven ZIP codes assigned to "Aurora", "Englewood" or "Littleton" as its "default" place names. Thus, from the perspective of the U.S. Postal Service, the city of Centennial and its 100,000 residents do not exist - they are part of Aurora, Englewood or Littleton. In the ZIP-code directory, Centennial addresses are listed under those three cities. And since it is "acceptable" to write "Centennial" in conjunction with any of the seven ZIP codes, one can write "Centennial" in an address that is actually in Aurora, Englewood, or Littleton, as long as it is in one of the shared ZIP Codes. "Acceptable" place names are often added to a ZIP code in cases where the ZIP-code boundaries divide them between two or more cities, as in the case of Centennial. However, in many cases only the "default" name can be used, even when many addresses in the ZIP code are in another city. For example, approximately 85% of the area served by the ZIP code 85254, to which the place name "Scottsdale, Arizona," is assigned, is actually inside the city limits of neighboring Phoenix. This is because the post office that serves this area is in Scottsdale. This has led some residents of the ZIP code to believe that they live in Scottsdale when they actually live in Phoenix. A Scottsdale website listing the positive and negative aspects of the city mentioned the 85254 ZIP code as a positive aspect because "Scottsdale" is being used for businesses located outside the Phoenix city limits. This phenomenon is repeated across the country. The previously mentioned Englewood is a land-locked, inner-ring suburb that was built out by the 1960s. Its post office served the area that is now the high-growth southern tier of the Denver metropolitan area, and ZIP codes in this area were assigned "Englewood" as their "default" place name. An employment center as large as downtown Denver has grown in this area, and its office parks are the headquarters for many internationally recognized corporations. Even though they are actually located in other cities, they indicate "Englewood" as their location, as this is the "default" postal place name. As a result, there are really two "Englewoods" — the actual city, small and with a largely working-class residential population, and, a number of miles away, the postal "Englewood," a vast suburban area of upscale subdivisions and office parks that have nothing to do with the City of Englewood yet share a split identity with it solely because of ZIP codes. People who say that they live or work in "Englewood" and identify closely with it may rarely enter the actual city of that name. "Acceptable place names" also come into play in areas of the country where many citizens identify more strongly with a particular urban center than the municipality they actually live in. For example, Allegheny County, Pennsylvania has 130 distinct municipalities, but many of the county's residents, and even some residents of adjacent counties, commonly use "Pittsburgh, PA" as their postal address. Finally, many ZIP codes are for villages, census-designated places, portions of cities, or other entities that are not municipalities. For example, ZIP code 03750 is for Etna, New Hampshire, but Etna is not a city or town; it is actually a village district in the town of Hanover, which itself is assigned the ZIP code 03755. Another example is ZIP code 08043, which corresponds to the census-designated place of Kirkwood, NJ but actually serves the entirety of Voorhees Township, NJ. This is also the case in LaGrange, New York, a portion of which is served by the 12603 ZIP code based in the neighboring Town of Poughkeepsie. The rest of LaGrange is served by the LaGrangeville Post Office. LaGrangeville is itself, not a town at all, but a section of LaGrange.The postal designations for place names become de facto locations for their addresses, and as a result it is difficult to convince residents and businesses that they actually are located in another city or town different from the "default" place name associated with their ZIP codes. Because of the confusion and lack of identity generated by this situation, some cities, such as Signal Hill, California, have successfully petitioned the Postal Service to change ZIP-code boundaries or create new ZIP codes so that their cities can be the "default" place name for addresses within the ZIP code. This confusion also can have financial implications for local governments, because mail volume is among the factors used by the U.S. Census Bureau to estimate population changes between decennial census enumerations. Sometimes local officials in a community that is not the "default" place name for a zip code but is an "acceptable" place name will advise residents to always use the name of the community, because if the census estimate of that town's population is low they will get less of various State and Federal funds that are computed based on population. Division and reallocation of ZIP codes Like area codes, ZIP codes are sometimes divided and changed, especially when a rural area becomes suburban. Typically, the new codes become effective once announced, and a grace period (e.g., one year) is provided in which the new and old codes are used concurrently so that postal patrons in the affected area can notify correspondents, order new stationery, etc. Most significantly, in rapidly developing suburbs it is sometimes necessary to open a new sectional center facility, which must then be allocated its own three-digit ZIP-code prefix or prefixes. Such allocation can be done in various ways. For example, when a new sectional center facility was opened at Dulles Airport in Virginia, the prefix 201 was allocated to that facility; therefore, for all post offices to be served by that sectional center facility the ZIP code changed from an old code beginning with 220 or 221 to a new code or codes beginning with 201. However, when a new sectional center facility was opened to serve Montgomery County, Maryland, no new prefix was assigned. Instead, ZIP codes in the 207 and 208 ranges, which had previously been assigned alphabetically, were reshuffled so that 207xx ZIP codes in the county were changed to 208xx codes, while 208xx codes outside that county were changed to 207xx codes. Because Silver Spring (whose postal area includes Wheaton) has its own prefix, 209, there was no need to apply the reshuffling to Silver Spring; instead, all mail going to 209xx ZIP codes was simply rerouted to the new sectional center facility. ZIP codes also change when postal boundaries are realigned. For example, at the same time at which the above-noted change in Montgomery County took place, and under pressure from then-D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, the USPS realigned the postal boundaries between the District of Columbia and Maryland to match the actual boundary. Previously, many inner suburbs, such as Bethesda and Takoma Park, had been in the Washington, D.C., postal area. As a result of the change, ZIP codes in Maryland beginning with 200 were changed to new ZIP codes beginning with 207, 208 or 209, depending on their location, and ZIP codes straddling the D.C.-Maryland line were split. For example, 20014 (Bethesda) became 20814, while the Maryland portion of 20012 (Takoma Park) became 20912. There are three types of ZIP codes: Unique (assigned to a single high-volume address), P.O.-box-only (used only for P.O. boxes at a given facility, not for any other type of delivery) and Standard (all other ZIP codes). As examples of Unique ZIP codes, certain governmental agencies, universities, businesses or buildings that receive extremely high volumes of mail have their own ZIP codes, such as 81009 for the Federal Citizen Information Center of the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA) in Pueblo, Colorado; 30385 for BellSouth in Atlanta; 21412 for Bancroft Hall, the midshipman dormitory at the United States Naval Academy; and 12345 for General Electric in Schenectady, New York. An example of a P.O.-box-only ZIP code is 22313, which is used for P.O. boxes at the main post office in Alexandria, Virginia. In the area surrounding that post office, home and business mail delivery addresses use ZIP code 22314, which is thus a Standard ZIP code. The above will be made clearer by examining the allocation of ZIP codes in Boston, Massachusetts : |02117||PO Boxes only (PO Boxes at the main post office)| |02212||unique (Bank of America)| |02217||PO boxes only (PO boxes at the main post office)| |02295||unique (John Hancock Mutual Insurance Company)| While ZIP codes classified as Unique by the USPS always serve a single address, it should not be assumed that a zip code is Unique simply because it serves a single building, complex, or address. Large facilities are often given P.O.-box-only or Standard ZIP codes rather than Unique ZIP codes, because USPS carriers must distribute the mail to multiple boxes, offices, or buildings within the facility. In a Unique ZIP code, mail distribution within the single address is handled internally, rather than by USPS employees. A few ZIP codes fall outside the three types. APO and FPO ZIP codes are codes in use for U.S. Armed Forces members and their dependents overseas. The state postal abbreviations AP (Area Pacific), AA (Area Americas) and AE (Area Europe) were created in 1991 to serve these communities; previously, APO and FPO mail was addressed to APO San Francisco, APO Miami and APO New York respectively, and APO/FPO ZIP codes were numerically close to the allocations for those cities. The creation of these new state codes necessitated the rewrite of thousands of pieces of postal software and still occasionally causes confusion, as the actual numeric ZIP codes used by the APO/FPO system did not change and are still in use. Delivery services other than the USPS, such as FedEx, United Parcel Service and DHL require a ZIP code for optimal internal routing of a package. This spares customers from being required to use some other routing designator, such as the IATA code of the destination airport or railhead. ZIP codes are used not only for tracking of mail but in gathering geographical statistics in the United States. The U.S. Census Bureau has data that include the latitude and longitude of the center-point of some ZIP codes (called ZIP Code Tabulation Areas or ZCTAs). The Census Bureau does not keep up-to-date data sets of all ZIP codes. Complete data sets are commercially available. The data are often used in direct-mail campaigns in a process called ZIP-code marketing, developed by Martin Baier. Point-of-sale cashiers sometimes ask consumers their home ZIP code. Besides providing purchasing-pattern data useful in determining the location of new business establishments, retailers can use directories to correlate this ZIP code with the name on a credit card to obtain a consumer's full address and telephone number. ZIP-coded data are also used in analyzing geographic factors in risk, an insurance-industry and banking practice pejoratively known as redlining. This can cause problems (e.g. expensive insurance) for people living near a town with a high crime rate and sharing its ZIP code, while they themselves actually live in a relatively crime free town (e.g. south west part of 94303). ZIP code data is an integral part of dealer/store locator software on many web sites, especially brick-and-click web sites. This software processes a user-input ZIP code and returns a list of store or business locations, usually in order of increasing distance from the input ZIP code. Source: The information contained on this page is derived from Wikipedia [license] and other sources.

http://zipboundary.com/zipcode_history.html

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A ridge under the Atlantic Ocean was first inferred by Matthew Fontaine Maury in 1850. The ridge was discovered during the expedition of HMS Challenger in 1872. A team of scientists on board, led by Charles Wyville Thomson, discovered a large rise in the middle of the Atlantic while investigating the future location for a transatlantic telegraph cable. The existence of such a ridge was confirmed by sonar in 1925 and was found to extend around the Cape of Good Hope into the Indian Ocean by the German Meteor expedition. In the 1950s, mapping of the Earth’s ocean floors by Bruce Heezen, Maurice Ewing, Marie Tharp and others revealed the Mid-Atlantic Ridge to have a strange bathymetry of valleys and ridges, with its central valley being seismologically active and the epicentre of many earthquakes. Ewing and Heezen discovered the ridge to be part of a 40,000-km-long essentially continuous system of mid-ocean ridges on the floors of all the Earth’s oceans. The discovery of this worldwide ridge system led to the theory of seafloor spreading and general acceptance of Wegener's theory of continental drift and expansion as plate tectonics. Notable features along the ridge The Mid-Atlantic Ridge includes a deep rift valley which runs along the axis of the ridge along nearly its entire length. This rift marks the actual boundary between adjacent tectonic plates, where magma from the mantle reaches the seafloor, erupting as lava and producing new crustal material for the plates. Near the equator, the Mid-Atlantic Ridge is divided into the North Atlantic Ridge and the South Atlantic Ridge by the Romanche Trench, a narrow submarine trench with a maximum depth of 7,758 m (25,453 ft), one of the deepest locations of the Atlantic Ocean. This trench, however, is not regarded as the boundary between the North and South American Plates, nor the Eurasian and African Plates. 1New Exploration Ventures, ConocoPhillips, Stavanger, Norway. (Chris.C.Parry@conocophillips.com) The Atlantic Mid Ocean Ridge can be traced from the Bouvet triple junction at latitude 54 degrees south, some 10,000 kilometers northwards via Iceland into the Norwegian Sea before joining with the Gakkel Ridge in the Arctic Ocean, via the Fram Strait. Along the length of the divergent boundary of the Atlantic Mid-Ocean Ridge, the spreading center is offset by regularly spaced transform boundaries. These can be traced shoreward as deep-seated continental fracture zones beneath the sediment cover. Lister et al. (1986) described upper plate and lower plate passive margins, separated by a detachment fault, which give rise to asymmetric conjugate margins after final continental breakup. The upper plate is characterized by a narrow continental shelf, with relatively little sedimentary accommodation space. It is relatively unstructured and has experienced uplift related to underplating. While on the opposite side of the mid ocean ridge, the conjugate lower plate is characterized by a wide continental shelf, which has abundant sedimentary accommodation space. It is complexly structured and exhibits bowed up detachment faults. Transfer faults offset marginal features and can cause the upper/lower plate polarity to change along the strike of the margin. The Fram Strait is a transform margin which was initiated in the Eocene as a result of the onset of spreading in the North Atlantic. The sliding of the North American Plate past the Eurasian Plate during the opening of the North Atlantic created an upthrust zone that formed due to space constraints associated with low-angle convergent strike slip or transform motion. The easiest direction for space relief for the squeezed sediments is vertical, and a zone of downward tapering wedges and upthrust margins is created. The Atlantic Mid Ocean Ridge transform boundaries can be traced across the oceanic crust towards the coast line, forming basement structural highs. These are related to volcanic activity along strike of these “leaky” fracture zones in the oceanic crust. These structures set up the initial structural framework of the continental margin basins. Syn-rift and post-rift deepwater sedimentation onlap these basement highs and the influence of the transfer zones continues to propagate into younger strata by differential compaction. These differential compaction Science 1 February 2008: Vol. 319 no. 5863 pp. 604-607 Abiogenic Hydrocarbon Production at Lost City Hydrothermal Field Marvin D. Lilley1, Jeffery S. Seewald2, Gretchen L. Früh-Green3, Eric J. Olson1, John E. Lupton4, Sean P. Sylva2 and Deborah S. Kelley1 1 School of Oceanography, University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195, USA. 2 Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, MA 02543, USA. 3 Department of Earth Sciences, ETH-Zentrum, Zurich, Switzerland. 4 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)–Pacific Marine Environmental Laboratory, Newport, OR 97365, USA. Low-molecular-weight hydrocarbons in natural hydrothermal fluids have been attributed to abiogenic production by Fischer-Tropsch type (FTT) reactions, although clear evidence for such a process has been elusive. Here, we present concentration, and stable and radiocarbon isotope, data from hydrocarbons dissolved in hydrogen-rich fluids venting at the ultramafic-hosted Lost City Hydrothermal Field. A distinct “inverse” trend in the stable carbon and hydrogen isotopic composition of C1 to C4 hydrocarbons is compatible with FTT genesis. Radiocarbon evidence rules out seawater bicarbonate as the carbon source for FTT reactions, suggesting that a mantle-derived inorganic carbon source is leached from the host rocks. Our findings illustrate that the abiotic synthesis of hydrocarbons in nature may occur in the presence of ultramafic rocks, water, and moderate amounts of heat. Lost City, located 20 km west of the Mid-Atlantic Ridge, is characterized by extreme conditions never before seen in the marine environment: venting of pH 9-11, >90°C, metal-poor fluids from carbonate edifices that tower 60-m above the seafloor. Investigation of this remarkable system has forever changed our views about where and how life can thrive and survive on and in the seafloor and provided new models for the evolution of life on this earth and possibly elsewhere [Kelley et al., 2005]. This system is the longest-lived of any known venting environment in the worlds’ oceans with activity ongoing for at least 120,000 years. Investigations of this site were funded by the National Science Foundation and by the NOAA Ocean Exploration program. Within the Atlantis Massif, a >14,000 foot tall mountain on which Lost City rests, fluid rock reactions in the ultramafic rocks result in alkaline fluids with high concentrations of abiogenically produced hydrogen, methane, and other low molecular weight hydrocarbons. In concert, these dissolved gases support novel microbial communities. The oxygen-free, interior zones of the chimneys harbor biofilms of a single type of archaea called Lost City Methanoscarcinales that utilizes methane in its metabolism. Bacteria related to CH4- and S-oxidizers, are mostly found in the oxygenated, outer walls of chimneys where fluid chemistry is substantially different than the chimney interiors [Brazelton et al., 2006]. The highly-sculpted, high-surface area of the Lost City structures provides ample space for faunal habitats, and many recovered invertebrates were located within the porous channels and crevices of the carbonate. Surprisingly, while total biomass is low within the field, the field supports a species diversity that appears to be as high as any other known black smoker system on the Mid-Atlantic Ridge spreading center. The range and complexity of environments hosting peridotites and other ultramafic rocks within the worlds’ oceans is vast and it is unlikely that Lost City is unique. Perhaps the most far-reaching impact of the discovery Lost City-type is the realization that life itself may have originated within these dynamic environments in which geological, chemical, and biological processes are intimately linked. Organic geochemistry of fluids from 4 ultramafic-hosted hydrothermal systems of the Mid Atlantic Ridge C. Konn*, J.L. Charlou, J.P. Donval, N.G. Holm, F. Dehairs, S. Bouillon Ultramafic-hosted hydrothermal sites are characterized by mantle outcrops. On the Mid-Atlantic ridge, the Eurasian and American plates are moving appart resulting in the oceanic crust to tear up and to let the mantle rocks outcrop. Circulation of seawater, along the faults, within the mantle alters the periodites via the serpentinisation process, which produces a large amount of H2. Notably, H2 is a great source of energy for further chemical reactions. Besides, a high CH4 concentration in the water column is associated with ultramafic hydrothermal activity. This methane has been suggested to be abiogenic and to be formed via a Fisher-Tropsh synthesis (3H2 + CO +CH4 + H2O). The isotope-ratio values support the later hypothesis. This has lead to the idea of abiogenic formation of larger organic compounds such as hydrocarbons or key molecules for the origin of life issue. Both thermodynamics and laboratory work support this idea, but field data had not been studied yet. During the EXOMAR and the SERPENTINE cruises conducted by IFREMER, France; hydrothermal fluids from the MAR have been collected at different hot vent sites (Rainbow, Lost City, Logachev, Ashadze). Innovative and efficient techniques have been developed, used and improved to concentrate, isolate and extract compounds from the fluids by SPE (Solid Phase Extraction)-GC-MS and SBSE (Stir Bar Sorptive Extraction)-TD (ThermalDesorption)-GC-MS analyses. Mainly hydrocarbons, but also oxygen- and nitrogen-compounds were clearly -identified by comparison of recorded mass spectra with library data. As for the analysis process, a particular attention is now paid to carboxylic acids and hydrocarbons as well as volatiles (C1-C8). This work is carried out partly within the MoMARnet (Monitoring deep sea floor hydrothermal environments on the Mid-Atlantic Ridge: A Marie Curie Research Training network’) framework. Bloomberg, January 27, 2010, wrote:...Papa Terra [oil field] is bigger and costlier than the Chevron-operated Frade field about 230 miles off the Brazilian coast. Frade began production in June. It cost about $3 billion and holds recoverable reserves estimated at 200 million to 300 million barrels of oil... Reuters, June 23, 2009, wrote:Chevron Corp (CVX.N) announced on Tuesday a slightly earlier start of oil output at the Frade field, a $3 billion project off Brazil's coast expected to produce 90,000 barrels per day by 2011. Crude oil from Frade, located some 230 miles (370 km) from Rio de Janeiro in 3,700 feet (1,128 meters) of water... New Exploration Ventures, ConocoPhillips, Stavanger, Norway wrote:quote from abstract ...Along the length of the divergent boundary of the Atlantic Mid-Ocean Ridge, the spreading center is offset by regularly spaced transform boundaries. These can be traced shoreward as deep-seated continental fracture zones beneath the sediment cover... starbiter wrote:[Anaconda] If your not comfortable with the catastrophic model, why do You post HERE? Anaconda, Oct 11, 2010, on this board, wrote:Let's be clear, if coal is abiotic (obviously, it's a controversial conclusion, inspite of the bituminous coal evidence and the heavy metal evidence), a large amount of energy would be needed to extrude the massive amounts of coal found spread-out over vast expanses near the surface all over the world. And there is a substantial body of evidence to support a mechanism to introduce large amounts of energy into the Earth's crust & mantle: I subscribe to Dr. Anthony L. Peratt's theory that a High-Current, Z-Pinch Aurora enveloped the Earth and most likely has enveloped the Earth many times in the Earth's past. [...] Regardless of the exact age of the Earth (I agree no one knows), it does appear that abiotic coal formation epochs were repeated across the great expanse of Earth's history. These abiotic coal epochs were catastrophic in effect and extent. And, beyond the extruding of coal up to the surface, likely, there were many secondary electromagnetic effects and phenomena. It seems quite possible that coal balls are one of those effects. Another, physical effect would be an increased volcanism at perhaps catastraphic activity levels. At times in Earth's history, the surface was a very inhospitable place to be. Wallace Thornhill wrote:Since then sceptical scholars have shown Velikovsky’s historical perspective of cataclysmic events to be wrong. However, his basic premise of planetary encounters has been confirmed and the details fleshed out to an extraordinary degree. starbiter wrote:The dolomite is best explained as comet dust. starbiter wrote:Electric Universe is based on catastrophism. Period! starbiter wrote:This discussion on an upper board of the Electric Universe Forum should always consider a catastrophic scenario. If not, this discussion should be on new insights and mad ideas, IMHO. starbiter wrote:But what's clear is that oil rained from above, day and night. It rained oil day after day. The rivers rain with oil. People climbed trees to escape the oil. The oil killed more people than all the other disasters, in some cases. This is basic EU. Wallace Thornhill wrote:The ancient Chinese Soochow Astronomical Chart says "Venus was visible in full daylight and, while moving across the sky, rivaled the sun in brightness". The Hebrews wrote "The brilliant light of Venus blazes from one end of the cosmos to the other end." The Chaldeans described Venus as a "bright torch of heaven", a "diamond that illuminates like the sun", "A stupendous prodigy in the sky" that "fills the entire heaven.", and compared its light to that of the rising sun. At present the light of Venus is <1 millionth that of the sun. Universally, Venus was referred to by the ancients in the same terms as a comet: a bearded, hairy or smoking star. Wallace Thornhill wrote:Descriptions of phenomena in the ancient skies should not be dismissed out of hand as poetry or metaphor-particularly if on the same page as a comet is mentioned, we read of falls of stones from the daylit sky or a shower of stars at night. These are related phenomena which we know from modern science might be expected to occur together. Of course by themselves such reports do not prove anything. starbiter wrote:My work in geology disagrees with Dr Velikovsky's vision drastically. starbiter wrote:As opposed to You Anaconda, he [Scarborough] was completely open to comet oil as proposed by Dr Velikovsky. Anaconda, June 28, 2012, wrote:My response directly to the possibility of comet oil:Anaconda, March 29, 2010, wrote:Hi starbiter:Starbiter asked: What is your problem with comet oil? I have no problems with comet oil, on the contrary, I was the one who brought up hydrocarbons found in meteorites, in the first place. And I already responded to one of your comments, explaining that comet oil would be possible, but that the oil deposits in the Middle East are not consistent with comet oil because the deposits are too large & concentrated (19 cubic miles of oil pumped from Ghawar so far) and there are fracture zones in the basement (bedrock) directly under the Ghawar oil field in Saudi Arabia which provide scientific evidence for where the oil emanates from, as there are fracture zones in the basement under the other Middle Eastern oil fields... starbiter wrote:[Anaconda] Your comment seemed insincere. starbiter wrote:How were dolomite and calcite produced on the planets that ejected the comets as You propose? starbiter wrote:Why was NASA surprised to find carbonates in the coma of comets? starbiter wrote:Electrical comets seem to have dolomite and limestone in their comas. They also have aromatic hydrocarbons. This seems like a clue to me. Are You just going to ignore this fact? Anaconda, July 10, 2012, wrote:I also subscribe to the idea that comets, meteorites, and asteroids originated as a result of past planetary electromagnetic interaction, i.e., electric discharge machining (EDM) as evidenced by the scars on Mars, some here on Earth, and other planets and moons and, perhaps, stronger evidence, still, by recent empirical observation & measurement of the comets, themselves, where the evidence suggests the comets consist of material which could only form in a planetary body. The best evidence currently available is comets, meteorites, and asteroids were created as material was "blasted away" from the various spots on the planetary bodies and sent into space. This conclusion may explain why there is dolomite dust in the comet tail and also explain the presence of hydrocarbons found within meteorites. starbiter wrote:They [comets] also have aromatic hydrocarbons. This seems like a clue to me. starbiter wrote:My big problem with oil oozing up from below through faults into the sediments where we find it is the timeline. starbiter wrote:How long does it take for the oil to ooz into impermeable shale? Eugene Coste p.110 wrote:The above table shows more than 50 different "sands" (by this term we mean any gas or oil rock, as in the parlence of a driller, whether it is a sandstone, a limestone, or any other rock) in which oil or gas fields have been found along the Appalachian belt, and we have no doubt that as a great many so called "stray sands" were left out of the table and, as the different "pay" or "pay streaks" of the same "sand" are only counted as one, that the real number of different sands which have been found containing gas or oil along this belt, from West Virginia to New York State, cannot be less, if any, than eighty... Eugene Coste p.111 wrote:Let us take you along this belt in a rapid survey of what the drill really teaches us: -- in the oil region south-west of Pittsburgh the drill starts (where the upper measures are the thickest) in the Upper Barren Coal Measures, and inside of 3,500 feet to 4,000 feet passes through the 26 oil and gas "sands" of the lower Carboniferous, Subcarboniferous and Upper Devonian shown in the above table [available in the linked document]; but, here it will tap the illusive oil or gas in one of these sands, there in another, in the most indiscriminate fashion. Occasionally, it will tap them in the same field in two, four, six or even more of the "Sands" like at Macksburg. Which is going to be the producing sand? Will it be the shallow or Cow Run sands? or the Salt sand? or the Keener, Big Injun or Berea? or the deeper Gordon or 5th sand? It is quite evident that the oil and gas are wanderers, and that their home [origin] is not in any of these sands. We now go north-east of Pittsburg to the Middle and Northern oil fields [where, again, multiple "sands" in the same geologic column were found to have hydrocarbons]... We have then at last reached the Archaean Crystalline floor without finding this home and, on the top of it we record the highest pressure for the gas yet recorded... Now! what is the source?... Our negative proofs then become a most positive conclusive proof that the home [origin] of our wanderers [oil & gas] is below the Archaean in the fluid magma. starbiter wrote:What is your timeline for the process? starbiter wrote:How was impermeable oil shale rock produced? starbiter wrote:What lithified it? starbiter wrote:Is it metamorphic? starbiter wrote:According to this link the whole formation went for a ride on the magic elevator. starbiter wrote:Seems like comet oil to me. starbiter wrote:The layers of the Green River formation are obviously from a slosh of underwater sediment that included 2 trillion barrels of oil, as described in legend and myth. starbiter wrote:How long does it take for the oil to ooz into impermeable shale? Eugene Coste wrote:In all the oil- and gas-fields or petroleum-deposits, the gaseous products are under a strong pressure which is not artesian or hydrostatic, which increases with depth, and which cannot be be anything else but a volcanic pressure. Oil, gas and bitumens are never indigenous to the strata in which they are found -- they are secondary products impregnating and cutting porous rocks of all ages, exactly as volcanic products alone can do. Oil and gas are stored products, in great abundance in certain localities, while neighboring localities often are entirely barren; and many of the strata among which they are found are impervious, that the source of these hydrocarbons must be the source below, which alone is abundant enough, and alone possesses sufficient energy, to force and accumulate such large quantities of these and associated products in so many spots through such impervious strata. The oil- and gas-fields are located along the faulted and fissured zones of the crust of the earth, parallel to the great orogenic and volcanic dislocations. -- Eugene Coste, geologist, abiotic oil theorist & hydrocarbon explorationist, 1905 Eugene Coste wrote:Oil and gas were only supplied along some of the lines of structural weakness or along some of the fractured zones of the crust of the earth, and, therefore, the new fields are to be found only along these zones or belts... -- Eugene Coste, geologist, abiotic oil theorist & hydrocarbon explorationist, 1905 Aardwolf wrote:Where does comet oil supposedly come from? starbiter wrote:On the 29th of August, after NPA 19 in Albuquerque, there will be another geology tour. Anaconda, February 10, 2012, wrote:Comparing & contrasting the White Tiger oil field off the coast of Vietnam in South East Asia with the Covenant oil field located in 2004 in the state of Utah in the United States. One oil field is offshore and the other is on land. Both locations were originally considered poor prospects for the discovery of oil by conventional geologists. This board has previously discussed the White Tiger oil field off the coast of Vietnam (March 26, 2011). In numerous discussions of Abiotic Oil Theory, the offshore oil fields of Vietnam are held-up as an example of oil production from the crystalline basement (bedrock), and, thus, with the conclusion that petroleum is abiotic: The Search and Discovery scientific paper, Petroleum Geology of Cuu Long Basin - Offshore Vietnam* by Nguyen Du Hung and Hung Van Le (2004) provides a description & discussion of the White Tiger field:Hung & Van Le wrote:Partial Abstract: The Cuu Long basin is a Tertiary rift basin on the southern shelf of Vietnam. It covers an area of approximately 25,000 km2 (250 x 100 km). The basin was formed during the rifting in Early Oligocene. Late Oligocene to Early Miocene inversion intensified the fracturing of granite basement and made it become an excellent reservoir. In spite of some discoveries in the Oligocene-Miocene clastics and volcanic sections, fractured granite basement is still the main target of Cuu Long basin. Tectonic activities play a key role in creating and enhancing the fractures in the basement. Five major oil fields produce predominantly from the basement. The following Schematic from the paper provides a visual of the geology:Figure 4. Two-dimensional model of the play concept for the Cuu Long basin. http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... ges/04.htm The paper goes on to describe the fractured rift horst:Oil was stored in macro-fractures, micro-fractures, and vuggy pores. The matrix porosity of the magmatic body is negligible. Fractures inside the basement may originate from one or a combination of the following factors: 1) The cooling of the magmatic body 2) Tectonic activity 3) Hydrothermal processes 4) Weathering and exfoliation. However, the tectonic activity and the hydrothermal processes are practically the main factors that control the porosity of the fracture systems. Recent studies (Cuong, T. X. 2001; Schmidt, J. et al., 2003) proved that the compression event that occurred during Late Oligocene reactivated the pre-existing faults/fractures and created effective porosity inside the granite basement. The compression probably resulted from the restraining band of a strike-slip motion along the E-W trending lineaments. Take note of the geologic structure presented in the above linked schematic. Now let's compare & contrast the White Tiger field's structure with the Covenant oil field discovered in 2004 in the state of Utah in an area which had been considered by most conventional geologists as a poor prospect for discovering oil: Covenant Oil Field, Central Utah Thrust Belt: Possible Harbinger of Future Discoveries*, by Thomas C. Chidsey et. al. (2007):Chidsey et. al. wrote:Abstract After over 50 years of exploration [apparently with little success] in the central Utah thrust belt, or “Hingeline,” the 2004 discovery of Covenant oil field proved that this region contains the right components (trap, reservoir, seal, source, and migration history) for large accumulations of oil. To date, 10 producing wells and one dry hole have been drilled from two surface pads. Covenant has produced over 2 million bbls of oil and no gas; the field averages 6400 BOPD. The Covenant trap is an elongate, symmetric, northeast-trending anticline, with nearly 800 ft of structural closure and bounded on the east by a series of splay thrusts in a passive roof duplex. The eolian Jurassic Navajo Sandstone reservoir is effectively sealed by mudstone and evaporites in the overlying Jurassic Twin Creek Limestone and Arapien Shale. Oil analysis indicates a probable Mississippian source – oil derived and migrated from rocks within the Hingeline region... http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... 70chidsey/ The "Hingeline" is in reference to a lifted or raised ridge or thrust belt running in a northeast-trending direction in central Utah. Okay, let's now specifically examine the geologic structure of the Covenant oil field as presented in the following schematics:Figure 9. Northwest-southeast structural cross section, Covenant field. http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... ges/09.htmFigure 27. Potential drilling targets: Schematic east-west structural cross section through Sevier Valley, Utah. http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... ges/27.htm Take note of the geologic structure presented in the above linked schematics. Now, again, compare & contrast the above geologic structure with the geologic structure of Vietnam's offshore White Tiger oil field: http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... ges/04.htm The similarities are striking & notable with the internal faults within the overall structure pointed towards the top and center of the fault structure in both the White Tiger and Covenant oil fields. The difference is that the White Tiger oil field consists of fractures & faults running into the crystalline basement and the Covenant oil field consists of sedimentary layers pushed upwards via thrusting originating from below the sedimentary layers. It is interesting to look at the seimic, earthquake history map of Utah:Utah, Seismicity Map, Seismicity of Utah 2000 - 2006 http://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/ ... micity.php Also, interesting to look at is the physical relief map of Utah:Utah Physical Map - Utah Relief Map: This Utah shaded relief map shows the major physical features of the state [Third map down on the Geology.com webpage]. After comparing the seismic and physical relief maps of Utah, note the congruence of the thrusting uplift and seismic activity. Again, it is striking and remarkable. After reviewing seismic maps of various oil fields on tectonic faults, one will note the consistency of earthquake, tectonic faults, and oil fields (although, not all oil fields are associated with seismically active areas). Now, keep in your mind's eye the above uplift and seismic activity maps and the following schematic from the Covenant oil field Discovery paper:Figure 1. Location of Covenant oil feld, uplifts, and selected thrust systems in the central Utah thrust belt. Numbers and sawteeth are on the hanging wall of the corresponding thrust system. Colored (light orange) area shows present and potential extent of the Navajo Sandstone Hingeline play in the central Utah thrust belt. http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... ges/01.htm Hydrothermal activity is noted in both the White Tiger oil field and the Covenant oil field: Diagenetic characteristics of the Jurassic Navajo Sandstone in the Covenant oil field, central Utah thrust belt, by W. T., Parry, Marjorie A. Chan,, Barbara P. Nash (2009): http://doi.aapg.org/data/open/offer.do? ... N08170.HTMParry, Chan, Nash wrote:...The reservoir temperature of 188F (87C) is too high for bacterial sulfate reduction and too low for geologically significant thermochemical sulfate reduction accounting for the association of abundant in produced [hydrothermal] water and trace pyrite in the core. The presence of Dolomite is also reported at the Covenant oil field:Parry, Chan, Nash wrote:...Bleached dune facies in the core samples contains ferroan dolomite, quartz overgrowths that do not completely fill pore spaces, grain-coating and pore-filling illite, coarse-grained gray hematite, kaolinite, and trace pyrite. Reddish brown interdune facies are typically very fine-grained sandstone and siltstone and contain dolomite and ferroan dolomite cement... As has been discussed before on this board, there is laboratory (Fischer-Tropsch industrial production of hydrocarbons) and field evidence that abiotic oil is a result of hydrothermal Fischer-Tropsch Type processes:Keith & Swan wrote:We suggest a third possibility--the generation of methane and heavier hydrocarbons through reactions that occur during cooling, fractionation, and deposition of dolomitic carbonates, metal-rich black shales, and other minerals from hydrothermal metagenic fluids. These fluids are proposed to be the product of serpentinization of carbon-rich peridotites under hydrogen-rich, reduced conditions. Hydrothermal Hydrocarbons, by Stanley B. Keith and Monte M. Swan (2005) http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... /keith.htm As can be seen by the Parry, Chan, Nash paper on the composition of the Covenant oil field, both Dolomite and iron are present in the Covenant oil field, as well as hydrothermal activity. All these elements, and, the physical geology, as demonstrated with the contrast & comparison between the White Tiger oil field and the Covenant oil field are consistent with Abiotic Oil Theory.Hydrothermal Hydrocarbons, Keith & Swan (2005) wrote:Direct evidence for hydrothermal hydrocarbons continues to mount. Some of the more relevant observations include: Hydrothermal dolomite (HTD) not only hosts hydrocarbons, but has trapped hydrocarbons during its deposition under hot hydrothermal conditions (100-200 C) (for example Hulen and others, 1994 at Railroad Valley, Nevada). HTD is associated with large oil and gas accumulations including the supergiant Ghawar field in Saudi Arabia (Cantrell and others, 2001). Geochemistry of hydrocarbons, experimental work, and mass-balance calculations have identified the fluids that produce HTD as hot, strongly-reduced, hydrocarbon-rich chloride and/or bicarbonate brines containing elements exotic to basins such as Mg, Fe, Ni, V, Se, Co, and Zn. Indeed, many oil field brines may represent the original hydrothermal carrier fluid for reservoir hydrocarbons. Virtually all oil is now known to contain nanodiamond particles and their diamondoid overgrowths. Nanodiamond presence strongly suggests a high-pressure, high-temperature origin at some point in the generation, migration, and deposition of the hydrocarbon (Dahl and others, 2003 a and b). Thermogenic abiogenic low-C number hydrocarbon gases (mainly methane) have been experimentally produced under hydrothermal conditions that simulate serpentinization of a peridotite source (Berndt and others, 1996; Horita and Berndt, 1999). Ultrathermogenic methane has also been produced experimentally by reacting magnetite, calcite, and water in a diamond anvil high-pressure apparatus under mantle pressures and temperatures (Science News, 2004). Oil has been shown to produce copious amounts of catalytic gas by heating above 130 C in the presence of native metals such as Fe, Ni, and Co. The rates of reaction are geologically instantaneous and easily fit within the lifespan of a hydrothermal plume system (Mango, and others, 1994). Humans have been unintentionally modeling and producing gasoline under hydrothermal hydrocarbon conditions for decades. Starting in the Second World War industrial scale ‘hydrothermal’ gasolines have been produced by injecting hydrogen into hot carbon oxides produced from pyrolysis of coal cokes and subsequently cooling and condensing the hydrothermal mixture across a metalliferous (native metal) catalytic interface (Fischer-Tropsch process, see Szatmari, 1989). Large methane-charged hydrothermal seepages have been recently discovered in oceanic transform environments such as the Lost City ‘white smoker’ field in the central Atlantic (Kelley and others, 2001, Fruh-Green, 2004). These seepage phenomena provide evidence that serpentine-sourced, crustal-scale hydrocarbon systems may breach the lithosphere. Where they do so, at a subaqueous interface, they may furnish inorganic hydrocarbon, metal, and other chemical exhalative material for black shale accumulations. Indeed, hydrocarbons generated by this process may still be replenishing producing reservoirs (for example, the Eugene Island 300 reservoir in the deep Gulf of Mexico). http://www.searchanddiscovery.com/docum ... /keith.htm Eugene Coste wrote:[surveying] We now go north-east of Pittsburg to the Middle and Northern oil fields [where, again, multiple "sands" in the same geologic column were found to have hydrocarbons]... We have then at last reached the Archaean Crystalline floor without finding this home and, on the top of it we record the highest pressure for the gas yet recorded... Now! what is the source?... Our negative proofs then become a most positive conclusive proof that the home [origin] of our wanderers [oil & gas] is below the Archaean in the fluid magma. -- Eugene Coste, geologist, abiotic oil theorist & hydrocarbon explorationist, 1905 Wikipedia wrote:Kudryavtsev's Rule states that any region in which hydrocarbons are found at one level will also have hydrocarbons in large or small quantities at all levels down to and into the basement rock. Thus, where oil and gas deposits are found, there will often be coal seams above them. Gas is usually the deepest in the pattern, and can alternate with oil. All petroleum deposits have a capstone, which is generally impermeable to the upward migration of hydrocarbons. This capstone leads to the accumulation of the hydrocarbon. Anaconda, February 29, 2012, wrote:Now, let's look at an abstract of a paper reporting on an oil field in the Sirte Basin (among many oil fields in the Sirte Basin). The Geology of the Nafoora Oilfield, Sirte Basin, Libya, H. S. Belazi (1989)Belazi wrote:Abstract The Nafoora oilfield is situated on a major tectonic uplift in the eastern Sirte Basin, the Amal-Nafoora High. Four oilfields have been discovered on this uplift – Amal, Rakb, Augila and Naffora. Drilling on this high encountered hydrocarbon entrapment in over a dozen distinct stratigraphic units. These reservoirs range in age from Pre-Cambrian basement to Miocene sands. The most important reservoirs in the Nafoora field are the sandstones of the Amal (Cambro-Ordovician) and Maragh (Upper Cretaceous) Formations. Reservoirs in the Upper Cretaceous, Palaeocene and Eocene carbonates are as important as those in the sandstones. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1 ... x/abstract The author, Belazi, reports "hydrocarbon entrapment" is observed "in over a dozen distinct stratigraphic units." A stratigraphic unit is a layer of rock in the geologic column. These stratigraphic layers start with the bedrock (crystalline basement) and work up to the surface. Each layer of rock can vary widely, yet, each is identifiable as a seperate layer of rock. So, hydrocarbons are identified up and down the stratigraphic column in over a dozen distinct layers of rock. Next, Belazi reports, "These reservoirs range in age from Pre-Cambrian basement to Miocene sands." So, not only are there over a dozen seperate layers of rock with hydrocarbon deposits, but the first petroleum deposit is directly above and/or within the crystalline basement, the deepest and oldest body of rock in the column, consistent with Kudryavtsev's Rule, and up to the Miocene sands, which are a more recent rock layer. Over ten geological epochs seperate the Pre-Cambrian basement and Miocene sands. As Belazi reports, an important petroleum reservoir exists in the Cambro-Ordovician level of rock, so, this deposit is at a depth on the stratigraphic column between the Cambrian and Ordovician levels, close to the bottom of the geologic column. And another important petroleum reservoir exists seven geologic epochs above the Cambro-Ordovician in the Upper Cretaceous. All the above discussion fits within Kudryavtsev's Rule like a hand fits in a glove and exactly as Abiotic Oil Theory predicts. "Kudryavtsev's Rule states that any region in which hydrocarbons are found at one level will also have hydrocarbons in large or small quantities at all levels down to and into the basement rock." In the Nafoora oilfield in the Sirte Basin that is apparently just so. Anaconda, February 29, 2012, wrote:GeoScience Limited HYDROCARBON PRODUCTION FROM FRACTURED BASEMENT FORMATIONS Version 5.1 This compilation presents brief details of the occurrences of commercial hydrocarbon reservoirs in fractured basement rocks from over 19 different countries.Basement Reservoirs of Libya, North Africa Considerable volumes of oil were discovered in Libya during the late 1950's / early 1960's (Roberts 1970).. Oil is mainly produced from the Sirte basin. The Amal and Nafoora-Augila fields lie on the Rakb high in the eastern part of the Sirte basin. However, the Amal field reservoir rock is sedimentary in nature (Paleozoic Amal quartzose sandstone) rather than igneous or metamorphic. Precambrian granite is the host for one of the primary oil producing reservoirs in the Nafoora-Augila field, which is one of the main giant fields in the Sirte basin (Belgasem 1991). The fractured and weathered basement (a late Precambrian or early Paleozoic granite) is one of three producing horizons. Some of the oil wells started production from the basement reservoir only, while others produced from the basement and/or sedimentary reservoirs. The basement rocks are gradations of granophyre, granophyricgranite, granite and rhyolite (Belgasem et al 1990). The basement reservoir contains a large accumulation of oil in fracture and weathered porosities. Due to the mineralogical complexity of the reservoir and the heterogeneous nature of the fracture features, the weathered and fracture porosity distribution is not well known. The Nafoora-Augila field is located in the northeast of Libya(southeast of the Amal field), and is at the top of the Rakb high. The Nafoora-Augila area originally was a concession of Oasis Oil Co., the owner of the Amal field. The company drilled two wells near the top of the high. Oasis abandoned the concession as the wells proved to be dry. The concession was then obtained by Occidental Petroleum (UK) Ltd in 1966. The first successful well of Occidental was Dl, which had an initial production of 14,800 bbl/day. Production came from porous fossiliferous limestone perforated throughout the interval from 8,530 to 8,563 ft (2,600 to 2,610 m). This reservoir rock was lower Rakb carbonate and was not a basement reservoir(P'An 1982). The first basement reservoir encountered was Well D2, drilled on possibly the highest point of the high. Well D2 produced at a rate of 7,627 bbl/day from devitrified rhyolite and highly weathered and fractured granophyre. Well D9 also produced from the basement only, with an initial production of 1,500 bbl/day. The reservoir rock was weathered granite. Wells D3, D4, D5 and D6 were all step out tests that became oil wells, the most productive being D5 which produced at a stabilised rate of 14,140 bbl/day from two perforated intervals consisting of 59 ft (18 m) of carbonate rock and 39ft (12 m) of granite. Well D6 produced from the basement reservoir, with an initial flow of 1,200 bbl/day. D8 was an openhole basement completion, testing at 18,000 bbl/day from basement rocks and36 ft (11 m) of perforated carbonate rocks (P'An op cit). http://www.hendersonpetrophysics.com/fr ... 2.html#lib Wikipedia entry for Nikolai Kudryavtsev wrote:The Lost Soldier Field in Wyoming has oil pools, he stated, at every horizon of the geological section, from the Cambrian sandstone overlying the basement to the upper Cretaceous deposits. A flow of oil was also obtained from the basement itself. Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 0 guests

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Geography of Mesopotamia ||This article needs attention from an expert in Ancient Near East. (October 2011)| The Geography of Mesopotamia, encompassing its ethnology and history, centred around the two great rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates. While the southern is flat and marshy; the near approach of the two rivers to one another, at a spot where the undulating plateau of the north sinks suddenly into the Babylonian alluvium, tends to separate them still more completely. In the earliest recorded times, the northern portion was included in Mesopotamia; it was marked off as Assyria after the rise of the Assyrian monarchy. Apart from Assur, the original capital, the chief cities of the country, Nineveh, Calah and Arbela, were all on the east bank of the Tigris. The reason was its abundant supply of water, whereas the great Mesopotamian plain on the western side had to depend on streams flowing into the Euphrates. Defining Mesopotamia Mesopotamia literally means "(Land) between rivers" in ancient Greek. The oldest known occurrence of the name Mesopotamia dates to the 4th century BCE, when it was used to designate the land east of the Euphrates in north Syria. In modern times it has been more generally applied to all the lands between the Euphrates and the Tigris, thereby incorporating not only parts of Syria but also almost all of Iraq and southeastern Turkey. The neighbouring steppes to the west of the Euphrates and the western part of the Zagros Mountains are also often included under the wider term Mesopotamia. A further distinction is usually made between Upper or Northern Mesopotamia and Lower or Southern Mesopotamia. Upper Mesopotamia, also known as the Jezirah, is the area between the Euphrates and the Tigris from their sources down to Baghdad. Lower Mesopotamia is the area from Baghdad to the Persian Gulf. In modern scientific usage, the term Mesopotamia often also has a chronological connotation. In modern Western historiography of the region, the term Mesopotamia is usually used to designate the area from the beginning of time, until the Muslim conquest in the 630s, with the endonymic names Iraq and Jezirah being used to describe the region after that event. This practise has been criticized as illogical, and is resented by Iraqis (modern-day Mesopotamians). Upper Mesopotamia This vast flat, the modern El-Jezireh, is about 250 miles (400 km) in length, interrupted only by a single limestone range rising abruptly out of the plain, and branching off from the Zagros mountains under the names of Sarazur, Hainrin and Sinjar. The numerous remains of old habitations show how thickly this level tract must once have been peopled, though now mostly a wilderness. North of the plateau rises a well-watered and undulating belt of country, into which run low ranges of limestone hills, sometimes arid, sometimes covered with dwarf oak, and often shutting in, between their northern and northeastern flank and the main mountain line from which they detach themselves, rich plains and fertile valleys. Behind them tower the massive ridges of the Euphrates and Zagros ranges, where the Tigris and Euphrates take their rise, and which cut off Assyria from Armenia and Kurdistan. The name Assyria itself was derived from that of the city of Assur or Asur, now Qal'at Sherqat (Kaleh Shergat), on the right bank of the Tigris, midway between the Greater and the Lesser Zab. It remained the capital long after the Assyrians had become the dominant power in western Asia, but was finally supplanted by Calah (Nimrud), Nineveh (Nebi Vunus and Kuyunjik), and Dur-Sargina (Khorsabad), some 60 miles (97 km) farther north. Lower Mesopotamia In contrast with the arid plateau of Mesopotamia stretched the rich alluvial plain of Chaldea, formed by the deposits of the two great rivers that encircled it. The soil was extremely fertile, and teemed with an industrious population. Eastward rose the mountains of Elam, southward were the sea-marshes and the Kaldy or Chaldeans and other Aramaic tribes, while on the west the civilization of Babylonia encroached beyond the banks of the Euphrates, upon the territory of the Semitic nomads (or Suti). Here stood Ur (Mugheir, more correctly Muqayyar) the earliest capital of the country; and Babylon, with its suburb, Borsippa (Birs Nimrud), as well as the two Sippars (the Sepharvaim of Scripture, now Abu Habba), occupied both the Arabian and Chaldaean sides of the river. The Arakhtu, or "river of Babylon," flowed past the southern side of the city, and to the southwest of it on the Arabian bank lay the great inland freshwater sea of Najaf, surrounded by red sandstone cliffs of considerable height, 40 miles (64 km) in length and 35 in breadth in the widest part. Above and below this sea, from Borsippa to Kufa, extend the famous Chaldaean marshes, where Alexander the Great was nearly lost (Arrian, Eup. Al. vii. 22; Strabo xvi. I, § 12); but these depend upon the state of the Hindiya canal, disappearing altogether when it is closed. Eastward of the Euphrates and southward of Sippara, Kutha and Babylon were Kish (Ultaimir, 9 miles (14 km) E. of Hillah), Nippur (Niffer)-where stood the great sanctuary of El-lu, the older Bel-Uruk or Erech (Warka) and Larsa (Senkera) with its temple of the sun-god, while eastward of the Shatt el-Hai, probably the ancient channel of the Tigris, was Lagash (Tello), which played an important part in early Babylonian history. The primitive seaport of the country, Eridu, the seat of the worship of Ea the culture-god, was a little south of Ur (at Abu Shahrain or Nowäwis on the west side of the Euphrates). It is now about 130 miles (210 km) from the sea; as about 46 inches of land have been formed by the silting up of the shore since the foundation of Spasinus Charax (Mu/-zamrah) in the time of Alexander the Great, or some 115 feet (35 m) a year, the city would have existed perhaps 6000 years ago. The marshes in the south, like the adjoining desert, were frequented by Aramaic tribes; of these, the most famous were the Kaldä or Chaldaeans who under Merodach-baladan made themselves masters of Babylon and gave their name in later days to the whole population of the country. The combined stream of the Euphrates and Tigris as it flowed through the marshes was known to the Babylonians as the ndr marrati, "the salt river" (cp. Jeremiah 1:21), a name originally applied to the Persian Gulf. The alluvial plain of Babylonia was called Edin, though the name was properly restricted to "the plain" on the western bank of the river where the Bedouins pastured the flocks of their Babylonian masters. This "bank" or kisad, together with the corresponding western bank of the Tigris (according to Fritz Hommel the modern Shatt el-Uai), gave its name to the land of Chesed, whence the Kasdim/Kasdin of the Old Testament. In the early inscriptions of Lagash, the whole district is known as Gu-Edinna, the Sumerian equivalent of the Semitic Kisad Edini. The coastland was similarly known as Gu-gbba (Semitic Kisad tamtim), the "bank of the sea." A more comprehensive name of southern Mesopotamia was Kengi, "the land," or Kengi Sumer, "the land of Sumer". Sumer has been supposed to be the original of the Biblical Shinar and the Sankhar of the Amarna letters. Opposed to Kengi and Sumer were Urra (Un) and Akkad or northern Babylonia. The original meaning of Urra was perhaps "clayey soil," but it came to signify "the upper country" or "highlands," kengi being "the lowlands." In Semitic times, Urra was pronounced Un and confounded with uru, "city" as a geographical term, however, it was replaced by Akkadu (Akkad), the Semitic form of Agade - written Akkattim in the Elamite inscriptions - the name of the elder Sargon's capital. The rise of Sargon's empire was the probable cause of this extension of the name of Akkad; henceforward in the imperial title, "Sumer and Akkad" denoted the whole of Babylonia. After the Kassite conquest of the country, northern Babylonia came to be known as Kar-Duniyash, "the wall of the god Duniyask," from a line of forts similar to that built by Nebuchadrezzar between Sippara and Opis, to defend his kingdom from attacks from the north. As this last was "the Wall of Semiramis" mentioned by Strabo (xi. 14. 8), Kar-Duniyash may have represented the Median Wall of Xenophon (Anab. ii. 4. 12), traces of which were found by F.R. Chesney extending from Fallujah to Jibbar. Perennial irrigation The dense population arose from the elaborate irrigation of the Babylonian plain, which had originally reclaimed it from a pestiferous and uninhabitable swamp, and had made it the most fertile country in the world. The science of irrigation and engineering seems to have been first developed in Babylonia, which was covered by a network of canals, all skillfully planned and regulated. The three chief of them carried off the waters of the Euphrates to the Tigris above Babylon: the Zabzallat canal (or Nahr Sarsar) running from Faluja to Ctesiphon, the Kutha canal from Sippara to Madam, passing Tell Ibrahim or Kuth'a on the way, and the King's canal or Ar-Malcha between the other two. This last, which perhaps owed its name to Hammurabi, was conducted from the Euphrates towards Upi or Opis, which has been shown by H. Winckler (Altorientalische Forschungen, ii. pp. 509 seq.) to have been close to Seleucia on the western side of the Tigris. The Pallacopas, called Pallukkatu in the Neo-Babylonian texts, started from Pallukkatu or Falluja, and running parallel to the western bank of the Euphrates as far as Iddaratu or Teredon, (?) watered an immense tract of land and supplied a large lake near Borsippa. B. Meissner may be right in identifying it with "the Canal of the Sun-god" of the early texts. Thanks to this system of irrigation, the cultivation of the soil was highly advanced in Babylonia. According to Herodotus (1.193), wheat commonly returned two hundredfold to the sower, and occasionally three hundredfold. Pliny the Elder (H. N. xviii. 11) states that it was cut twice, and afterwards was good keep for sheep, and Berossus remarked that wheat, sesame, barley, ophrys, palms, apples and many kinds of shelled fruit grew wild, as wheat still does in the neighbourhood of Anah. A Persian poem celebrated the 360 uses of the palm (Strabo xvi. I. 14), and Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiv. 3) says that from the point reached by Julian's army to the shores of the Persian Gulf was one continuous forest of verdure. Ancient canals The location of most of the major cities such as Kish, Uruk, Lagash etc. is known with certainty, while the location of minor settlements, situated along a network of canals, is more difficult to reconstruct. An important source of Mesopotamian toponymy is the great Babylonian encyclopedia Harra-hubullu and its commentaries. These texts contain lists of toponyms, but circumstantial evidence is required to correlate these with their geographical location. The most useful category of texts for this purpose are itineraries, which list settlements in the sequence they are passed by a traveller. Important canals of Sumer included - the Zubi canal (Izubi, Akkadian Izubitum), a short-cut of the Tigris river between the locations of modern Samarra and Baghdad. Settlements along this canal included Hibaritum and Push. - the Irnina canal, joined the Zubi canal above Push. Settlements along this canal included Hiritum, Hursitum, Sarru-Laba, Namzium - the Gibil canal ran southwest from the Tigris to a point south of the frontier city of Kesh, past a branch which went north to that city. The Gibil continued on to Apisala where it intersected with the Ninagina Canal which flowed southeast from Zabalam. From Apisala, the Gibil went on to Umma, where it joined the Iturungal Canal. - The Issinnitum canal left the right bank of the Euphrates river above Nippur to run by the city of Isin, and thence to rejoin the Euphrates at Kisurra. - The Iturungal canal left the Euphrates below Nippur running past Adab, Dabrum, Zabalam, Umma, Nagsu, Bad-tibira and Larsa and between Uruk and Enegi before rejoining the Euphrates. - The Nanagugal canal departed from the left bank of the Iturungal canal downstream of Bad-tibira. It marked the eastern boundary of Ur and the western boundary of Lagash. - The Ninagina canal ran from Iturungal at Zabalam southeast passing Girsu, Lagash and Nina. It intersected with the Gibil canal at Apisala - The Susuka canal ran southeast from Ur to Eridu. See also |Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Geography of Mesopotamia| - Bahrani, Z. (1998), "Conjuring Mesopotamia: Imaginative Geography a World Past", in Meskell, L., Archaeology under Fire: Nationalism, Politics and Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East, London: Routledge, pp. 159–174, ISBN 978-0-415-19655-0 - Canard, M. (2011), "al-ḎJazīra, Ḏjazīrat Aḳūr or Iḳlīm Aḳūr", in Bearman, P.; Bianquis, Th.; Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P., Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Leiden: Brill Online, OCLC 624382576 - Finkelstein, J.J. (1962), "Mesopotamia", Journal of Near Eastern Studies 21 (2): 73–92, doi:10.1086/371676, JSTOR 543884 - Foster, Benjamin R.; Polinger Foster, Karen (2009), Civilizations of Ancient Iraq, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-13722-3 - Matthews, Roger (2003), The Archaeology of Mesopotamia. Theories and Approaches, Approaching the past, Milton Square: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-25317-9 - Miquel, A.; Brice, W.C.; Sourdel, D.; Aubin, J.; Holt, P.M.; Kelidar, A.; Blanc, H.; MacKenzie, D.N. et al. (2011), "ʿIrāḳ", in Bearman, P.; Bianquis, Th.; Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P., Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Leiden: Brill Online, OCLC 624382576 - Wilkinson, Tony J. (2000), "Regional Approaches to Mesopotamian Archaeology: the Contribution of Archaeological Surveys", Journal of Archaeological Research 8 (3): 219–267, doi:10.1023/A:1009487620969, ISSN 1573-7756 Further reading - Douglas Frayne, The Early Dynastic List of Geographical Names (1992). - Piotr Steinkeller, On the Reading and Location of the Toponyms ÚR×Ú.KI and A.ḪA.KI, Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Jan., 1980), pp. 23–33. - William W. Hallo, The Road to Emar Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol. 18, No. 3 (1964), pp. 57–88

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|This article may be expanded with text translated from the corresponding article in the Spanish Wikipedia. (July 2012)| New Spain, formally called the Viceroyalty of New Spain (Spanish: Virreinato de Nueva España), was a viceroyalty of the crown of Castile, of the Spanish empire, comprising territories in the north overseas 'Septentrion' (North America and Philippines). New Spain was established following the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire in 1521. Its greatest extent included much of North America south of Canada, that is: all of present-day Mexico and Central America except Panama; most of the United States west of the Mississippi River, plus the Floridas. New Spain also included: the Spanish East Indies (the Philippine Islands, the Mariana Islands, the Caroline Islands, Taiwan, and parts of the Moluccas); and the Spanish West Indies (Cuba, Hispaniola (comprising Haiti and the Dominican Republic), Puerto Rico, Jamaica, the Cayman Islands, Trinidad, and the Bay Islands). Administrative units included Las Californias, that is, Alta California (present-day Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, western Colorado, and south Wyoming); and Baja California Norte and Sur, Nueva Extremadura (the present-day states of Coahuila and Texas), and Santa Fe de Nuevo México (parts of Texas and New Mexico). and Louisiana (including the western Mississippi river basin and the Missouri River basin). The Spanish governed New Spain from Mexico City, formerly the conquered Tenochtitlan, capital of the Aztec Empire. It was ruled by a viceroy in Mexico City who governed the various territories of New Spain on behalf of the King of Spain. It was the first of four viceroyalties created to govern Spain's overseas colonies. (The Viceroyalty of Peru was created in 1542 following the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire. In the 18th century the Viceroyalty of New Granada, and the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata were also created.) Establishment (1521–1535) |Part of a series on the| |History of New Spain| |Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire| |Spanish conquest of Guatemala| |Spanish conquest of Yucatán| |History of the Philippines (1521–1898)| |Piracy in the Caribbean| |Spanish missions in the Americas| |Queen Anne's War| |Spanish American wars of independence| |New Spain portal| The creation of a viceroyalty in the Americas was a result of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519 to 1521). The lands and societies brought under Spanish control were of unprecedented complexity and wealth, which presented both an incredible opportunity and a threat to the Crown of Castile. The societies could provide the conquistadors, especially Hernán Cortés, a base from which to become autonomous, or even independent, of the Crown. As a result the Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain, Charles V created the Council of the Indies in 1524. A few years later the first mainland Audiencia was created in 1527 to take over the administration of New Spain from Hernán Cortés. An earlier Audiencia had been established in Santo Domingo in 1526 to deal with the Caribbean settlements. The Audiencia, housed in the Casa Reales in Santo Domingo, was charged with encouraging further exploration and settlements under its own authority. Management by the Audiencia, which was expected to make executive decisions as a body, proved unwieldy. Therefore in 1535, King Charles V named Antonio de Mendoza as the first Viceroy of New Spain. After the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire in 1532 opened up the vast territories of South America to further conquests, the Crown established an independent Viceroyalty of Peru there in 1540. Exploration and colonization (1519–1643) Upon his arrival, Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza vigorously took to the duties entrusted to him by the King and encouraged the exploration of Spain's new mainland territories. He commissioned the expeditions of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado into the present day American Southwest in 1540–1542. The Viceroy commissioned Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo in the first Spanish exploration up the Pacific Ocean along the western coast of the Las Californias Province in 1542–1543. He sailed above present day Baja California (Vieja California), to what he called 'New California' (Nueva California), becoming the first European to see present day California, U.S. The Viceroy also sent Ruy López de Villalobos to the Spanish East Indies in 1542–1543. As these new territories became controlled, they were brought under the purview of the Viceroy of New Spain. During the 16th century, many Spanish cities were established in North and Central America. Spain attempted to establish missions in what is now the Southern United States including Georgia and South Carolina between 1568 and 1587. Despite their efforts, the Spaniards were only successful in the region of present day Florida, where they founded St. Augustine in 1565. Seeking to develop trade between the East Indies and the Americas across the Pacific Ocean, Miguel López de Legazpi established the first Spanish settlement in the Philippine Islands in 1565, which became the town of San Miguel (present-day Cebu City). Andrés de Urdaneta discovered an efficient sailing route from the Philippine Islands to Mexico which took advantage of the Kuroshio Current. In 1571, the city of Manila became the capital of the Spanish East Indies, with trade soon beginning via the Manila-Acapulco Galleons. The Manila-Acapulco trade route shipped products such as silks, spices, silver, and gold, and enslaved people to the Americas from Asia. Products brought from East Asia were sent to Veracruz México, then shipped to Spain, and then traded across Europe. There were attacks on these shipments in the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea by British and Dutch pirates and privateers, led by Francis Drake in 1586, and Thomas Cavendish in 1587. In addition, the cities of Huatulco (Oaxaca) and Barra de Navidad in Jalisco Province of México were sacked. Lope Díez de Armendáriz was the first Viceroy of New Spain that was born in the 'New World' (Nueva España). He formed the 'Navy of Barlovento' (Armada de Barlovento), based in Veracruz, to patrol coastal regions and protect the harbors, port towns, and trade ships from pirates and privateers. New Mexico Luis de Velasco, marqués de Salinas gained control over many of the semi-nomadic Chichimeca indigenous tribes of northern México in 1591 for awhile. This allowed expansion into the 'Province of New Mexico' or Provincia de Nuevo México. In 1598, Juan de Oñate pioneered 'The Royal Road of the Interior Land' or El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro between Mexico City and the 12CE Tewa village of 'Ohkay Owingeh' or San Juan Pueblo. He also founded the settlement (a Spanish pueblo) of San Juan on the Rio Grande near the Native American Pueblo, located in the present day U.S. state of New Mexico. In 1610, Pedro de Peralta, a later governor of the Province of New Mexico, established the settlement of Santa Fe in the region of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains on the Rio Grande. Missions were established for conversions and agricultural industry. The territory's Puebloan peoples resented the Spaniards denigration and prohibition of their traditional religion, and their encomienda system's forced labor. The Pueblo Revolt ensued in 1680, with final resolution including some freedom from Spanish efforts to eradicate their culture and religion, the issuing of substantial communal land grants to each Pueblo, and a public defender of their rights and for their legal cases in Spanish courts. In 1776 the Province came under the new Provincias Internas jurisdiction. In the late 18th century the Spanish land grant encouraged the settlement by individuals of large land parcels outside Mission and Pueblo boundaries, many of which became ranchos. In 1602, Sebastián Vizcaíno, the first Spanish presence in the 'New California' or Nueva California region of the frontier Las Californias Province since Cabrillo in 1542, sailed as far upcoast north as Monterey Bay. In 1767 King Charles III ordered the Jesuits, who had established missions in the lower Baja California region of Las Californias, forcibly expelled and returned to Spain. New Spain's Visitador General José de Gálvez replaced them with the Dominican Order in Baja California, and the Franciscans to establish the new northern missions. In 1768, Visitador General José de Gálvez received the following orders: "Occupy and fortify San Diego and Monterey for God and the King of Spain." The Spanish colonization there, with far fewer recognized natural resources and less cultural development than Mexico or Peru, was to combine establishing a presence for defense of the territory with a perceived responsibility to convert the indigenous people to Christianity. The method was the traditional missions (misiones), forts (presidios), civilian towns (pueblos), and land grant ranches (ranchos) model, but more simplified due to the region's great distance from supplies and support in México. Between 1769 and 1833 twenty one Spanish missions in California were established. In 1776 the Province came under the administration of the new 'Commandancy General of the Internal Provinces of the North' (Provincias Internas) to invigorate growth. The crown created two new governments in Las Californias, the southern peninsular one called Baja California, and the northern mainland one called Alta California in 1804. The issuing of Spanish land grants in California encouraged settlement and establishment of large California ranchos. Some Californio rancho grantees emulated the Dons of Spain, with cattle and sheep marking wealth. The work was usually done by displaced and relocated Native Americans. After the Mexican War of Independence and subsequent secularization ("disestablishment") of mission lands, Mexican land grant transactions increased the spread of ranchos. The land grants and ranchos established land-use patterns that are recognizable in present day California and New Mexico. Philippines and associated Spanish Pacific possessions. In the colonial era of 1521, the navigator Ferdinand Magellan in the service of Spain reached the Philippine archipelago and took legal possession of the islands under the Spanish throne, but without leaving a single soldier or Spanish either on the islands that was worth the colonization of Spain. Although it was known that the Indians were very docile and also wanted to take the power of Portugal in the East Indies, Hernán Cortés sent three ships bound for Asia, which sailed from Zihuatanejo in 1527. On the road, two of them were wrecked and the third came, but did not return for not finding the stream return. Then in 1541, López de Villalobos was sent by the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza to lead an expedition to the East Indies in search of new trade routes. His expedition departed from Puerto de Navidad in 1542 aboard four ships. In 1543 the fleet hit the southern coast of the island of Luzon (Philippines), which explored the coast and made contact with the natives of the archipelago. From there they set further east to reach the island of Leyte and was named "Philippines" in honor of King Philip II. Because of hunger and a ship that was ruined by a boating accident, the expedition was a disaster and had to go to seek refuge in the Moluccas, Portuguese rule, and after some skirmishes were taken prisoners. Villalobos died in prison in 1544 on the island of Amboina. The rest of the crew managed to escape and return to New Spain, where told the stories to Viceroy, and so was considered part of New Spain the Captaincy General of the Philippines. The attempt at colonization of the Philippines did not end there. The Viceroy Luis de Velasco commissioned Miguel López de Legazpi put to sea on a new expedition. He sailed from Puerto de Navidad, New Galicia (now Jalisco) on 21 November 1564 and in the voyage won Guam, Saavedra Islands (Marshall Islands) and the Mariana Islands (climbing there), and landed Samar on 27 April 1565. Also expanded the Spanish rule to multiple locations on the island of Taiwan, the Moluccas (fortress of Tidore) and North Borneo (now Sabah area). Cleverly, López de Legazpi avoided harassing the inhabitants of the islands, and found no resistance to explore. Because of the scarcity of products, Legazpi was forced to move from island to island and expanded the domains there. The move was easy, because in the islands, as in Mexico, the clans were rivaled, and Legazpi established bonds of friendship that easily allowed to move from island to island, up to the time the first Spanish settlements: the town of the Villa del Santísimo Nombre de Jesús and Villa de San Miguel (now Cebu City). The conquest of the Philippines, named in honor of King Philip II, by Miguel López de Legazpi in 1565 made it possible for first time to visit New Spanish lands the Philippines Galleon. Over time, this route would be the main link that would join Spain's possessions in America with its strongholds in Asia. In that year, Philip II ruled, in England Elizabeth I ruled, were met eighteen years of death of the principal Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés, and the Jesuit Hernando Menéndez de Avilés founded the first missions in St. Augustine, Florida. One of the main places where were stored the goods brought from Eastern was New Orleans, in the coast of Gulf of Mexico and was won by Andrew Jackson in 1815, coinciding with the rebellion for independence in New Spain. The routes were established for more than two centuries. However, the ways of the Orient to Acapulco, where they used to unload the goods, were full of risks, disease and pirate attacks in Australia. The products handled were silk, spices, and gold. The route was the way to link the internal trade of the overseas possessions of Spain, but also were transmitted liberal ideas to the American colonies, as in the Philippines had more freedom of expression. The last galleon reached Mexico in 1813, just days before making port at the hands of José María Morelos. The last Spanish Habsburgs (1643–1713) The Presidios (forts), pueblos (civilian towns) and the misiones (missions) were the three major agencies employed by the Spanish crown to extend its borders and consolidate its colonial holdings in these territories. The town of Albuquerque (present day Albuquerque, New Mexico) was founded in 1706. The Mexican towns of: Paso del Norte (present day Ciudad Juárez) founded in 1667; Santiago de la Monclova in 1689; Panzacola, Tejas in 1681; and San Francisco de Cuéllar (present day city of Chihuahua) in 1709. From 1687, Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, with the marqués de Villapuente's economic help, founded over twenty missions in the Sonoran Desert (in present day Mexican state Sonora and U.S. state Arizona). From 1697, Jesuits established eighteen missions throughout the Baja California Peninsula. In 1668 Padre San Vitores established the first mission in the Mariana Islands (now Guam). Between 1687 and 1700 several Missions were founded in Trinidad, but only four survived as Amerindian villages throughout the 18th century. In 1691, explorers and missionaries visited the interior of Texas and came upon a river and Amerindian settlement on June 13, the feast day of St. Anthony, and named the location and river San Antonio in his honor. Immersed in a low intensity war with Great Britain (mostly over the Spanish ports and trade routes harassed by British pirates), the defenses of Veracruz and San Juan de Ulúa, Jamaica, Cuba and Florida were strengthened. Santiago de Cuba (1662), St. Augustine Spanish Florida (1665) or Campeche 1678 were sacked by the British. The Tarahumara Indians were in revolt in the mountains of Chihuahua for several years. In 1670 Chichimecas invaded Durango, and the governor, Francisco González, abandoned its defense. In 1680, 25,000 previously subjugated Indians in 24 pueblos of New Mexico rose against the Spanish and killed all the Europeans they encountered. In 1685, after a revolt of the Chamorros, the Marianas islands were incorporated to the Captaincy General of the Philippines. In 1695, this time with the British help, the viceroy Gaspar de la Cerda attacked the French who had established a base on the island of Española. Early in the Queen Anne's War, in 1702, the English captured and burned the Spanish town St. Augustine, Florida. However, the English were unable to take the main fortress (presidio) of St. Augustine, resulting in the campaign being condemned by the English as a failure. The Spanish maintained St. Augustine and Pensacola for more than a century after the war, but their mission system in Florida was destroyed and the Apalachee tribe was decimated in what became known as the Apalachee Massacre of 1704. Also in 1704 the viceroy Francisco Fernández de la Cueva suppressed a rebellion of the Pima Indians in Nueva Vizcaya. Diego Osorio de Escobar y Llamas reformed the postal service and the marketing of mercury. In 1701 under the Duke of Alburquerque the 'Court of the Agreement' (Tribunal de la Acordada), an organization of volunteers, similar to the 'Holy Brotherhood' (Hermandad), intended to capture and quickly try bandits, was founded. The church of the Virgin of Guadalupe, patron of Mexico, was finished in 1702. The Bourbon Reforms (1713–1806) The new Bourbon kings did not split the Viceroyalty of New Spain into smaller administrative units as they did with the Viceroyalty of Peru. The first innovation, in 1776, was by José de Gálvez, the new Minister of the Indies (1775–1787), establishing the Commandancy General of the Provincias Internas known as the Provincias Internas (Commandancy General of the Internal Provinces of the North, (Spanish: Comandancia y Capitanía General de las Provincias Internas). He appointed Teodoro de Croix (nephew of the former viceroy) as the first Commander General of the Provinicas Internas, independent of the Viceroy of New Spain, to provide more autonomy for the frontier provinces. They included Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Santander, Sonora y Sinaloa, Las Californias, Coahuila y Tejas (Coahuila and Texas), and Nuevo México. The prime innovation introduction of intendancies, an institution borrowed from France. They were first introduced on a large scale in New Spain, by the Minister of the Indies José de Gálvez, in the 1770s, who originally envisioned that they would replace the viceregal system (viceroyalty) altogether. With broad powers over tax collection and the public treasury and with a mandate to help foster economic growth over their districts, intendants encroached on the traditional powers of viceroys, governors and local officials, such as the corregidores, which were phased out as intendancies were established. The Crown saw the intendants as a check on these other officers. Over time accommodations were made. For example, after a period of experimentation in which an independent intendant was assigned to Mexico City, the office was thereafter given to the same person who simultaneously held the post of viceroy. Nevertheless, the creation of scores of autonomous intendancies throughout the Viceroyalty, created a great deal of decentralization, and in the Captaincy General of Guatemala, in particular, the intendancy laid the groundwork for the future independent nations of the 19th century. In 1780, Minister of the Indies José de Gálvez sent a royal dispatch to Teodoro de Croix, Commandant General of the Internal Provinces of New Spain (Provincias Internas), asking all subjects to donate money to help the American Revolution. Millions of pesos were given. The focus on the economy (and the revenues it provided to the royal coffers) was also extended to society at large. Economic associations were promoted, such as the Economic Society of Friends of the Country Governor-General José Basco y Vargas established in the Philippines in 1781. Similar "Friends of the Country" economic societies were established throughout the Spanish world, including Cuba and Guatemala. A secondary feature of the Bourbon Reforms was that it was an attempt to end the significant amount of local control that had crept into the bureaucracy under the Habsburgs, especially through the sale of offices. The Bourbons sought a return to the monarchical ideal of having outsiders, who in theory should be disinterested, staff the higher echelons of regional government. In practice this meant that there was a concerted effort to appoint mostly peninsulares, usually military men with long records of service (as opposed to the Habsburg preference for prelates), who were willing to move around the global empire. The intendancies were one new office that could be staffed with peninsulares, but throughout the 18th century significant gains were made in the numbers of governors-captain generals, audiencia judges and bishops, in addition to other posts, who were Spanish-born. 18th century military conflicts The first century that saw the Bourbons on the Spanish throne coincided with series of global conflicts that pitted primarily France against Great Britain. Spain as an ally of Bourbon France was drawn into these conflicts. In fact part of the motivation for the Bourbon Reforms was the perceived need to prepare the empire administratively, economically and militarily for what was the next expected war. The Seven Years' War proved to be catalyst for most of the reforms in the overseas possessions, just like the War of the Spanish Succession had been for the reforms on the Peninsula. In 1720, the Villasur expedition from Santa Fe met and attempted to parley with French- allied Pawnee in what is now Nebraska. Negotiations were unsuccessful, and a battle ensued; the Spanish were badly defeated, with only thirteen managing to return to New Mexico. Although this was a small engagement, it is significant in that it was the deepest penetration of the Spanish into the Great Plains, establishing the limit to Spanish expansion and influence there. The War of Jenkins' Ear broke out in 1739 between the Spanish and British and was confined to the Caribbean and Georgia. The major action in the War of Jenkins' Ear was a major amphibious attack launched by the British under Admiral Edward Vernon in March, 1741 against Cartagena de Indias, one of Spain's major gold-trading ports in the Caribbean (today Colombia). Although this episode is largely forgotten, it ended in a decisive victory for Spain, who managed to prolong its control of the Caribbean and indeed secure the Spanish Main until the 19th century. Following the French and Indian War/Seven Years War, the British troops invaded and captured the Spanish cities of Havana in Cuba and Manila in the Philippines in 1762. The Treaty of Paris (1763) gave Spain control over the New France Louisiana Territory including New Orleans, Louisiana creating a Spanish empire that stretched from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, but Spain also ceded Florida to Great Britain to regain Cuba, which the British occupied during the war. Louisiana settlers, hoping to restore the territory to France, in the bloodless Rebellion of 1768 forced the Louisiana Governor Antonio de Ulloa to flee to Spain. The rebellion was crushed in 1769 by the next governor Alejandro O'Reilly who executed five of the conspirators. The Louisiana territory was to be administered by superiors in Cuba with a governor onsite in New Orleans. The 21 northern missions in present-day California (U.S.) were established along California's El Camino Real from 1769. In an effort to exclude Britain and Russia from the eastern Pacific, King Charles III of Spain sent forth from Mexico a number of expeditions to the Pacific Northwest between 1774 and 1793. Spain's long-held claims and navigation rights were strengthened and a settlement and fort were built in Nootka Sound, Alaska. Spain entered the American Revolutionary War as an ally of France in June 1779, a renewal of the Bourbon Family Compact. In 1781, a Spanish expedition during the American Revolutionary War left St. Louis, Missouri (then under Spanish control) and reached as far as Fort St. Joseph at Niles, Michigan where they captured the fort while the British were away. On 8 May 1782, Count Bernardo de Gálvez, the Spanish governor of Louisiana, captured the British naval base at New Providence in the Bahamas. On the Gulf Coast, the actions of Gálvez led to Spain acquiring East and West Florida in the peace settlement, as well as controlling the mouth of the Mississippi River after the war—which would prove to be a major source of tension between Spain and the United States in the years to come. In the second Treaty of Paris (1783), which ended the American Revolution, Britain ceded West Florida back to Spain to regain The Bahamas, which Spain had occupied during the war. Spain then had control over the river south of 32°30' north latitude, and, in what is known as the Spanish Conspiracy, hoped to gain greater control of Louisiana and all of the west. These hopes ended when Spain was pressured into signing Pinckney's Treaty in 1795. France reacquired 'Louisiana' from Spain in the secret Treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800. The United States bought the territory from France in the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. New Spain claimed the entire west coast of North America and therefore considered the Russian fur trading activity in Alaska, which began in the middle to late 18th century, an encroachment and threat. Likewise, the exploration of the northwest coast by James Cook of the British Navy and the subsequent fur trading activities by British ships was considered an invasion of Spanish territory. To protect and strengthen its claim, New Spain sent a number of expeditions to the Pacific Northwest between 1774 and 1793. In 1789 a naval outpost called Santa Cruz de Nuca (or just Nuca) was established at Friendly Cove in Nootka Sound (now Yuquot), Vancouver Island. It was protected by an artillery land battery called Fort San Miguel. Santa Cruz de Nuca was the northermost establishment of New Spain. It was the first colony in British Columbia and the only Spanish settlement in what is now Canada. Santa Cruz de Nuca remained under the control of New Spain until 1795, when it was abandoned under the terms of the third Nootka Convention. Another outpost, intended to replace Santa Cruz de Nuca, was partially built at Neah Bay on the southern side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca in what is now the U.S. state of Washington. Neah Bay was known as Bahía de Núñez Gaona in New Spain, and the outpost there was referred to as "Fuca". It was abandoned, partially finished, in 1792. Its personnel, livestock, cannons, and ammunition were transferred to Nuca. In 1789, at Santa Cruz de Nuca, a conflict occurred between the Spanish naval officer Esteban José Martínez and the British merchant James Colnett, triggering the Nootka Crisis, which grew into an international incident and the threat of war between Britain and Spain. The first Nootka Convention averted the war but left many specific issues unresolved. Both sides sought to define a northern boundary for New Spain. At Nootka Sound, the diplomatic representative of New Spain, Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, proposed a boundary at the Strait of Juan de Fuca, but the British representative, George Vancouver refused to accept any boundary north of San Francisco. No agreement could be reached and the northern boundary of New Spain remained unspecified until the Adams–Onís Treaty with the United States (1819). That treaty also ceded Spanish Florida to the United States. End of the Viceroyalty (1806–1821) The Third Treaty of San Ildefonso ceded to France the vast territory that Napoleon then sold to the United States, known as the Louisiana Purchase (1803). Spanish Florida followed in 1819. In the 1821 Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Empire, both Mexico and Central America declared their independence after three centuries of Spanish rule and formed the First Mexican Empire, although Central America quickly rejected the union. After priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla's 1810 Grito de Dolores (call for independence), the insurgent army began an eleven-year war. At first, the Criollo class fought against the rebels. But in 1820, coinciding with the approval of the Spanish Constitution, which took privileges away from the Criollos, they switched sides. This led to Mexican triumph in 1821. The new Mexican Empire offered the crown to Ferdinand VII or to a member of the Spanish royal family that he would designate. After the refusal of the Spanish monarchy to recognize the independence of Mexico, the ejército Trigarante (Army of the Three Guarantees), led by Agustin de Iturbide and Vincente Guerrero, cut all political and economic ties with Spain and crowned Agustin I as emperor of Mexico. Central America was originally planned to be part of the Mexican Empire, but seceded peacefully in 1823, forming the United Provinces of Central America. |History of Mexico| The Viceroyalty of New Spain united many regions and provinces of the Spanish Empire throughout half a world. These included on the North American mainland, central Mexico, Nueva Extremadura, Nueva Galicia, the Californias, Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Reyno de León, Texas and Nuevo Santander, as well as the Captaincy General of Guatemala. In the Caribbean it included Cuba, Santo Domingo, most of the Venezuelan mainland and the other islands in the Caribbean controlled by the Spanish. In Asia, the Viceroyalty ruled the Captaincy General of the Philippines, which covered all of the Spanish territories in the Asia-Pacific region. The outpost at Nootka Sound, on Vancouver Island, was considered part of the province of California. Therefore, the Viceroyalty's former territories included what is now the present day countries of Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Belize, Costa Rica; the United States regions of California, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Puerto Rico, Guam, Mariana Islands, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Florida; a portion of the Canadian province of British Columbia; the Caribbean nations of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, the island of Hispaniola, Jamaica, Antigua and Barbuda; the Asia-Pacific nations of the Philippine Islands, Palau and Caroline Islands. The Viceroyalty was administered by a viceroy residing in Mexico City and appointed by the Spanish monarch, who had administrative oversight of all of these regions, although most matters were handled by the local governmental bodies, which ruled the various regions of the viceroyalty. First among these were the audiencias, which were primarily superior tribunals, but which also had administrative and legislative functions. Each of these was responsible to the Viceroy of New Spain in administrative matters (though not in judicial ones), but they also answered directly to the Council of the Indies. Audiencia districts further incorporated the older, smaller divisions known as governorates (gobernaciones, roughly equivalent to provinces), which had been originally established by conquistador-governors known as adelantados. Provinces, which were under military threat, were grouped into captaincies general, such as the Captaincies General of the Philippines (established 1574) and Guatemala (established in 1609) mentioned above, which were joint military and political commands with a certain level of autonomy. (The viceroy was captain-general of those provinces that remained directly under his command). At the local level there were over two hundred districts, in both Indian and Spanish areas, which were headed by either a corregidor (also known as an alcalde mayor) or a cabildo (town council), both of which had judicial and administrative powers. In the late 18th century the Bourbon dynasty began phasing out the corregidores and introduced intendants, whose broad fiscal powers cut into the authority of the viceroys, governors and cabildos. Despite their late creation, these intendancies had such an impact in the formation of regional identity that they became the basis for the nations of Central America and the first Mexican states after independence. With dates of creation: Autonomous Captaincies General With dates of creation: 7. Commandancy General of the Provincias Internas (1776) (Analogous to a dependent captaincy general.) |Year of Creation||Intendancy| |Puerto Príncipe (separated from the Intendancy of Havana)| |Santiago de Cuba (separated from the Intendency of Havana)| |San Luis Potosí| In order to pay off the debts incurred by the conquistadors and their companies, the new Spanish governors awarded their men grants of native tribute and labor, known as encomiendas. In New Spain these grants were modeled after the tribute and corvee labor that the Mexica rulers had demanded from native communities. This system came to signify the oppression and exploitation of natives, although its originators may not have set out with such intent. In short order the upper echelons of patrons and priests in the society lived off the work of the lower classes. Due to some horrifying instances of abuse against the indigenous peoples, Bishop Bartolomé de las Casas suggested bringing black slaves to replace them. Fray Bartolomé later repented when he saw the even worse treatment given to the black slaves. The other discovery that perpetuated this system was extensive silver mines discovered at Potosi and other places that were worked for hundreds of years by forced native labor and contributed most of the wealth flowing to Spain. The Viceroyalty of New Spain was the principal source of income for Spain among the Spanish colonies, with important mining centers like Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí and Hidalgo. Cacao and indigo were also important exports for the New Spain, but was used through rather the vice royalties rather than contact with European countries due to piracy, and smuggling. The indigo industry in particular also helped to temporarily unite communities throughout the Kingdom of Guatemala due to the smuggling. There were several major ports in New Spain. There were the ports of Veracruz the viceroyalty's principal port on the Atlantic, Acapulco on the Pacific, and Manila near the South China Sea. The ports were fundamental for overseas trade, stretching a trade route from Asia, through the Manila Galleon to the Spanish mainland. These were ships that made voyages from the Philippines to Mexico, whose goods were then transported overland from Acapulco to Veracruz and later reshipped from Veracruz to Cádiz in Spain. So then, the ships that set sail from Veracruz were generally loaded with merchandise from the East Indies originating from the commercial centers of the Philippines, plus the precious metals and natural resources of Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. During the 16th century, Spain held the equivalent of US$1.5 trillion (1990 terms) in gold and silver received from New Spain. However, these resources did not translate into development for the Metropolis (mother country) due to Spanish Roman Catholic Monarchy's frequent preoccupation with European wars (enormous amounts of this wealth were spent hiring mercenaries to fight the Protestant Reformation), as well as the incessant decrease in overseas transportation caused by assaults from companies of British buccaneers, Dutch corsairs and pirates of various origin. These companies were initially financed by, at first, by the Amsterdam stock market, the first in history and whose origin is owed precisely to the need for funds to finance pirate expeditions, as later by the London market. The above is what some authors call the "historical process of the transfer of wealth from the south to the north." The role of epidemics Spanish settlers brought to the American continent smallpox, typhoid fever, and other diseases. Most of the Spanish settlers had developed an immunity to these diseases from childhood, but the indigenous peoples lacked the needed antibodies since these diseases were totally alien to the native population at the time. There were at least three, separate, major epidemics that decimated the population: smallpox (1520 to 1521), measles (1545 to 1548) and typhus (1576 to 1581). In the course of the 16th century, the native population in Mexico went from an estimated pre-Columbian population of 8 to 20 million to less than two million. Therefore, at the start of the 17th century, continental New Spain was a depopulated country with abandoned cities and maize fields. These diseases would not have a similar impact in the Philippines because they were already present there. The role of interracial mixing Following the Spanish conquests, new ethnic groups were created, primary among them the Mestizo. The Mestizo population emerged as a result of the Spanish colonizers having children with indigenous women, both within and outside of wedlock, which brought about the mixing of both cultures. Many of the Spanish colonists were either men or women with no wives or husbands and took partners from the indigenous population. Initially, if a child was born in wedlock, the child was considered, and raised as, a member of the prominent parent's ethnicity. (See Hyperdescent and Hypodescent.) Because of this, the term "Mestizo" was associated with illegitimacy. Mestizos do not appear in large numbers in official censuses until the second half of the 17th century, when a sizable and stable community of mixed-race people with no claims to being either Indian or Spanish appeared, although, of course, a large population of biological Mestizos had already existed for over a century in Mexico. The Spanish conquest also brought the migration of people of African descent to the many regions of the Viceroyalty. Some came as free blacks, but vast majority came because of the introduction of African slavery. As the native population was decimated by epidemics and forced labor, black slaves were imported. Mixes with Europeans and indigenous peoples also occurred, resulting in the creation of new racial categories such as Mulattos and Zambos to account for these offspring. As with the term Mestizo, these other terms were associated with illegitimacy, since a majority—though not all—of these people were born outside of wedlock. Eventually a caste system was created to describe the various mixes and to assign them a different social level. In theory, each different mix had a name and different sets of privileges or prohibitions. In reality, mixed-race people were able to negotiate various racial and ethnic identities (often several ones at different points in their lives) depending on the family ties and wealth they had. In its general outline, the system reflected reality. The upper echelons of government were staffed by Spaniards born in Spain (peninsulares), the middle and lower levels of government and other higher paying jobs were held by Criollos (Criollos were "Spaniards" born in the Americas, or—as permitted by the casta system—"Spaniards" with some Amerindian or even other ancestry.) The best lands were owned by Peninsulares and Criollos, with Native communities for the most part relegated to marginal lands. Mestizos and Mulattos held artisanal positions and unskilled laborers were either more mixed people, such as Zambos, recently freed slaves or Natives who had left their communities and settled in areas with large Hispanic populations. Native populations tended to have their own legally recognized communities (the repúblicas de indios) with their own social and economic hierarchies. This rough sketch must be complicated by the fact that not only did exceptions exist, but also that all these "racial" categories represented social conventions, as demonstrated by the fact that many persons were assigned a caste based on hyperdescent or hypodescent. Even if mixes were common, the white population tried to keep their higher status, and were largely successful in doing so. With Mexican and Central American independence, the caste system and slavery were theoretically abolished. However, it can be argued that the Criollos simply replaced the Peninsulares in terms of power. Thus, for example, in modern Mexico, while Mestizos no longer have a separate legal status from other groups, they comprise approximately 65% of the population. White people, who also no longer have a special legal status, are thought to be about 9–18% of the population,. In modern Mexico, "Mestizo" has become more a cultural term, since Indigenous people who abandon their traditional ways are considered Mestizos. Also, most Afro-Mexicans prefer to be considered Mestizo, since they identify closely with this group. (See also, Demographics of Mexico.) The population of New Spain in 1810 Population estimates from the first decade of the 19th century varied between 6,122,354 as calculated by Francisco Navarro y Noriega in 1810, to 6.5 million as figured by Alexander von Humboldt in 1808. Navarro y Noriega figured that half of his estimate constituted indigenous peoples. More recent data suggests that the actual population of New Spain in 1810 was closer to 5 or 5.5 million individuals. Because the Roman Catholic Church had played such an important role in the Reconquista (Christian reconquest) of the Iberian peninsula from the Moors, the Church in essence became another arm of the Spanish government. The Spanish Crown granted it a large role in the administration of the state, and this practice became even more pronounced in the New World, where prelates often assumed the role of government officials. In addition to the Church's explicit political role, the Catholic faith became a central part of Spanish identity after the conquest of last Muslim kingdom in the peninsula, the Emirate of Granada, and the expulsion of all Jews who did not convert to Christianity. The conquistadors brought with them many missionaries to promulgate the Catholic religion. Amerindians were taught the Roman Catholic religion and the language of Spain. Initially, the missionaries hoped to create a large body of Amerindian priests, but this did not come to be. Moreover, efforts were made to keep the Amerindian cultural aspects which did not violate the Catholic traditions. As an example, most Spanish priests committed themselves to learn the most important Amerindian languages (especially during the 16th century) and wrote grammars so that the missionaries could learn the languages and preach in them. This was similarly practiced by the French colonists. At first, conversion seemed to be happening rapidly. The missionaries soon found that most of the natives had simply adopted "the god of the heavens", as they called the Christian god, as just another one of their many gods. While they often held the Christian god to be an important deity because it was the god of the victorious conquerors, they did not see the need to abandon their old beliefs. As a result, a second wave of missionaries began an effort to completely erase the old beliefs, which they associated with the ritualized human sacrifice found in many of the native religions, eventually putting an end to this practice common before the arrival of the Spaniards. In the process many artifacts of pre-Columbian Mesoamerican culture were destroyed. Hundreds of thousands of native codices were burned, native priests and teachers were persecuted, and the temples and statues of the old gods were torn down. Even some foods associated with the native religions, like amaranth, were forbidden. Many clerics, such as Bartolomé de las Casas, also tried to protect the natives from de facto and actual enslavement to the settlers, and obtained from the Crown decrees and promises to protect native Mesoamericans, most notably the New Laws. Unfortunately, the royal government was too far to fully enforce them, and many abuses against the natives, even among the clergy, continued. Eventually, the Crown declared the natives to be legal minors and placed under the guardianship of the Crown, which was responsible for their indoctrination. It was this status that barred the native population from the priesthood. During the following centuries, under Spanish rule, a new culture developed that combined the customs and traditions of the indigenous peoples with that of Catholic Spain. Numerous churches and other buildings were constructed by native labor in the Spanish style, and cities were named after various saints or religious topics such as San Luis Potosí (after Saint Louis) and Vera Cruz (the True Cross). The Spanish Inquisition, and its New Spanish counterpart, the Mexican Inquisition, continued to operate in the viceroyalty until Mexico declared its independence. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Inquisition worked with the viceregal government to block the diffusion of liberal ideas during the Enlightenment and the revolutionary republican and democratic ideas of the United States War of Independence and the French Revolution. The Viceroyalty of New Spain was one of the principal centers of European cultural expansion in the Americas. The viceroyalty was the basis for a racial and cultural mosaic of the Spanish American colonial period. The first printing press in the New World was brought to Mexico in 1539, by printer Juan Pablos (Giovanni Paoli). The first book printed in Mexico was entitled La escala espiritual de San Juan Clímaco. In 1568, Bernal Díaz del Castillo finished La Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva España. Figures such as Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz and Juan Ruiz de Alarcón stand out as some of the viceroyalty's most notable contributors to Spanish Literature. In 1693, Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora published El Mercurio Volante, the first newspaper in New Spain. Architects Pedro Martínez Vázquez and Lorenzo Rodriguez produced some fantastically extravagant and visually frenetic architecture known as Mexican Churrigueresque in the own capital, Ocotlan[disambiguation needed], Puebla or remote silver-mining towns. Composers including Manuel de Zumaya, Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla, and Antonio de Salazar were active from the early 1500s through the Baroque period of music. See also - List of Viceroys of New Spain - List of Governors in the Viceroyalty of New Spain - Novohispanic Baroque - Spanish colonization of the Americas - Spanish Empire - LANIC: Colección Juan Bautista Muñoz. Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia – España. (in Spanish) - Selections from the National Library of Spain: Conquista del Reino de Nueva Galicia en la América Septrentrional..., Texas, Sonora, Sinaloa, con noticias de la California. (Conquest of the Kingdom of New Galicia in North America..., Texas, Sonora, Sinaloa, with news of California). (in Spanish) - Cervantes Virtual: Historia de la conquista de México (in Spanish) - Worldcat: Historia de la conquista de México, poblacion y progresos de la América Septentrional, conocida por el nombre de Nueva España (in Spanish) - New Mexico Commission of Public Records, Land Grants, accessed 28 October 2009. - Shafer, Robert J. The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763–1821. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1958. - Tovell, Freeman M. (2008). At the Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco De La Bodega Y Quadra. University of British Columbia Press. pp. 218–219. ISBN 978-0-7748-1367-9. - Harding, C. H., The Spanish Empire in America. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947), 133–135 - Lombardi, Cathryn L., John V. Lombardi and K. Lynn Stoner, Latin American History: A Teaching Atlas. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), 50. ISBN 0-299-09714-5 - Foster, Lynn V. (2000). A Brief History of Central America.. New York: Facts On File, Inc. ISBN 0-8160-3962-3. pp. 101-103 - Foster 2000, pp. 101-103. - Carrera, Magali Marie (2003). Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings. Austin: University of Texas Press. pp. 19–21. ISBN 0-292-71245-6. - "Mexico-People" CIA World Factbook, 2007. Retrieved on 2009-01-12. - (Spanish) Navarro y Noriega, Fernando (1820). Report on the population of the kingdom of New Spain. Mexico: in the Office of D. Juan Bautista de Arizpe. - (French) Humboldt, Alexander von (1811). Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain. Paris: F. Schoell. - McCaa, Robert (1997-12-08). "The Peopling of Mexico from Origins to Revolution". The Population History of North America. Richard Steckel and Michael Haines (ed.). Cambridge University Press. Retrieved 2007-11-18. |Wikimedia Commons has media related to: History of New Spain| Further reading - Bakewell, P.J. A History of Latin America (Oxford U.P., 1997) - Bethell, Leslie, ed. The Cambridge History of Latin America (Vols. 1–2. Cambridge UP, 1984) - Cañeque, Alejandro. "The Political and Institutional History of Colonial Spanish America" History Compass (April 2013) 114 pp 280–291, DOI: 10.1111/hic3.12043 & Collier, Simon. From Cortes to Castro: An Introduction to the History of Latin America, 1492–1973 (1974) - Haring, Charles Henry. The Spanish Empire in America (Oxford UP, 1947) - Liss, Peggy K. Mexico under Spain. 1521–1556 (1975) - Lockhart, James. Spanish Peru, 1532–1560: A Colonial Society (1974) - Lockhart, James, and Stuart B. Schwartz. Early Latin America (1984) - Muldoon, James. The Americas in The Spanish World Order (1994) - Parry, J.H. The Spanish Seaborne Empire (1974) - Parry, J.H. The Spanish Theory of Empire in the Sixteenth Century (1974) - MEXICO'S COLONIAL ERA—PART I: The Settlement of New Spain at mexconnect.com - Index to the DeWitt Colony Region under New Spain at Texas A&M University - 1492 – Middle America at ibiblio.org the public's library and digital archive - Encyclopædia Britannica : Hispanic Heritage in The Americas - Map of the Border of the King's Dominion in the Northern America is a map by José de Urrútia and Nicolas de la Fora from 1771

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Mongolian Interlude | The Chinese Regain Power | The Rise of the Manchus | Emergence of Modern China | The Western Powers Arrive | The Opium War, 1839- 1842 | The Taiping Rebellion, 1851- 1864 | The Self-Strengthening Movement | The Hundred Days Reform and the Aftermath | The Boxer Rebellion, 1899- 1901 | The Republican Revolution of 1911 By the mid-thirteenth century, the Mongols had subjugated north China, Korea, and the Muslim kingdoms of Central Asia and had twice penetrated Europe. With the resources of his vast empire, Kublai Khan (1215-94), a grandson of Genghis Khan (1167?-1227) and the supreme leader of all Mongol tribes, began his drive against the Southern Song. Even before the extinction of the Song dynasty, Kublai Khan had established the first alien dynasty to rule all China--the Yuan (1279-1368). Although the Mongols sought to govern China through traditional institutions, using Chinese (Han) bureaucrats, they were not up to the task. The Han were discriminated against socially and politically. All important central and regional posts were monopolized by Mongols, who also preferred employing non-Chinese from other parts of the Mongol domain--Central Asia, the Middle East, and even Europe--in those positions for which no Mongol could be found. Chinese were more often employed in non-Chinese regions of the empire. As in other periods of alien dynastic rule of China, a rich cultural diversity developed during the Yuan dynasty. The major cultural achievements were the development of drama and the novel and the increased use of the written vernacular. The Mongols' extensive West Asian and European contacts produced a fair amount of cultural exchange. Western musical instruments were introduced to enrich the Chinese performing arts. From this period dates the conversion to Islam, by Muslims of Central Asia, of growing numbers of Chinese in the northwest and southwest. Nestorianism and Roman Catholicism also enjoyed a period of toleration. Lamaism (Tibetan Buddhism) flourished, although native Taoism endured Mongol persecutions. Confucian governmental practices and examinations based on the Classics, which had fallen into disuse in north China during the period of disunity, were reinstated by the Mongols in the hope of maintaining order over Han society. Advances were realized in the fields of travel literature, cartography and geography, and scientific education. Certain key Chinese innovations, such as printing techniques, porcelain production, playing cards, and medical literature, were introduced in Europe, while the production of thin glass and cloisonné became popular in China. The first records of travel by Westerners date from this time. The most famous traveler of the period was the Venetian Marco Polo, whose account of his trip to "Cambaluc," the Great Khan's capital (now Beijing), and of life there astounded the people of Europe. The Mongols undertook extensive public works. Road and water communications were reorganized and improved. To provide against possible famines, granaries were ordered built throughout the empire. The city of Beijing was rebuilt with new palace grounds that included artificial lakes, hills and mountains, and parks. During the Yuan period, Beijing became the terminus of the Grand Canal, which was completely renovated. These commercially oriented improvements encouraged overland as well as maritime commerce throughout Asia and facilitated the first direct Chinese contacts with Europe. Chinese and Mongol travelers to the West were able to provide assistance in such areas as hydraulic engineering, while bringing back to the Middle Kingdom new scientific discoveries and architectural innovations. Contacts with the West also brought the introduction to China of a major new food crop--sorghum--along with other foreign food products and methods of preparation. Rivalry among the Mongol imperial heirs, natural disasters, and numerous peasant uprisings led to the collapse of the Yuan dynasty. The Ming dynasty (1368-1644) was founded by a Han Chinese peasant and former Buddhist monk turned rebel army leader. Having its capital first at Nanjing (which means Southern Capital) and later at Beijing (Northern Capital), the Ming reached the zenith of power during the first quarter of the fifteenth century. The Chinese armies reconquered Annam, as northern Vietnam was then known, in Southeast Asia and kept back the Mongols, while the Chinese fleet sailed the China seas and the Indian Ocean, cruising as far as the east coast of Africa. The maritime Asian nations sent envoys with tribute for the Chinese emperor. Internally, the Grand Canal was expanded to its farthest limits and proved to be a stimulus to domestic trade. The Ming maritime expeditions stopped rather suddenly after 1433, the date of the last voyage. Historians have given as one of the reasons the great expense of large-scale expeditions at a time of preoccupation with northern defenses against the Mongols. Opposition at court also may have been a contributing factor, as conservative officials found the concept of expansion and commercial ventures alien to Chinese ideas of government. Pressure from the powerful Neo-Confucian bureaucracy led to a revival of strict agrarian-centered society. The stability of the Ming dynasty, which was without major disruptions of the population (then around 100 million), economy, arts, society, or politics, promoted a belief among the Chinese that they had achieved the most satisfactory civilization on earth and that nothing foreign was needed or welcome. Long wars with the Mongols, incursions by the Japanese into Korea, and harassment of Chinese coastal cities by the Japanese in the sixteenth century weakened Ming rule, which became, as earlier Chinese dynasties had, ripe for an alien takeover. In 1644 the Manchus took Beijing from the north and became masters of north China, establishing the last imperial dynasty, the Qing (1644- 1911). Although the Manchus were not Han Chinese and were strongly resisted, especially in the south, they had assimilated a great deal of Chinese culture before conquering China Proper. Realizing that to dominate the empire they would have to do things the Chinese way, the Manchus retained many institutions of Ming and earlier Chinese derivation. They continued the Confucian court practices and temple rituals, over which the emperors had traditionally presided. The Manchus continued the Confucian civil service system. Although Chinese were barred from the highest offices, Chinese officials predominated over Manchu officeholders outside the capital, except in military positions. The Neo-Confucian philosophy, emphasizing the obedience of subject to ruler, was enforced as the state creed. The Manchu emperors also supported Chinese literary and historical projects of enormous scope; the survival of much of China's ancient literature is attributed to these projects. Ever suspicious of Han Chinese, the Qing rulers put into effect measures aimed at preventing the absorption of the Manchus into the dominant Han Chinese population. Han Chinese were prohibited from migrating into the Manchu homeland, and Manchus were forbidden to engage in trade or manual labor. Intermarriage between the two groups was forbidden. In many government positions a system of dual appointments was used--the Chinese appointee was required to do the substantive work and the Manchu to ensure Han loyalty to Qing rule. The Qing regime was determined to protect itself not only from internal rebellion but also from foreign invasion. After China Proper had been subdued, the Manchus conquered Outer Mongolia (now the Mongolian People's Republic) in the late seventeenth century. In the eighteenth century they gained control of Central Asia as far as the Pamir Mountains and established a protectorate over the area the Chinese call Xizang but commonly known in the West as Tibet. The Qing thus became the first dynasty to eliminate successfully all danger to China Proper from across its land borders. Under Manchu rule the empire grew to include a larger area than before or since; Taiwan, the last outpost of anti-Manchu resistance, was also incorporated into China for the first time. In addition, Qing emperors received tribute from the various border states. The chief threat to China's integrity did not come overland, as it had so often in the past, but by sea, reaching the southern coastal area first. Western traders, missionaries, and soldiers of fortune began to arrive in large numbers even before the Qing, in the sixteenth century. The empire's inability to evaluate correctly the nature of the new challenge or to respond flexibly to it resulted in the demise of the Qing and the collapse of the entire millennia-old framework of dynastic rule. The success of the Qing dynasty in maintaining the old order proved a liability when the empire was confronted with growing challenges from seafaring Western powers. The centuries of peace and self-satisfaction dating back to Ming times had encouraged little change in the attitudes of the ruling elite. The imperial Neo-Confucian scholars accepted as axiomatic the cultural superiority of Chinese civilization and the position of the empire at the hub of their perceived world. To question this assumption, to suggest innovation, or to promote the adoption of foreign ideas was viewed as tantamount to heresy. Imperial purges dealt severely with those who deviated from orthodoxy. By the nineteenth century, China was experiencing growing internal pressures of economic origin. By the start of the century, there were over 300 million Chinese, but there was no industry or trade of sufficient scope to absorb the surplus labor. Moreover, the scarcity of land led to widespread rural discontent and a breakdown in law and order. The weakening through corruption of the bureaucratic and military systems and mounting urban pauperism also contributed to these disturbances. Localized revolts erupted in various parts of the empire in the early nineteenth century. Secret societies, such as the White Lotus sect in the north and the Triad Society in the south, gained ground, combining anti-Manchu subversion with banditry. As elsewhere in Asia, in China the Portuguese were the pioneers, establishing a foothold at Macao (Aomen), from which they monopolized foreign trade at the Chinese port of Guangzhou (Canton). Soon the Spanish arrived, followed by the British and the French. Trade between China and the West was carried on in the guise of tribute: foreigners were obliged to follow the elaborate, centuries-old ritual imposed on envoys from China's tributary states. There was no conception at the imperial court that the Europeans would expect or deserve to be treated as cultural or political equals. The sole exception was Russia, the most powerful inland neighbor. The Manchus were sensitive to the need for security along the northern land frontier and therefore were prepared to be realistic in dealing with Russia. The Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) with the Russians, drafted to bring to an end a series of border incidents and to establish a border between Siberia and Manchuria (northeast China) along the Heilong Jiang (Amur River), was China's first bilateral agreement with a European power. In 1727 the Treaty of Kiakhta delimited the remainder of the eastern portion of the Sino- Russian border. Western diplomatic efforts to expand trade on equal terms were rebuffed, the official Chinese assumption being that the empire was not in need of foreign--and thus inferior--products. Despite this attitude, trade flourished, even though after 1760 all foreign trade was confined to Guangzhou, where the foreign traders had to limit their dealings to a dozen officially licensed Chinese merchant firms. Trade was not the sole basis of contact with the West. Since the thirteenth century, Roman Catholic missionaries had been attempting to establish their church in China. Although by 1800 only a few hundred thousand Chinese had been converted, the missionaries--mostly Jesuits--contributed greatly to Chinese knowledge in such fields as cannon casting, calendar making, geography, mathematics, cartography, music, art, and architecture. The Jesuits were especially adept at fitting Christianity into a Chinese framework and were condemned by a papal decision in 1704 for having tolerated the continuance of Confucian ancestor rites among Christian converts. The papal decision quickly weakened the Christian movement, which it proscribed as heterodox and disloyal. During the eighteenth century, the market in Europe and America for tea, a new drink in the West, expanded greatly. Additionally, there was a continuing demand for Chinese silk and porcelain. But China, still in its pre-industrial stage, wanted little that the West had to offer, causing the Westerners, mostly British, to incur an unfavorable balance of trade. To remedy the situation, the foreigners developed a third-party trade, exchanging their merchandise in India and Southeast Asia for raw materials and semi processed goods, which found a ready market in Guangzhou. By the early nineteenth century, raw cotton and opium from India had become the staple British imports into China, in spite of the fact that opium was prohibited entry by imperial decree. The opium traffic was made possible through the connivance of profit-seeking merchants and a corrupt bureaucracy. In 1839 the Qing government, after a decade of unsuccessful anti-opium campaigns, adopted drastic prohibitory laws against the opium trade. The emperor dispatched a commissioner, Lin Zexu (1785- 1850), to Guangzhou to suppress illicit opium traffic. Lin seized illegal stocks of opium owned by Chinese dealers and then detained the entire foreign community and confiscated and destroyed some 20,000 chests of illicit British opium. The British retaliated with a punitive expedition, thus initiating the first Anglo-Chinese war, better known as the Opium War (1839-42). Unprepared for war and grossly underestimating the capabilities of the enemy, the Chinese were disastrously defeated, and their image of their own imperial power was tarnished beyond repair. The Treaty of Nanjing (1842), signed on board a British warship by two Manchu imperial commissioners and the British plenipotentiary, was the first of a series of agreements with the Western trading nations later called by the Chinese the "unequal treaties." Under the Treaty of Nanjing, China ceded the island of Hong Kong (Xianggang) to the British; abolished the licensed monopoly system of trade; opened 5 ports to British residence and foreign trade; limited the tariff on trade to 5 percent ad valorem; granted British nationals extraterritoriality (exemption from Chinese laws); and paid a large indemnity. In addition, Britain was to have most-favored-nation treatment, that is, it would receive whatever trading concessions the Chinese granted other powers then or later. The Treaty of Nanjing set the scope and character of an unequal relationship for the ensuing century of what the Chinese would call "national humiliations." The treaty was followed by other incursions, wars, and treaties that granted new concessions and added new privileges for the foreigners. During the mid-nineteenth century, China's problems were compounded by natural calamities of unprecedented proportions, including droughts, famines, and floods. Government neglect of public works was in part responsible for this and other disasters, and the Qing administration did little to relieve the widespread misery caused by them. Economic tensions, military defeats at Western hands, and anti-Manchu sentiments all combined to produce widespread unrest, especially in the south. South China had been the last area to yield to the Qing conquerors and the first to be exposed to Western influence. It provided a likely setting for the largest uprising in modern Chinese history- the Taiping Rebellion. The Taiping rebels were led by Hong Xiuquan (1814-64), a village teacher and unsuccessful imperial examination candidate. Hong formulated an eclectic ideology combining the ideals of pre-Confucian utopianism with Protestant beliefs. He soon had a following in the thousands who were heavily anti-Manchu and antiestablishment . Hong's followers formed a military organization to protect against bandits and recruited troops not only among believers but also from among other armed peasant groups and secret societies. In 1851 Hong Xiuquan and others launched an uprising in Guizhou Province. Hong proclaimed the Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (Taiping Tianguo, or Taiping for short) with himself as king. The new order was to reconstitute a legendary ancient state in which the peasantry owned and tilled the land in common; slavery, concubinage, arranged marriage, opium smoking, foot binding, judicial torture, and the worship of idols were all to be eliminated. The Taiping tolerance of the esoteric rituals and quasi-religious societies of south China--themselves a threat to Qing stability--and their relentless attacks on Confucianism--still widely accepted as the moral foundation of Chinese behavior-- contributed to the ultimate defeat of the rebellion. Its advocacy of radical social reforms alienated the Han Chinese scholar-gentry class. The Taiping army, although it had captured Nanjing and driven as far north as Tianjin, failed to establish stable base areas. The movement's leaders found themselves in a net of internal feuds, defections, and corruption. Additionally, British and French forces, being more willing to deal with the weak Qing administration than contend with the uncertainties of a Taiping regime, came to the assistance of the imperial army. Before the Chinese army succeeded in crushing the revolt, however, 14 years had passed, and well over 30 million people were reported killed. To defeat the rebellion, the Qing court needed, besides Western help, an army stronger and more popular than the demoralized imperial forces. In 1860, scholar-official Zeng Guofan (1811-72), from Hunan Province, was appointed imperial commissioner and governor-general of the Taiping-controlled territories and placed in command of the war against the rebels. Zeng's Hunan army, created and paid for by local taxes, became a powerful new fighting force under the command of eminent scholar-generals. Zeng's success gave new power to an emerging Han Chinese elite and eroded Qing authority. Simultaneous uprisings in north China (the Nian Rebellion) and southwest China (the Muslim Rebellion) further demonstrated Qing weakness. The rude realities of the Opium War, the unequal treaties, and the mid-century mass uprisings caused Qing courtiers and officials to recognize the need to strengthen China. Chinese scholars and officials had been examining and translating "Western learning" since the 1840s. Under the direction of modern-thinking Han officials, Western science and languages were studied, special schools were opened in the larger cities, and arsenals, factories, and shipyards were established according to Western models. Western diplomatic practices were adopted by the Qing, and students were sent abroad by the government and on individual or community initiative in the hope that national regeneration could be achieved through the application of Western practical methods. Amid these activities came an attempt to arrest the dynastic decline by restoring the traditional order. The effort was known as the Tongzhi Restoration, named for the Tongzhi Emperor (1862-74), and was engineered by the young emperor's mother, the Empress Dowager Ci Xi (1835-1908). The restoration, however, which applied "practical knowledge" while reaffirming the old mentality, was not a genuine program of modernization. The effort to graft Western technology onto Chinese institutions became known as the Self-Strengthening Movement. The movement was championed by scholar-generals like Li Hongzhang (1823-1901) and Zuo Zongtang (1812-85), who had fought with the government forces in the Taiping Rebellion. From 1861 to 1894, leaders such as these, now turned scholar-administrators, were responsible for establishing modern institutions, developing basic industries, communications, and transportation, and modernizing the military. But despite its leaders' accomplishments, the Self Strengthening Movement did not recognize the significance of the political institutions and social theories that had fostered Western advances and innovations. This weakness led to the movement's failure. Modernization during this period would have been difficult under the best of circumstances. The bureaucracy was still deeply influenced by Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. Chinese society was still reeling from the ravages of the Taiping and other rebellions, and foreign encroachments continued to threaten the integrity of China. The first step in the foreign powers' effort to carve up the empire was taken by Russia, which had been expanding into Central Asia. By the 1850s, tsarist troops also had invaded the Heilong Jiang watershed of Manchuria, from which their countrymen had been ejected under the Treaty of Nerchinsk. The Russians used the superior knowledge of China they had acquired through their century-long residence in Beijing to further their aggrandizement. In 1860 Russian diplomats secured the secession of all of Manchuria north of the Heilong Jiang and east of the Wusuli Jiang (Ussuri River). Foreign encroachments increased after 1860 by means of a series of treaties imposed on China on one pretext or another. The foreign stranglehold on the vital sectors of the Chinese economy was reinforced through a lengthening list of concessions. Foreign settlements in the treaty ports became extraterritorial--sovereign pockets of territories over which China had no jurisdiction. The safety of these foreign settlements was ensured by the menacing presence of warships and gunboats. At this time the foreign powers also took over the peripheral states that had acknowledged Chinese suzerainty and given tribute to the emperor. France colonized Cochin China, as southern Vietnam was then called, and by 1864 established a protectorate over Cambodia. Following a victorious war against China in 1884-85, France also took Annam. Britain gained control over Burma. Russia penetrated into Chinese Turkestan (the modern-day Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region). Japan, having emerged from its century-and-a- half-long seclusion and having gone through its own modernization movement, defeated China in the war of 1894-95. The Treaty of Shimonoseki forced China to cede Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan, pay a huge indemnity, permit the establishment of Japanese industries in four treaty ports, and recognize Japanese hegemony over Korea. In 1898 the British acquired a ninety-nine-year lease over the so-called New Territories of Kowloon (Jiulong in pinyin), which increased the size of their Hong Kong colony. Britain, Japan, Russia, Germany, France, and Belgium each gained spheres of influence in China. The United States, which had not acquired any territorial cessions, proposed in 1899 that there be an "open door" policy in China, whereby all foreign countries would have equal duties and privileges in all treaty ports within and outside the various spheres of influence. All but Russia agreed to the United States overture. In the 103 days from June 11 to September 21, 1898, the Qing emperor, Guangxu (1875-1908), ordered a series of reforms aimed at making sweeping social and institutional changes. This effort reflected the thinking of a group of progressive scholar-reformers who had impressed the court with the urgency of making innovations for the nation's survival. Influenced by the Japanese success with modernization, the reformers declared that China needed more than "self-strengthening" and that innovation must be accompanied by institutional and ideological change. The imperial edicts for reform covered a broad range of subjects, including stamping out corruption and remaking, among other things, the academic and civil-service examination systems, legal system, governmental structure, defense establishment, and postal services. The edicts attempted to modernize agriculture, medicine, and mining and to promote practical studies instead of Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The court also planned to send students abroad for firsthand observation and technical studies. All these changes were to be brought about under a de facto constitutional monarchy. Opposition to the reform was intense among the conservative ruling elite, especially the Manchus, who, in condemning the announced reform as too radical, proposed instead a more moderate and gradualist course of change. Supported by ultraconservatives and with the tacit support of the political opportunist Yuan Shikai (1859-1916), Empress Dowager Ci Xi engineered a coup d'etat on September 21, 1898, forcing the young reform-minded Guangxu into seclusion. Ci Xi took over the government as regent. The Hundred Days' Reform ended with the rescindment of the new edicts and the execution of six of the reform's chief advocates. The two principal leaders, Kang Youwei (1858-1927) and Liang Qichao (1873-1929), fled abroad to found the Baohuang Hui (Protect the Emperor Society) and to work, unsuccessfully, for a constitutional monarchy in China. The conservatives then gave clandestine backing to the anti-foreign and anti-Christian movement of secret societies known as Yihetuan (Society of Righteousness and Harmony). The movement has been better known in the West as the Boxers (from an earlier name--Yihequan, Righteousness and Harmony Boxers). In 1900 Boxer bands spread over the north China countryside, burning missionary facilities and killing Chinese Christians. Finally, in June 1900, the Boxers besieged the foreign concessions in Beijing and Tianjin, an action that provoked an allied relief expedition by the offended nations. The Qing declared war against the invaders, who easily crushed their opposition and occupied north China. Under the Protocol of 1901, the court was made to consent to the execution of ten high officials and the punishment of hundreds of others, expansion of the Legation Quarter, payment of war reparations, stationing of foreign troops in China, and razing of some Chinese fortifications. In the decade that followed, the court belatedly put into effect some reform measures. These included the abolition of the moribund Confucian-based examination, educational and military modernization patterned after the model of Japan, and an experiment, if half-hearted, in constitutional and parliamentary government. The suddenness and ambitiousness of the reform effort actually hindered its success. One effect, to be felt for decades to come, was the establishment of new armies, which, in turn, gave rise to warlordism. Failure of reform from the top and the fiasco of the Boxer Uprising convinced many Chinese that the only real solution lay in outright revolution, in sweeping away the old order and erecting a new one patterned preferably after the example of Japan. The revolutionary leader was Sun Yat-sen (Sun Yixian, 1866- 1925), a republican and anti-Qing activist who became increasingly popular among the overseas Chinese and Chinese students abroad, especially in Japan. In 1905 Sun founded the Tongmeng Hui (United League) in Tokyo with Huang Xing (1874-1916), a popular leader of the Chinese revolutionary movement in Japan, as his deputy. This movement, generously supported by overseas Chinese funds, also gained political support with regional military officers and some of the reformers who had fled China after the Hundred Days' Reform. Sun's political philosophy was conceptualized in 1897, first enunciated in Tokyo in 1905, and modified through the early 1920s. It centered on the Three Principles of the People (san min zhuyi): "nationalism, democracy, and people's livelihood." The principle of nationalism called for overthrowing the Manchus and ending foreign hegemony over China. The second principle, democracy, was used to describe Sun's goal of a popularly elected republican form of government. People's livelihood, often referred to as socialism, was aimed at helping the common people through regulation of the ownership of the means of production and land. The republican revolution broke out on October 10, 1911, in Wuchang, the capital of Hubei Province, among discontented modernized army units whose anti-Qing plot had been uncovered. It had been preceded by numerous abortive uprisings and organized protests inside China. The revolt quickly spread to neighboring cities, and Tongmeng Hui members throughout the country rose in immediate support of the Wuchang revolutionary forces. By late November, fifteen of the twenty-four provinces had declared their independence of the Qing empire. A month later, Sun Yat-sen returned to China from the United States, where he had been raising funds among overseas Chinese and American sympathizers. On January 1, 1912, Sun was inaugurated in Nanjing as the provisional president of the new Chinese republic. But power in Beijing already had passed to the commander-in-chief of the imperial army, Yuan Shikai, the strongest regional military leader at the time. To prevent civil war and possible foreign intervention from undermining the infant republic, Sun agreed to Yuan's demand that China be united under a Beijing government headed by Yuan. On February 12, 1912, the last Manchu emperor, the child Puyi, abdicated. On March 10, in Beijing, Yuan Shikai was sworn in as provisional president of the Republic of China.

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A History of the U.S. Economy The fledgling thirteen colonies established their independence on ingenuity, the frontier, and support from France and her allies. The United States and her national debt were born, and both have expanded seemingly without limits. However, in the years leading up to America’s sestercentennial, serious questions about the unsustainability of America’s economic practices have developed. Once the world’s leading economic superpower, in the twentieth century America assumed the role of financial capital of the world. As America’s trade deficit continues to increase, much of America’s massive debt is now controlled by China, and a transfer of power seems to be in progress. But even amidst recession, the model of the American Dream is still clinging to life. Whether America and her dream can emerge unscathed in the coming years remains to be seen. It is a complex economic question, and one that cannot be untangled from the global economy. The Economy of Colonial America (Pre-1776) Colonial America was a predominately agricultural economy. Even as the economy expanded over the decades of the eighteenth century, the colonies only inched toward industrialization by the year of the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. The economy of the thirteen original colonies was actually relatively stable, in stark contrast to the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Dynamic economic expansion occurred with population growth from births and immigration, but colonial Americans had naturally become increasingly self-sufficient (Perkins 1988). The initial hardships of European settlers to the New World are well documented, but soon northern prosperity from the fur industry and fishing boosted the local economy (Conte 2001). And as population growth, foreign trade, and general economic expansion allowed the colonies to sustain themselves, Americans such as Benjamin Franklin “foresaw pressure building to shift the balance of political and economic power within the British empire across the Atlantic to the colonies (Perkins 1988). Whether the world expected it or not, that shift of power is precisely what happened. By 1776, the standard of living of free white American society was already high, with abundant food and land supporting a comparatively high median income (Perkins 1988). Officially sanctioned as a sovereign nation with the Treaty of Paris in 1783, the global economy of the United States of America is born. The Constitution and Pre-Civil War Economy (1787 – 1850s) From the writing of the United States Constitution in 1787, America’s economy saw tremendous growth. The Constitution provided a kind of “economic charter,” laying out regulation of both commerce and money by Congress. Most importantly, it opened the market of the United States territory. Open borders allowed for an internal free flow of goods and ideas (Conte 2001). One exception was an unpopular tax on whiskey enacted in 1791 to help pay the national debt established and expanded as a consequence of the Revolutionary War. From 1788, “the U.S. experienced productivity growth of about 2% per year.” Thanks to a strong institutional core adopted from the British, America quickly caught up economically to her former ruler (Bernstein 2004). The young republic elected its first president in 1789. While goods were abundant, industry was scarce. But American entrepreneurship was given free reign with the departure of British investments. Regional economic character developed with shipyards in New England, crops and furs in the middle colonies, and the plantation economy of the Old South, from Maryland to the Carolina (Conte 2001). That same year, American manufacturing got a boost from the arrival of Samuel Slater, a textile apprentice of a British mill who took his skills (and a carefully memorized “blueprint” of the proprietary equipment) to the United States. In essence, one man caught America up on British textile manufacturing after a year laboriously reconstructing the design from memory. It was precisely the boost the first president, George Washington, desired, having taken oath into office in a humble brown American homespun suit, a deliberate and symbolic choice (Gordon 2001). Washington wanted to encourage fledgling American industry in an era when ninety percent of her citizens were employed in agriculture, most of whom made everything they needed to live on their own farms (America.gov). The first cotton mill began production in 1790, but the industry was slow to take hold as the labor-intensive processing aspect of cotton kept costs high (Gordon 2001). In addition, there existed an intense debate over what kind of economy America should be. America’s third president, Thomas Jefferson, was a major proponent of the agrarian society. With great support from leaders of the American South, Jefferson and his Democratic-Republicans espoused minimal government with a strong agricultural core. On the other side of the debate was America’s first Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton and his Federalist Party were proponents of a stronger central government in order to encourage manufacturing and commerce as the core of the new American economy. Hamilton further advocated for a national bank to back a strong currency and push policy that would generate capital to support young American industry (America.gov) Supporters of Jefferson economics in the American South, meanwhile, had been looking for the next big thing on the heels of the collapse of indigo exports and increased competition from other tobacco producing territories. Eli Whitney’s simple yet ingenious cotton ginning machine of 1793 elevated the New American South to virtual empire with cotton—and slavery—as the foundation of a new southern economy (Gordon 2001). The first half of the nineteenth century saw a frontier opened by significant developments in transportation. Government-built waterways such as the Erie Canal opened up new areas to westward settlers, while improvements in water transportation, most notably the steamboat allowed better movement the Mississippi River and her tributaries. After the 1840s—considered the Golden Age of the steamboat—a new mode of transportation, the railroad, picked up the reigns of the American economy, and took it to places and heights it had never before seen (Gordon 2001). The east was finally and forever linked to the west with the completion of the Transcontinental Railroad in 1869. The railroads became the driving economic force of America in the second half of the nineteenth century, backed by governmental land grants and multi-national investments. (America.gov). By then, however, the United States economy had been hit by two major forces: the California Gold Rush and the Civil War. The Economics of War The 1848 discovery of gold in California not only drew hundreds of thousands of people out West; it also shifted the balance of economic attention of the United States. By the onset of the Civil War in 1861, gold not only backed American currency, but because of its role in Northern industry, it was indirectly a primary funder of the Northern war effort. Before long, however, both the North and the South resorted to paper currency. Inflation was rampant on both sides but particularly in the South, which lacked the institutional and bureaucratic power of the North, who had both “an established Treasury and a revenue-gathering system” (Gordon 2001). For example, in 1861 the United States saw the establishment of its first federal income tax and the earliest predecessor to the modern Internal Revenue Service (IRS) by the following year. The Civil War also caused a serious spike to the national debt, growing to eighty times its pre-Civil War size (Gordon 2001). Leading up to the war, the opposing political parties were divided by the question of slavery. The answer to that question, ultimately decided by Union victory, would determine the very appearance of the economy of the United States. Elected in 1860, Abraham Lincoln and his Republican party had Northern industrial interests to preserve, which led to the establishment of a new tariff on foreign goods in 1861. And, because of the war, industry in the North further flourished. The industrial economy of the North would persevere. Reconstruction through the Roaring Twenties (1865 – 1929) Following the war, the South lay in economic shambles, and the slave-supported “aristocracy” was dissolved as plantations were divided up. Tenant-style farming or sharecropping became the predominant form of southern agriculture, particularly among the recently freed slaves. Indeed, those freed by the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 were hit hardest by the chaos of the southern economy, and the wildest ambitions of Reconstruction to improve conditions withered into a divisive era of segregation (America.gov). By the Civil War, already a third of the national economy was powered by manufacturing, most of which was in the North. Following the war, the American economy was driven by innovation and invention that spurred tremendous growth of the industrial infrastructure. In short, rapid development—and much of it a result of advances in mass production. Individual business enterprise became the backbone of the United States economy (Conte 2001) It was a “Gilded Age” in America, built by entrepreneurs in manufacturing and commerce, which outpaced the economic contribution of agriculture by the 1880s (America.gov). The era was not without its economic recessions. Depressions (or Panics) of 1873 and 1893 were actually caused in large part by unrestrained development and financial over-speculation, as is true of even the most recent recessions. The Panics devastated small businesses and spiked unemployment rates. In the economic history of the United States, the early twentieth century remains critical for major advancements in technology. The steam- and water-powered economy received a jolt by the spread of modern electricity, and the advent of the automobile. Entering late into World War I, the United States was primed to shift its industry and vast amounts of raw materials to wartime production. America mobilized not only millions of soldiers, but an economy to support their needs abroad. As during the Civil War, the question of financing the military became a focus of the federal government (Rockoff 2008). The 1917 War Revenue Act raised taxes while the government sold bonds to the general public and the newly founded Federal Reserve. At the time, America was clinging to a gold standard to back its currency, so avoiding simply printing additional money was meant to help preserve the standard, while preventing inflation. However, the war altered the American economy in many ways. Taxes were lowered after the war, but remained higher than before it. The Federal Reserve assumed a more dominant role as New York became the financial center of the world. The federal government, in short, showed it could be a dominant force in the American economy. Economic prosperity during the “Roaring” 1920s was driven by post-war consumerism. When the decade came to a crashing halt, a dominant role is what the United States government would be obligated to play (Rockoff 2008). Great Depression through World War II (1929 – 1945) The two most influential economic events of the twentieth century in America are the Great Depression and World War II. While the precise causes of the Great Depression are both numerous and challenging to pinpoint, the economic effects were disastrous. At its peak, unemployment was nearly 25 percent of the workforce as hundreds of banks failed (about 40 percent) and hundreds of millions of deposits were lost (Ferguson 2008). In summary, after “increasingly stock speculation, the stock market crash of 1929 wiped out millions of investors and crippled confidence among business executives and consumers” (America.gov). Under the watch of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, America launched a vast economic stimulus program called the “New Deal.” The program was designed to rebuild the confidence lost during the Depression and put people back to work through government-sponsored works projects. The new Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) lured people back to banks while the Public Works Administration provided vast tracts of inexpensive housing. The Federal Housing Administration provided government underwriting for mortgages, rebuilding the mortgage market in the United States. It was 1938, the year the Federal National Mortgage Association, or Fannie Mae, was born (Ferguson 2008). In short, the New Deal vastly expanded the role of the federal government in the American economy. A close relationship between the private sector of the economy and the American government was developed as a result of the Great Depression. That relationship would continue into World War II, when the nation’s industrial sector was mobilized and coordinated by the government to contribute products directly to the war effort (Conte 2001). The gross national product (GNP) of the United States increased over 50 percent between 1941 and 1945 and unemployment hit its lowest point ever at 1.2 percent. America, meanwhile, was becoming increasingly urban as populations shifted to cities and agriculture became more mechanized and absorbed by big business as a result of wartime technology (Tassava 2008). Into the Modern Era (1950s – Present) While portions of Asia and Europe lay in literal ruins, the United States continued to grow after the war, both in population and economically. The postwar “baby boom” was one of many results of the American military returning home. Most significantly, consumer spending and numbers of consumers increased substantially. The American “middle class” became dominant (Conte 2001). Suburbs exploded with the passing of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956. By now the United States was the richest nation in the world. As a result, America was developing an extensive infrastructure to match its wealth. The completion of the Interstate Highway System “remains the largest public works project in the history of the world” (Gordon 2001). Finally, the strong interrelationship between the government and the ever-expanding industrial sector (the “military-industrial complex”) helped establish the United States as the economic superpower of the world going into the Cold War—a dominance that would be cemented with the collapse of the Soviet Union (Tassava 2008). The middle of the twentieth century saw a brief expansion of labor unions and then labor policy. Most important to American workers were expanded labor rights regulated by the federal government, as well as the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. President Lyndon Johnson’s “Great Society” further expanded and guaranteed access to opportunity by minorities in America while Congress helped support new federal spending in the form of programs such as Medicare and Food Stamps (Conte 2001). Economic trouble largely resulting from the Vietnam War and high domestic spending plagued the economy in the 1970s as the government grappled with inflation and shockwaves from global crises that drove oil prices and consumer discontent high. As president from 1977 to 1981, Jimmy Carter was hit hard by such discontent as the trade deficit increased dramatically, inflation hit its highest point since World War I, and unemployment had climbed to 9 percent. With the country in another recession, President Ronald Reagan was subsequently elected on promises of smaller government as well as lower taxes and increased deregulation. But Reagan did not also decrease public spending. The result of increased expenditures (particular in the military and defense) but decreased taxes was significant increases in both the budget deficit and the national debt as the U.S. government was forced to borrow heavily from other countries (America.gov). A recession of the early 1990s lingering from the stock market crash of 1987 was drawn out by high oil prices stemming from the Persian Gulf War, but consumer confidence and spending helped keep the economy afloat. The economy of the 1990s was driven by the rise of technology and the Internet, whose companies made startling gains on the stock market. Personal and business technology alike broadened and streamlined access to the global marketplace. Economic optimism was based upon high-tech “dot.com” industries who built their success from low interest rates and enthusiastic investors during an era of low unemployment and low inflation (American.gov). The Federal Reserve closely monitored America’s economic pace, so despite President Bill Clinton’s insistence on smaller government, it still played an active role in the American’s economy (Conte 2001). But it is also because of the Reserve selling billions in bonds to the Chinese that China has gradually assumed role of banker to America. That, in addition to America’s virtual dependence upon cheaply manufactured Chinese goods to sustain America’s consumer-driven economy, had managed to keep inflation, interest rates, and corporate wage costs in America artificially low (Ferguson 2008). Low, even as the economy was taxed by terrorism, dual military fronts in Afghanistan and Iraq, and natural disaster. Understanding the Recession: Stock Markets, Subprime Lending, and Bursting Bubbles In all, there have been over thirty cycles of expansions and recessions of the U.S. Economy just since 1854, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research. When markets are surging, “bubbles” form out of wild speculation and overvaluation that are based largely upon euphoria and greed. Electronic “herds” of investors are populated with optimistic, or “bull” buyers (Ferguson 2008). In 2000, the dot.com economic boom came to an end as interest rates rose and investments in technology slowed (America.gov). When an economic bubble bursts, the herd became fearful. A pessimistic “bear” market is a seller’s stock market in decline. Some of these economic forces were the same key factors that caused the “subprime” mortgage bubble that burst in late 2007. However, it was dubious and unregulated lending practices (with encouragement from the U.S. government) that caused this shutter in the economy—with aftershocks felt around the world (Ferguson 2008). President George W. Bush and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development urged lenders and the governmental mortgage enterprises like Fannie Mae to support subprime mortgage lending to extend the American “dream” of homeownership to low-income groups, but most notably to minority home owners. The model of lending may have worked if interest rates stayed low, but because the loans were mostly adjustable-rate mortgages (ARMs) with “teaser” introductory rates, when rates inevitably did rise, borrowers could no longer afford their mortgages and began to default. Since the success of the loans was also dependent upon a good job market and rising real estate, defaults on loans and house foreclosures signaled just the opposite. House and real estate prices in fact fell dramatically, and “asset-backed securities,” like those bundled with the subprime mortgages, collapsed in value (Ferguson 2008). Mortgage-backed securitization had attempted to manage the risk of subprime lending by dividing and bundling the loans into units of investments that were sold in the form of “exotic securities” and bonds to eager—and unfortunate—investors around the world (America.gov). Americans have tried to be cautiously optimistic, embracing the message of “Hope” in the presidential campaign of Barack Obama. Like many presidents who took over in the midst of recession, President Obama faces the task of virtually “remaking America,” and to do so with a sharply partisan Congress. Direct effects of smaller government and deregulation under previous administrations, but most recently with the energy and environmental policies of President Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney, were seen in the Gulf of Mexico when as much as 180 million gallons of oil gushed from a self-regulated rig’s blownout wellhead. The question, then, seems virtually the same as that which faced a younger America: how big should the government be? The answer is overwhelmed by the sheer number of complexities that complicate the task facing President Obama and Americans today—the task of remaking another new American economy. -- Posted September 8, 2010 Bernstein, William J. 2004. The Birth of Plenty: How the Prosperity of the Modern World was Created. New York: McGraw-Hill. Conte, Christopher. 2001. An Outline of the U.S. Economy. Washington D.C.: U.S. Dept. of State, International Information Programs. Gordon, John Steele. 2001. The Business of America. New York: Walker & Company. Outline of the U.S. Economy. America.gov. September, 2009. Accessed: July 26, 2010. Perkins, J. Edwin. 1988. The Economy of Colonial America. New York: Columbia University Press. Rockoff, Hugh. “U.S. Economy in World War I.” EH.Net Encyclopedia. Robert Whaples, ed. February 10, 2008. Accessed: August 12, 2010. Tassava, Christopher. “The American Economy during World War II.” EH.Net Encyclopedia. Robert Whaples, ed. February 10, 2008. Accessed: August 12, 2010.“US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions.” Nber.org. Accessed: August 20, 2010.

http://www.randomhistory.com/us-economy-history.html

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In 1791, the first Bank of the United States was established to serve as a central bank for the country. It was a place for storing government funds, collecting taxes, and issuing sound currency. At the time it was created, the government was in its infancy and there was a great deal of debate over exactly how much power the national government should have. Some people, such as Alexander Hamilton, argued for the supremacy of the national government and a loose interpretation of its powers, which would include the ability to establish a bank. Others, such as Thomas Jefferson, advocated states' rights, limited government, and a stricter interpretation of the national government's powers under the Constitution and, therefore, no bank. While Jefferson was President, the Bank's charter was not renewed. After the War of 1812, President James Madison determined that the country could utilize the services of a national bank to help fulfill its powers listed in Article I, Section 8, Clause 18 of the Constitution. In response to his suggestion, Congress proposed a Second Bank of the United States in 1816. President Madison approved the charter and branches were established throughout the United States. Many states opposed opening branches of this bank within their boundaries for several reasons. First, the Bank of the United States competed with their own banks. Second, the states found many of the managers of the Bank of the United States to be corrupt. Third, the states felt that the federal government was exerting too much power over them by attempting to curtail the state practice of issuing more paper money than they were able to redeem on demand. One state opposed to the Bank of the United States was Maryland. In an attempt to drive the Baltimore branch of the Bank of the United States out of business, the Maryland State Legislature required that all banks chartered outside of Maryland pay an annual tax of $15,000. There was a $500 penalty for each violation of this statute. James McCulloch, cashier of the Baltimore branch of the Bank of the United States, refused to pay the tax. The State of Maryland took him to court, arguing that because Maryland was a sovereign state, it had the authority to tax businesses within its border, and that because the Bank of the United States was one such business, it had to pay the tax. Luther Martin, one of the attorneys for Maryland, reasoned that because the federal government had the authority to regulate state banks, Maryland could do the same to federal banks. Besides, he argued, the Constitution does not give Congress the power to establish a Bank of the United States. McCulloch was convicted by a Maryland court of violating the tax statute and was fined $2,500. McCulloch appealed the decision to the Maryland Court of Appeals. His attorneys, who included Daniel Webster, asserted that the establishment of a national bank was a "necessary and proper" function of the Congress. Webster stated that many powers of the government are implied rather than specifically stated in the Constitution. Furthermore, he argued, Maryland did not have the authority to levy the tax, because doing so interfered with the workings of the federal government. After the Maryland Court of Appeals upheld the original decision against McCulloch, he appealed again. The case was heard by the Supreme Court of the United States, then headed by Chief Justice John Marshall. Questions to Consider - What are the advantages for the federal government of establishing a national bank? Read through Article I, Section 8, Clause 18 of the U.S. Constitution to determine which functions of Congress might be helped by such a bank. - Why would states feel threatened by a national bank? - In your opinion, does the United States government have the authority to establish a national bank? Provide justification for your answer. You may want to review Article I, Section 8, Clause 18 of the Constitution to see what powers it specifically gives Congress. - If the United States does have authority to establish a bank, does Maryland have the authority to tax that bank? Why or why not? - Why do you think the Supreme Court of the United States agreed to hear this case? What larger principles were at stake?

http://www.streetlaw.org/en/Page/364/Background_Summary__Questions_

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Law of Supply: Law of Supply: There is direct relationship between the price of a commodity and its quantity offered fore sale over a specified period of time. When the price of a goods rises, other things remaining the same, its quantity which is offered for sale increases as and price falls, the amount available for sale decreases. This relationship between price and the quantities which suppliers are prepared to offer for sale is called the law of supply. Explanation of Law of Supply: The law of supply, in short, states that ceteris paribus sellers supply more goods at a higher price than they are willing at a lower price. The supply function is now explained with the help of a schedule and a curve. Market Supply Schedule: Market Supply Schedule of a Commodity: In the table above, the produce are able and willing to offer for sale 100 units of a commodity at price of $4. As the price falls, the quantity offered for sale decreases. At price of $1, the quantity offered for sale is only 40 units. Law of Supply Curve/Diagram: The market supply data of the commodity x as shown in the supply schedule is now presented graphically. In the figure (5.1) price is plotted on the vertical axis OY and the quantity supplied on the horizontal axis OX. The four points d, c, b, and a show each price quantity combination. The supply curve SS/ slopes upward from left to right indicating that less quantity is offered for sale at lower price and more at higher prices by the sellers not supply curve is usually positively sloped. Formula for Law of Supply/Supply Function: The supply function can also be expressed in QxS = Φ (Px Qxs = Quantity supplied of commodity x by the producers. Φ = Function of. Px = Price of commodity x. Tech = Technology. S = Supplies of inputs. F = Features of nature. X = Taxes/Subsidies. = Bar on the top of last four non-price factors indicates that these variables also affect the supply but they are held constant. Example of Law of Supply: The law of supply is based on a moving quantity of materials available to meet a particular need. Supply is the source of economic activity. Supply, or the lack of it, also dictates prices. Cost of scarce supply goods increase in relation to the shortages. Supply can be used to measure demand. Over supply results in lack of customers. An over supply is often a loss, for that reason. Under supply generates a demand in the form of orders, or secondary sales at higher prices. If ten people want to buy a pen, and there's only one pen, the sale will be based on the level of demand for the pen. The supply function requires more pens, which generates more production to meet demand. Assumptions of Law of Supply: (i) Nature of Goods. If the goods are perishable in nature and the seller cannot wait for the rise in price. Seller may have to offer all of his goods at current market price because he may not take risk of getting his commodity perished. (ii) Government Policies. Government may enforce the firms and producers to offer production at prevailing market price. In such a situation producer may not be able to wait for the rise in price. (iii) Alternative Products. If a number of alternative products are available in the market and customers tend to buy those products to fulfill their needs, the producer will have to shift to transform his resources to the production of those products. (iv) Squeeze in Profit. Production costs like raw materials, labor costs, overhead costs and selling and administration may increase along with the increase in price. Such situations may not allow producer to offer his products at a particular increased price. Limitations/Exceptions of Law of Supply: Exceptions that affect law of supply may include: (i) Ability to move stock. (ii) Legislation restricting quantity. (iii) External factors that influence your industry. Importance of Law of Supply: (i) Supply responds to changes in prices differently for different goods, depending on their elasticity or inelasticity. Goods are elastic when a modest change in price leads to a large change in the quantity supplied. In contrast, goods are inelastic when a change in price leads to relatively no response to the quantity supplied. An example of an elastic good would be soft drinks, whereas an example of an inelastic service would be physicians' services. Producers will be more likely to want to supply more inelastic goods such as gas because they will most likely profit more off (ii) Law of supply is an economic principle that states that there is a direct relationship between the price of a good and how much producers are willing (iii) As the price of a good increases, suppliers will want to supply more of it. However, as the price of a good decreases, suppliers will not want to supply as much of it. For producers to want to produce a good, the incentive of profit must be greater than the opportunity cost of production, the total cost of producing the good, which includes the resources and value of the other goods that could have been (iv) Entrepreneurs enter business ventures with the intention of making a profit. A profit occurs when the revenues from the goods a producer supplies exceeds the opportunity cost of their production. However, consumers must value the goods at the price offered in order for them to buy them. Therefore, in order for a consumer to be willing to pay a price for a good higher than its cost of production, he or she must value that good more than the other goods that could have been produced instead. So supplier's profits are dependent on consumer demands and values. However, when suppliers do not earn enough revenue to cover the cost of production of the good, they incur a loss. Losses occur whenever consumers value a good less than the other goods that could have been produced with the same resources. Determinants of Supply: There are four important Determinants of Supply Qxs = Φ (Px) Ceteris Paribus. In economics, the term is used as a shorthand for indicating the effect of one economic variable on another, holding constant all other variables that may affect the second

http://economicsconcepts.com/law_of_supply.htm

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Bretton Woods Agreement What It Is: How It Works/Example: The agreement's name comes from the New Hampshire site where the conference was held. In total, 730 delegates from all 44 allied nations attended. When the Allied Powers came together for the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire in 1944, they wanted to address the currency exchange situation and the potential to maximize the benefits of global trade. The Bretton Woods Agreement and subsequent Bretton Woods System provided a framework for setting international currency exchange rates through the early 1970s. In an effort to bring stability to an ailing international economy, exchange rates remained fixed at a rate determined by the IMF. Each country was responsible for maintaining this rate within a narrow margin. If economic circumstances warranted, a country could apply to the IMF for an adjustment of its rate. Why It Matters: Although it eventually fell apart in 1971, the Bretton Woods Agreement was a major turning point in monetary history. While the creation of the World Bank and the IMF are two notable results of the agreement, its major significance lay in its attempt to stabilize international trade by fixing exchange rates relative to gold, a universally recognized asset. As the global economy strengthened following World War II however, the economic circumstances of the industrialized world demanded a more free-market approach to currency valuation.

http://www.investinganswers.com/financial-dictionary/economics/bretton-woods-agreement-1437

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Science Fair Project Encyclopedia Politics of Canada Canada is a constitutional monarchy as a Commonwealth Realm (see Monarchy in Canada) with a federal system of parliamentary government, and strong democratic traditions. Many of the country's legislative practices derive from the unwritten British constitution. In that context the executive tends to apply strict party discipline on members of its party, with the net effect of seriously diminishing the influence of its own backbenchers and opposition parties alike. This effect is exacerbated in Canada by the practice of having party leaders elected by the party at large rather than by the parliamentary caucus. However Canada has evolved its own set of rules. Party discipline in Canada is stronger than in the United Kingdom, and more of the votes are considered confidence votes. However, backbenchers can exert their influence by being selected to parliamentary committees, like the Public Accounts Committee or the National Defence Committee, for example. This situation, where much power is held in the hands of the Prime Minister, has been characterized by Paul Martin as a "democratic deficit". The situation may be contrasted with the written constitutional provisions of its American neighbour that provide for the separate elections of a president and a legislature. The advantage of the fact that there is not the separation between president and legislature is that it is uncommon for a government to have difficulty passing legislation. The gridlock that can occur in the United States when a President and the Congress cannot agree on a law does not ever happen in the same way; although minority governments and the Senate can make it hard to pass legislation, it is never to the same extent. The political system under which Canada operates, known as the Westminster system, was enshrined by the British Parliament by the Constitution Act 1867 (formerly called the British North America Act, but the federal model and division of powers were devised by Canadian politicians. Particularly after World War I, citizens of the self-governing "dominions" began to develop a strong sense of identity, and in the Balfour Declaration, 1926, the British government expressed its intent to grant full autonomy to these dominions. Thus in 1931 the British Parliament passed the Statute of Westminster giving legal recognition to the autonomy of Canada and other dominions. Canadian politicians were unable to obtain consensus on a process for amending the constitution until 1982. Therefore, amendments to Canada's constitution required the approval of the British Parliament. Similarly, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Britain continued to make the final decision on legal issues until 1949, such as whether a woman could be appointed to the Senate (see Persons Case). Elizabeth II as Queen of Canada is the repository of executive power, which she normally does not exercise herself. As expressed in the constitution, "the Executive Government and Authority of and over Canada is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen". The government acts in her name. The term The Crown is usually used to represent the power of the monarchy. Government ministers are ministers of the Crown. Criminal prosecutions are made by Crown prosecutors in the name of the monarch. Since the monarch does not reside in Canada, she appoints a governor general to represent her and exercise her powers. The person who fills this role is selected on the advice of the prime minister. "Advice" in this sense is a choice without options since it would cause a major political crisis if the prime minister's advice were not followed. This convention protects the monarchy. As long as the monarch is only following the advice of her ministers, she is not held personally responsible for the decisions of the government. The governor general is typically appointed for five-years, but there is no set maximum time for anyone to hold the office. The prime minister is appointed by the Governor General, but to ensure the continuity of a stable government this person will always be the one who has the confidence of the House of Commons to lead the government. In practice, the position usually goes to the leader of the strongest political party in the Commons which usually has most of the seats in the lower house and forms a majority government. On several occasions in Canadian history no party has had a majority in the House of Commons and thus one party, usually the largest, forms a minority government. However, the prime minister holds office until he or she resigns or is removed by the Governor General, therefore, the party that was in government, before the election, may attempt to continue to govern if they so desire, even if they hold less seats than another party. Coalition governments are rare at the federal level, Canada has only once had a coalition government: the Union Government of Sir Robert Borden during World War I. Political parties are private organizations that are not mentioned in the constitution. By the convention of responsible government, the prime minister and most of his cabinet are members of Parliament so they can answer to Parliament for their actions. But, constitutionally, any adult Canadian is eligible for the jobs, and prime ministers have held office after being elected leader but before taking a seat in the Commons (John Turner, for example), or after being defeated in their constituencies. The prime minister selects ministers to head the various government departments and form a cabinet. The members of the Cabinet remain in office at the pleasure of the prime minister. If the Commons passes a motion of no confidence in the government, the prime minister and his cabinet are expected either to resign their offices or to ask for Parliament to be dissolved so that a general election can be held. To avoid non-confidence voting, strong party discipline has long been an established fact of life in the Canadian parliament, in which members of a party, especially members of the ruling party, are strongly urged always to vote the "party line" or face consequences, up to expulsion from the party's caucus. While the government likes to keep strong control due to the issue of motions of no confidence in (unwritten) practice the only time it is required is when a money bill (financial or budget) does not pass. However if a government finds that it can not pass any legislation it is common to hold a vote of confidence. But the failed passage of most bills does not require a vote of confidence, contrary to how it is often portrayed. The exception would be if the Prime Minister or the government declared that if a bill did not pass they would consider it a confidence issue (hence how backbenchers are often held to strict party voting). While a member of a governing party can vote however they want the main way that they are kept in line is that if they vote against the party line (especially in confidence votes) the can be kicked out of the party that they are a member of. In practice this leads to a loss of funding in an election and someone else running for the party the member was elected previously under. However in the 2004 election one independent member of parliament was elected. He had sought nomination under the Conservative Party of Canada having held a seat in one of the two founding parties. He did not win the nomination but won the election for his seat. He is the first independent member of parliament to be elected in recent memory. Most independent members were elected under a party but either chose to leave it. After the Conservative Party of Canada was formed a number of members of the Progressive Conservative Party and the Canadian Alliance Party chose to sit as independents. Carolyn Parrish was a Member of Parliament for the Liberal party at the beginning of this government, however due to controversial statements she was kicked out of the party. This results in an interesting and unusual political situation. If there is a vote of confidence the Liberal party can win the confidence vote if all of the members of the NDP party and both independents vote with the Liberal party. When there are enough seats for another party to form a government after the resignation of a prime minister the governor general will ask the other party to try and form the government. This became clear after the King-Byng Affair in 1926. In practice it is unlikely there could be a separate and new alliance created. Canada's parliament consists of the monarch, an elected House of Commons and an appointed Senate. The Governor General appoints Canadians, who are recommended by the Prime Minister, to the Senate according to a formula that distributes the seats among the provinces. In practice, legislative power rests with the party that has the majority of seats in the House of Commons which is elected from a current 308 constituencies (or electoral districts) for a period not to exceed five years. Canada's highly disciplined political parties and first-past-the-post electoral system have, since the 1970s, usually given one political party control of the Commons. The five-year period has only been extended once, in 1916. The prime minister may ask the governor general to dissolve Parliament and call new elections at virtually any time. That request was refused only once, during the minority government of 1926. For strategic reasons, prime ministers usually call new elections after four years in power. Members of the Senate do have some power however. It is usually the greatest after a party has been in power a long time (and hence nominated Senators that would most likely support their policies) and a new party forms the government. Brian Mulroney was forced to go to the unheard of length of increasing the size of the Senate so that he could get bills he wanted passed through the Senate. Also after the criminalization of abortion was decided to be against the Charter of Rights and Freedoms by the Supreme Court of Canada a new bill was prepared by Kim Campbell who was then Minister of Justice. While it passed in the House of Commons there was a tied vote in the Senate. In the case of tied votes the bill is not passed. For more on this particular case see the page on abortion in Canada. Since 1867 there have been only three Canada-wide referenda. Each province is governed by a Lieutenant Governor, a premier, and a single, elected legislative chamber. Provincial governments operate under a parliamentary system similar in nature to that of the federal government, with the premier chosen in the same manner as the Prime Minister of Canada. The lieutenant governor, recommended by the prime minister and then appointed by the governor general, represents the Crown in each province. A Lieutenant Governor, like the Governor General, has real power only in extreme emergencies. Residuary power – that is, all powers not specified in the constitution – resides with the federal government; the original intent of this provision was to avoid the sectionalism which had recently resulted in the American Civil War. However, in 1895 the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ruled that the federal government could exercise its residuary power only in wartime. As a result, responsibilities for new functions of government such as labour law or social welfare had to be accommodated under powers specified in the British North America Act. Many ended up being assigned to provincial areas of jurisdiction, so that Canada today is a highly decentralized federation. Further decentralization of functions has been implemented to accommodate provincial aspirations, chiefly those of Quebec, as described below. However, all provinces have the right to assume the powers now exercised only by Quebec, and Alberta and Ontario have expressed interest in doing so. Criminal law, most of which is contained in the federal Criminal Code (R.S.C. 1985, Chapter C-46), is uniform throughout the nation and is under federal jurisdiction. Civil law is based on the common law of England, except in Quebec, to which Britain granted the right in 1774 to retain the French civil code. While legislation regarding non-criminal matters is, generally speaking, different from province to province, there are some non-criminal legislation, such as the federal Divorce Act (R.S.C. 1985, Chapter 3 (2nd Supp.)), that is applicable throughout the nation. Justice is administered by federal, provincial, and municipal courts. The Supreme Court of Canada is the court of final jurisdiction. The Supreme Court has nine justices, appointed by the Governor General on the advice of Cabinet. This court hears appeals from decisions rendered by the various appellate courts from the provinces and territories. A trial-level court from a common law province is required to follow previous decisions from both the Supreme Court of Canada and the appellate court of its respective province or territory. In contrast, a Quebec trial-level court may treat judgments from higher courts to be persuasive but not binding. See Courts of Canada. Canada: political information - conventional form: Canada - formerly called: Dominion of Canada Data code: CA Administrative divisions: 10 provinces and three territories*; Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Northwest Territories*, Nova Scotia, Nunavut*, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Saskatchewan, Yukon Territory* National holiday: Canada Day, 1 July (1867) Constitution: Based on several unwritten conventions as well as the Constitution Act, 1982 (including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms) and the Constitution Act, 1867 (formerly the British North America Act, 1867). Legal system: except for criminal law, it is based on English common law, except in Quebec, where a civil law system, centred on the Civil Code of Quebec and based on the Custom of Paris in pre-revolutionary France; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction, with reservations. See Law of Canada. Suffrage: Citizens aged 18 years or older. Only 2 citizens in Canada cannot vote; the Chief Electoral Officer, and the Deputy Chief Electoral Officer. - Head of State: Queen Elizabeth II, Queen of Canada (since February 6, 1952), represented by Governor General Adrienne Clarkson (since October 7, 1999) - Head of Government: Prime Minister Paul Martin (since December 12, 2003) - Cabinet: Ministers (usually around 30) chosen by the Prime Minister to lead various ministries and agencies. Most, but not all, will be members of his own party in the House of Commons. See also: Cabinet of Canada - Elections: The monarch is hereditary. The governor general is appointed by the monarch on the advice of the prime minister for a five-year term. Following legislative elections, the leader of the majority party in the House of Commons is automatically designated by the governor general to become prime minister. Legislative branch: The bicameral Parliament consists of the Senate and the House of Commons. Currently the Senate is limited to 104 members, who are appointed by the governor general on the advice of the prime minister to serve until age 75. The number of Senators was exceeded once when Prime Minister Brian Mulroney sought to ensure the passage of a national sales tax. The House of Commons currently has 308 members elected by a plurality of popular votes in separate constituencies for terms that do not exceed five years. The five-year term has been exceeded once when Prime Minister Robert Borden perceived the need during World War I. - elections: House of Commons - last held June 28, 2004 - election results: percent of vote by party - Liberal Party 36.7%, Conservative 29.6%, New Democratic Party 15.7%, Bloc Québécois 12.4%, Green Party 4.3% other 1.3%; seats by party - Liberal Party 135, Conservative Party 99, Bloc Québécois 54, New Democratic Party 19, Not Affiliated 1 - current seats by party: See Canadian House of Commons Judicial branch: Supreme Court, judges are appointed by the governor general on the advice of the Cabinet without parliamentary review. Political parties and leaders: by number of elected representatives - Liberal Party of Canada - Paul Martin; - Conservative Party of Canada - Stephen Harper; - Bloc Québécois - Gilles Duceppe; - New Democratic Party - Jack Layton; Government department and structure - Notable departments include the Department of Finance and Foreign Affairs Canada. For full details, see Structure of the Canadian federal government. Notable Crown corporations and other government agencies International organization participation: ABEDA, ACCT, AfDB, APEC, AsDB, Australia Group, BIS, C, CCC, CDB (non-regional), Council of Europe (observer), The Commonwealth, EAPC, EBRD, ECE, ECLAC, ESA (cooperating state), FAO, La Francophonie, G-7, G-10, IADB, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICC, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IEA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, Inmarsat, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, Kyoto Protocol, MINURCA, MINURSO, MIPONUH, MONUC, NAM (guest), NAFTA, NATO, NEA, NSG, OAS, OECD, OPCW, OSCE, PCA, UN, UN Security Council (temporary), UNCTAD, UNDOF, UNESCO, UNFICYP, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNIKOM, UNMIBH, UNMIK, UNMOP, UNTAET, UNTSO, UNU, UPU, WCL, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO, Zangger Committee Principal government officials - Head of State: Queen Elizabeth II - Governor General: Adrienne Clarkson - Prime Minister: Paul Martin - Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Security: Anne McLellan - Ambassador to the United Nations: Allan Rock For the last 37 years (except for three short breaks due to transitional or short-lived minority governments), the position of Prime Minister has been held by a Quebecer, whether Francophone or Anglophone. Quebecers are usually prominent in the federal cabinet and, by law, must hold three of the nine positions on the Supreme Court of Canada. The current Prime Minister, Paul Martin, is a Quebecer as was his predecessor, Jean Chretien, a Francophone Quebecer. Prime Ministers are now expected to be fluent in English and at least functional in French. In selecting leaders, political parties give preference to candidates who are fluently bilingual. Paul Martin's Liberal Party won a minority victory in the June 2004 general elections. In December of 2003, Martin had succeeded fellow Liberal Jean Chrétien, who had, in 2000, become the first Prime Minister to lead three consecutive majority governments since 1945, However, in 2004, the Liberals lost seats in Parliament, going from 172 of 301 Parliamentary seats to 135 of 308, and from 40.9% to 36.7% in the popular vote. The Canadian Alliance, which did well in western Canada in the 2000 election, but was unable to make significant inroads in the East, merged with the Progressive Conservative Party to form the Conservative Party of Canada in late 2003. They proved to be moderately successful in the 2004 campaign, gaining seats from a combined Alliance-PC total of 78 in 2000 to 99 in 2004. However, the new Conservatives lost in popular vote, going from 37.7% in 2000 down to 29.6%. The Conservatives currently form the Official Opposition. This is the first minority government in Canada federally since 1979-1980. That government, led by Joe Clark, lasted only seven months. The situation, however, was different from the current one. The Clark government was elected in part because many voters did not want to support the Liberal party, but they did not expect that the Progressive Conservatives would win enough seats for a minority government. In contrast, polls taken during the 2004 election showed that many Canadians wanted a minority government. However minority governments have not always been so short lived. While they have not generally lasted four years there have been successful minority governments in the time before 1979 that were fairly stable and able to pass legislation. Minority government situations in Canada may become somewhat difficult to manage though, as in the past there were only three parties that had a significant number of seat in parliament (fourth parties were at times represented in small numbers), although the third party has changed over time. Since the 1930s the third party was first the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation or the New Democratic Party which was formed when an alliance between labour and unions and the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation joined. Before this there were other parties that were instrumental including the Progressive Party which had significant influence in the 1920s. Canada currently has four parties that have a significant number of seats in parliament. While the throne speech was delivered in October 2004 there are already signs that the minority parties expect more representation. Recently a request for a committee suggested by the New Democratic Party was passed, which is quite unusual, and the Bloc Quebecois and the Conservative Party insisted on changes to the throne speech, which is also uncommon and in fact is not believed to have precedent. It is believed that this minority government will likely last longer partly due to political climate (it appears that Canadians may punish a party that causes it quick failure) as well as the fact that changes to the funding of the federal parties has changed. Previously unions and businesses could contribute significant amounts of funding to parties. A change to the funding formula means that these groups can no longer provide significant amounts of money. How much and where they can now contribute is limited in scope. Changes to law regarding funding of Federal Parties and partial and possible impact These changes were made by the last Liberal government to deal with the issues of fair access to funding for parties running for seats in the federal parliament. Previously the Liberal Party and the Progressive Conservative party had benefited the most from the system as they received much more business funding than two other parties, the New Democratic Party and the Bloc Quebecois. The New Democratic Party did traditionally get less funding from business but did receive a larger percentage of union funding than the Liberal Party and the Progressive Conservative party. This led to the net result of the previous system favouring parties that were more likely to get business contributions. There was no fifth party that was receiving much of its money in this manner and the Green Party of Canada functioned mainly through personal donations. The NDP also had to depend in a greater manner on personal contributions. It should be noted that personal donations to federal parties and campaigns are tax deductible although, the amount of deduction depends on the amount given. Also only people paying taxes receive any benefit from this. The tax is not a tax credit where everyone would receive a part of the money they donated to a person or a campaign back. A good part of the reasoning behind the change in funding was that union or business funding should not be allowed to have as much impact on federal election funding as these are not contributions from citizens and are not evenly spread out between parties. They are still allowed to contribute to the election but only in a minor fashion. The new rules stated that a party had to receive 2% of the vote nationwide in order to receive the general federal funding for parties. Each vote garnered a certain dollar amount for a party (approximately $1.75) in future funding. Because this system had not been use before approximations were made based on previous elections. The NDP received more votes than expected (its national share of the vote went up) while the new Conservative Party of Canada received fewer votes than had been estimated and has been asked to refund the difference. The Liberal party also likely received fewer votes than expected. Figures are not yet known, but it is believed they too will need to refund money. It should be noted that the province of Quebec was the first province to impliment a similar system of funding many years before the changes to funding of federal parties. Additionally the money that the parties receive will not start to be disbursed until the beginning of 2005, which hampers the parties that have two parties that are the most likely to form the next government from funding an election, although all parties are hampered to some degree. The Green Party of Canada will be getting federal funding under the new system as it got a sufficient share of the popular vote. It did not get any funds based on the approximations for the federal election in 2004. Parties will not begin to receive new funding towards elections until 2005, and then not in full, as it will be disbursed quarterly. Since the NDP and the Green Party do rely more on individual contributions they are in a better position politically at the moment to fight an election as they are not as reliant on the federal funding. Other impact of funding changes Federal seats of Canada vary. Some are considered "safe" seats in that they have gone to one party or another consistently for many years. An example of a "safe" seat would be the Ottawa-Vanier riding. It has elected a federal Liberal member of parliament for over 50 years. Other seats are not safe in that they are close or go back and forth between different parties. The change in structure to the funding likely had impact on voting and did have impact on electoral strategy. In safe seats all of the parties that are running are of course hoping to win the seat and will try to get the most support that they can. However like other countries Canada has seen a drop in the percentage of eligible voters that do vote (although not as significantly as some countries). In safe seats part of the strategy of parties became to let the electorate know that if they voted for a party that the party would receive benefits (i.e., funding). Often the amount was explained to the voters. It was therefore pointed out that even if the seat was clearly safe that their voting would have a greater impact than it had in the past. If they had not voted because they saw no point in a safe seat this could be used to encourage this group of the population to vote regardless of how safe a seat was. In the future their vote would make a difference regardless of whether they lived in a safe seat or not. It is likely that this strategy was used by all of the parties to try to increase their percentage of the vote but it likely had the most impact for smaller parties which have much smaller votes. One could argue for example that in a safe seat a supporter of the party should still make sure they vote for the party that is safe, if they are a supporter, since it made more of a difference to party funding, whereas before they may not have voted since they may not have felt their vote was needed to secure the seat for the party that traditionally won the seat. The same arguments could be made in seats that were not safe, however more strategic voting goes on in seats that are not safe, where people might vote for one party which they think has a chance of winning and which they prefer over a second instead of for a small party that has little chance of winning the seat. The smaller the party though the best it would be able to convince voters that had not voted in the past to vote in this election. It is likely this factor which increased the Green Party's share of the national vote. Two national debates receive countrywide coverage during an election. There is a debate in French and a debate in English, with one following the other (although it is not known if how it is decided language is debated in first). The debates do receive translation, especially on some cable channels so it is possible to watch either debate without a working knowledge of the language although part of the meaning can be lost. People who are bilingual enough to understand both the English and the French debate in their original language will get a better idea of the substances of the two debates and the differences between them if they decide to watch both debates. The Green Party of Canada has argued during this election that it should have a place on the public debates that are aired in Canada during an election. Currently on the parties with seats have been asked to be in the debates (there are many parties that never win seats in Canada but since their vote is often negligible they are not included in the debates). The Green Party has argued that part of its difficulty in becoming a larger party is that it has not been allowed to participate in the debates. Participating in the debates gives a party visibility and will give voters and idea of what a party stands for ideologically. The percentage of the vote for the Green party, as stated before, increased greatly, likely partly in fact of the new funding formula but also because of increased interest and because the party ran members in more ridings than previously. Having received 6% of the vote in British Columbia they will likely have a much stronger case for being included in the debates during the elections in the future. It is likely that impact in one area of the country will help more because it means that a part of the country is definitely supports a party. The Bloc Quebecois does not run people in any province other than Quebec. However since it wins seats in Quebec and gets a significant portion of the vote its participation is allowed in the federal debates. Past party performance or number of seats is not how participants are chosen. The Bloc Quebecois was allowed to participate in debates before it had elected any members in a general election in Canada. The members it had were mostly from MP's that had changed to their party or won in by-elections. Similarly the Reform Party of Canada was included in the debates when it had one member in the House of Commons due to the fact that it was clearly a party that would be prominent in the election. How funding for the 2004 election was decided Because the new funding was based on percentage of the vote gained, an estimate was made towards how much each federal party would receive. All federal parties that had seats in the House of Commons were given funding. Because the Canadian Conservative party was new, estimates were attempted based on the votes for the old Progressive Conservative party and the Canadian Alliance party as the Conservative Party of Canada was a merger of the two parties. The amount the Conservative Party of Canada was given was above the amount it was estimated to receive and is expected to return the money. The Liberal party of Canada also received less votes than expected and is in the same situation. However some parties benefited from the new system. The NDP received less funding than the number of votes it received (it increased its share of the vote) and will receive additional funds to reflect this. For the first time the Green Party of Canada will receive direct federal funding in the next election as it was able to achieve the 2% vote threshold required (in British Columbia where the party was the most successful it garnered 6% of the vote). Impact on the Bloc Quebecois funding (if they will need to return funds) is not yet clear but since it increased its share of the vote in Quebec (the only province it runs in - it is expected to be in a surplus position as well). In the future these numbers will be known ahead of time as they will be based on the previous electoral results. Effect of language on federal politics One of the interesting effects of Canada being bilingual comes from the fact that the Prime Minister is usually able to speak in their second language and for many years they have been bilingual. The most striking example of what this can result in was when Brian Mulroney was Prime Minister. He often said one thing to reporters in English and something that was different and actually contradictory in French. Even those that were not bilingual (and 17% of the country is considered bilingual and many more would be able to follow a simple conversation with reporters) were made aware of this in news coverage. However for those who could actually understand the difference it was quite striking. While Brian Mulroney was best known for doing this other Prime Ministers have also made contradictory statements at times between their French and English comments. Federal-provincial relations is a regular issue in Canadian politics: Quebec wishes to preserve and strengthen its distinctive nature, western provinces desire more control over their abundant natural resources, especially energy reserves; industrialized Central Canada is concerned with its manufacturing base, and the Atlantic provinces strive to escape from being less affluent than the rest of the country. In order to ensure that social programs such as health care and education are funded consistently throughout Canada, the poorer provinces receive a proportionately greater share of federal transfer payments than the richer provinces do. This has been controversial. The richer provinces often favour freezing transfer payments, or rebalancing the system in their favour, based on the claim that they already pay more in taxes than they receive in federal government services, and the poorer provinces often favour an increase on the basis that the amount of money they receive is not sufficient for their existing needs. National unity has been a major issue in Canada since its very beginning with the forced union of the Canadas in 1840. In recent years some residents of the conservative oil-rich province of Alberta have threatened separation from Canada if the Kyoto Protocol was applied in the country (which has been ratified). However, the predominant issue concerning Canadian national unity is the ongoing conflict between the French-speaking majority of Québec and the English-speaking majority of Canada. In March 2001 Bernard Landry succeeded Lucien Bouchard as premier of Quebec (see List of Quebec Premiers) and pledged to promote independence for Quebec and to hold another referendum on separation from Canada. In the 2003 Quebec election, Quebecers elected the Quebec Liberal Party, and Jean Charest became premier, the first solidly federalist premier since the 1960s. Advertising efforts by the federal government following the 1995 referendum led to alleged excesses by government officials; while the issue broke in the press in 2002, it came to full prominence after the Auditor's Report, causing the 2004 Canadian sponsorship scandal. Currently, such issues as medicare, unemployment, housing, education, taxes, trade and the environment preoccupy many Canadians more urgently than national unity. In October 2004 there was a health care summit where all the provincial premiers and territorial leaders participated which has resulted in a change in federal funding towards health care. - Canadian and American politics compared - Canadian and Australian politics compared - Canadian and British politics compared - Political Culture of Canada - List of political parties in Canada - Canadian federal election results since 1867 - Canadian political scandals The contents of this article is licensed from www.wikipedia.org under the GNU Free Documentation License. Click here to see the transparent copy and copyright details

http://www.all-science-fair-projects.com/science_fair_projects_encyclopedia/Government_of_Canada

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This lesson, uses data from the 1960's to recreate the original Phillips Curve. The lesson shows the unemployment and inflation data from 1960 through 1970 that lead policy makers to conclude that there was a trade-off between inflation and unemployment. You will learn how (1) wage setters began to anticipate inflation and build these expectations into their wage demands; (2) to read the graph and predict what will happen to prices and wages when unemployment falls; and (3) to analyze real data and interpret policy on wages and prices. When economists analyze the unemployment rate, this model is used to make predictions and create policy. After this lesson, you can call yourself an economist! You will graph the original Phillips Curve with the data provided. Using your graph, you will discover the original relationship between unemployment and prices. Finally, you will analyze the influence of policy on wages and prices. 1) Use the data from the "Phillips Curve Original Data" transparency/ worksheet on inflation and unemployment from the 1960s to graph the original Phillips Curve. Make sure you label the curve, X-axis, and Y-axis. Give your graph a title. A correctly drawn Phillips Curve looks like a "hockey stick" and slopes downward and to the right. 2) Look at the "Phillips Curve" transparency/ worksheet to be sure that your graph is drawn correctly and contains all parts. In the 1960s, the natural rate of unemployment was 6.5 percent. What happened to prices when unemployment was less than the natural rate? 3) Look at the information and graph from the transparency/ worksheet "Inflation Rate 1948-2004." Before 1960, the inflation rate was sometimes positive and sometimes negative. This changed in the 1960's and inflation was always positive so that workers expected an increase in the price level. What do you think happened to wages in the 1960's? As a hint, assume you are a worker. You care about how much you can buy in real goods. If you think you will be able to buy less next year, what do you do when it is time to negotiate your wages? In 1974, the first of two supply shocks disrupted this stable relationship. As a result, firms had to raise their prices and inflation became persistent. Workers no longer formed their expectations on past inflation but on future expectations. This change in wage setting changed the relationship between inflation and unemployment. Examine the "Phillips Curve 1960-2004" graph to see the breakdown.Legislators believed that they could choose the level of unemployment in the economy. What do you predict would happen to prices if legislators passed a law to decrease unemployment to 4 percent? 4) Examine how zero inflationary expectations lead to a trade-off between inflation and unemployment. This formula will help make the discussion clear. π = πe – .5(u - .05) When πe was zero, there was a relationship. Let us say that inflation is stable so πe is zero, 0. Then, last year’s inflation rate would be taken as this year’s inflation rate. When inflation is stable, then our formula becomes, π = – .5(u - .05) where u is the actual unemployment rate and π is the inflation rate When u is less than the natural rate of 5 percent then inflation, π, is positive. This was the relationship in the 1960s. If policymakers wanted to tolerate a little inflation, then they could legislate a 4 percent unemployment rate. But workers changed the way they bargained for wages. They began to expect inflation. The Phillips Curve relationship became equation PC 2 as shown in the graph. π = πe – .5(u - .05) 5) What would happen to prices if the government decides to hold unemployment at 4 percent? (See the transparency "Wage-Price Spiral"). The Humphrey-Hawkins bill mandated unemployment at 4 percent (see Extension Activity). Have a discussion with classmates based on the following statements. "Before 1960, the inflation rate was sometimes positive and sometimes negative. In the 1960s this changed and inflation was always positive so that workers expected an increase in the price level. What do you think happened to wages in the 60s?" If the president thinks that the unemployment rate should be 4 percent, what would you say? Please complete this worksheet to reflect your understanding of the Phillips Curve. 1. Assume that the natural rate of unemployment is 6 percent and the actual rate of unemployment is 8 percent. What does the model predict will happen to prices? Will prices INCREASE/DECREASE (circle one)? Explain your answer. 2. If the government tries to hold unemployment below its natural rate, workers will demand higher wages. Suppliers will respond by raising their prices. What is the name of this cycle? 3. In the early 1960s, workers expected prices to remain constant. Around 1965, workers expected price increases. How did rising prices influence the wages workers demanded? 4. According to the Phillips Curve, inflation will not accelerate when the economy is at full employment. TRUE or FALSE (circle one). Explain your answer. 5. The Phillips Curve is negatively sloped. The Phillips Curve shows an inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment. TRUE or FALSE (circle one). Explain your answer. 6. From the Phillips Curve, one can determine the natural rate of unemployment-- the point where inflation rate is constant. TRUE or FALSE (circle one). Explain your answer. Research the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act . In this act legislators tried to maintain a 4 percent unemployment rate. What would be the predicted result of such a law? An interesting extension would be to see if the Phillips Curve shifted in the 1970s. Obtain data on the inflation and unemployment rate and graph. Does the new data lay to the right of the original? Most textbooks have this data. Industrious students will use the Bureau of Labor Statistics to obtain the data. In 1964, taxes were decreased and inflation followed in the late 60s. Write a paper and analyze fiscal policy and the effect on inflation. Be sure to include policy and implementation lags in your paper.

http://www.econedlink.org/lessons/index.php?lid=850&type=student

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Internal combustion engine The internal combustion engine is an engine in which the burning of a fuel occurs in a confined space called a combustion chamber. This exothermic reaction of a fuel with an oxidizer creates gases of high temperature and pressure, which are permitted to expand. The defining feature of an internal combustion engine is that useful work is performed by the expanding hot gases acting directly to cause movement, for example by acting on pistons, rotors, or even by pressing on and moving the entire engine itself. This contrasts with external combustion engines, such as steam engines, which use the combustion process to heat a separate working fluid, typically water or steam, which then in turn does work, for example by pressing on a steam actuated piston. The term Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) is almost always used to refer specifically to reciprocating engines, Wankel engines and similar designs in which combustion is intermittent. However, continuous combustion engines, such as Jet engines, most rockets and many gas turbines are also internal combustion engines. Internal combustion engines are seen mostly in transportation. Several other uses are for any portable situation where you need an non-electric motor. The largest application in this situation would be an Internal combustion engine driving an electric generator. That way, you can use standard electric tools driven by an internal combustion engine. The advantages of these is the portability. It is more convenient using this type of engine in vehicles over electricity. Even in cases of hybrid vehicles, they still use an internal combustion engine to charge the battery. The disadvantage is the pollution that they put out. Not only the obvious, air pollution, but also pollution of broken or obsolete engines and waste parts, such as oil or rubber items that have to be discarded. Noise pollution is another factor, many internal combustion engines are very loud. Some are so loud, people need hearing protection to prevent damage their ears. Another disadvantage is size. It is very impractical to have small motors that can have any power. Electric motors are much more practical for this. That is why it is more likely to see an gas powered electric generator in an area that has no electricity to power smaller items. The first internal combustion engines did not have compression, but ran on what air/fuel mixture could be sucked or blown in during the first part of the intake stroke. The most significant distinction between modern internal combustion engines and the early designs is the use of compression and in particular of in-cylinder compression. - 1509: Leonardo da Vinci described a compression-less engine. (His description may not imply that the idea was original with him or that it was actually built.) - 1673: Christiaan Huygens described a compression-less engine. - 1780's: Alessandro Volta built a toy electric pistol in which an electric spark exploded a mixture of air and hydrogen, firing a cork from the end of the gun. - Seventeenth century: English inventor Sir Samuel Morland used gunpowder to drive water pumps. - 1794: Robert Street built a compression-less engine whose principle of operation would dominate for nearly a century. - 1806: Swiss engineer François Isaac de Rivaz built an internal combustion engine powered by a mixture of hydrogen and oxygen. - 1823: Samuel Brown patented the first internal combustion engine to be applied industrially. It was compression-less and based on what Hardenberg calls the "Leonardo cycle," which, as this name implies, was already out of date at that time. Just as today, early major funding, in an area where standards had not yet been established, went to the best showmen sooner than to the best workers. - 1824: French physicist Sadi Carnot established the thermodynamic theory of idealized heat engines. This scientifically established the need for compression to increase the difference between the upper and lower working temperatures, but it is not clear that engine designers were aware of this before compression was already commonly used. It may have misled designers who tried to emulate the Carnot cycle in ways that were not useful. - 1826 April 1: The American Samuel Morey received a patent for a compression-less "Gas Or Vapor Engine." - 1838: A patent was granted to William Barnet (English). This was the first recorded suggestion of in-cylinder compression. He apparently did not realize its advantages, but his cycle would have been a great advance if developed enough. - 1854: The Italians Eugenio Barsanti and Felice Matteucci patented the first working efficient internal combustion engine in London (pt. Num. 1072) but did not get into production with it. It was similar in concept to the successful Otto Langen indirect engine, but not so well worked out in detail. - 1860: Jean Joseph Etienne Lenoir (1822-1900) produced a gas-fired internal combustion engine closely similar in appearance to a horizontal double-acting steam beam engine, with cylinders, pistons, connecting rods, and flywheel in which the gas essentially took the place of the steam. This was the first internal combustion engine to be produced in numbers. His first engine with compression shocked itself apart. - 1862: Nikolaus Otto designed an indirect-acting free-piston compression-less engine whose greater efficiency won the support of Langen and then most of the market, which at that time, was mostly for small stationary engines fueled by lighting gas. - 1870: In Vienna, Siegfried Marcus, put the first mobile gasoline engine on a handcart. - 1876: Nikolaus Otto working with Gottlieb Daimler and Wilhelm Maybach developed a practical four-stroke cycle (Otto cycle) engine. The German courts, however, did not hold his patent to cover all in-cylinder compression engines or even the four stroke cycle, and after this decision in-cylinder compression became universal. - 1879: Karl Benz, working independently, was granted a patent for his internal combustion engine, a reliable two-stroke gas engine, based on Nikolaus Otto's design of the four-stroke engine. Later Benz designed and built his own four-stroke engine that was used in his automobiles, which became the first automobiles in production. - 1882: James Atkinson invented the Atkinson cycle engine. Atkinson’s engine had one power phase per revolution together with different intake and expansion volumes making it more efficient than the Otto cycle. - 1891: Herbert Akroyd Stuart builds his oil engine leasing rights to Hornsby of England to build engines. They build the first cold start, compression ignition engines. In 1892, they install the first ones in a water pumping station. An experimental higher-pressure version produces self-sustaining ignition through compression alone in the same year. - 1892: Rudolf Diesel develops his Carnot heat engine type motor burning powdered coal dust. - 1893 February 23: Rudolf Diesel received a patent for the diesel engine. - 1896: Karl Benz invented the boxer engine, also known as the horizontally opposed engine, in which the corresponding pistons reach top dead center at the same time, thus balancing each other in momentum. - 1900: Rudolf Diesel demonstrated the diesel engine in the 1900 Exposition Universelle (World's Fair) using peanut oil (biodiesel). - 1900: Wilhelm Maybach designed an engine built at Daimler Motoren Gesellschaft—following the specifications of Emil Jellinek—who required the engine to be named Daimler-Mercedes after his daughter. In 1902, automobiles with that engine were put into production by DMG. Internal combustion engines are most commonly used for mobile propulsion in automobiles, equipment, and other portable machinery. In mobile scenarios internal combustion is advantageous, since it can provide high power to weight ratios together with excellent fuel energy-density. These engines have appeared in almost all automobiles, motorcycles, boats, and in a wide variety of aircraft and locomotives. Where very high power is required, such as jet aircraft, helicopters, and large ships, they appear mostly in the form of turbines. They are also used for electric generators and by industry. The most common fuel in use today are made up of hydrocarbons and are derived from mostly petroleum. These include the fuels known as diesel fuel, gasoline, and petroleum gas, and rare use of propane gas. Most internal combustion engines designed for gasoline can run on natural gas or liquified petroleum gases without major modifications except for the fuel delivery components. Liquid and gaseous biofuels, such as Ethanol and biodiesel, a form of diesel fuel that is produced from crops that yield triglycerides such as soy bean oil, can also be used. Some can also run on Hydrogen gas. All internal combustion engines must have a method for achieving ignition in their cylinders to create combustion. Engines use either a electrical method or a compression ignition system. Gasoline ignition Process Electrical/Gasoline-type ignition systems (that can also run on other fuels as previously mentioned) generally rely on a combination of a lead-acid battery and an induction coil to provide a high voltage electrical spark to ignite the air-fuel mix in the engine's cylinders. This battery can be recharged during operation using an electricity-generating device, such as an alternator or generator driven by the engine. Gasoline engines take in a mixture of air and gasoline and compress to less than 170 psi and use a spark plug to ignite the mixture when it is compressed by the piston head in each cylinder. Diesel engine ignition process Compression ignition systems, such as the diesel engine and HCCI (Homogeneous Charge Compression Ignition) engines, rely solely on heat and pressure created by the engine in its compression process for ignition. Compression that occurs is usually more than three times higher than a gasoline engine. Diesel engines will take in air only, and shortly before peak compression, a small quantity of diesel fuel is sprayed into the cylinder via a fuel injector that allows the fuel to instantly ignite. HCCI type engines will take in both air and fuel but will continue to rely on an unaided auto-combustion process due to higher pressures and heat. This is also why diesel and HCCI engines are also more susceptible to cold starting issues though they will run just as well in cold weather once started. Most diesels also have battery and charging systems however this system is secondary and is added by manufacturers as luxury for ease of starting, turning fuel on and off which can also be done via a switch or mechanical apparatus, and for running auxiliary electrical components and accessories. Most modern diesels, however, rely on electrical systems that also control the combustion process to increase efficiency and reduce emissions. Once successfully ignited and burnt, the combustion products, hot gases, have more available energy than the original compressed fuel/air mixture (which had higher chemical energy). The available energy is manifested as high temperature and pressure which can be translated into work by the engine. In a reciprocating engine, the high pressure product gases inside the cylinders drive the engine's pistons. Once the available energy has been removed, the remaining hot gases are vented (often by opening a valve or exposing the exhaust outlet) and this allows the piston to return to its previous position (Top Dead Center—TDC). The piston can then proceed to the next phase of its cycle, which varies between engines. Any heat not translated into work is normally considered a waste product, and is removed from the engine either by an air or liquid cooling system. The parts of an engine vary depending on the engine's type. For a four-stroke engine, key parts of the engine include the crankshaft (purple), one or more camshafts (red and blue) and valves. For a two-stroke engine, there may simply be an exhaust outlet and fuel inlet instead of a valve system. In both types of engines, there are one or more cylinders (gray and green) and for each cylinder there is a spark plug (darker-gray), a piston (yellow) and a crank (purple). A single sweep of the cylinder by the piston in an upward or downward motion is known as a stroke and the downward stroke that occurs directly after the air-fuel mix in the cylinder is ignited is known as a power stroke. A Wankel engine has a triangular rotor that orbits in an epitrochoidal (figure 8 shape) chamber around an eccentric shaft. The four phases of operation (intake, compression, power, exhaust) take place in separate locations, instead of one single location as in a reciprocating engine. A Bourke Engine uses a pair of pistons integrated to a Scotch Yoke that transmits reciprocating force through a specially designed bearing assembly to turn a crank mechanism. Intake, compression, power, and exhaust all occur in each stroke of this yoke. There is a wide range of internal combustion engines corresponding to their many varied applications. Likewise there is a wide range of ways to classify internal-combustion engines, some of which are listed below. Although the terms sometimes cause confusion, there is no real difference between an "engine" and a "motor." At one time, the word "engine" (from Latin, via Old French, ingenium, "ability") meant any piece of machinery. A "motor" (from Latin motor, "mover") is any machine that produces mechanical power. Traditionally, electric motors are not referred to as "engines," but combustion engines are often referred to as "motors." (An electric engine refers to locomotive operated by electricity.) With that said, one must understand that common usage does often dictate definitions. Many individuals consider engines as those things which generate their power from within, and motors as requiring an outside source of energy to perform their work. Evidently, the roots of the words seem to actually indicate a real difference. Further, as in many definitions, the root word only explains the beginnings of the word, rather than the current usage. It can certainly be argued that such is the case with the words motor and engine. Principles of operation - Crude oil engine - Two-stroke cycle - Four-stroke cycle - Hot bulb engine - Poppet valves - Sleeve valve - Atkinson cycle - Bourke engine - Controlled Combustion Engine - Wankel engine - Orbital engine - Rotary Atkinson cycle engine - Toroidal engine - Gas turbine - Jet engine - Rocket engine Engines based on the two-stroke cycle use two strokes (one up, one down) for every power stroke. Since there are no dedicated intake or exhaust strokes, alternative methods must be used to scavenge the cylinders. The most common method in spark-ignition two-strokes is to use the downward motion of the piston to pressurize fresh charge in the crankcase, which is then blown through the cylinder through ports in the cylinder walls. Spark-ignition two-strokes are small and light (for their power output), and mechanically very simple. Common applications include snowmobiles, lawnmowers, weed-whackers, chain saws, jet skis, mopeds, outboard motors, and some motorcycles. Unfortunately, they are also generally louder, less efficient, and far more polluting than their four-stroke counterparts, and they do not scale well to larger sizes. Interestingly, the largest compression-ignition engines are two-strokes, and are used in some locomotives and large ships. These engines use forced induction to scavenge the cylinders. two stroke engines are less fuel efficient than other types of engines because unspent fuel being sprayed into the combustion chamber can some times escape out of the exhaust duct with the previously spent fuel. Without special exhaust processing, this will also produce very high pollution levels, requiring many small engine applications such as lawnmowers to employ four stroke engines, and smaller two-strokes to be outfitted with catalytic converters in some jurisdictions. Engines based on the four-stroke cycle or Otto cycle have one power stroke for every four strokes (up-down-up-down) and are used in cars, larger boats and many light aircraft. They are generally quieter, more efficient and larger than their two-stroke counterparts. There are a number of variations of these cycles, most notably the Atkinson and Miller cycles. Most truck and automotive Diesel engines use a four-stroke cycle, but with a compression heating ignition system. This variation is called the diesel cycle. Engines based on the five-stroke cycle are a variant of the four stroke cycle. Normally the four cycles are intake, compression, combustion and exhaust. The fifth cycle added by Delautour is refrigeration. Engines running on a five-stroke cycle are up to 30 percent more efficient than an equivalent four stroke engine. In this engine, two diametrically opposed cylinders are linked to the crank by the crank pin that goes through the common scottish yoke. The cylinders and pistons are so constructed that there are, as in the usual two stroke cycle, two power strokes per revolution. However, unlike the common two stroke engine, the burnt gases and the incoming fresh air do not mix in the cylinders, contributing to a cleaner, more efficient operation. The scotch yoke mechanism also has low side thrust and thus greatly reduces friction between pistons and cylinder walls. The Bourke engine's combustion phase more closely approximates constant volume combustion than either four stroke or two stroke cycles do. It also uses less moving parts, hence needs to overcome less friction than the other two reciprocating types have to. In addition, its greater expansion ratio also means more of the heat from its combustion phase is utilized than is used by either four stroke or two stroke cycles. Controlled combustion engine These are also cylinder based engines may be either single or two stroke but use, instead of a crankshaft and piston rods, two gear connected, counter rotating concentric cams to convert reciprocating motion into rotary movement. These cams practically cancel out sideward forces that would otherwise be exerted on the cylinders by the pistons, greatly improving mechanical efficiency. The profiles of the cam lobes(which are always odd and at least three in number) determine the piston travel versus the torque delivered. In this engine, there are two cylinders that are 180 degrees apart for each pair of counter rotating cams. For single stroke versions, there are the same number of cycles per cylinder pair as there are lobes on each cam, twice as much for two stroke units. The Wankel engine operates with the same separation of phases as the four-stroke engine (but with no piston strokes, would more properly be called a four-phase engine), since the phases occur in separate locations in the engine. This engine provides three power "strokes" per revolution per rotor, giving it a greater power-to-weight ratio, on average, than piston engines. This type of engine is used in the Mazda current RX8 and earlier RX7 as well as other models. With gas turbine cycles (notably Jet engines), rather than use the same piston to compress and then expand the gases, instead separate compressors and gas turbines are employed; giving continuous power. Essentially, the intake gas (air normally) is compressed, and then combusted with a fuel, which greatly raises the temperature and volume. The larger volume of hot gas from the combustion chamber is then fed through the gas turbine which is then easily able to power the compressor. In some old non-compressing internal combustion engines: In the first part of the piston downstroke a fuel/air mixture was sucked or blown in. In the rest of the piston downstroke the inlet valve closed and the fuel/air mixture fired. In the piston upstroke the exhaust valve was open. This was an attempt at imitating the way a piston steam engine works. Fuel and oxidizer types Fuels used include petroleum spirit (North American term: Gasoline, British term: Petrol), autogas (liquified petroleum gas), compressed natural gas, hydrogen, diesel fuel, jet fuel, landfill gas, biodiesel, biobutanol, peanut oil and other vegoils, bioethanol, biomethanol (methyl or wood alcohol), and other biofuels. Even fluidized metal powders and explosives have seen some use. Engines that use gases for fuel are called gas engines and those that use liquid hydrocarbons are called oil engines. However, gasoline engines are unfortunately also often colloquially referred to as "gas engines." The main limitations on fuels are that the fuel must be easily transportable through the fuel system to the combustion chamber, and that the fuel release sufficient energy in the form of heat upon combustion to make use of the engine practical. The oxidizer is typically air, and has the advantage of not being stored within the vehicle, increasing the power-to-weight ratio. Air can, however, be compressed and carried aboard a vehicle. Some submarines are designed to carry pure oxygen or hydrogen peroxide to make them air-independent. Some race cars carry nitrous oxide as oxidizer. Other chemicals, such as chlorine or fluorine, have seen experimental use; but most are impractical. Diesel engines are generally heavier, noisier, and more powerful at lower speeds than gasoline engines. They are also more fuel-efficient in most circumstances and are used in heavy road vehicles, some automobiles (increasingly more so for their increased fuel efficiency over gasoline engines), ships, railway locomotives, and light aircraft. Gasoline engines are used in most other road vehicles including most cars, motorcycles, and mopeds. Note that in Europe, sophisticated diesel-engined cars have become quite prevalent since the 1990s, representing around 40 percent of the market. Both gasoline and diesel engines produce significant emissions. There are also engines that run on hydrogen, methanol, ethanol, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and biodiesel. Paraffin and tractor vaporising oil (TVO) engines are no longer seen. Some have theorized that in the future hydrogen might replace such fuels. Furthermore, with the introduction of hydrogen fuel cell technology, the use of internal combustion engines may be phased out. The advantage of hydrogen is that its combustion produces only water. This is unlike the combustion of fossil fuels, which produce carbon dioxide, a principle cause of global warming, carbon monoxide resulting from incomplete combustion, and other local and atmospheric pollutants such as sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides that lead to urban respiratory problems, acid rain, and ozone gas problems. However, free hydrogen for fuel does not occur naturally, burning it liberates less energy than it takes to produce hydrogen in the first place by the simplest and most widespread method, electrolysis. Although there are multiple ways of producing free hydrogen, those require converting currently combustible molecules into hydrogen, so hydrogen does not solve any energy crisis, moreover, it only addresses the issue of portability and some pollution issues. The big disadvantage of hydrogen in many situations is its storage. Liquid hydrogen has extremely low density- 14 times lower than water and requires extensive insulation, whilst gaseous hydrogen requires very heavy tankage. Although hydrogen has a higher specific energy, the volumetric energetic storage is still roughly five times lower than petrol, even when liquified. (The "Hydrogen on Demand" process, designed by Steven Amendola, creates hydrogen as it is needed, but this has other issues, such as the raw materials being relatively expensive.) Other fuels that are kinder on the environment include biofuels. These can give no net carbon dioxide gains. Internal combustion engines can contain any number of cylinders with numbers between one and twelve being common, though as many as 36 (Lycoming R-7755) have been used. Having more cylinders in an engine yields two potential benefits: First, the engine can have a larger displacement with smaller individual reciprocating masses (that is, the mass of each piston can be less) thus making a smoother running engine (since the engine tends to vibrate as a result of the pistons moving up and down). Second, with a greater displacement and more pistons, more fuel can be combusted and there can be more combustion events (that is, more power strokes) in a given period of time, meaning that such an engine can generate more torque than a similar engine with fewer cylinders. The down side to having more pistons is that, over all, the engine will tend to weigh more and tend to generate more internal friction as the greater number of pistons rub against the inside of their cylinders. This tends to decrease fuel efficiency and rob the engine of some of its power. For high performance gasoline engines using current materials and technology (such as the engines found in modern automobiles), there seems to be a break point around 10 or 12 cylinders, after which addition of cylinders becomes an overall detriment to performance and efficiency, although exceptions such as the W16 engine from Volkswagen exist. - Most car engines have four to eight cylinders, with some high performance cars having ten, twelve, or even sixteen, and some very small cars and trucks having two or three. In previous years, some quite large cars, such as the DKW and Saab 92, had two cylinder, two stroke engines. - Radial aircraft engines, now obsolete, had from three to 28 cylinders, such as the Pratt & Whitney R-4360. A row contains an odd number of cylinders, so an even number indicates a two or four-row engine. The largest of these was the Lycoming R-7755 with 36 cylinders (four rows of nine cylinders) but never entered production. - Motorcycles commonly have from one to four cylinders, with a few high performance models having six (though some "novelties" exist with 8, 10, and 12). - Snowmobiles usually have two cylinders. Some larger (not necessarily high-performance, but also touring machines) have four. - Small portable appliances such as chainsaws, generators and domestic lawn mowers most commonly have one cylinder, although two-cylinder chainsaws exist. Internal combustion engines can be classified by their ignition system. The point in the cycle at which the fuel/oxidizer mixture are ignited has a direct effect on the efficiency and output of the ICE. For a typical 4 stroke automobile engine, the burning mixture has to reach its maximum pressure when the crankshaft is 90 degrees after TDC (Top dead centre). The speed of the flame front is directly affected by compression ratio, fuel mixture temperature and octane or cetane rating of the fuel. Modern ignition systems are designed to ignite the mixture at the right time to ensure the flame front doesn't contact the descending piston crown. If the flame front contacts the piston, pinking or knocking results. Leaner mixtures and lower mixture pressures burn more slowly requiring more advanced ignition timing. Today most engines use an electrical or compression heating system for ignition. However outside flame and hot-tube systems have been used historically. Nikola Tesla gained one of the first patents on the mechanical ignition system with U.S. Patent 609250 , "Electrical Igniter for Gas Engines," on August 16, 1898. Fuels burn faster, and more completely when they have lots of surface area in contact with oxygen. In order for an engine to work efficiently the fuel must be vaporized into the incoming air in what is commonly referred to as a fuel air mixture. There are two commonly used methods of vaporizing fuel into the air, one is the carburetor and the other is fuel injection. Often for simpler, reciprocating engines a carburetor is used to supply fuel into the cylinder. However, exact control of the correct amount of fuel supplied to the engine is impossible. Carburetors are the current most widespread fuel mixing device used in lawnmowers and other small engine applications. Prior to the mid-1980s, carburetors were also common in automobiles. Larger gasoline engines such as those used in automobiles have mostly moved to fuel injection systems. Diesel engines always use fuel injection. Autogas (LPG) engines use either fuel injection systems or open or closed loop carburetors. Other internal combustion engines like jet engines use burners, and rocket engines use various different ideas including impinging jets, gas/liquid shear, preburners, and many other ideas. Internal combustion engines can be classified by their configuration which affects their physical size and smoothness (with smoother engines producing less vibration). Common configurations include the straight or inline configuration, the more compact V configuration and the wider but smoother flat or boxer configuration. Aircraft engines can also adopt a radial configuration which allows more effective cooling. More unusual configurations, such as "H," "U," "X," or "W" have also been used. Multiple-crankshaft configurations do not necessarily need a cylinder head at all, but can instead have a piston at each end of the cylinder, called an opposed piston design. This design was used in the Junkers Jumo 205 diesel aircraft engine, using two crankshafts, one at either end of a single bank of cylinders, and most remarkably in the Napier Deltic diesel engines, which used three crankshafts to serve three banks of double-ended cylinders arranged in an equilateral triangle with the crankshafts at the corners. It was also used in single-bank locomotive engines, and continues to be used for marine engines, both for propulsion and for auxiliary generators. The Gnome Rotary engine, used in several early aircraft, had a stationary crankshaft and a bank of radially arranged cylinders rotating around it. An engine's capacity is the displacement or swept volume by the pistons of the engine. It is generally measured in liters (L) or cubic inches (c.i. or in³) for larger engines and cubic centimeters (abbreviated to cc) for smaller engines. Engines with greater capacities are usually more powerful and provide greater torque at lower rpm but also consume more fuel. Apart from designing an engine with more cylinders, there are two ways to increase an engine's capacity. The first is to lengthen the stroke and the second is to increase the piston's diameter. In either case, it may be necessary to make further adjustments to the fuel intake of the engine to ensure optimal performance. An engine's quoted capacity can be more a matter of marketing than of engineering. The Morris Minor 1000, the Morris 1100, and the Austin-Healey Sprite Mark II were all fitted with a BMC A-Series engine of the same stroke and bore according to their specifications, and were from the same maker. However the engine capacities were quoted as 1000cc, 1100cc, and 1098cc respectively in the sales literature and on the vehicle badges. There are several different types of lubrication systems used. Simple two-stroke engines are lubricated by oil mixed into the fuel or injected into the induction stream as a spray. Early slow speed stationary and marine engines were lubricated by gravity from small chambers, similar to those used on steam engines at the time, with an engine tender refilling these as needed. As engines were adapted for automotive and aircraft use, the need for a high power to weight ratio lead to increased speeds, higher temperatures, and greater pressure on bearings, which, in turn, required pressure lubrication for crank bearing and connecting rod journals, provided either by a direct lubrication from a pump, or indirectly by a jet of oil directed at pickup cups on the connecting rod ends, which had the advantage of providing higher pressures as engine speed increased. Generally internal combustion engines, particularly reciprocating internal combustion engines, produce moderately high pollution levels, due to incomplete combustion of carbonaceous fuel, leading to carbon monoxide and some soot along with oxides of nitrogen and sulfur and some unburnt hydrocarbons depending on the operating conditions and the fuel/air ratio. The primary causes of this are the need to operate near the stoichiometric ratio for petrol engines in order to achieve combustion (the fuel would burn more completely in excess air) and the "quench" of the flame by the relatively cool cylinder walls. Diesel engines produce a wide range of pollutants including aerosols of many small particles (PM10) that are believed to penetrate deeply into human lungs. Engines running on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) are very low in emissions as LPG burns very clean and does not contain sulphur or lead. - Many fuels contain sulfur leading to sulfur oxides (SOx) in the exhaust, promoting acid rain. - The high temperature of combustion creates greater proportions of nitrogen oxides (NOx), demonstrated to be hazardous to both plant and animal health. - Net carbon dioxide production is not a necessary feature of engines, but since most engines are run from fossil fuels this usually occurs. If engines are run from biomass, then no net carbon dioxide is produced as the growing plants absorb as much, or more carbon dioxide while growing. - Hydrogen engines need only produce water, but when air is used as the oxidizer nitrogen oxides are also produced. Internal combustion engine efficiency The efficiency of various types of internal combustion engines vary. It is generally accepted that most gasoline fueled internal combustion engines, even when aided with turbochargers and stock efficiency aids, have a mechanical efficiency of about 20 percent. Most internal combustion engines waste about 36 percent of the energy in gasoline as heat lost to the cooling system and another 38 percent through the exhaust. The rest, about six percent, is lost to friction. Most engineers have not been able to successfully harness wasted energy for any meaningful purpose, although there are various add on devices and systems that can greatly improve combustion efficiency. Hydrogen Fuel Injection, or HFI, is an engine add on system that is known to improve fuel economy of internal combustion engines by injecting hydrogen as a combustion enhancement into the intake manifold. Fuel economy gains of 15 percent to 50 percent can be seen. A small amount of hydrogen added to the intake air-fuel charge increases the octane rating of the combined fuel charge and enhances the flame velocity, thus permitting the engine to operate with more advanced ignition timing, a higher compression ratio, and a leaner air-to-fuel mixture than otherwise possible. The result is lower pollution with more power and increased efficiency. Some HFI systems use an on board electrolyzer to generate the hydrogen used. A small tank of pressurized hydrogen can also be used, but this method necessitates refilling. There has also been discussion of new types of internal combustion engines, such as the Scuderi Split Cycle Engine, that utilize high compression pressures in excess of 2000 psi and combust after top-dead-center (the highest & most compressed point in a internal combustion piston stroke). Such engines are expected to achieve efficiency as high as 50-55%. - ↑ Thinkquest, http://library.thinkquest.org/C006011/english/sites/huygens.php3?v=2 Huygens.] Retrieved July 16, 2008. - ↑ Tony Williams, 101 Ingenious Kiwis (Reed Publishing NZ Ltd, 2006), p. 83. - Hardenberg, Horst O. 1999. The Middle Ages of the Internal Combustion Engine. Warrendale, PA: SAE International Publishing. ISBN 0768003911. - Heywood, John. 1988. Internal Combustion Engine Fundamentals. New York: McGraw-Hill Science/Engineering/Math. ISBN 007028637X. - Stone, Richard. 1999. Introduction to Internal Combustion Engines. Warrendale, PA: SAE International Publishing. ISBN 0768004950. - Taylor, Charles Fayette. 1985. The Internal Combustion Engine in Theory and Practice. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. ISBN 0262700263. - Animated Engines—explains a variety of types - Intro To Car Engines—Cut-away images and a good overview of the internal combustion engine - The Fuel and Engine Bible—A good resource for different engine types and fuels - Self Improvement Wednesday—ABC 702 Drive audio - The role of spray technology and combustion engines - Walter E. Lay Auto Lab—Research at The University of Michigan - youtube—Animation of the components and built-up of a 4-cylinder engine - youtube—Animation of the internal moving parts of a 4-cylinder engine New World Encyclopedia writers and editors rewrote and completed the Wikipedia article in accordance with New World Encyclopedia standards. This article abides by terms of the Creative Commons CC-by-sa 3.0 License (CC-by-sa), which may be used and disseminated with proper attribution. Credit is due under the terms of this license that can reference both the New World Encyclopedia contributors and the selfless volunteer contributors of the Wikimedia Foundation. To cite this article click here for a list of acceptable citing formats.The history of earlier contributions by wikipedians is accessible to researchers here: Note: Some restrictions may apply to use of individual images which are separately licensed.

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A movement, founded around 1900, to secure equal rights, self-government, independence, and unity for African peoples. Inspired by Marcus Garvey, it encouraged self-awareness on the part of Africans by encouraging the study of their history and culture. Leadership came from the Americas until the Sixth Pan-African Congress, in Manchester, UK, in 1945, which saw the emergence of African nationalist figures, notably Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta, with a programme of African ‘autonomy and independence’. With independence, however, the concept of a politically united Africa was soon replaced by the assertion—within colonial frontiers—of competing national interests. — Ian Campbell Although the term "Pan-Africanism" has occasionally been applied to the struggle for the political unification of the continent of Africa, the concept has more to do with race than with geography. In its eighteenth-century origins, it overlapped the concept of black nationalism, the idea that a modern nation-state with distinct geographical boundaries should be established in Africa as a center of racial unity and identity. Because it ignored or sought to override political, cultural, and economic differences in the heritages of a broadly defined "racial group," the movement always flourished more successfully in the realms of ideological romanticism and ethnic sentimentalism than in the domain of practical politics. Pan-Africanism, which is as much a passion as a way of thinking, is more successfully defined in terms of its rhetorical manifestations than by its nominal characteristics. The term has always communicated various, sometimes contradictory ideas to the diverse individuals who professed to be Pan-Africanists. Some scholars refer to Pan-Africanism as a "macronationalism," a term applied to ideologies or movements among widely dispersed peoples who claim a common ancestry—in this case "black African," although Pan-Africanists often reject that term, insisting that Africans are by definition black, or, as they prefer to say, "Africoid." Like all nationalistic and macronationalistic movements, Pan-Africanism possesses a fundamentally religious quality. Origins and Early Developments The roots of Pan-Africanism are traceable to the late eighteenth-century writings of westernized Africans expressing the pain and resentment of humiliating encounters with slavery, colonialism, and white supremacy. In 1787 a group of twelve Africans living in England drafted a letter of appreciation to the British philanthropist Granville Sharp for his efforts toward abolition of the international slave trade. One of the drafters, Olaudah Equiano, had traveled widely in Britain's Atlantic empire as a ship's steward, and eventually published his Interesting Narrative, revealing emotional commitments to the universal improvement of the African condition. Ottobah Cugoano, one of Equiano's associates, also issued a pamphlet denouncing slavery, significantly "addressed to the sons of Africa," in 1791. A group of enslaved Africans petitioned the General Court of Massachusetts at the onset of the American Revolution for the right to the same treatment as white indentured servants, who were able to work their way out of bondage. They were aware that their counterparts in Spanish colonies sometimes had that right, and they expressed the hope of eventual repatriation in Africa once free. In the late eighteenth century, a few African Americans pledged themselves to the universalistic doctrines of Freemasonry, but did so in segregated institutions, thus illustrating Pan-Africanism's ideological paradox—a commitment to the universal solidarity of all humanity, but a special solidarity with African populations in Africa and the Caribbean. This sense of solidarity was animated by the Haitian revolution, which, like the American and French Revolutions, enlisted Enlightenment ideals in support of its bloody nationalistic objectives. In the early 1800s, two free African entrepreneurs in the maritime professions, Paul Cuffe, a sea captain, and James Forten, a sail maker, took steps to establish a West African trading company, and actually settled a few people in the British colony of Sierra Leone. In 1820 the slave conspiracy planned in South Carolina by Denmark Vesey, putatively a native of the Danish West Indies, aimed at creating an empire of emancipated Africans throughout the American South and the Caribbean. Vesey's conspiracy influenced another South Carolinian, David Walker, who published his Appeal, in Four Articles, Together with a Preamble, to the Colored Citizens of the World (1829), an example of Pan-African sentiment, as its title declares. The Convention of the Free People of Color, meeting in 1831, likewise demonstrated a hemispheric Pan-Africanism as it considered a plan for a college in New Haven, Connecticut, arguing that a seaport location would facilitate communication with the West Indies. Early Pan-Africanism disassociated itself from the West African colony of Liberia, established by the white-controlled American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color. Some African Americans were willing to cooperate with the liberal abolitionist wing of that group by the mid–nineteenth century, however. By that time, the term "African Movement" was used by a black organization known as the African Civilization Society, established in 1858 and dedicated to "the civilization and christianization of Africa, and of the descendants of African ancestors in any portion of the earth, wherever dispersed." The organization's leader, Henry Highland Garnet, resuscitated the idea of a Caribbean empire, reminiscent of that envisioned by Denmark Vesey thirty years earlier. He also encouraged selective and voluntary migration to Africa, where, he believed, a new nation-state was destined to emerge as "a grand center of Negro nationality." In 1859, Martin Delany, one of Garnet's associates, published a serialized work of fiction, Blake, or the Huts of America, presenting his dreams for an African nation, a Caribbean empire, and global unity among all African peoples. Under the nominal auspices of the African Civilization Society, Delany made a tour of West Africa and negotiated a treaty with the king of Abbeokuta. In the course of this pilgrimage he visited the missionary Alexander Crummell, the son of a West African father and an African American mother, born in New York and educated at Cambridge University in England. Crummell had migrated to Liberia in 1853 and published his first book, The Future of Africa (1862), an extensive contemporary defense of Liberian nationalism, calling on African Americans to accept responsibility for uplift of the entire continent. His associate Edward Wilmot Blyden, a native of the Danish West Indies, became the most prominent advocate of Pan-Africanism until his death in 1912. Blyden's publications included occasional reflections on what he called "the African personality," an amorphous expression of racial romanticism that was recycled more than once in the twentieth century. After the Civil War, Blyden, Crummell, Delany, and younger African Americans cooperated intermittently with the Civilization Society. Pan-Africanism in the Twentieth Century In 1900, Henry Sylvester Williams, a Trinidad barrister, organized in London the first meeting of Africans and Africans of the diaspora under the banner of Pan-Africanism, a term that appeared in related correspondence, although the meeting officially came to be known as the London Conference. Williams was apparently the first person to apply the term "Pan-Africanism" to what had earlier been called "the African movement." Alexander Walters and W. E. B. Du Bois were among the principal promoters of the conference in the United States. In 1919, Du Bois still used the term "African Movement" to denote "the redemption of Africa …,the centralization of race effort and the recognition of a racial fount." Later, Du Bois preferred the term "Pan-African," which he applied to a series of six conferences that he convened in the capitals of European colonial empires from 1919 to 1945. African intellectuals meanwhile became increasingly prominent in the movement for black world solidarity. The Gold Coast intellectual Joseph Ephraim Casely Hayford cooperated with Booker T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, to organize a series of conferences on Africa. Heartened by the victory of Ethiopian troops over an Italian army at Adowa in 1896, Hayford published the novel Ethiopia Unbound in 1911, dedicated "to the sons of Ethiopia the world wide over." That same year, Mojola Agbebe, a Yoruba from Lagos, addressed the First Universal Races Conference in London, which was attended by Blyden and Du Bois. The Pan-African sentiment of highly literate intellectuals was not disassociated from the consciousness of the masses. The historian Edwin S. Redeye found evidence that black peasants in the South were aware of such leadership figures as Blyden. The cultural historian Miles Mark Fisher has insisted that folk songs and folklore gave evidence of a continuing identification with Africa among the masses. Working people in the Midwest subscribed to an emigration project led by the Barbadian Orishatukeh Faduma and the Gold Coast chief Alfred C. Sam during World War I, although most of the migrants soon returned to the United States. In 1916, the year following the exodus led by Sam and Faduma, Marcus Garvey arrived in the United States from Jamaica to organize an immensely popular international movement for "Universal Negro Improvement." Garvey denied, with indignation, any linkage or continuity between Sam's movement and his own, and although his program contained a back-to-Africa component, his goal was to develop the international commercial and political interests of African peoples everywhere. William H. Ferris, a collaborator with Garvey and an associate of Faduma, drew on his broad knowledge of African leadership on four continents to produce his magnum opus, The African Abroad or His Evolution in Western Civilization, Tracing His Development Under Caucasian Milieu (1913). Ferris was a member of the American Negro Academy, an organization with Pan-African membership, presided over by Alexander Crummell and including among its active and corresponding members Du Bois, Casely Hayford, Faduma, Edward W. Blyden, and other African and Caribbean intellectuals. Ferris and the formerly enslaved autodidact John Edward Bruce were a bridge between the American Negro Academy and the Garvey movement. The Pan-African conferences, including that of 1900 and those organized by Du Bois in 1919, 1921, 1923, and 1927, were the forerunners of another, held in Manchester, England, in 1945, which focused on the promotion of African independence from European colonialism. The Pan-African Congress that met in Ghana in 1958 was no longer dominated by Americans and West Indians. African independence had been achieved in most of the former European colonies, and the movement focused on the political unification of the continent. Although many of Pan-Africanism's twenty-first-century American adherents still thought of a movement for achievable economic and political goals, the ideology, for better or for worse, was not dominated by such concerns. Pan-Africanism had merged with "Afrocentrism," a semireligious movement, existing mainly on the sentiment level, among the many people who identified emotionally with black Africa and believed their own interests to be tied inextricably to its fortunes. Geiss, Imanuel. The Pan-African Movement. Translated by Ann Keep. London: Methuen, 1974. Langley, J. Ayodele. Pan-Africanism and Nationalists in West Africa, 1900–1945: A Study in Ideology and Social Classes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973. Makonnen, Ras. Pan-Africanism from Within. Nairobi, Kenya: Oxford, 1973. Mazrui, Ali A. The African Condition. London: Oxford, 1980. Padmore, George. Pan-Africanism or Communism? The Coming Struggle for Africa. London: Dennis Dobson, 1956. One catalyst for the rapid and widespread development of Pan-Africanism was the colonization of the continent by European powers in the late 19th cent. The First Pan-African Congress, convened in London in 1900, was followed by others in Paris (1919), London and Brussels (1921), London and Lisbon (1923), and New York City (1927). These congresses, organized chiefly by W. E. B. Du Bois and attended by the North American and West Indian black intelligentsia, did not propose immediate African independence; they favored gradual self-government and interracialism. In 1944, several African organizations in London joined to form the Pan-African Federation, which for the first time demanded African autonomy and independence. The Federation convened (1945) in Manchester the Sixth Pan-African Congress, which included such future political figures as Jomo Kenyatta from Kenya, Kwame Nkrumah from the Gold Coast, S. L. Akintola from Nigeria, Wallace Johnson from Sierra Leone, and Ralph Armattoe from Togo. While at the Manchester congress, Nkrumah founded the West African National Secretariat to promote a so-called United States of Africa. Pan-Africanism as an intergovernmental movement was launched in 1958 with the First Conference of Independent African States in Accra, Ghana. Ghana and Liberia were the only sub-Saharan countries represented; the remainder were Arab and Muslim. Thereafter, as independence was achieved by more African states, other interpretations of Pan-Africanism emerged, including: the Union of African States (1960), the African States of the Casablanca Charter (1961), the African and Malagasy Union (1961), the Organization of Inter-African and Malagasy States (1962), and the African-Malagasy-Mauritius Common Organization (1964). In 1963 the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded to promote unity and cooperation among all African states and to bring an end to colonialism; it had 53 members by 1995. The OAU struggled with border disputes, aggression or subversion against one member by another, separatist movements, and the collapse of order in member states. One of its longest commitments and greatest victories was the end of apartheid and the establishment of majority rule in South Africa. Efforts to promote even greater African economic, social, and political integration led to the establishment in 2001 of the African Union (AU), a successor organization to the OAU modeled on the European Union. The AU fully superseded the OAU in 2002, after a transitional period. See C. Legum, Pan-Africanism (rev. ed. 1965); R. H. Green and K. G. V. Krishna, Economic Cooperation in Africa (1967); J. Woronoff, Organizing African Unity (1970); I. Geiss, The Pan-African Movement (1974); P. O. Esedebe, Pan-Africanism (1982); C. O. Amate, Inside the OAU; Pan-Africanism in Practice (1987). Pan-Africanism is an ideology and movement that encourages the solidarity of Africans worldwide. It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social and political progress and aims to “unify and uplift” people of African descent. The ideology asserts that the fates of all African peoples and countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is “a belief that African peoples, both on the continent and in the Diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny”. Pan-Africanism stresses the need for “collective self-reliance”. Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora. Solidarity will enable self-reliance, allowing the continent’s potential to independently provide for its people to be fulfilled. Crucially, an all-African alliance will empower African peoples globally. The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to “power consolidation in Africa”, which “would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion ... that would unsettle social and political (power) structures ... in the Americas". United, African nations will have the economic, political and social clout to act and compete on the world stage as do other large entities, such as the EU and the USA. Advocates of Pan-Africanism – i.e. “Pan-Africans” or “Pan-Africanists” - often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora. As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilization and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism. Alongside a large number of slave insurrections, by the end of the eighteenth century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa which sought to weld these disparate movements into a network of solidarity putting an end to this oppression. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and sentiments on the evil of slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the beginning of the twentieth century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established by Henry Sylvester-Williams around 1887, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organizations include Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavour to return to "traditional" African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include Léopold Sédar Senghor's Négritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticité. An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism. In the 21st century, some Pan-Africans aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation" held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) argues that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. Some universities have gone as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism. Syracuse University also offers a masters degree in "Pan African Studies". The Pan-African flag was designed by Marcus Garvey and is known as "The Red, Black, and Green". This flag symbolizes the struggle for the unification and liberation of African people. The "red" stands for the blood that unites all people of African ancestry, "black" represents the color of the skin of the people of Africa, and "green" stands for the rich land of Africa. Sometimes the green, gold, and red of the Ethiopian flag are used as the colors of the Pan-African movement. According to some sources, this is because Ethiopia was not colonized during the Scramble for Africa and has maintained a sovereign state for over 2,000 years. Ethiopia is the headquarters of the African Union and several institutions concentrated on the African continent. Sebujja Katende, ambassador of Uganda to the AU said Ethiopia is considered as "the grand father of Africa." The four Pan-African colors—red, black, green, and gold—have inspired the flags of many nations, both within and outside of Africa. Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression. In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents. Afrocentric Pan-Africanism, as espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti, in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido a Nigerian Philosopher- Poet. Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism; a representative of Afrocentric Pan-Africanism in the Spanish-speaking world is Professor Antumi Toasijé. During the past three decades hip hop has emerged as a powerful force shaping black and African identities worldwide. In his article “Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin’ For?,” Greg Tate describes hip hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an “ethnic enclave/ empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous,”. Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article “Keepin’ it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity” states that hip hop provides the world with “vivid illustrations of Black lived experience” creating bonds of black identity across the globe. Hip hop authenticates a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying uplifting force among Africans as Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve. This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors (see full disclaimer)

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Stroke / Brain Attack Stroke, also called brain attack, occurs when blood flow to the brain is disrupted. Disruption in blood flow is caused when either a blood clot blocks one of the vital blood vessels in the brain (ischemic stroke), or when a blood vessel in the brain bursts, spilling blood into surrounding tissues (hemorrhagic stroke). The brain needs a constant supply of oxygen and nutrients in order to function. Even a brief interruption in blood supply can cause problems. Brain cells begin to die after just a few minutes without blood or oxygen. The area of dead cells in tissues is called an infarct. Due to both the physical and chemical changes that occur in the brain with stroke, damage can continue to occur for several days. This is called a stroke-in-evolution. A loss of brain function occurs with brain cell death. This may include impaired ability with movement, speech, thinking and memory, bowel and bladder, eating, emotional control, and other vital body functions. Recovery from stroke and the specific ability affected depends on the size and location of the stroke. A small stroke may result in problems such as weakness in an arm or leg. Larger strokes may cause paralysis (inability to move part of the body), loss of speech, or even death. According to the National Stroke Association (NSA), it is important to learn the three R's of stroke: - Reduce the risk - Recognize the symptoms - Respond by calling 911 (or your local ambulance service) Stroke is an emergency and should be treated as such. The greatest chance for recovery from stroke occurs when emergency treatment is started immediately. Stroke is the third largest cause of death, ranking behind diseases of the heart and all forms of cancer. Strokes kill more than 144,000 Americans each year. Almost 80 percent of strokes are preventable. The following are the most common symptoms of stroke. However, each individual may experience symptoms differently. If any of these symptoms are present, call 911 (or your local ambulance service) immediately. Treatment is most effective when started immediately. Symptoms may be sudden and include: - Weakness or numbness of the face, arm, or leg, especially on one side of the body - Confusion or difficulty speaking or understanding - Problems with vision such as dimness or loss of vision in one or both eyes - Dizziness or problems with balance or coordination - Problems with movement or walking - Severe headaches with no other known cause All of the above warning signs may not occur with each stroke. Do not ignore any of the warning signs, even if they go away - take action immediately. The symptoms of stroke may resemble other medical conditions or problems. Always consult your physician for a diagnosis. Other, less common, symptoms of stroke may include the following: - Sudden nausea, vomiting, or fever not caused by a viral illness - Brief loss or change of consciousness such as fainting, confusion, seizures, or coma - Transient ischemic attack (TIA), or "mini-stroke" A TIA can cause many of the same symptoms as a stroke, but TIA symptoms are transient and last for a few minutes or up to 24 hours. Call for medical help immediately if you suspect a person is having a TIA, as it may be a warning sign that a stroke is about to occur. Not all strokes, however, are preceded by TIAs. Evaluating the risk for stroke is based on heredity, natural processes, and lifestyle. Many risk factors for stroke can be changed or managed, while others that relate to hereditary or natural processes cannot be changed. |Risk factors for stroke that can be changed, treated, or medically managed: - High blood pressure The most important controllable risk factor for stroke (brain attack) is controlling high blood pressure (140/90 or higher). High blood pressure can damage blood vessels called arteries that supply blood to the brain. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), reducing the systolic (or top number) blood pressure by 12 to 13 points can decrease the risk for a stroke by 37 percent. - Heart disease Heart disease is the second most important risk factor for stroke, and the major cause of death among survivors of stroke. Heart disease and stroke have many of the same risk factors. - Diabetes mellitus Diabetes is controllable, but having it increases the risk for stroke. People with diabetes have two to four times the risk of having a stroke than someone without diabetes. Blood pressure for people with diabetes should be 130/80 or less to reduce the risk of stroke. Talk with your healthcare provider on specific ways to manage your overall health and diabetes care. - Cigarette smoking Apart from other risk factors, smoking almost doubles the risk for ischemic stroke (blockage of a blood vessel supplying blood to the brain). The use of oral contraceptives, especially when combined with cigarette smoking, greatly increases stroke risk. - History of transient ischemic attacks (TIAs) A person who has had one (or more) TIA is almost 10 times more likely to have a stroke than someone of the same age and sex who has not had a TIA. - High red blood cell count A significant increase in the number of red blood cells thickens the blood and makes clots more likely, thus increasing the risk for stroke. - High blood cholesterol and lipids High blood cholesterol and lipids increase the risk for stroke. High cholesterol levels can contribute to atherosclerosis (thickening or hardening of the arteries) caused by a build-up of plaque (deposits of fatty substances, cholesterol, calcium). Plaque build-up on the inside of the walls of arteries can decrease the amount of blood flow to the brain. A stroke occurs if the blood supply is cut off to the brain. Atherosclerosis is a slow, progressive disease that may start as early as childhood. - Lack of exercise, physical inactivity Lack of exercise and physical inactivity increases the risk for stroke. Excess weight increases the risk for stroke. - Excessive alcohol use More than two drinks per day raises blood pressure, and binge drinking can lead to stroke. - Drug abuse (certain kinds) Intravenous drug abuse carries a high risk of stroke from cerebral embolisms (blood clots). Cocaine use has been closely related to strokes, heart attacks, and a variety of other cardiovascular complications. Some of them, even among first-time cocaine users, have been fatal. - Abnormal heart rhythm Various heart diseases have been shown to increase the risk of stroke. Atrial fibrillation (an irregular heartbeat) is the most powerful and treatable heart risk factor of stroke. About 15 percent of strokes occur in people with atrial fibrillation. - Cardiac structural abnormalities Damaged heart valves can cause chronic heart damage, which can ultimately increase the risk of developing stroke. This is known as valvular heart disease. New evidence shows that heart structure abnormalities including patent foramen ovale and atrial septal defect may possibly increase risk for embolic stroke. |Risk factors for stroke that cannot be changed: For each decade of life after age 55, the chance of having a stroke more than doubles. Men have about a 19 percent greater chance of stroke than women. African-Americans have a much higher risk of death and disability from a stroke than Caucasians, in part because the African-American population has a greater incidence of high blood pressure. - History of prior stroke The risk of stroke for someone who has already had one is many times that of a person who has not had a stroke. The chance of stroke is greater in people who have a family history of stroke. |Other risk factors of stroke to consider: - Where a person lives Strokes are more common among people living in the southeastern United States than in other areas. This may be due to regional differences in lifestyle, race, cigarette smoking, and diet. - Temperature, season, and climate Stroke deaths occur more often during periods of extreme temperatures. - Socioeconomic factors There is some evidence that strokes are more common among low-income people than among more affluent people. Strokes can be classified into two main categories: - 87 percent are ischemic strokes - strokes caused by blockage of an artery - 13 percent are hemorrhagic strokes - strokes caused by bleeding An ischemic stroke occurs when a blood vessel that supplies the brain becomes blocked or "clogged" and impairs blood flow to part of the brain. The brain cells and tissues begin to die within minutes from lack of oxygen and nutrients. The area of tissue death is called an infarct. About 87 percent of strokes fall into this category. Ischemic strokes are further divided into two groups, including the following: - Thrombotic strokes - caused by a blood clot that develops in the blood vessels inside the brain - Embolic strokes - caused by a blood clot or plaque debris that develops elsewhere in the body and then travels to one of the blood vessels in the brain via the bloodstream Thrombotic strokes are strokes caused by a thrombus (blood clot) that develops in the arteries supplying blood to the brain. This type of stroke is usually seen in older persons, especially those with high-cholesterol levels and atherosclerosis (a build-up of fat and lipids inside the walls of blood vessels). Sometimes, symptoms of a thrombotic stroke can occur suddenly and often during sleep or in the early morning. At other times, it may occur gradually over a period of hours or even days. This is called a stroke-in-evolution. Thrombotic strokes may be preceded by one or more "mini-strokes," called transient ischemic attacks, or TIAs. TIAs may last from a few minutes to a few days and are often a warning sign that a stroke may occur. Although usually mild and transient, the symptoms caused by a TIA are similar to those caused by a stroke. Another type of stroke that occurs in the small blood vessels in the brain is called a lacunar infarct. The word lacunar comes from the Latin word meaning "hole" or "cavity." Lacunar infarctions are often found in people who have diabetes or hypertension (high blood pressure). Embolic strokes are usually caused by an embolus (a blood clot that forms elsewhere in the body and travels through the bloodstream to the brain). Embolic strokes often result from heart disease or heart surgery and occur rapidly and without any warning signs. About 15 percent of embolic strokes occur in people with atrial fibrillation, a type of abnormal heart rhythm in which the upper chambers of the heart do not beat effectively. Hemorrhagic strokes occur when a blood vessel that supplies the brain ruptures and bleeds. When an artery bleeds into the brain, brain cells and tissues do not receive oxygen and nutrients. In addition, pressure builds up in surrounding tissues and irritation and swelling occur. About 13 percent of strokes are caused by hemorrhage (10 percent are intracerebral hemorrhage and 3 percent are subarachnoid hemorrhage strokes). Hemorrhagic strokes are divided into two main categories, including the following: - Intracerebral hemorrhage - bleeding from the blood vessels within the brain - Subarachnoid hemorrhage - bleeding in the subarachnoid space (the space between the brain and the membranes that cover the brain) Intracerebral hemorrhage is usually caused by hypertension (high blood pressure), and bleeding occurs suddenly and rapidly. There are usually no warning signs and bleeding can be severe enough to cause coma or death. Subarachnoid hemorrhage results when bleeding occurs between the brain and the meninges (the membrane that covers the brain) in the subarachnoid space. This type of hemorrhage is often due to an aneurysm or an arteriovenous malformation (AVM). - An aneurysm is a weakened, ballooned area on an artery wall and has a risk for rupturing. Aneurysms may be congenital (present at birth), or may develop later in life due to such factors as hypertension or atherosclerosis. - An AVM is a congenital disorder that consists of a disorderly tangled web of arteries and veins. The cause of AVM is unknown. Recurrent strokes occur in about 25 percent of stroke victims within five years after a first stroke. The risk is greatest right after a stroke and decreases over time. The likelihood of severe disability and death increases with each recurrent stroke. About 3 percent of stroke patients have a second stroke within 30 days of their first stroke, and about one-third have a second stroke within two years. Treatment is most effective when started immediately. Emergency treatment following a stroke may include the following: - Medications used to the dissolve blood clot(s) that cause an ischemic stroke Medications that dissolve clots are called thrombolytic agents and are commonly known as "clot busters." These drugs have the ability to help reduce the damage to brain cells caused by the stroke. In order to be most effective, these agents must be given within several hours of a stroke's onset. - Medications and therapy to reduce or control brain swelling Corticosteroids and special types of intravenous (IV) fluids are often used to help reduce or control brain swelling, especially after a hemorrhagic stroke (a stroke caused by bleeding into the brain). - Medications that help protect the brain from damage and ischemia (lack of oxygen) Medications of this type are called neuroprotective agents, with some still under investigation in clinical trials. - Life support measures including such treatments as ventilators (machines to assist with breathing), IV fluids, adequate nutrition, blood pressure control, and prevention of complications Other medications that may help with recovery following a stroke, or may help to prevent a stroke from occurring, include the following: - Medications to help prevent more blood clots from forming Medications that help to prevent additional blood clots from forming are called anticoagulants, as they prevent the coagulation of the blood. Medications of this type include, for example, heparin and warfarin (Coumadin®). - Medications that reduce the chance of blood clots by preventing platelets (a type of blood cell) from sticking together Examples of this type of medication include aspirin and dipyridamole (Persantine®). - Medications to treat existing medical conditions such as diabetes, heart, or blood pressure problems Several types of surgery may be performed to help treat a stroke, or help to prevent a stroke from occurring, including the following: - Carotid endarterectomy Carotid endarterectomy is a procedure used to remove plaque and clots from the carotid arteries, located in the neck. These arteries supply the brain with blood from the heart. Endarterectomy may help prevent a stroke from occurring. A craniotomy is a type of surgery in the brain itself to remove blood clots or repair bleeding in the brain. - Surgery to repair aneurysms and arteriovenous malformations (AVMs) An aneurysm is a weakened, ballooned area on an artery wall that has a risk for rupturing and bleeding into the brain. An AVM is a congenital (present at birth) or acquired disorder that consists of a disorderly, tangled web of arteries and veins. An AVM also has a risk for rupturing and bleeding into the brain. Surgery may be helpful, in this case, to help prevent a stroke from occurring. - Patent foramen ovale (PFO) closure The foramen ovale is an opening that occurs in the wall between the two upper chambers of a baby's heart before birth. It functions to provide oxygen-rich blood to the baby from the mother's placenta while in the womb. This opening normally closes soon after birth. If the flap does not close, blood flows from the right atrium directly to the left atrium. It then flows out to the central circulation of the body. If this blood contains any clots or air bubbles, they can pass into the brain circulation causing a stroke or transient ischemic attack (TIA). PFO closure procedure can be performed through a percutaneous (through the skin) approach. Signs and symptoms of a PFO may not occur until early or middle adulthood and may even go undetected. Many individuals who have a stroke are left with paralysis of the upper extremities. CIT is a treatment that encourages the use of the stroke-affected limb by constraining the non-affected limb in a mitt, sling, splint or glove. Intense exercises are done using the stroke-affected arm or hand. - CIT restraints are worn for up to 90 percent of the waking hours. - Restraints can be removed for activities such as bathing. - Small steps are used to break down complex tasks such as making a phone call. - Verbal and written feedback is used to help motivate and inform persons undergoing CIT. Click here to view the Online Resources of Non-Traumatic Emergencies

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Overview | How do communities and beliefs shape how and what people eat? And conversely, how do food values and preferences help people find and create communities? In this lesson, students examine communities that come together around shared beliefs about food and food production, and then construct their own philosophy of food. Materials | Oversized sheets of drawing paper, markers, computers with Internet access and research materials on food communities and movements Warm-Up | Tell students that today you will be studying communities that come together around shared beliefs and preferences relating to food. This topic can be woven into a curriculum that touches on the role that food plays in culture, and the roles that food production and consumption play in struggles for economic justice or environmental protection. This lesson can also easily be woven into units on health and nutrition. To begin this conversation, have students draw visual representations of the ways that community and food overlap in their own lives. On large pieces of paper, students will draw maps or diagrams that illustrate one or more examples from their own life of how people come together around food. If students are having trouble getting started, you might suggest mapping the places they like to eat and the people they like to go to those places with; creating a family tree of people who come together for holiday meals and what foods are served; drawing a network of the friends that they eat lunch with and what foods they can generally find in the school cafeteria; listing their dietary preferences and restrictions; and showing visually how their “food rules” lead them to visit certain places or interact with certain people. When diagrams are complete, have students pair up to share their creations and discuss the following questions: What is this illustration depicting? How does it illustrate the relationship between food and community in your own life? Do you think that you and the people depicted here have shared values about food? If so, what are they? If not, what commonalities do you share? What do you know about how the foods that are depicted in this illustration were prepared, grown or harvested, and sold? If you expanded your diagram to show a broader community that included all of the people, places and materials that went into making this food, who and what would you have to add? Reconvene the class and have pairs share their ideas; write them on the board. Are various students in the room connected via food in some ways that they may not have realized before? What else do students have in common, looking at their lives through the lens of food? Let students know that they will now further examine food communities that are centered on food consumption and food production. Related | In the Times Magazine article “Growing Together,” Christine Muhlke examines how communities are grown out of people’s shared interest in food and food production. She begins: “Community is built upon conversations. People like to eat, and they like to talk about it. Ask a stranger anywhere in the world what or where he likes to eat, and chances are he’ll open up.” She continues: Food communities take many forms. Not all of them have the righteous, rarefied aura of the Ferry Plaza Farmers Market in San Francisco or the cool graphics of the food vendors at the Brooklyn Flea. And not all of them begin with a financial transaction. There are cookie swaps, canning parties, community-supported agriculture, crop mobs, cooking clubs, cow shares and more — all of which are subject to the preciousness, insularity and childish infighting of a self-selecting group. (The politics of potlucks.) And then there is the Web, where strangers bond over their lack of conviction about a certain pizzaiolo, form underground restaurants based on a chef’s disregard for the place of figs in California cooking or cheer on a home cook from Tel Aviv in an online recipe competition. Read the entire article with your class, using the questions below. Questions | For discussion and reading comprehension: - Why do you think so many people who are interviewed about food end up talking about community? - Ms. Muhlke says that some food communities have a “righteous rarefied aura.” What do you think she means by this? Do you agree? Why or why not? - What types of food communities are mentioned in the article? Can you think of any others? If these communities had been mentioned, how might the article be different? - Do you agree that struggling communities can be “rebuilt” around food? Why or why not? - Ms. Muhlke mentions that food production and preparation skills are not passed on to younger generations as much as they used to be. Do you think this is true? If so, why do you think this is the case? Activity | Inform students that they will be examining communities that connect around their shared philosophies about food and food production. Explain that they will now work in groups to do some research to understand an assigned food community (listed below). Split the class into five small groups. Assign each group one of the following food-related communities and provide the groups with the related resources to get them started. In addition, all groups might use On the Table, the former Times blog of the food writer Michael Pollan, as well as his Web site, including his June New York Review of Books article “The Food Movement, Rising.” They might also look into the issues of food security and the food justice movement and how these relate to their assigned community. They should also consider looking into criticisms of these movements. As outlined here, the focus of the lesson is on the communities that have convened around certain values with respect to food, but it could easily be adapted to include a look at the political issues and related questions and criticisms about the practices and practical implications. Group 1: Slow Food, Fair Trade and Locavore - Slow Food - Slow Food USA - Fair Trade USA - Fair Trade Federation - Eat Local Challenge - Times Topics: Local Food and Alice Waters - The Times article “A Slow Food Festival Reaches Out to the Uncommitted” and the Well blog post “The Mother of Slow Food” Group 2: Vegetarians and Vegans - The Vegetarian Resource Group - Time Magazine: Should We All be Vegetarians? - Vegan Action - The Vegetarian Resource Group: Veganism - Times Topics: Vegetarianism - Times Topics: Veganism - Motherlode: “Raising Vegetarian Children” Group 3: Kosher and Halal - Judaism 101 - About.Com: Kosher Food - Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America - About.Com: Halal Food - Times Topics: Kosher Foods Group 4: Community-Supported Agriculture, Urban Agriculture, Co-Ops - Local Harvest - U.S.D.A.: Community-Supported Agriculture - Resource Centers on Urban Agriculture and Food Security - Times Topics: Urban Agriculture - Sustainable Table - The Times articles “Saving Time and Stress With Cooking Co-Ops,” “Flunking Out at the Food Co-Op” and “For a Healthier Bronx, a Farm of Their Own,” plus the City Room post series “Answers About Local Food in New York” Group 5: Natural and Organic - Organic Consumers Association - U.S.D.A.: National Organic Program - Natural Food - Times Topics: Organic Food Give groups time to conduct research and come to understand their assigned movement or community, and record their findings. Remind all students to take notes, which they will need later in class as well as for the homework assignment. When work is complete, tell groups to “jigsaw,” forming new small groups consisting of least one student representative who is familiar with each food community. Individual students will then share with their new group what they discovered from researching their assigned food community. After all students share their findings, the groups should discuss the similarities, differences commonalities and connections among these food communities, including themes they see as “running through” them. Reconvene the class and invite groups to share the themes they generated; record them on the board. Ask: How are these themes relevant when it comes to your own relationship with food? What social, cultural or religious issues come into play when it comes to your own food consumption and habits? Did learning about these food communities make you think any differently about your own food communities and food choices? Here, students might return briefly to the drawings they created during the warm-up and add to them. Going Further | Individually, students write their own “philosophy of food,” which explains what types of foods they eat and choose not to eat; whether and how their choices about food are related to broader social, political or religious beliefs; and what role food plays among their friends and family. Other activities for students to take this lesson further: - Compare the book “Fast Food Nation” by Eric Schlosser, the Morgan Spurlock movie “Super Size Me” and Upton Sinclair’s 1906 slaughterhouse exposé, “The Jungle.” - Engage in a problem-based learning project in which students identify food-related problems in their own communities and then take action to remedy the problem. For example, students can conduct nutritional, economic or social justice analyses of the food that is served in their school cafeteria or sold in markets in low-income areas. You may wish to partner with an organization like Farm to School or the Edible Schoolyard to freshen your school’s food options. - Identify and understand local food deserts, and then write to local politicians calling for better access to fresh foods in these neighborhoods. - Learn more about Michelle Obama’s schools and food initiative, and then start an education campaign to teach their classmates about good nutrition and making healthy choices in the school cafeteria, after learning more about the topic. 6. Understands essential concepts about nutrition and diet 7. Knows how to maintain and promote personal health 3. Understands the concept of prices and the interaction of supply and demand in a market economy 11. Understands the role of diversity in American life and the importance of shared values, political beliefs and civic beliefs in an increasingly diverse American society 14. Understands issues concerning the disparities between ideals and reality in American political and social life 28. Understands how participation in civic and political life can help citizens attain individual and public goals 1. Uses the general skills and strategies of the writing process 3. Uses grammatical and mechanical conventions in written compositions 4. Gathers and uses information for research purposes 5. Uses the general skills and strategies of the reading process 7. Uses reading skills and strategies to understand and interpret a variety of informational texts 8. Uses listening and speaking strategies for different purposes 1. Understands the connections between agriculture and society 4. Understands how knowledge and skills related to consumer and resources management affect the well-being of individuals, families and society 12. Understands how knowledge and skills related to nutrition and food affect the well-being of individuals, families and society 13. Understands important concepts and skills related to careers in food production and services 31. Understands economic, social and cultural developments in the contemporary United States Life Skills: Thinking and Reasoning 1. Understands and applies the basic principles of presenting an argument 2. Understands and applies basic principles of logic and reasoning 3. Effectively uses mental processes that are based on identifying similarities and differences Life Skills: Working With Others 1. Contributes to the overall effort of a group 4. Displays effective interpersonal communication skills

http://learning.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/10/12/organic-slow-or-local-exploring-food-based-communities/?nl=learning&emc=learninga1

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It's thought that the first people to inhabit Mexico arrived 20,000 years before Columbus. Their descendants built a succession of highly developed civilizations that flourished from 1200 BC to 1521 AD. The first to arise was that of the Olmecs (1200-600 BC), in the humid lowlands of southern Veracruz and Tabasco. By 300 BC they were joined by the Zapotecs of Oaxaca, and the temple center of Izapa (200 BC to 200 AD). By 250 AD the Maya were building stepped temple pyramids in the Yucatán Peninsula. Central Mexico's first great civilization flourished at Teotihuacán between 250 and 600 AD, to be followed by the Toltecs at Xochicalco and Tula. The Aztecs were successors to this string of empires, settling at Tenochtitlán in the early 14th century. Almost 3000 years of civilization was shattered in just two short years, following the landing by Hernán Cortés near modern-day Veracruz on April 21, 1519. Primary sources suggest that the Aztecs were initially accommodating because, according to their calendar, the year 1519 promised the god Quetzalcóatl's return from the east. The Spaniards met their first allies in towns that resented Aztec domination. With 6000 local recruits, they approached the Aztecs' island capital of Tenochtitlán - a city bigger than any in Spain. King Moctezuma II invited the party into his palace and the Spaniards promptly took him hostage. By August 13, 1521, Aztec resistance had ended. The position of the conquered peoples deteriorated rapidly, not only because of harsh treatment by the colonists but also because of introduced diseases. The indigenous population fell from an estimated 25 million at the time of conquest to one million by 1605. From the 16th to 19th centuries, a sort of apartheid system existed in Mexico. Spanish-born colonists were a minuscule part of the population but were considered nobility in New Spain (as Mexico was then called), however humble their status in their home country. By the 18th century, criollos (people born of Spanish parents in New Spain) had acquired fortunes in mining, commerce, ranching and agriculture, and were seeking political power commensurate with their wealth. Below the criollos were the mestizos, of mixed Spanish and indigenous or African slave ancestry, and at the bottom of the pile were the remaining indigenous people and African slaves. The catalyst for rebellion came in 1808 when Napoleon Bonaparte occupied most of Spain - direct Spanish control over New Spain suddenly ceased and rivalry between Spanish-born colonists and criollos intensified. On September 16, 1810, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a criollo parish priest, issued his call to rebellion, the Grito de Dolores. In 1821 Spain agreed to Mexican independence. Twenty-two years of chronic instability followed, with the presidency changing hands 36 times. In 1845, the US congress voted to annex Texas, leading to the Mexican-American War in which US troops captured Mexico City. Under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), Mexico ceded Texas, California, Utah, Colorado and most of New Mexico and Arizona to the USA. The Maya rose up against their overlords in the late 1840s and almost succeeded in driving them off the Yucatán Peninsula. By 1862, Mexico was heavily in debt to Britain, France and Spain, who sent a joint force to Mexico to collect their debts. France decided to go one step further and colonize Mexico, sparking yet another war. In 1864, France invited the Austrian archduke, Maximilian of Habsburg, to become emperor of Mexico. His reign was bloodily ended by forces loyal to the country's former president, Benito Juárez, a Zapotec from Oaxaca. With the slogan 'order and progress', dictator Porfirio DÃaz (ruled 1878-1911) avoided war and piloted Mexico into the industrial age. Political opposition, free elections and a free press were banned, and control was maintained by a ruthless army, leading to strikes that prefigured the Mexican Revolution. The revolution (1910-20) was a 10-year period of shifting allegiances between a spectrum of leaders, in which successive attempts to create stable governments were wrecked by new skirmishes. The basic ideological rift was between liberal reformers and more radical leaders, such as Emiliano Zapata, who were fighting for the transfer of hacienda land to the peasants. The 10 years of violent civil war cost an estimated 1.5 to two million lives - roughly one in eight Mexicans. After the revolution, political will was focused on rebuilding the national infrastructure. Precursors of today's Party of the Institutionalized Revolution (PRI) took power in 1934, introducing a program of reform and land redistribution. Civil unrest next appeared in 1966, when university students in Mexico City expressed their outrage with the conservative DÃaz Ordaz administration. Discontent with single-party rule, restricted freedom of speech and excessive government spending came to a head in 1968 in the run-up to the Mexico City Olympic Games, and protesters were massacred by armed troops. The oil boom of the late 1970s increased Mexico's oil revenues and financed industrial and agricultural investments, but the oil glut in the mid-1980s deflated petroleum prices and led to Mexico's worst recession in decades. The economic downturn also saw an increase in organized political dissent on both the left and right. The massive earthquake of September 1985 caused more than four billion US dollars' worth of damage. At least 10,000 people died, hundreds of buildings in Mexico City were destroyed and thousands of people left homeless. President Carlos Salinas de Gortari began his term in 1988 after very controversial elections. He gained popular support by renegotiating Mexico's crippling national debt and bringing rising inflation under control. A sweeping privatization program and a burgeoning international finance market led to Mexico being heralded in the international press as an exemplar of free-market economics. The apex of Salinas' economic reform was the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), effective January 1, 1994. Fears that NAFTA would increase the marginalization of indigenous Mexicans led to the Zapatista uprising in the southernmost state of Chiapas. The day NAFTA took effect, a huge army of unarmed peasants calling themselves the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) shocked Mexico by taking over San Cristóbal de Las Casas. Their demands focused on improved social and economic justice. The EZLN were driven out of town within a few days, but the uprising highlighted the widening gap between rich and poor under Salinas and the NAFTA agreement. Today, the Zapatista movement continues, and the rebels' leader, a balaclava-clad figure known only as Subcomandante Marcos, is now a national folk hero. In March 1994, Luis Donaldo Colósio, Salinas' chosen successor, was assassinated. His replacement, 43-year-old Ernesto Zedillo, was elected with 50% of the vote. Within days of President Zedillo's taking office, Mexico's currency, the peso, suddenly collapsed, bringing on a deep economic recession. Among other things, it led to a huge increase in crime, intensified discontent with the PRI and caused large-scale Mexican immigration to the US. It's estimated that by 1997 more than 2.5 million Mexicans a year were entering the US illegally. Zedillo's policies pulled Mexico gradually out of recession. By the end of his term in 2000, Mexico's purchasing power was again approaching 1994 levels. In the freest and fairest national election since the Mexican Revolution, National Action Party (PAN) presidential candidate and former Coca Cola executive Vicente Fox ended the PRI's 71-year reign. However, President Fox - despite remaining popular as a figurehead - didn't have enough control in congress to fire up Mexico's economy or reform its infrastructure and social services, as he had promised. He did leave the country in a stable position for PAN candidate Felipe Calderón, who seemingly won Mexico's controversial presidential elections in July 2006 by the thinnest of margins, about 0.5%. Calderón's opponent was the populist leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador, ex-major of Mexico City, who called the elections fraudulent and delayed a final decision until September 2006, when Calderón was finally declared the official winner. Conservative Calderón will have a very long road ahead in the coming six years of his presidency; he'll have to unite a deeply divided nation, confront private monopolies and strong unions, pass tax reforms, increase jobs, improve health care and education and deal with immigration, security and trade issues with the US. Copyright 2003 Lonely Planet Publications , all rights reserved, used with permission

http://www.globeaware.org/mexico-history

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Be sure to see our Language & Literature Subject Center for more great lesson ideas and articles. Cross-Cultural Dialogue Writing: Guy Fawkes’ Gunpowder Plot Expand students’ cultural horizons by shaping a fun dialogue-writing exercise around Guy Fawkes Night, a November 5 historical observance that’s popular in England. Harry Potter Inspires: Design a Wizard Sports Team In this lesson for grades K-2, students use creativity, reasoning and language skills to develop a new sports team. Harry Potter Inspires: Character Sketch for a New Wizard In this writing and literature lesson for grades 5-8, students create a new character that would fit into the wizard world. Creating a Poetry Collection In this lesson, which encourages students to think about the sounds of poems, students use lip-syncing software to produce an animated talking head. Community Scavenger Hunt Teaches Research Skills, Much More When armies of students descend on local libraries, it has to be time for the State of Jefferson Scavenger Hunt. The three-day event challenges kids to track down answers to a series of questions. The results include improved research skills, priceless memories. 100 Years Ago in History Start the new year by investigating events that happened 100 years ago this year. (Grades 5-12) From the Land, Of the Land: An Interdisciplinary Lesson on Indigenous Peoples Energize a geography or language arts lesson with this online activity for grades 7-12. Students research the concept of indigenous people then write a diamante poem about what they've learned. Both the research and the poem creation are done online. In this lesson, K-5 students select a pet and a travel destination, then find four things the pet could do at that locale. Designed for use with Inspiration/Kidspiration, the lesson can be adapted for use with other programs. This Bird Can Blog! Want to improve your students' quality and quantity of writing? Check out this lesson plan for grades 3-5! Students assume the persona of a real or imagined classroom pet and write a blog describing daily activities in the classroom. Daily Language Practice Builds Skills, Test Scores Turn daily language practice into a game, build test scores too. (Grades 3-12) Scriptwriting with a Wiki This middle- and high-school lesson plan uses a wiki -- a Web site that allows users to add and edit content collectively -- to write a one-act play. Biography Brainstorm: Using Word and the Web to Jumpstart Research Students use Internet resources and Microsoft Word drawing tools to brainstorm (through webbing) questions about a person they will research and write about. A Picture's Worth 1000 Words In this interdisciplinary lesson, K-8 students try to interpret what pictographs -- pictures that symbolize a word or concept -- really mean. Then they write sentences using their own pictograph system. What's the Word? In this activity for grades 3-8, students define 4-5 vocabulary words, use a free online tool to create crossword puzzles with the words, and then share their puzzles for review. Portrait of a Hero Students select and research someone they consider a hero and then use facts about that person and quotes by that person to create micrographic portraits. As Easy as A, B, C Are your students learning their ABCs? Then check out these easy-to-use and fun Web sites filled with ideas for teaching and learning the alphabet. Whether you make the sites available in a computer center or display them on a projector, something valuable is just a click away! No Place Like Home Students learn to "read" digital content as they analyze photographs of high plains sod homes and read accompanying narratives. They then choose one photograph and identify characteristics, points, differences, and questions they find in that photograph. A Lesson in Proofing Students in middle and high school learn to use Word's Find/Replace feature to check written work, increase accuracy, and improve their grades. Teachers might want to use the feature too. Teaching Writing on a Computer Students love seeing their work in print, so why not have them write some of their work on the computer? Walk students through the basics of typing and saving on a computer. Edit Essays with Word Tables Still grading essays, red ink pen in hand? Next time your students have an essay due, ask them to submit their work in Word, help them identify their grammar and spelling errors, and then have them correct those errors using Word's table feature. Fun Activities Get the School Year Off to a Good Start! Every teacher has a different approach to the first few days of school. Whatever your approach, Education World has an activity for you! Books Give Us Wings In this Letters About Literature lesson, students read and discuss letters written by young readers to the authors of books that "gave them wings." Will the Leaning Tower Fall? Students in grades 9-12 research the Tower of Pisa and write a report about its history. They examine the physics of why the Tower leans and whether it might fall. Finally, they plan a trip to Italy to see the Tower, developing an itinerary and budget for the trip. A Favorite Poem Students explore a variety of poems, find one poem they feel a particular connection to, and share that poem by reading it aloud to their classmates. Students then create videos of their readings to share with other classes. Create A Poetry Calendar In this lesson, students research, design, and create a school-year calendar based on the work of famous poets. The activity, which can take 4-5 class periods to complete, is a great culminating activity for a poetry unit for grades 3-12. Help your K-8 class celebrate Women's History Month. Students research an influential woman, then create on the computer a quilt block with text and graphics. Quilt blocks are then printed and combined to form a quilt of connections. Students in grades 9-12 learn three ways to define a term in technical writing, search the Web for scientific text, then copy and paste sections into a Word document. Finally, they use the highlighter feature of Word to highlight examples of definitions within the text. Write a Number Story Make writing across content areas fun with this K-3 computer activity. Students use AppleWorks (or Office) to write and illustrate number stories. The stories then are used to create a Keynote or PowerPoint show and displayed for the class (or parents!) to see and share. Poetry From Photos: A Lesson on the Great Depression. Getting information from the Internet often is just a copy and paste operation. The challenge for teachers is to teach students to apply and extend what they learn online. In this lesson, students view photographs of migrant families during the Great Depression, try to interpret the photos to answer questions about the subject's life, and then write a cinquain poem based on their interpretations. PowerPoint Poetry Slam Make poetry come alive with this English lesson for grades 7-12. In a unique twist to a standard poetry reading, students select poems, create PowerPoint presentations that use graphics and text to enhance their poems, and then display those presentations as they read their poems aloud. Prehistoric Pen Pals Students research dinosaurs, then assume the personality of a specific dinosaur species in this lesson for grades 3-5. Each student/dinosaur writes an online "getting to know you" letter to another student/dinosaur in class. Students swap letters and reply to each other's questions, improving research and letter writing skills while learning fun dinosaur facts. The News Behind the (Short) Story Transform students from passive readers to gritty journalists. In this lesson, students read a short story, then create a one-page newspaper depicting the facts of the fictional story as real-life events. Included: Links to an online newspaper template as well as to a classic short story site are included. Take the Polar Express to Learning Polar Express, the movie, arrives in movie theaters nationwide on November 10. Don't miss the movie and the opportunity to take advantage of this "teachable moment." Included: Education World connects you to lessons, resources. Illustrating Illustrating Student Writing in Grades 1-3 In this lesson, students type in Microsoft Word a descriptive paragraph about a person or other creature they would most like to meet. They then draw in Microsoft Paint a picture of that person and/or of their meeting, and insert the image into the Word document. What's New? Translating Foreign Newspapers With Word Engage students while practicing translation skills. This activity helps foreign language students decode newspaper articles from around the world using Microsoft Word's Text-to-Table tool. How Does it End? A Lesson in Creativity Put students' creative talents to work by having them compose their own endings to a read-aloud story. Students use drawing software, such as Paint or AppleWorks, to draw, or write and draw, what they want to happen at the end of the story. Celebrating Asian and Pacific-Island Heritage Each May -- during Asian Pacific American Heritage Month -- we recognize the special contributions of people of Asian and Pacific Islander heritage. The lessons here introduce students to famous Asian Americans and explore their origins and their literature. A Puzzle A Day Provides Practice That Pays Puzzles exercise students' critical thinking skills while providing practice in many curriculum areas. Puzzles make great "bellringer" activities. Introduce a puzzle a day: A puzzle a day provides practice that pays Included: A year of puzzles! Teaching Grammar Without the Hammer: Five Fun Activities Learning grammar has been compared to other fun things -- like having teeth pulled or being assigned detention. But it needn't be a painful experience with these five lessons that teach grammar -- without the hammer! Word Wall "Active-ities" Build Vocabulary, Spelling, Writing Skills A classroom word wall has many uses. A wide variety of activities and games can be used to reinforce vocabulary words on the wall -- and to build students' vocabulary, spelling, and writing skills. Included: Teachers share favorite word wall activities. Celebrate Books: A (Book) Week of Fun! The calendar might identify November 17-23 as Children's Book Week, but for most teachers -- always on the lookout for new ideas to promote literacy -- every week is Book Week. Education World offers five new lessons for a week of reading fun. Take Note: Five Lessons for Note Taking Fun If recent surveys are any indicator, cheating and plagiarism are on the rise. As teachers, however, we might be able to reverse that trend by teaching our students to take good notes. Included: Five fun lessons that teach needed note-taking skills. Spotlight on Spelling Each May, the National Spelling Bee is held in Washington, D.C. Since most of your students won't be there, this week we offer lesson plans to help put them there next year! Included: Five new lesson plans plus links to many more. Voice of Experience: Revisiting Walden Pond in 2003 If your students were to head for a modern-day Walden Pond, what would they take with them? Kathleen Modenbach shares an activity that helped her students grasp Thoreau's sacrifices and appreciate his work. Included: Cross-curricular activities extend the lesson. What is the Most Serious Problem Facing Earth? -- An Education World WebQuest In this special Earth Day WebQuest, student teams research a critical threat to Earth's environment as they vie for $1 million in funding from the fictional Help Our World (HOW) Foundation. Included: student work sheets, lots of Earth Day resources, more. Reviving Reviews: Refreshing Ideas Students Can't Resist Is review time a deadly bore for you and your students? Add a little fun to review time and you might be surprised. Games will spice up reviews, revive interest, and ensure retention! Included: Five activities for use in all subjects, all grades! Its Up for Debate! Debates are a staple of middle and high school social studies classes. But have you ever thought about using debates at the lower grades -- or in math class? Education World offers five debate strategies and extra lessons for students of all ages. Special Reading Fun for Read Across America Day Each March, on Dr. Seusss birthday, schools celebrate Read Across America Day. This week, Education World recognizes this special day with five new reading lesson plans plus links to dozens of great reading projects culled from our archive. It's a Mystery! If it seems that something has been sneaking up on you this month, it is probably Kids Love a Mystery Week! Included: Five mysterious lessons -- focused on language arts, history, and forensic science -- to ignite critical thinking and spark interest in reading. Winter Wonderland -- Lessons for Frosty Days! Though the weather outside is frightful, wintry lessons are delightful! Whether the topic is snow, cold, or other icy treats, winter is a frosty focus that will motivate and entertain your class. Bundle up and brace for wild, windy, weather outside while showing your students the best of winter activities indoors! Included: Five lessons that make winter a winning subject! Better Book Reports: 25 More Ideas! Tired of the same old book report formats? This week, Education World presents a sequel to its popular "Better Book Reports -- 25 Ideas! article. Are you ready for 25 more practical book report ideas? By the Book -- Activities for Book Week! "A book is like a garden carried in the pocket" -- but getting kids to crack open books is often no walk in the park! During this year's observance of Children's Book Week, share the wonder and magic of books. Included: Five language arts lessons you'll want to "bookmark"! Spice Up Your Spelling Lessons Are you looking for ways to spice up boring old spelling routines? This week, Education World offers five activities to help you do just that! Better Letters: Lesson Plans for Teaching Letter Writing Is letter writing a lost art? This week Education World provides five new lessons to revive student interest in writing friendly letters. These letter-writing lessons are sure to get your stamp of approval! Once Upon a Time Activities to teach fables, fairy tales, folktales, myths, and more. Turn Your Students Into Well-Versed Poets In celebration of National Poetry Month, Education World offers more than 20 poetry lesson plans to help teachers integrate poetry into their classrooms and develop "well-versed" students. Stage a poetry slam for profit, find the funniest poems around, write synonym poems, more! More 'Write' Stuff! Engage students with writing activities that involve them in writing round-robin stories, "indescribably" excellent descriptions, persuasive alien essays, tabloid news stories, and books about younger students they interview. Make the 'Write' Impression! According to the NAEP Writing Report Card published in 1999, 23 percent of fourth graders, 27 percent of eighth graders, and 22 percent of high school seniors, write at the "proficient" level. The push is on in schools across the U.S. to improve students' writing skills. This week, Education World provides five lesson plans to support that effort. Better Book Reports -- 25 Ideas! Tired of the same old book report formats? Do your students grumble every time you mention the words book reports? Spice up those old book reports with some new ideas. Education World presents 25 ideas for you to use or adapt. Lit to Fit: Literature Lessons for Every Grade Instructor Marcia Goudie says, "The Internet has put literature into the teachers' hands." Her Web site -- Children's Literature Activities for the Classroom -- directs educators in the direction of lessons made to fit the literary works they teach. Building on Biographies -- Bringing Real-Life Stories Into Your Curriculum! Who can dispute the value of a good story? Though students may initially view them as dull, biographies are the stuff that great classroom activities are made of -- history, honest, and heroism. With the help of the Internet, every teacher can bring biographies into the classroom! Vocabulary and Spelling: Do Your Students Say Boring? It is hard to argue the fact that a good vocabulary is an asset in life. What greater service can teachers perform than to help students foster their understanding of words? The Internet offers many tools for young etymologists and an abundance of great ideas for teaching vocabulary and spelling. Dig for definitions and pry for pronunciations -- virtual vocabulary has no limits! Spell It Out! Spelling lessons and activities from Education World can help your students join in the fun of the 74th annual National Spelling Bee. It takes place next week in Washington, D.C. Author! Author! Activities for National Children's Book Week! Celebrate the joy of reading during National Children's Book Week! To recognize this special observance, Education World offers ten lessons to spark students' curiosity about the wonderful world of books! Included: Activities that engage students in writing sequels to a classic story, "interviewing" people in biographies, completing surveys about their reading interests, participating in a poetry slam, and much more! Read All About It! Ten Terrific Newspaper Lessons! Education World celebrates National Newspaper Week with ten lessons to help you integrate the newspaper into your classroom curriculum. Included: Activities that involve students in interviewing a local newspaper reporter, creating editorial cartoons, comparing newspapers, and much more! Building on Biographies -- Bringing Real-Life Stories Into Your Curriculum! Who can dispute the value of a good story? Though students may initially view them as dull, biographies are the stuff that great classroom activities are made of -- history, honesty, and heroism. With the help of the Internet, every teacher can bring biographies into their classrooms! Included: Ten activities that begin with biographies! Harry Potter Haiku Kids by the dozens are creating original Harry Potter haiku and posting them to the Web! If you are a teacher who is looking for a fun -- and educational -- activity, why not turn students' enthusiasm for all things Harry Potter into a creative writing opportunity? Folktales of Cooperation for Your K-3 Class Are you looking for a fun and effective way of promoting the spirit of cooperation in your K through 3 classrooms? This week ---National Library Week--- Elaine Lindy, creator of the Absolutely Whootie Web site, shares three favorite folktales that will get kids thinking and talking about the importance of cooperation! After you use the tales in the classroom, why not send them home so the discussion about cooperation can continue? Included: Lindy shares follow-up activities and tips. Calling on the Muse: Exercises to Unlock the Poet Within I think that I shall never see ... well-disciplined creativity! How often has that thought crossed your mind? Don't despair! The experts -- working poets who teach their craft--- share their secrets for instructing and inspiring budding poets. Included: Exercises to help students access their creative powers and produce well-crafted poems. A Quotation a Day: Just What the Language Doctor Ordered! Many teachers have discovered the power of famous quotations. Such quotations can be used to develop students' writing and critical thinking skills. Included: "Why use quotations?" *plus* a quotation a day for 180 days of school. Priceless Works of Language Arts: Invaluable Activities! There are many ways to enrich the language arts lessons you teach. One is to add gems from the Internet to your collection. Teachers everywhere share their priceless bits of wisdom through mailing lists and publish their best ideas on Web sites. Let's mine the Web for golden reading, grammar, and language activities! Kids Can W.R.I.T.E. (Write, Revise, Inform, Think, and Edit) --- Activities for Every Grade! In July of 1965, Snoopy's first line as an author was, "It was a dark and stormy night." We can't all have his wonderful way with words -- written at least -- but we can work on it! How do you help your students overcome their fear of the blank page? How can you make writing an exercise in personal expression, not drudgery? One key to better writing is better writing assignments -- and the Internet has them! Let's tour a few of the finest writing activities that the Web has to offer! Vocabulary and Spelling: Do Your Students Say 'Boring'? Henry Ward Beecher said, "All words are pegs to hang ideas on." If words are pegs, does it follow that the more words we know, the more ideas we may have? True or not, it is hard to argue the fact that a good vocabulary is an asset in life. What greater service can teachers perform than to help students foster their understanding of words? The Internet offers many tools for young etymologists and an abundance of great ideas for teaching vocabulary and spelling. Dig for definitions and pry for pronunciations --- virtual vocabulary has no limits! 'Every Day' Activities: Language Build vocabulary skills, spelling skills, literature awareness, thinking skills, and more with daily fun. Make it a goal to work one of these Web sites into your lesson plans in the year ahead! Rhyme Time: Poetry Plans and Projects "If I feel physically as if the top of my head were taken off, I know that is poetry," said Emily Dickinson. Many students wouldn't disagree! Even the best teachers and students can be perplexed by poetry, but it doesn't have to be a painful experience. The Web is a rich source of verse and activities that make use of poetry. Bring poetry into your classroom through monitor and modem with the help of these activities! Tired of the same old book report formats? Or worse, do your students grumble every time you mention "book reports"? Spice up those old book reports with some new ideas. Education World presents 25 ideas for you to use or adapt. In addition: Ideas for cyber book reports! Taking the "Pain" out of Lesson Planning: Children's Book Resources on the Web Teachers are the original "borrowers." But there's nothing wrong with taking advantage of a good idea -- especially when it is volunteered! National Children's Book Week (November 16 to 22, 1999) provides the perfect opportunity to take advantage of a few of the Internet's best resources for teaching with children's books. So, books closed, pencils away, and monitors on -- it's time for some S.S.R. (Super Story Resources)! Included: Resources for teaching literature for teachers PreK to grade 12! ABC Books Aren't for Babies! Looking for some inspiration for an activity that will engage students -- from kindergarten to college -- while they learn? Why not challenge students to create their own ABC books? Included: More than 200 ABC book ideas -- spanning the grades and the curriculum! Reading Activities for Read-In! Day! Teachers who've joined The Read In! share their favorite reading activity ideas. Included: Theme ideas for reading fun! 25 Ideas to Motivate Young Readers! To celebrate Children's Book Week, the folks at the BOOK-IT! Program have given permission for Education World to reprint 25 great ideas from teachers -- ideas that are sure to get kids across the grades excited about reading! Seventh Graders Writing Italian Sonnets? You Bet! Glori Chaika's students at Slidell (Louisiana) Junior High School are among the most-often published poets in the country. Let's take a look at a program that has kids writing all kinds of poems---from quatrains to limericks to (yes!) Italian sonnets.

http://www.educationworld.com/a_lesson/archives/lang.shtml

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On 1 October 1942, the Bell XP-59A, America's first jet plane, took to the air over a remote area of the California desert. There were no official NACA representatives present. The NACA, in fact, did not even know the aircraft existed, and the engine was based entirely on a top secret British design. After the war, the failure of the United States to develop jet engines, swept wing aircraft, and supersonic designs was generally blamed on the NACA. Critics argued that the NACA, as America's premier aeronautical establishment (one which presumably led the world in successful aviation technology) had somehow allowed leadership to slip to the British and the Germans during the late 1930s and during World War II. In retrospect, the NACA record seems mixed. There were some areas, such as gas turbine technology, in which the United States clearly lagged, although NACA researchers had begun to investigate jet propulsion concepts. There were other areas, such as swept wing designs and supersonic aircraft, in which the NACA had made important forward steps. Unfortunately, the lack of advanced propulsion systems, such as jet engines, made such investigations academic exercises. The NACA's forward steps undeniably trailed the rapid strides made in Europe. During the 1930s, aircraft speeds of 300-350 MPH represented the norm and designers were already thinking about planes able to fly at 400-450 MPH. At such speeds, the prospect of gas turbine propulsion became compelling. With a piston engine, the efficiency of the propeller began to fall off at high speeds, and the propeller itself represented a significant drag factor. The problem was to obtain sufficient research and development funds for what seemed to be unusually exotic gas turbine power plants. In England, RAF officer Frank Whittle doggedly pursued research on gas turbines through the 1930s, eventually acquiring some funding through a private investment banking firm after the British Air Ministry turned him down. Strong government support finally materialized on the eve of World War II, and the single-engine Gloster experimental jet fighter flew in the spring of 1941. English designers leaned more toward the centrifugal-flow jet engine, a comparatively uncomplicated gas-turbine design, and a pair of these power plants equipped the Gloster Meteor of 1944. Although Meteors entered RAF squadrons before the end of the war and shot down German V-1 flying bombs, the only jet fighter to fly in air-to-air combat came from Germany --the Me-262. Hans von Ohain, a researcher in applied physics and aerodynamics at the University of Gottingen, had unknowingly followed a course of investigation that paralleled Whittle's work and took out a German patent on a centrifugal engine in 1934. Research on gas turbine engines evolved from several other sources shortly thereafter, and the German Air Ministry, using funds from Hitler's rearmament program, earmarked more money for this research. Although a centrifugal type powered the world's first gas turbine aircraft flight by the He-178 in 1939, the axial-flow jet, more efficient and capable of greater thrust, was used in the Me-262 fighters that entered service in the autumn of 1944. In America, the idea of jet propulsion had surfaced as early as 1923, when an engineer at the Bureau of Standards wrote a paper on the subject, which was published by the NACA. The paper came to a negative conclusion: fuel consumption would be excessive; compressor machinery would be too heavy; high temperatures and high pressures were major barriers. These were assumptions that subsequent studies and preliminary investigations seemed to substantiate into the 1930s. By the late 1930s, the Langley staff became interested in the idea of a form of jet propulsion to augment power for military planes for takeoff and during combat. In 1940, Eastman Jacobs and a small staff came up with a jet propulsion test bed they called the "Jeep." This was a ducted-fan system, using a piston engine power plant to combine the engine's heat and exhaust with added fuel injection for brief periods of added thrust, much like an afterburner. A test rig was in operation during the spring of 1942. By the summer, however, the Jeep had grown into something else --a research aircraft for transonic flight. With Eastman Jacobs again, a small team made design studies of a jet plane having the ducted fan system completely closed within the fuselage, similar to the Italian Caproni-Campini plane that flew in 1942. Although work on the Jeep and the jet plane design continued into 1943, these projects had already been overtaken by European developments. During a tour to Britain in April 1941, General H. H. "Hap" Arnold, Chief of the U.S. Army Air Forces, was dumbfounded to learn about a British turbojet plane, the Gloster E28/39. The aircraft had already entered its final test phase and, in fact, made its first flight the following month. Fearing a German invasion, the British were willing to share the turbojet technology with America. That September, an Air Force Major, with a set of drawings manacled to his wrist, flew from London to Massachusetts, where General Electric went to work on an American copy of Whittle's turbojet. An engine, along with Whittle himself, followed. Development of the engine and design of the Bell XP-59 was so cloaked in secrecy that the NACA learned nothing about them until the summer of 1943. Moreover, design of the Lockheed XP-80, America's first operational jet fighter, was already under way. General Arnold may have lost confidence in the NACA's potential for advanced research when he stumbled onto the British turbojet plane. It may be that British and American security requirements were so strict that the risks of sharing information with the civilian agency, where the risk of leaks was magnified, justified Arnold's decision to exclude the NACA. The answers were not clear. In any case, the significance of turbojet propulsion and rising speeds magnified the challenges of transonic aerodynamics. This was an area where the NACA had been at work for some years, though not without influence from overseas. Shaping New Wings As information on advanced aerodynamics began to trickle out of defeated Germany, American engineers were impressed. Photographs of some of the startling German aircraft, like the bat-like Me-163 rocket powered interceptor and the improbable Junkers JU-287 jet bomber, with its forward swept wings, prompted critics to ask why American designs appeared to lag behind the Germans. It seemed to be the story of the turbojet again. The vaunted NACA had let advanced American flight research fall precariously behind during the war. True, the effect of wartime German research made an impact on postwar American development of swept wings, leading to high performance jet bombers like the Boeing B-47 and the North American F-86 jet fighter. It is also the case that American engineers, including NACA personnel, had already made independent progress along the same design path when the German hardware and drawings were turned up at the end of World War II. |The North American F-86 Sabre featured swept wing and tail surfaces. The plane shown here was fitted with special instrumentation for transonic flight research conducted by the Ames Laboratory.| Like several other chapters in the story of high speed flight, the story began in Europe, where an international conference on high speed flight--the Volta Congress--met in Rome during October 1935. Among the participants was Adolf Busemann, a young German engineer from Lubeck. As a youngster, he had watched innumerable ships navigating Lubeck's harbor, each vessel moving within the V-shaped wake trailing back from the bow. As an aeronautical engineer, this image was a factor that led him to consider designing an airplane with swept wings. At supersonic speeds, the wings would function effectively inside the shock waves stretching back from the nose of an airplane at supersonic speeds. In the paper Busemann presented at the Rome conference, he analyzed this phenomenon and predicted that his "arrow wing" would have less drag than straight wings exposed to the shock waves. There was polite discussion of Busemann's paper, but little else, since propeller-driven aircraft of the 1930s lacked the performance to merit serious consideration of such a radical design. Within a decade, the evolution of the turbojet dramatically changed the picture. In 1942, designers for the Messerschmitt firm, builders of the remarkable Me-262 jet fighter, realized the potential of swept wing aircraft and studied Busemann's paper more intently. Following promising wind tunnel tests, Messerschmitt had a swept wing research plane under development, but the war ended before the plane was finished. In the United States, progress toward swept wing design proceeded independently of the Germans, although admittedly behind them. The American chapter of the swept wing story originated with Michael Gluhareff, a graduate of the Imperial Military Engineering College in Russia during World War I. He fled the Russian revolution and gained aeronautical engineering experience in Scandinavia. Gluhareff arrived in the United States in 1924 and joined the company of another Russian compatriot, Igor Sikorsky. By 1935, he was chief of design for Sikorsky Aircraft and eventually became a major figure in developing the first practical helicopter. In the meantime, Gluhareff became fascinated by the possibilities of low-aspect ratio tailless aircraft and built a series of flying models in the late 1930s. In a memo to Sikorsky in 1941, he described a possible pursuit-interceptor having a delta-shaped wing swept back at an angle of 56 degrees. The reason, he wrote, was to achieve "a considerable delay in the action (onset) of the compressibility effect. The general shape and form of the aircraft is, therefore, outstandingly adaptable for extremely high speeds." Eventually, a wind tunnel model was built; initial tests were encouraging. But the Army declined to follow up due to several other unconventional projects already under way. Fortunately, a business associate of Gluhareff kept the concept alive by using the Dart design, as it was called, as the basis for an air-to-ground glide bomb in 1944. This time, the Army was intrigued and asked the NACA to evaluate the project. Thus, a balsa model of the Dart, along with some data, wound up on the desk of Robert T. Jones, a Langley aerodynamicist. Jones was a bit of a maverick. A college dropout, he signed on as a mechanic for a barnstorming outfit known as the Marie Meyer Flying Circus. Jones became a self-taught aerodynamicist who couldn't find a job during the 1930s depression. He moved to Washington, D.C., and worked as an elevator operator in the Capitol. There he met a congressman who paid Jones to tutor him in physics and mathematics. Impressed by Jones's abilities, the legislator got him into a Works Projects Administration program that led to a job at Langley in 1934. With his innate intelligence and impressive intuitive abilities, Jones quickly moved ahead in the NACA hierarchy. Studying Gluhareff's model, Jones soon realized that the lift and drag figures for the Dart were based on outmoded calculations for wings of high-aspect ratio. Using more recent theory for low-aspect ratio shapes, backed by some theoretical work done by Max Munk, Jones suddenly had a breakthrough. Within the shock cone created at supersonic speeds, he realized that the Dart's swept wing would remain free of shock waves at given speeds. The flow of air around the wings remained subsonic; compressibility effects would occur at higher Mach numbers than previously thought (Mach 1 equals the speed of sound; the designation is named after the Austrian physicist, Ernst Mach). The concept of wings with subsonic sweep came to Jones in January 1945, and he eagerly discussed it with Air Force and NACA colleagues during the next few weeks. Finally, he was confident enough to make a formal statement to the NACA chieftains. On 5 March 1945, he wrote to the NACA's director of research, George W. Lewis. "I have recently made a theoretical analysis which indicates that a V-shaped wing traveling point foremost would be less affected by compressibility than other planforms," he explained. "In fact, if the angle of the V is kept small relative to the Mach angle, the lift and center of pressure remain the same at speeds both above and below the speed of sound." So much for theory. Only testing would provide the data to make or break Jones's theory. Langley personnel went to work, fabricating two small models to see what would happen. Technicians mounted the first model on the wing of a P-51 Mustang. The plane's pilot took off and climbed to a safe altitude before nosing over into a high-speed dive towards the ground. In this attitude, the accelerated flow of air over the Mustang's wing was supersonic, and the instrumented model on the plane's wing began to generate useful data. For wind tunnel tests, the second model was truly a diminutive article, crafted of sheet steel by Jones and two other engineers. Langley's supersonic tunnel had a 9-inch throat, so the model had a 1.5-inch wingspan, in the shape of a delta. The promising test results, issued 11 May 1945, were released before Allied investigators in Europe had the opportunity to interview German aerodynamicists on delta shapes and swept wing developments. Jones was already at work on variations of the delta, including his own version of the swept wing configuration. Late in June 1945, he published a summary of this work as NACA Technical Note Number 1033. Jones suggested that the proposed supersonic plane under development should have swept wings, but designers opted for a more conservative approach. Other design staffs were fascinated by the promise of swept wings especially after the appearance of the German aerodynamicists in America. The Germans arrived courtesy of "Operation Paperclip," a high-level government plan to scoop up leading German scientists and engineers during the closing months of World War II. Adolf Busemann eventually wound up at NACA's Langley laboratory, and scores of others joined Air Force, Army, and contractor staffs throughout the United States. Information from the research done by Robert Jones had begun to filter through the country's aeronautical community before the Germans arrived. Their presence, buttressed by the obvious progress represented by advanced German aircraft produced by 1945, bestowed the imprimatur of proof to swept wing configurations. At Boeing, designers at work on a new jet bomber tore up sketches for a conventional plane with straight wings and built the B-47 instead. With its long, swept wings, the B-47 launched Boeing into a remarkably successful family of swept wing bombers and jet airliners. At North American, a conventional jet fighter with straight wings, the XP-46, went through a dramatic metamorphosis, eventually taking to the air as the famed F-86 Sabre, a swept wing fighter that racked up an enviable combat record during the Korean conflict in the 1950s. Nonetheless, America had been demonstrably lagging in jets and swept wing aircraft in 1945, and the NACA was the target of criticism from postwar Congressional and Air Force committees. It may have been that the NACA was not as bold as it might have been or that the agency was so caught up in immediate wartime improvements that crucial areas of basic research received short shrift. There were administrative changes to respond to these issues. In any case, as historian Alex Roland noted in his study of the NACA, Model Research (1985), its shortcomings "should not be allowed to mask its real significant contributions to American aerial victory in World War II." Moreover, the NACA's postwar achievements in supersonic research and rapid transition into astronautics reflected a new vigor and momentum. The Sonic Barrier During World War II, the increasing speeds of fighter aircraft began to create new problems. The Lockheed P-38 Lightning, for example, could exceed 500 MPH in a dive. In 1941, a Lockheed test pilot died when shock waves from the plane's wings (where the air flow over the wings reached 700 MPH) created turbulence that tore away the horizontal stabilizer, sending the plane into a fatal plunge. From wind tunnel tests, researchers knew something about the shock waves occurring at Mach 1, the speed of sound. The phenomenon was obviously attended by danger. Pilots and aerodynamicists alike muttered about the threatening dimensions of what came to be called the sound barrier. Researchers faced a dilemma. In wind tunnels, with models exposed to near-sonic velocities, shock waves began bouncing from the tunnel walls, the "choking" phenomenon, resulting in questionable data. In the meantime, high speed combat maneuvers brought additional reports of control loss due to turbulence and, in several cases, crashes involving planes whose tails had wrenched loose in a dive. Since data from wind tunnels remained unreliable, researchers proposed a new breed of research plane to probe the sound barrier. Two of the leaders were Ezra Kotcher, a civilian on the Air Force payroll, and John Stack, on the NACA staff at Langley. By 1944, John Stack and his NACA research team proposed a jet powered aircraft, a conservative, safe approach to high speed flight tests. Kotcher's group wanted a rocket engine which was more dangerous, with explosive fuels aboard, but more likely to achieve the high velocity to reach the speed of sound. The Air Force had the funds, so Stack and his colleagues agreed. The next problem involved design and construction of the rocket plane. Eventually, the contract went to Bell Aircraft Corporation in Buffalo, New York. The company had a reputation for unusual designs, including the first American jet, the XP-59A Airacomet. The designer was Robert J. Woods, who had worked with John Stack at Langley in the 1920s before he joined Bell Aircraft. Woods had close contacts with the NACA as well as the Air Force. During a casual visit to Kotcher's office at Wright Field, Woods agreed to design a research plane capable of reaching 800 MPH at an altitude of 35,000 feet. Woods then called his boss, Lawrence Bell, to break the news. "What have you done?" Bell lamented, only half in jest. The Bell design team worked closely with the Air Force and the NACA. This was the first time that the Langley staff had been involved in the initial design and construction of a complex research plane. Even with the Air Force bearing the cost and sharing the research load, this sort of collaboration marked a significant departure in NACA procedures. For the most part, design issues were amicably resolved, although some questions caused heated exchanges. The wing design was one such controversy. There was general agreement that the wings would be thinner than normal in order to delay the formation of shock waves. In conventional designs, this was expressed as a numerical figure (usually between 12 to 15) which was the ratio of the wing's thickness to its chord. One group of NACA researchers advocated a 10 percent wing for the new plane, while others argued for an 8 percent thickness in order to forestall the effect of shock waves even more. One of Langley's resident experts on wing design finally made a thorough analysis of the issue and advised the 8 percent thickness as the most promising to achieve supersonic speed. As the design of the plane progressed, Bell's engineers came up with a plane that measured only 31 feet long with a wingspan of just 28 feet. Stresses on the remarkably short wing were estimated at twice the levels for high performance fighters of the day. Fortunately, Bell's designers realized that thickening the aluminum skin of the wings would result in a robust structure. Consequently, the skin thickness at the wing root measured .5 inch compared to .10-inch thick wing skin on a conventional fighter. Research at Langley influenced other aspects of the design. Realizing that turbulence from the wing might create control problems around the tail, John Stack advised Bell to place the horizontal stabilizer on the fin, above the turbulent flow. He also recommended a stabilizer that was thinner than the wing, ensuring that shock waves would not form on the wing and tail at the same time, thereby improving the pilot's control over the accelerating aircraft. In making these decisions, the design team recognized that not much was known about the flight speeds for which the plane was intended. On the other hand, there was some interesting aerodynamic information available on the .50 caliber bullet, so the fuselage shape was keyed to ballistics data from this unlikely source. The cockpit was installed under a canopy that matched the rounded contours of the fuselage, since a conventional design atop the fuselage created too much drag. The engine was one of the few really exotic aspects of the supersonic plane. Jet engines under development fell far short of the required thrust to reach Mach 1, forcing designers to consider rocket engines, a radical new technology for that time. The original engine candidate came from a small Northrop design for a flying wing. The propellants, red fuming nitric acid and aniline, ignited spontaneously when mixed. Curious about this volatile combination, some Bell engineers obtained some samples, put the stuff in a pair of bottles taped together, found some isolated rocks outside the plant, and tossed the bottles into them. They were aghast at the fierce eruption that followed. Considering the consequences to the plane and its pilot in case of a landing accident or a fuel leak, a different propulsion system seemed imperative. They settled on a rocket engine supplied by an outfit aptly named Reaction Motors, Incorporated. The engine burned a mixture of alcohol and distilled water along with liquid oxygen to produce a thrust of 1500 pounds from each of four thrust chambers. Due to limited propellant capacity of the research plane, the design team decided to use a Boeing B-29 Superfortress to carry it to about 25,000 feet. After dropping from the B-29 bomb bay, the pilot would ignite the rocket engine for a high-speed dash; with all its fuel consumed, the plane would have to glide earthward and make a deadstick landing. By this time, the plane was designated the XS-1, for Experimental Sonic 1, soon shortened to X-1 by those associated with it. Early in 1946, flight trials began. The rocket engine was not ready, so the test crew moved into temporary quarters at Pinecastle Field, near Orlando, Florida. The X-1, painted a bright orange for high visibility, was carried aloft for a series of drop tests. By autumn, the X-1 was transferred to a remote air base in California's Mojave Desert--Muroc Army Air Field, familiarly known as Muroc,1 after a small settlement on the edge of Rogers Dry Lake. This was the Air Force flight test center, an area of 300 square miles of desolation in the California desert northwest of Los Angeles. Originating as an Air Force bombing and gunnery range, Muroc was a suitably remote location; the concrete-hard lake bed was highly suited for experimental testing. Test aircraft not infrequently made emergency landings, and the barren miles of Rogers Dry Lake allowed these unscheduled approaches from almost any direction. This austere, almost surrealistic desert setting made an appropriate environment for a growing roster of exotic planes based there in the postwar years. The X-1 arrived under a cloud of gloom from overseas. The British had also been developing a plane to pierce the sound barrier, the de Havilland D.H. 108 Swallow, a swept wing, jet propelled, tailless airplane. Geoffrey, a son of the firm's founder, died during a high-speed test of the sleek aircraft in September 1946. The barrier was deadly. Through the end of 1946 and into the autumn of 1947, one test flight after another took the X-1 to higher speeds, past Mach .85, the region where statistics on subsonic flight more or less faded away. On the one hand, the X-1 test crew felt increasing confidence that their plane could successfully make the historic run. On the other hand, NACA engineers like Walt Williams grudgingly admitted "a very lonely feeling as we began to run out of data." The Air Force and the NACA put considerable trust in the piloting skills of Captain Charles "Chuck" Yeager, a World War II fighter ace. During the test sequences, he learned to keep his exuberance under control and to acquire a thorough knowledge of the X-1's quirks. On the morning of 14 October 1947, the day of the supersonic dash, Yeager's aggressive spirit helped him overcome the discomfort of two broken ribs, legacy of a horseback accident a few days earlier. A close friend helped the wincing Yeager into the cramped cockpit, then slipped him a length of broom handle so that he could secure the safety latch with his left hand, since the broken ribs on his right side made it too painful to use his right hand. The latch secure, Yeager reported he was ready to go. At 20,000 feet above the desert, the X-1 dropped away from the B-29. Yeager fired up the four rocket chambers and shot upwards to 42,000 feet. Leveling off, he shut down two of the chambers while making a final check of the plane's readiness. Already flying at high speed, Yeager fired a third chamber and watched the instruments jump as buffeting occurred. Then the flight smoothed out; needles danced ahead as the X-1 went supersonic. Far below, test personnel heard a loud sonic boom slap across the desert. The large data gap mentioned by Walt Williams had just been filled in. A need for high-speed wind tunnel tests still existed. In the 7 x 10-foot tunnel at Langley, technicians built a hump in the test section; as the air stream accelerated over the hump, models could be tested at Mach 1.2 before the "choking" phenomenon occurred. A research program came up with the idea of absorbing the shock waves by means of longitudinal openings, or slots, in the test section. The slotted-throat tunnel became a milestone in wind tunnel evolution, permitting a full spectrum of transonic flow studies. In another high-speed test program, Langley used rocket-propelled models, launching them from a new test facility at Wallops Island, north of Langley on the Virginia coast. This became the Pilotless Aircraft Research Division (PARD), established in the autumn of 1945. During the next few years, PARD used rocket boosters to make high-speed tests on a variety of models representing new planes under development. These included most of the subsonic and supersonic aircraft flown by the armed services during the decades after World War II. In the 1960s, PARD facilities supported the Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo programs as well. As full-sized aircraft took to the air, new problems inevitably cropped up. Researchers soon realized that a sharp increase in drag occurred in the transonic region. Slow acceleration through this phase of flight consumed precious fuel and also created control problems. At Langley, Richard T. Whitcomb became immersed in the problem of transonic drag. In the course of his analysis, Whitcomb developed a hunch that the section of an airplane where the fuselage joined the wing was a key to the issue. After listening to some comments by Adolph Busemann on airflow characteristics in the transonic regime, Whitcomb hit upon the answer to the drag problem- -the concept of the area rule. Essentially, the area rule postulated that the cross-section of an airplane should remain reasonably constant from nose to tail, minimizing disturbance of the air flow and drag. But the juncture of the wing root to the fuselage of a typical plane represented a sudden increase in the cross-sectional area, creating the drag that produced the problems encountered in transonic flight. Whitcomb's solution was to compensate for this added wing area by reducing the area of the fuselage. The result was the "wasp-waisted" look, often called the "Coke bottle" fuselage. Almost immediately, it proved its value. A new fighter, Convair's XF-102, was designed as a supersonic combat plane but repeatedly frustrated the efforts of test pilots and aerodynamicists to achieve its design speed. Rebuilt with an area rule fuselage, the XF-102 sped through the transonic region like a champion; the Coke bottle fuselage became a feature on many high performance aircraft of the era: the F-106 Delta Dart (successor to the F-102), Grumman F-11, the Convair B-58 Hustler bomber, and others. |This Group portrait displays typical high-speed research aircraft that made headlines at Muroc Flight Center in the 1950s. The Bell X-1A (lower left) had much the same configuration as the earlier X-1. Joining the X-1A were (clockwise): the Douglas D-558-I Skystreak; Convair XF92-A, Bell X-5 with variable sweepback wings, Douglas D-558-II Skyrocket; Northrop X-4; and (center) the Douglas X-3| A succession of X aircraft, designed primarily for flight experiments, populated the skies above Muroc in a continuous cycle of research and development (R&D). Two more X-1 aircraft were ordered by the Air Force, followed by the X-1A and the X-1B, which investigated thermal problems at high speeds. The Navy used the Muroc flight test area for the subsonic jet-powered Douglas Skystreak, accumulating air-load measurements unobtainable in early postwar wind tunnels. The Skystreak was followed by the Douglas Skyrocket, a swept wing research jet (later equipped with a rocket engine that would surpass twice the speed of sound for the first time in 1953). The Douglas X-3, which fell short of expectation for further flight research in the Mach 2 range, nevertheless yielded important design insights on the phenomenon of inertial coupling (solving a control problem for the North American F-100 Super Sabre), the structural use of titanium (incorporated in the X-15 and other subsequent supersonic fighter designs), and data applied in the design of the Lockheed F-104 Starfighter. The NACA kept involved throughout these programs. In a number of ways, the X aircraft contributed substantially to the solution of a variety of high-speed flight conundrums and enhanced the design of future jet airliners, establishing a record of consistent progress aside from the speed records that so fascinated |This photo taken from below the Grumman F-11 Navy fighter illustrates the way in which the area-ruled fuselage was adapted to production aircraft.| Although much of the NACA's work in this era had to do with military aviation, a good number of aerodynamic lessons were applicable to nonmilitary research planes and to civil aircraft. In the late 1950s, the Air Force began developing the North American XB-70, an unusually complex bomber capable of sustained supersonic flight over long distances. As a high-altitude strategic bomber, the B-70 was eventually displaced by ballistic missiles and a tactical shift to the idea of low-altitude strikes to avoid enemy radars and antiaircraft rockets. The Air Force and the NACA continued to fly the plane for research. Despite the loss of one of the two prototypes in a tragic midair collision involving a chase plane, the remaining XB-70 generated considerable data on long- range, high-altitude supersonic operations. This data was useful in designing new generations of jet transports operating in the transonic region, as well as advanced military aircraft. Helicopters, introduced into limited combat service at the end of World War II, entered both military and civilian service in the postwar era. The value of helicopters in medical evacuation was demonstrated time and again in Korea, and a variety of helicopter operations proliferated in the late 1950s. The NACA flight-tested new designs to help define handling qualities. Using wind tunnel experience, researchers also developed a series of special helicopter airfoil sections, and a rotor test tower aided research in many other areas. As usual, NACA researchers also pursued a multifaceted R&D program touching many other aspects of flight. In one project, the NACA installed velocity-gravity-altitude recorders in aircraft flown in all parts of the world. The object was to acquire information about atmospheric turbulence and gusts so that designers could make allowances for such perturbations. At Langley, a Landing Loads Track Facility went into operation, using a hydraulically propelled unit that subjected landing gear to the stresses of repeated landings in a variety of conditions. Another test facility studied techniques in designing pressurized fuselage structures to avoid failures. In the mid-1950s, a rash of such failures in the world's first operational jet airliner, the British-built de Havilland Comet, dramatized the rationale for this kind of testing. All of this postwar aeronautical activity received respectful and enthusiastic attention from press and public. Although the phenomenon of flight continued to enjoy extensive press coverage, events in the late 1950s suddenly caused aviation to share the limelight with space flight. Among the legacies of World War II was a glittering array of new technologies spawned by the massive military effort. Atomic energy, radar, antibiotics, radio telemetry, the computer, the large rocket, and the jet engine seemed destined to shape the world's destiny in the next three decades and heavily influence the rest of the century. The world's political order had been drastically altered by the war. Much of Europe and Asia were in ashes. Old empires had crumbled; national economies were tottering perilously. On opposite sides of the world stood the United States and the Soviet Union, newly made into superpowers. It soon became apparent that they would test each other's mettle many times before a balance of power stabilized. And each nation moved quickly to exploit the new technologies. The atomic bomb was the most obvious and most immediately threatening technological change from World War II. Both superpowers sought the best strategic systems that could deliver the bomb across the intercontinental distances that separated them. Jet-powered bombers were an obvious extension of the wartime B-17 and B-29, and both nations began putting them into service. The intercontinental rocket held great theoretical promise, but seemed much further down the technological road. Atomic bombs were bulky and heavy; a rocket to lift such a payload would be enormous in size and expense. The Soviet Union doggedly went ahead with attempts to build such rockets. The American military temporarily settled upon jet aircraft and smaller research and battlefield rockets. The Army imported Wernher von Braun and the German engineers who had created the wartime V-2 rockets and set them to overseeing the refurbishing and launching of V-2s at White Sands, New Mexico. The von Braun team was later transferred to Redstone Arsenal, Huntsville, Alabama, where it formed the core of the Army Ballistic Missile Agency (ABMA). With its contractor the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), the Army developed a series of battlefield missiles known as Corporal, Sergeant, and Redstone. The Navy designed and built the Viking research rockets. The freshly independent Air Force started a family of cruise missiles, from the jet Bomarc and Matador battlefield missiles to Snark and the ambitious rocket-propelled Navaho, which were intended as intercontinental weapons. By 1951 progress on a thermonuclear bomb of smaller dimensions revived interest in the long-range ballistic missile. Two months before President Truman announced that the United States would develop the thermonuclear bomb, the Air Force contracted with Consolidated Vultee Aircraft Corporation (later Convair) to resume study, and then to develop, the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile, a project that had been dormant for four years. During the next four years three intermediate range missiles; the Army's Jupiter, the Navy's Polaris, and the Air Force's Thor; and a second generation ICBM, the Air Force's Titan, had been added to the list of American rocket projects. All were accorded top national priority. Fiscal 1953 saw the Department of Defense (DoD) for the first time spend more than $1 million on missile research, development, and procurement. Fiscal 1957 saw the amount go over the $1 billion mark. By the mid-1950s NACA had modern research facilities that had cost a total of $300 million, and a staff totaling 7200. Against the background of the "Cold War" between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. and the national priority given to military rocketry, the NACA's sophisticated facilities inevitably became involved. With each passing year it was enlarging its missile research in proportion to the old mission of aerodynamic research. Major NACA contributions to the military missile programs came in 1955-1957. Materials research led by Robert R. Gilruth at Langley confirmed ablation as a means of controlling the intense heat generated by warheads and other bodies reentering the Earth's atmosphere; H. Julian Allen at Ames demonstrated the blunt-body shape as the most effective design for reentering bodies; and Alfred J. Eggers at Ames did significant work on the mechanics of ballistic reentry. The mid-1950s saw America's infant space program burgeoning with promise and projects. As part of the U.S. participation in the forthcoming International Geophysical Year (IGY), it was proposed to launch a small satellite into orbit around the Earth. After a spirited design competition between the National Academy of Sciences-Navy proposal (Vanguard) and the ABMA-JPL candidate (Explorer), the Navy design was chosen in September 1955 as not interfering with the high-priority military missile programs, since it would use a new booster based on the Viking research rocket, and having a better tracking system and more scientific growth potential. By 1957 Vanguard was readying its first test vehicles for firing. The U.S.S.R. had also announced it would have an IGY satellite; the space race was extending beyond boosters and payloads to issues of national prestige. On the military front, space activity was almost bewildering. The missiles were moving toward the critical flight-test phase. Satellite ideas were proliferating, though mostly on a sub-rosa planning basis; after Sputnik these would become Tiros, weather satellite; Transit, navigation satellite; Pioneer lunar probes; Discoverer research satellites; Samos, reconnaissance satellite; Midas, missile early-warning satellite. Payload size and weight were constant problems in all these concepts, with the limited thrust of the early rocket engines. Here the rapid advances in solid-state electronics came to the rescue by reducing volume and weight; with new techniques such as printed circuitry and transistors, the design engineers could achieve new levels of miniaturization of equipment. Even so, heavier payloads were obviously in the offing; more powerful engines had to be developed. So design was begun for several larger engines, topped by the monster F-1 engine, intended to produce eight times the power of the engines that lifted the Atlas, Thor, and Jupiter missiles. All this activity, however, was still on the drawing board, work bench, or test stand on 4 October 1957, when the "beep, beep" signal from Sputnik 1 was heard around the world. The Soviet Union had orbited the world's first man-made satellite. The American public's response was swift and widespread. It seemed equally compounded of alarm and chagrin. American certainty that the nation was always number one in technology had been rudely shattered. Not only had the Russians been first, but Sputnik 1 weighed an impressive 183 pounds against Vanguard's intended start at 3 pounds and working up to 22 pounds in later satellites. In a cold war environment, the contrast suggested undefined but ominous military implications. Fuel for such apprehensions added up rapidly. Less than a month after 1 the Russians launched Sputnik 2, weighing a hefty 1100 pounds and carrying a dog as passenger. President Eisenhower, trying to dampen the growing concern, assured the public of our as yet undemonstrated progress and denied there was any military threat in the Soviet space achievements. As a counter, the White House announced the impending launch in December of the first Vanguard test vehicle capable of orbit and belatedly authorized von Braun's Army research team in Huntsville to try to launch their Explorer-Jupiter combination. But pressures for dramatic action gathered rapidly. The media ballyhooed the carefully qualified announcement on Vanguard into great expectations of America's vindication. On 25 November Lyndon B. Johnson, Senate majority leader, chaired the first meeting of the Preparedness Investigation Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services Committee. The hearings would review the whole spectrum of American defense and space programs. |A ball of fire and flying debris mark the explosive failure of the first American attempt to launch a satellite on Vanguard, 6 December 1957.| Still the toboggan careened downhill. On 6 December 1957, the much-touted Vanguard test vehicle rose about 3 feet from the launch platform, shuddered, and collapsed in flames. Its tiny 3-pound payload broke away and lay at the edge of the inferno, beeping impotently. |A moment of triumph with the announcement that Explorer I has become the first American satellite to orbit the Earth. Here a duplicate Explorer is held aloft by (left to right) William H. Pickering of JPL, James A. van Allen of the State University of Iowa, and Wernher von Braun of the ABMA.| Clouds of gloom deepened into the new year. Then, finally, a small rift. On 31 January 1958, an American satellite at last went into orbit. Not Vanguard but the ABMA-JPL Explorer had redeemed American honor. True, the payload weighed only 2 pounds against the 1100 of Sputnik 2. But there was a scientific first; an experiment aboard the satellite reported mysterious saturation of its radiation counters at 594 miles altitude. Professor James A. van Allen, the scientist who had built the experiment, thought this suggested the existence of a dense belt of radiation around the Earth at that altitude. American confidence perked up again on 17 March when Vanguard 1 joined Explorer 1 in orbit. Meanwhile, in these same tense months, both consensus and competition had been forming on the political front; consensus that an augmented national space program was essential; competition as to who would run such a program, in what form, with what priorities. The DoD, with its component military services, was an obvious front runner; the Atomic Energy Commission, already working with nuclear warheads and nuclear propulsion, had some congressional support, particularly in the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy; and there was NACA. NACA had devoted more and more of its facilities, budget, and expertise to missile research in the mid- and late 1950s. Under the skillful leadership of James H. Doolittle, chairman, and Hugh L. Dryden, director, the strong NACA research team had come up with a solid, long-term, scientifically based proposal for a blend of aeronautic and space research. Its concept for manned spaceflight, for example, envisioned a ballistic spacecraft with a blunt reentry shape, backed by a world-encircling tracking system, and equipped with dual automatic and manual controls that would enable the astronaut gradually to take over more and more of the flying of his spacecraft. Also NACA offered reassuring experience of long, close working relationships with the military services in solving their research problems, while at the same time translating the research into civil applications. But NACA's greatest political asset was its peaceful, research-oriented image. President Eisenhower and Senator Johnson and others in Congress were united in wanting above all to avoid projecting cold war tensions into the new arena of outer space. By March 1958 the consensus in Washington had jelled. The administration position (largely credited to James R. Killian in the new post of president's special assistant for science and technology), the findings of Johnson's Senate subcommittee, and the NACA proposal converged. America needed a national space program. The military component would of course be under DOD But a civil component, lodged in a new agency, technologically and scientifically based, would pick up certain of the existing space projects and forge an expanded program of space exploration in close concert with the military. All these concepts fed into draft legislation. On 2 April 1958, the administration bill for establishing a national aeronautics and space agency was submitted to Congress; both houses had already established select space committees; debate ensued; a number of refinements were introduced; and on 29 July 1958 President Eisenhower signed into law P.L. 85-568, the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958. The act established a broad charter for civilian aeronautical and space research with unique requirements for dissemination of information, absorbed the existing NACA into the new organization as its nucleus, and empowered broad transfers from other government programs. The National Aeronautics and Space Administration came into being on 1 October 1958. All this made for a very busy spring and summer for the people in the small NACA Headquarters in Washington. Once the general outlines of the new organization were clear, both a space program and a new organization had to be charted. In April, Dryden brought Abe Silverstein, assistant director of the Lewis Laboratory, to Washington to head the program planning. Ira Abbott, NACA assistant director for aerodynamic research, headed a committee to plan the new organization. In August President Eisenhower nominated T. Keith Glennan, president of Case Institute of Technology and former commissioner of the Atomic Energy Commission, to be the first administrator of the new organization, NASA, and Dryden to be deputy administrator. Quickly confirmed by the Senate, they were sworn in on 19 August. Glennan reviewed the planning efforts and approved most. Talks with the Advanced Research Projects Agency identified the military space programs that were space science-oriented and were obvious transfers to the new agency. Plans were formulated for building a new center for space science research, satellite development, flight operations, and tracking. A site was chosen, nearly 500 acres of the Department of Agriculture's research center in Beltsville, Maryland. The Robert H. Goddard Space Flight Center (named for America's rocket pioneer) was dedicated in March 1961.

http://www.hq.nasa.gov/office/pao/History/SP-4406/chap3.html

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There are different types of hearing loss depending on which part of the hearing system is affected. During a diagnostic hearing exam, the doctor locates which part of the hearing system is damaged. The location or type of hearing loss is important in determining the appropriate treatment. Sensorineural hearing loss is the most common type of hearing loss. Most hearing aid wearers have sensorineural hearing loss. The most common causes of sensorineural hearing loss are genetic conditions, age-related changes, and damage from noise exposure. Sensorineural hearing loss may also be called "inner ear damage" or "cochlear hearing loss". Sensorineural hearing loss was previously referred to as "nerve loss". However, this term is no longer used as we know medically that most patients with this hearing loss have damage in the sensory part of the inner ear, not the hearing nerve itself. People with sensorineural hearing loss typically report they can hear people speaking, but cannot understand what is being said. People with sensorineural hearing loss may also feel as though everyone mumbles. They may have difficulty in school or work. They also usually hear better in quiet places and may have difficulty understanding what is said over the telephone. There are many excellent treatment options for patients with sensorineural hearing loss. Patients with sensorineural hearing loss are typically treated with hearing aids. Conductive hearing loss occurs when conditions such as fluid, infection, perforation of the eardrum, earwax, ear cysts (cholesteatoma), dislocation of the earbones, or bony scarring of the third ear bone (otosclerosis) are present. This type of hearing loss can be successfully treated and resolved in many cases. In patients where it cannot be resolved, hearing aid treatment is often preferred. When a patient has both sensorineural and conductive hearing loss, a mixed hearing loss is present. Examples would include a child born with sensorineural hearing loss who also has an ear infection. A central hearing loss occurs when a person has normal hearing but his or her brain cannot accurately process sound. This type of hearing loss is also called auditory processing disorder (APD). Central hearing loss is diagnosed following a series of specialized exams that focus on the ability of the brain to listen and respond to sound (rather than just to hear the presence of sound). This condition often affects school-aged children and may be misdiagnosed as ADD/ADHD or a learning disorder. Treatment involves sound systems, sound rehabilitation, and communication therapy.

http://www.edmondhearingdoctors.com/hearing-loss

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Inflation is measured as the growth of the money supply in an economy, without a commensurate increase in the supply of goods and services. This results in a rise in the general price level as measured against a standard level of purchasing power. There are a variety of inflation measures in use, related to different price indices, because different prices affect different people. Two widely known indices for which inflation rates are commonly reported are the Consumer Price Index (CPI), which measures nominal consumer prices, and the GDP deflator, which measures the nominal prices of goods and services produced by a given country or region. Mainstream economists' views on the causes of inflation can be broadly divided into two camps: the "monetarists" who believe that monetary effects dominate all others in setting the rate of inflation, and the "Keynesians" who believe that the interaction of money, interest rates, and output dominate other effects. Keynesians also tend to add a capital-goods (or asset) price inflation to the standard measure of consumption-goods inflation. Other theories, such as those of the Austrian school of economics, believe that inflation results when central banking authorities increase the money supply. Inflation is generally seen as a problem for a society, and central banks aim to prevent it from reaching unmanageable proportions. Whether they find appropriate policies to achieve control over inflation has serious consequences for the prosperity and happiness of everyone in that society. Inflation is defined as a widespread, substantial rise in prices across an economy related to an increased volume of money, which results in a loss of value for that currency. In classical political economy, inflation' meant increasing the money supply. The purpose of this increase in money supply is to accommodate any increase in real GDP. This increased money supply would prevent the phenomenon of deflation, which occurs when there is not enough money, thereby increasing the value of money and decreasing the value of goods and services. Central banks or other similar government entities solve this problem through putting more currency into circulation to accommodate economic growth. Some economists in a few schools of economic thought still retain this usage. Related concepts include: disinflation, the reduction of the rate of inflation; hyper-inflation, an out-of-control inflationary spiral; stagflation, a combination of inflation and rising unemployment; and reflation, which is an attempt to raise prices to counteract deflationary pressures. There are three major types of inflation: - Demand-pull inflation: inflation caused by increases in aggregate demand due to increased private and government spending, and so on. - Cost-push inflation: presently termed "supply shock inflation," caused by drops in aggregate supply due to increased prices of inputs, for example. Take for instance a sudden decrease in the supply of oil, which would increase oil prices. Producers for whom oil is a part of their costs could then pass this on to consumers in the form of increased prices. - Built-in inflation: induced by adaptive expectations, often linked to the "price/wage spiral" because it involves workers trying to keep their wages up (gross wages have to increase above the CPI rate to net to CPI after-tax) with prices and then employers passing higher costs on to consumers as higher prices as part of a "vicious circle." Built-in inflation reflects events in the past, and so might be seen as hangover inflation. Measures of inflation Examples of common measures of inflation include: - Consumer price indices (CPIs) which measures the price of a selection of goods purchased by a "typical consumer." - Cost-of-living indices (COLI) which often adjust fixed incomes and contractual incomes based on measures of goods and services price changes. - Producer price indices (PPIs) which measure the price received by a producer. This differs from the CPI in that price subsidization, profits, and taxes may cause the amount received by the producer to differ from what the consumer paid. There is also typically a delay between an increase in the PPI and any resulting increase in the CPI. Producer price inflation measures the pressure being put on producers by the costs of their raw materials. This could be "passed on" as consumer inflation, or it could be absorbed by profits, or offset by increasing productivity. - Wholesale price indices, which measure the change in price of a selection of goods at wholesale, prior to retail mark ups and sales taxes. These are very similar to the Producer Price Indices. - Commodity price indices, which measure the change in price of a selection of commodities. In the present commodity price indices are weighted by the relative importance of the components to the "all in" cost of an employee. - GDP Deflator measures price increases in all assets rather than some particular subset. The term "deflator" in this case means the percentage to reduce current prices to get the equivalent price in a previous period. The US Commerce Department publishes a deflator series for the U.S. economy. - Capital goods price Index, although so far no attempt at building such an index has been tried, several economists have recently pointed the necessity to measure separately capital goods inflation (inflation in the price of stocks, real estate, and other assets). Indeed a given increase in the supply of money can lead to a rise in inflation (consumption goods inflation) and or to a rise in capital goods price inflation. The growth in money supply has remained fairly constant through since the 1970's however consumption goods price inflation has been reduced because most of the inflation has happened in the capital goods prices. - Regional Inflation The Bureau of Labor Statistics breaks down CPI-U calculations down to different regions of the US. - Historical Inflation Before collecting consistent econometric data became standard for governments, and for the purpose of comparing absolute, rather than relative standards of living, various economists have calculated imputed inflation figures. Most inflation data before the early 20th century is imputed based on the known costs of goods, rather than compiled at the time. It is also used to adjust for the differences in real standard of living for the presence of technology. This is equivalent to not adjusting the composition of baskets over time. Hedonic adjustments to measuring inflation Inflation measures are often modified over time, either for the relative weight of goods in the basket, or in the way in which goods from the present are compared with goods from the past. This includes hedonic adjustments (the idea that goods are priced based both on their intrinsic value and on external factors such as popularity) and “reweighing” as well as using chained measures of inflation. As with many economic numbers, inflation numbers are often seasonally adjusted in order to differentiate expected cyclical cost increases, versus changes in the economy. Inflation numbers are averaged or otherwise subjected to statistical techniques in order to remove statistical noise and volatility of individual prices. Finally, when looking at inflation, economic institutions sometimes only look at subsets or special indices. One common set is inflation ex-food and energy, which is often called “core inflation”. Inflation is also measured by the CPIX which stands for consumer price index Role of inflation in the economy The question of whether the short-term effects last long enough to be important is the central topic of debate between monetarist and Keynesian schools. In monetarism prices and wages adjust quickly enough to make other factors merely marginal behavior on a general trendline. In the Keynesian view, prices and wages adjust at different rates, and these differences have enough effects on real output to be "long term" in the view of people in an economy. Notable effects of inflation include: - Increasing uncertainty may discourage investment and saving. - It will redistribute income from those on fixed incomes, such as pensioners, and shifts it to those who draw a variable income, for example from wages and profits which may keep pace with inflation. - Similarly it will redistribute wealth from those who lend a fixed amount of money to those who borrow. For example, where the government is a net debtor, as is usually the case, it will reduce this debt redistributing money towards the government. Thus inflation is sometimes viewed as similar to a hidden tax. - International trade: If the rate of inflation is higher than that abroad, a fixed exchange rate will be undermined through a weakening balance of trade. - Shoe leather costs: Because the value of cash is eroded by inflation, people will tend to hold less cash during times of inflation. This imposes real costs, for example in more frequent trips to the bank. (The term is a humorous reference to the cost of replacing shoe leather worn out when walking to the bank.) - Menu costs: Firms must change their prices more frequently, which imposes costs, for example with restaurants having to reprint menus. - Relative Price Distortions: Firms do not generally synchronize adjustment in prices. If there is higher inflation, firms that do not adjust their prices will have much lower prices relative to firms that do adjust them. This will distort economic decisions, since relative prices will not be reflecting relative scarcity of different goods. - Hyperinflation: if inflation gets totally out of control (in the upward direction), it can grossly interfere with the normal workings of the economy, hurting its ability to supply. - Bracket Creep (also called fiscal drag) is related to the inflation tax. By allowing inflation to move upwards, certain sticky aspects of the tax code are met by more and more people. Commonly income tax brackets, where the next dollar of income is taxed at a higher rate than previous dollars. Governments that allow inflation to "bump" people over these thresholds are, in effect, allowing a tax increase because the same real purchasing power is being taxed at a higher rate. Monetarists assert that the empirical study of monetary history shows that inflation has always been a monetary phenomenon. The Quantity Theory of Money, simply stated, says that the total amount of spending in an economy is primarily determined by the total amount of money in existence. From this theory the following formula is created: where P is the general price level of consumer goods, DC is the aggregate demand for consumer goods and SC is the aggregate supply of consumer goods. The idea is that the general price level of consumer goods will rise only if the aggregate supply of consumer goods falls relative to aggregate demand for consumer goods, or if aggregate demand increases relative to aggregate supply. Based on the idea that total spending is based primarily on the total amount of money in existence, the economists calculate aggregate demand for consumers' goods based on the total quantity of money. Therefore, they posit that as the quantity of money increases, total spending increases and aggregate demand for consumer goods increases too. For this reason, economists who believe in the Quantity Theory of Money also believe that the only cause of rising prices in a growing economy (this means the aggregate supply of consumer goods is increasing) is an increase of the quantity of money in existence, which is a function of monetary policies, generally set by central banks that have a monopoly on the issuance of currency, which is not pegged to a commodity, such as gold. The central bank of the United States is the Federal Reserve; the central bank backing the euro is the European Central Bank. No one denies that inflation is associated with excessive money supply, but opinions differ as to whether excessive money supply is the cause. Rational expectations theory holds that economic actors look rationally into the future when trying to maximize their well-being, and do not respond solely to immediate opportunity costs and pressures. In this view, while generally grounded in monetarism, future expectations and strategies are important for inflation as well. A core assertion of rational expectations theory is that actors will seek to “head off” central bank decisions by acting in ways that fulfill predictions of higher inflation. This means that central banks must establish their credibility in fighting inflation, or have economic actors make bets that the economy will expand, believing that the central bank will expand the money supply rather than allow a recession. Austrian School economics falls within the general tradition of the quantity theory of money, but is notable for providing a theory of the process whereby, upon an increase of the money supply, a new equilibrium is pursued. More specifically, possessors of the additional money are held to react to their new purchasing power by changing their buying habits in a way that generally increases demand for goods and for services. Austrian School economists do not believe that production will simply rise to meet all this new demand, so that prices increase and the new purchasing power erodes. The Austrian School emphasizes that this process is not instantaneous, and that the changes in demand are not distributed uniformly, so that the process does not ultimately lead to an equilibrium identical to the old except for some proportionate increase in prices; that “nominal” values thus have real effects. Austrian economists tend to view fiat increases in the money supply as particularly pernicious in their real effects. This view typically leads to the support for a commodity standard (such as the gold standard) of a very strict variety where all notes are convertible on demand to some commodity or basket of commodities. In Marxist economics value is based on the labor required to extract a given commodity versus the demand for that commodity by those with money. The fluctuations of price in money terms are inconsequential compared to the rise and fall of the labor cost of a commodity, since this determines the true cost of a good or service. In this, Marxist economics is related to other "classical" economic theories that argue that monetary inflation is caused solely by printing notes in excess of the basic quantity of gold. However, Marx argues that the real kind of inflation is in the cost of production measured in labor. Because of the classical labor theory of value, the only factor that is important is whether more or less labor is required to produce a given commodity at the rate it is demanded. Supply-side economics asserts that inflation is caused by either an increase in the supply of money or a decrease in the demand for balances of money. Thus the inflation experienced during the Black Plague in medieval Europe is seen as being caused by a decrease in the demand for money, the money stock used was gold coin and it was relatively fixed, while inflation in the 1970s is regarded as initially caused by an increased supply of money that occurred following the U.S. exit from the Bretton Woods gold standard. Issues of classical political economy While economic theory before the "marginal revolution" is no longer the basis for current economic theory, many of the institutions, concepts, and terms used in economics come from the "classical" period of political economy, including monetary policy, quantity and quality theories of economics, central banking, velocity of money, price levels and division of the economy into production and consumption. For this reason debates about present economics often reference problems of classical political economy, particularly the classical gold standard of 1871-1913, and the currency versus banking debates of that period. Currency and banking schools Within the context of a fixed specie basis for money, one important controversy was between the "Quantity Theory" of money and the Real Bills Doctrine, or RBD. Within this context, quantity theory applies to the level of fractional reserve accounting allowed against specie, generally gold, held by a bank. The RBD argues that banks should also be able to issue currency against bills of trading, which is "real bills" that they buy from merchants. This theory was important in the nineteenth century in debates between "Banking" and "Currency" schools of monetary soundness, and in the formation of the Federal Reserve. In the wake of the collapse of the international gold standard post-1913, and the move towards deficit financing of government, RBD has remained a minor topic, primarily of interest in limited contexts, such as currency boards. It is generally held in ill repute today, with Frederic Mishkin going so far as to say it had been "completely discredited." Even so, it has theoretical support from a few economists, particularly those that see restrictions on a particular class of credit as incompatible with libertarian principles of laissez-faire, even though almost all libertarian economists are opposed to the RBD. The debate between currency, or quantity theory, and banking schools in Britain during the nineteenth century prefigures current questions about the credibility of money in the present. In the nineteenth century the banking school had greater influence in policy in the United States and Great Britain, while the currency school had more influence "on the continent," that is in non-British countries, particularly in the Latin Monetary Union and the earlier Scandinavia monetary union. Anti-classical or backing theory Another issue associated with classical political economy is the anti-classical hypothesis of money, or "backing theory." The backing theory argues that the value of money is determined by the assets and liabilities of the issuing agency. Unlike the Quantity Theory of classical political economy, the backing theory argues that issuing authorities can issue money without causing inflation so long as the money issuer has sufficient assets to cover redemptions. Inflation is generally seen as a problem for a society, and central banks aim to prevent it from reaching unmanageable proportions. There are a number of methods that have been suggested to stop inflation, although a 0 percent inflation rate has never been achieved over any sustained period of time in the past. Central banks such as the U.S. Federal Reserve can affect inflation to a significant extent through setting interest rates and through other operations (that is, using monetary policy). High interest rates and slow growth of the money supply are the traditional ways through which central banks fight or prevent inflation, though they have different approaches. For instance, some follow a symmetrical inflation target while others only control inflation when it rises above a target, whether express or implied. Monetarists emphasize increasing interest rates (slowing the rise in the money supply, monetary policy) to fight inflation. Keynesians emphasize reducing demand in general, often through fiscal policy, using increased taxation or reduced government spending to reduce demand as well as by using monetary policy. Supply-side economists advocate fighting inflation by fixing the exchange rate between the currency and some reference currency such as gold. This would be a return to the gold standard. All of these policies are achieved in practice through a process of open market operations. Another method attempted in the past have been wage and price controls ("incomes policies"). Wage and price controls have been successful in wartime environments in combination with rationing. However, their use in other contexts is far more mixed. Notable failures of their use include the 1972 imposition of wage and price controls by Richard Nixon. In general wage and price controls are regarded as a drastic measure, and only effective when coupled with policies designed to reduce the underlying causes of inflation during the wage and price control regime, for example, winning the war being fought. Many developed nations set prices extensively, including for basic commodities as gasoline. The usual economic analysis is that that which is under priced is over-consumed, and that the distortions that occur will force adjustments in supply. For example, if the official price of bread is too low, there will be too little bread at official prices. Temporary controls may complement a recession as a way to fight inflation: the controls make the recession more efficient as a way to fight inflation (reducing the need to increase unemployment), while the recession prevents the kinds of distortions that controls cause when demand is high. However, in general the advice of economists is not to impose price controls but to liberalize prices by assuming that the economy will adjust and abandon unprofitable economic activity. The lower activity will place fewer demands on whatever commodities were driving inflation, whether labor or resources, and inflation will fall with total economic output. This often produces a severe recession, as productive capacity is reallocated and is thus often very unpopular with the people whose livelihoods are destroyed. - Baumol, William J. and Alan S. Blinder, Macroeconomics: Principles and Policy, Tenth edition. Thomson South-Western, 2006. ISBN 0324221142 - Bresciani-Turroni, Constantino. The Economics Of Inflation - A Study Of Currency Depreciation In Post War Germany. Hesperides Press, 2006. ISBN 1406722413 - Frank, Ellen. The Raw Deal: How Myths and Misinformation About the Deficit, Inflation, and Wealth Impoverish America. Beacon Press, 2005. ISBN 0807047279 - Mayer, Thomas. Monetary Policy and the Great Inflation in the United States: The Federal Reserve and the Failure of Macroeconomic Policy, 1965-1979. Edward Elger, 1999. ISBN 1858989531 - Mishkin, Frederic S., The Economics of Money, Banking, and Financial Markets. New York, NY: Harper Collins, 1995. - Paarlberg, Don. An Analysis and History of Inflation. Praeger Publishers, 1992. ISBN 0275944166 - Reisman, George. Capitalism: A Treatise on Economics Ottawa: Jameson Books, 1990, 503-506 & Chapter 19 ISBN 0915463733 - Sargent, Thomas. The Conquest of American Inflation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. ISBN 0691090122 - Economic Horizon's WorldInflation.net, inflating the world one economy at a time Retrieved December 22, 2007. - United States Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer Price Index homepage Retrieved December 22, 2007. - Current Value of Old Money - discusses changes in the value of money over time. Retrieved December 22, 2007. - Various inflation calculators - US Dollars (1790-2005), UK pounds (1830-2005), price of gold (1257-2005) Retrieved December 22, 2007. - US Inflation calculator - Based on consumer price indices (1800-2006) Retrieved December 22, 2007. - What Has Government Done to Our Money? by Austrian School economist Murray Rothbard. Retrieved December 22, 2007. - Relationship between inflation and unemployment in Dollars & Sense magazine. Retrieved December 22, 2007. - There's no such thing as fiat money Retrieved December 9, 2007. New World Encyclopedia writers and editors rewrote and completed the Wikipedia article in accordance with New World Encyclopedia standards. This article abides by terms of the Creative Commons CC-by-sa 3.0 License (CC-by-sa), which may be used and disseminated with proper attribution. Credit is due under the terms of this license that can reference both the New World Encyclopedia contributors and the selfless volunteer contributors of the Wikimedia Foundation. To cite this article click here for a list of acceptable citing formats.The history of earlier contributions by wikipedians is accessible to researchers here: Note: Some restrictions may apply to use of individual images which are separately licensed.

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In its strictest sense, petroleum includes only crude oil, but in common usage it includes all liquid, gaseous, and solid (e.g., paraffin) hydrocarbons. Under surface pressure and temperature conditions, lighter hydrocarbons methane, ethane, propane and butane occur as gases, while pentane and heavier ones are in the form of liquids or solids. However, in an underground oil reservoir the proportions of gas, liquid, and solid depend on subsurface conditions and on the phase diagram of the petroleum mixture. An oil well produces predominantly crude oil, with some natural gas dissolved in it. Because the pressure is lower at the surface than underground, some of the gas will come out of solution and be recovered (or burned) as associated gas or solution gas. A gas well produces predominantly natural gas. However, because the underground temperature and pressure are higher than at the surface, the gas may contain heavier hydrocarbons such as pentane, hexane, and heptane in the gaseous state. At surface conditions these will condense out of the gas to form natural gas condensate, often shortened to condensate. Condensate resembles petrol in appearance and is similar in composition to some volatile light crude oils. The proportion of light hydrocarbons in the petroleum mixture varies greatly among different oil fields, ranging from as much as 97% by weight in the lighter oils to as little as 50% in the heavier oils and bitumens. The hydrocarbons in crude oil are mostly alkanes, cycloalkanes and various aromatic hydrocarbons while the other organic compounds contain nitrogen, oxygen and sulfur, and trace amounts of metals such as iron, nickel, copper and vanadium. The exact molecular composition varies widely from formation to formation but the proportion of chemical elements vary over fairly narrow limits as follows: |Carbon||83 to 87%| |Hydrogen||10 to 14%| |Nitrogen||0.1 to 2%| |Oxygen||0.1 to 1.5%| |Sulfur||0.5 to .6%| Four different types of hydrocarbon molecules appear in crude oil. The relative percentage of each varies from oil to oil, determining the properties of each oil. |Paraffins||30%||15 to 60%| |Naphthenes||49%||30 to 60%| |Aromatics||15%||3 to 30%| Crude oil varies greatly in appearance depending on its composition. It is usually black or dark brown (although it may be yellowish, reddish, or even greenish). In the reservoir it is usually found in association with natural gas, which being lighter forms a gas cap over the petroleum, and saline water which, being heavier than most forms of crude oil, generally sinks beneath it. Crude oil may also be found in semi-solid form mixed with sand and water, as in the Athabasca oil sands in Canada, where it is usually referred to as crude bitumen. In Canada, bitumen is considered a sticky, black, tar-like form of crude oil which is so thick and heavy that it must be heated or diluted before it will flow. Venezuela also has large amounts of oil in the Orinoco oil sands, although the hydrocarbons trapped in them are more fluid than in Canada and are usually called extra heavy oil. These oil sands resources are called unconventional oil to distinguish them from oil which can be extracted using traditional oil well methods. Between them, Canada and Venezuela contain an estimated of bitumen and extra-heavy oil, about twice the volume of the world's reserves of conventional oil. Petroleum is used mostly, by volume, for producing fuel oil and petrol, both important "primary energy" sources. 84% by volume of the hydrocarbons present in petroleum is converted into energy-rich fuels (petroleum-based fuels), including petrol, diesel, jet, heating, and other fuel oils, and liquefied petroleum gas. The lighter grades of crude oil produce the best yields of these products, but as the world's reserves of light and medium oil are depleted, oil refineries are increasingly having to process heavy oil and bitumen, and use more complex and expensive methods to produce the products required. Because heavier crude oils have too much carbon and not enough hydrogen, these processes generally involve removing carbon from or adding hydrogen to the molecules, and using fluid catalytic cracking to convert the longer, more complex molecules in the oil to the shorter, simpler ones in the fuels. Due to its high energy density, easy transportability and relative abundance, oil has become the world's most important source of energy since the mid-1950s. Petroleum is also the raw material for many chemical products, including pharmaceuticals, solvents, fertilizers, pesticides, and plastics; the 16% not used for energy production is converted into these other materials. Petroleum is found in porous rock formations in the upper strata of some areas of the Earth's crust. There is also petroleum in oil sands (tar sands). Known oil reserves are typically estimated at around 190 km3 (1.2 trillion (short scale) barrels) without oil sands, or 595 km3 (3.74 trillion barrels) with oil sands. Consumption is currently around per day, or 4.9 km3 per year. Which in turn yields a remaining oil supply of only about 120 years, if current demand remain static. Petroleum is a mixture of a very large number of different hydrocarbons; the most commonly found molecules are alkanes (linear or branched), cycloalkanes, aromatic hydrocarbons, or more complicated chemicals like asphaltenes. Each petroleum variety has a unique mix of molecules, which define its physical and chemical properties, like color and viscosity. The alkanes, also known as paraffins, are saturated hydrocarbons with straight or branched chains which contain only carbon and hydrogen and have the general formula CnH2n+2. They generally have from 5 to 40 carbon atoms per molecule, although trace amounts of shorter or longer molecules may be present in the mixture. The alkanes from pentane (C5H12) to octane (C8H18) are refined into petrol, the ones from nonane (C9H20) to hexadecane (C16H34) into diesel fuel and kerosene (primary component of many types of jet fuel), and the ones from hexadecane upwards into fuel oil and lubricating oil. At the heavier end of the range, paraffin wax is an alkane with approximately 25 carbon atoms, while asphalt has 35 and up, although these are usually cracked by modern refineries into more valuable products. The shortest molecules, those with four or fewer carbon atoms, are in a gaseous state at room temperature. They are the petroleum gases. Depending on demand and the cost of recovery, these gases are either flared off, sold as liquified petroleum gas under pressure, or used to power the refinery's own burners. During the winter, Butane (C4H10), is blended into the petrol pool at high rates, because butane's high vapor pressure assists with cold starts. Liquified under pressure slightly above atmospheric, it is best known for powering cigarette lighters, but it is also a main fuel source for many developing countries. Propane can be liquified under modest pressure, and is consumed for just about every application relying on petroleum for energy, from cooking to heating to transportation. The cycloalkanes, also known as naphthenes, are saturated hydrocarbons which have one or more carbon rings to which hydrogen atoms are attached according to the formula CnH2n. Cycloalkanes have similar properties to alkanes but have higher boiling points. The aromatic hydrocarbons are unsaturated hydrocarbons which have one or more planar six-carbon rings called benzene rings, to which hydrogen atoms are attached with the formula CnHn. They tend to burn with a sooty flame, and many have a sweet aroma. Some are carcinogenic. These different molecules are separated by fractional distillation at an oil refinery to produce petrol, jet fuel, kerosene, and other hydrocarbons. For example, 2,2,4-trimethylpentane (isooctane), widely used in petrol, has a chemical formula of C8H18 and it reacts with oxygen exothermically: The amount of various molecules in an oil sample can be determined in laboratory. The molecules are typically extracted in a solvent, then separated in a gas chromatograph, and finally determined with a suitable detector, such as a flame ionization detector or a mass spectrometer. Incomplete combustion of petroleum or petrol results in production of toxic byproducts. Too little oxygen results in carbon monoxide. Due to the high temperatures and high pressures involved, exhaust gases from petrol combustion in car engines usually include nitrogen oxides which are responsible for creation of photochemical smog. At a constant volume the heat of combustion of a petroleum product can be approximated as follows: where is measured in cal/gram and d is the specific gravity at .

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14

The Greek revolution that began in 1821, followed by the war of independence, was the second of the "national revolutions" in the Balkans. Again we need to ask: to what degree was this a revolutionary change, and how "national" was it? To answer, we can again examine conditions prior to the unrest, developments during the revolution itself, and what the Greeks did after their victory. The life of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire was more complex than that of the Serbs. If a Serbian revolution was hampered by the weakness of the Serbs, a Greek revolution was hampered instead by Greek strengths. In Serbia, the wealthiest or most educated elements of society were most likely to encounter Western European revolutionary ideas and to accept them as beneficial. Among the Greeks, on the other hand, wealthy or educated elements already enjoyed substantial privileges in Ottoman society. Revolution was not so attractive for such Greeks, who had much to lose. The Greek establishment Greek life did not end when the Ottoman Turks took Constantinople in 1453. When the Ottomans imposed the millet system, the Greeks began with some obvious advantages relative to other Balkan Christians and added others as time went by. Greek Orthodox clergy controlled the Orthodox millet. The Turks lumped together all their Balkan Christian subjects, Greek or Slav. Greek clergy therefore had substantial religious, educational, administrative and legal power in the Ottoman Balkans. The "Phanar" or lighthouse district of Istanbul became the center of Ottoman Greek culture after the patriarch took up residence there, and the well-connected Greeks of that city were known as Phanariots. Orthodox culture, faith and educational systems became identified with Greek culture. Educated Orthodox Slavs were likely to become Hellenized. Greeks also benefited from reductions in the autonomy of the non-Greek churches. For example, when Serbs assisted invading Habsburg armies in the 1600s and 1700s, Serbian bishoprics were abolished as punishment. Greeks acquired political and economic power in the Romanian districts of Wallachia and Moldavia through similar events. Until 1711, the Ottomans picked the governors or hospodars of these provinces from the local Romanian boyar class. After Romanians supported a Russian invasion in 1711, Phanariot Greeks replaced Romanians as hospodars. Greeks held administrative roles in the central Ottoman administration itself. Greeks ran the office of the Dragoman, the head of the sultan's interpreters' service, because Muslims were discouraged from learning foreign languages. Greeks therefore participated in diplomatic negotiations and some became de facto ambassadors. At a lower administrative level, Phanariots secured most of the contracts for tax-farmers (men who bid to collect a district's taxes, and took their profits from excess revenues squeezed out of the peasants). Greeks also acted as contractors to the Ottoman court, supplying food and other services. Such advantages slowed the Greek encounter with national identity in the modern form. Religion, not ethnic descent or language, was the first criterion for identification in the millet system. Religion, not language or residence, distinguished wealthy Orthodox Greeks from their Muslim Ottoman counterparts. Some Anatolian Greeks did not even speak the Greek language. Nor was "Greece" a definable place. Only half of the four million Greeks lived in modern mainland Greece as we know it today: the Morea, Thessaly, Epirus and Thrace. The other two million were scattered in towns along the coast of Anatolia, the Black Sea or the Mediterranean. On the Greek mainland, Greek notables already exercised substantial local power. Because the Morea or Peloponnessus was rather poor, in 1800 only 40,000 Turks lived there among 360,000 Greeks. The Turks owned two-thirds of the land, but lived in a few cities. Large stretches of countryside had no Turkish presence at all. In those areas, Greek primates or "kodjabashis" virtually ruled themselves, meeting in regional assemblies to supervise taxation and other administrative matters. Greek militia or "armatoli" kept the peace while "klephts" or bandits flourished in the hills. Greek shipowners in the islands enjoyed similar advantages. Greeks dominated Balkan commerce by the 1700s. Some islands paid no taxes in cash, instead contributing via the labor of sailors. As Christians, Greek traders were exempt from certain Muslim ethical and legal restraints on money-lending at interest. Greeks were permitted commercial contacts with non-believers, an awkward matter for Muslims. Turkish hostility toward Western Europeans also played into Greek hands. Tiresome regulations and occasional anti-European riots discouraged Western Europeans from coming to Turkey: instead Westerners who did business in the region used local Jews, Armenians or Greeks as agents for reasons of safety, language and convenience. Different branches of the same Greek family often operated in different cities, so that ties of kinship reduced the risks of trade. Greeks were not merely commercial agents, but also shipowners and captains. Between 1529 and 1774 only ships under Ottoman registry could navigate in the isolated waters of the Black Sea, so Greek trade there grew without competition from the Venetians. When the 1774 Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji opened the Turkish straits to Russian commerce, there were not enough Russian ships to meet that country's export needs: the treaty allowed Ottoman Greeks to register their ships in Russia, and so they benefitted from the new rules. Anglo-French naval warfare during the Napoleonic Wars also cleared the seas for Greek ships: most Western merchant ships found the Mediterranean too dangerous. By the 1810s there were over 600 Greek trading ships afloat, many armed with cannon because of the threat of piracy. For these leading groups, Ottoman rule was tolerable. Rich shipowners on the island of Hydra, prosperous merchants, high officials in the Orthodox Church, tax-farmers, Phanariot hospodars in Romania, primates in the Peloponnessus and members of the interpreters' service all had much to lose and little to gain by political adventures. How then can we explain the movement that led to revolution in 1821? First, not all Greeks shared in the power and prosperity of collaboration with the Ottomans. Poor peasants, poor village priests, poor sailors and the like had no such investment in the status quo. Without ideas or leadership, dissatisfaction among such people led to little except banditry by klephts and occasional minor rebellions. By the 1700s, however, there were significant cultural developments at work, many of them coming from abroad. Greek civilization was never completely separated from the rest of Europe. After the fall of Constantinople, some Greeks fled to Italy and played a role in the Renaissance. There were Greek printing presses at work in Venice in the 1500s and trading contacts sustained some minimal level of exchange of ideas. Greek traders returning from the West brought knowledge of new manufacturing techniques, like those used to start a soap factory in the 1760s. New ideas came too. Merchants and entrepreneurs found the economic and political concepts of liberalism and the Enlightenment attractive. Greek wealth also paved the way for new forces in Greek culture. Wealthy Greeks commissioned the printing of books. For students who could not travel to the West to study, schools were founded at home. There was a revival of interest in Greek learning and traditions, including a higher appreciation of classical mythology, and of traditional tales and epic poems about Orthodox martyrs and heroic klephts. Among the leaders in this revival was Adamantios Korais. Korais was born in 1748, the son of a merchant in Smyrna on the Anatolian coast. Pursuing his education, he travelled to Paris. He was heavily influenced by French Enlightenment thought and the ideas of Hobbes and Locke, and then by the doctrines of the French Revolution, to which he was an eyewitness. He supported the idea of a revolution in Greece. His chief contribution to Greek rebirth was not political but cultural. In order to improve the Greek language and revive memories of Greek glories, he wrote modern versions of tales from Greek antiquity, translated parts of Herodotus and Homer, and composed a Greek language dictionary. As a secular humanist, his interests were not meant to conform to those of the Orthodox leadership of the Greek millet at home. Korais died in France in 1833. Another contrasting but prominent figure in the Greek revival was Rhigas Pheraios, who was born in 1757 in Thessaly. He began his career as an interpreter in the ranks of the Phanariot establishment, but left Turkey to further his education. In Western Europe, he too was influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution and of Romanticism. He was an active participant in secret societies and lodges, and wrote revolutionary tracts addressed to his fellow Greeks. In 1798, he was arrested by the Austrian police while on his way back to Turkey as part of a conspiracy. Turned over to the Ottoman authorities, he was executed. He left behind a poem known as the "War Hymn", an exhortation to revolt. Clearly, the French Revolution played a role in the minds of some revolutionaries. Its practical effect at the level of active participants in the fighting of 1821-1829 is hard to gauge. Most Greeks could not go to France to be exposed to foreign ideas, but during the Napoleonic Wars the French came to Greece. After defeating the Austrians in Italy in 1797, the French seized and then annexed the Ionian Islands, the chain of islands lying at the mouth of the Adriatic between the heel of Italy and the west coast of Greece. At certain points in the war the British replaced the French as occupiers, but British ideas of liberalism and constitutional government had an influence that was almost as subversive. Nearby Dalmatia also became part of the French Empire as the "Illyrian Provinces." The French presence in these adjacent territories was accompanied by the fanfare of revolutionary fervor, the tri-color flag and the spread of revolutionary ideals and laws. If the French advance to the Ionians was not enough to alarm the Ottomans about the spread of revolutionary zeal, Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798 was. While the British Navy ultimately helped defeat the French invasion, the old way of life in Egypt was swept away and this Ottoman province was soon on its way to reform and revival. After 1804, the example of the Serbian Revolution also pointed toward possible change. All of these activities in nearby places were a spur to Greek subversives and patriots. One can get a good picture of the Greeks for whom change was attractive by looking at the members of the conspiracy of 1821. The original instigators of the uprising were members of a secret society called the "Philike Hetairia" or "friendly society." It was founded in 1814 in the Russian port of Odessa. Like other lodges that were fraternal groups or self-help associations made up of merchants, the society copied the Freemasons in its elaborate rituals, ranks and secrecy, but its true purpose was revolt. The three founders of Philike Hetairia are representative. One was the son of a Greek fur dealer living in Moscow, who already had been a member of a Greek society while living in Paris. The second was a Greek merchant of Odessa, another veteran of an anti-Turkish secret lodge. The third was a merchant from the Ionian Islands, a member of a Masonic lodge there who had contacts in the National Guard created by the British occupation government. In their merchant associations and their connections to the outside world, these three were typical of the members who put together the plot. From 1819 records of the lodge's Odessa branch, we know the occupation of 348 of the 452 members. 153 identified themselves as merchants and shippers, 60 as notables, 36 as soldiers, 24 as priests, 23 as minor officials, 22 as teachers or students, 10 as doctors, 4 as lawyers and 16 as men with other professions. With the possible exception of the notables and professional men, most members were not wealthy or influential. The idea of revolution was also attractive to some of the powerful. In the last months of preparation, Philike Hetairia sacrificed secrecy in favor of seeking extensive membership, and sent representatives into Ottoman territory to recruit. A number of important klephts and district notables enrolled, who could be counted on to control whole villages or bands of armed men. Some of these men dropped their reservations because of the promise of Russian aid. This was plausible because of the participation of two prominent Greeks who were in Russian service. One was Count John Capodistrias, the tsar's foreign minister. He had been born on Corfu in 1776. After some time studying in Italy, he returned to Corfu and played a role in the administration of the island, rising to become secretary of state. When the island was transferred to French control, he left and used old contacts to get a post in the Russian foreign service. His excellent reports on the Balkans brought him to the tsar's attention, and he attended the Congress of Vienna in 1815. While he favored a Greek uprising and was in close contact with the plotters, he shrank from the actual event and from leadership. When fighting broke out the suspicious tsar fired him. Another Greek with Russian ties was Alexander Ypsilantis. Born in Istanbul in 1792, he had grown up in Russia in exile with his father. He attended the military cadet school and served with distinction in the tsarist army, rising to the position of aide de camp to the tsar. More willing to risk a crisis, he had less actual influence than Capodistrias. The date for the uprising was first set for 1820, then pushed back to the spring of 1821. Turkey was at war with Persia, and in the Balkans Ali Pasha was in revolt. The Great Powers (who opposed revolutions on principle in the aftermath of Napoleon) were already preoccupied with revolts in Spain and Italy. The radicals therefore believed that there would be no better time to act. The Revolution of 1821: First Phase If the Serbian uprising of 1804 began with a spontaneous national response to Turkish attacks, the Greek revolution of 1821 began as a planned conspiracy, in which only selected elements of the Greek nation had a role. The modern idea of nationality remained elusive, even for the most self-conscious of revolutionaries. One need only examine the plot itself for signs of this confusion. Philike Hetairia planned to start the uprising in three places. One was the Peloponnessus, where a core group of klephts and primates supported the plot. The second site was Istanbul, where there were plans for rioting among the Greek Phanariot community. The third part of the plan involved an invasion of Moldavia and Wallachia (in Romania) by Greek forces crossing the Russian border from Odessa. Because Greek Phanariots had ruled these Romanian provinces as hospodars for a century, Greek leaders thought of the area as a Greek national center, ignoring the fact that the local boyar notables and peasants were ethnic Romanians. Alexander Ypsilantis and a corps of student volunteers expected to lead Romanian peasants into battle against the Turks, assisted by a Romanian ally Tudor Vladimirescu. Vladimirescu was a peasant, about 30 at this time, who had acquired some education and administrative skill in a boyar's household. Appointed to an office in the rural police, he grew wealthy. During the Russo-Turkish war of 1806 he helped the Russian army and emerged with Russian citizenship and a new job in the Russian consular service, where he met Capodistrias. Connected as he was to the Russians, the Romanian boyars and the plotters, he seemed like a natural ally and was charged to organize the planned peasant uprising. When Ypsilantis and 450 men of the "Sacred Battalion" entered Moldavia in March 1821, however, the Romanian peasants ignored the Turks and instead attacked the manor houses of their local boyar landlords. Vladimirescu and his boyar allies also ignored the Turks: their goal was to throw out the Greek Phanariots so as to become hospodars themselves. The Greek invasion of Romania was a complete fiasco. Ypsilantis retreated into Austria, where he eventually died in prison. With our modern awareness of ethnicity, the reasons for this failure are obvious, but for the Greek plotters -- who conformed to an Ottoman way of thinking by dividing the world into Orthodox and Muslim halves -- it was a surprise. At the same time, the class divisions in Greek society undercut the success of the uprising in Istanbul. The Turks reacted by hanging the Greek Orthodox patriarch. The new patriarch and other well-connected Phanariots took the hint and condemned the revolution. The only success was in the Peloponnesus. Most of the powerful primates originally opposed the uprising but they were now summoned to appear before the Turkish pashas. In fear of arrest or execution, in self-defense they now joined the revolt. The revolution swept across the Morea: Turkish towns were taken and the Muslim population was massacred. Turkish forces meanwhile massacred Greeks where they could, including the island of Chios. So ended the first phase of the war. After the success of 1821, the war in the south became a stalemate until 1825 for several reasons. First, neither side was strong enough for a decisive victory. The Ottoman army had to begin each year from bases in Thessaly. Without a strong fleet, two land columns worked their way south along the coast roads each spring, then withdrew in the fall because they could not secure a winter base in the south. On their side, the Greek irregulars were too weak to take the offensive against the Turks: they could only defend the Morea. A second cause of the stalemate was internal dissension among the Greeks, reflecting pre-existing class differences. The armed peasants and former klephts in the Morea were loyal to Theodore Kolokotrones, a former klepht (whose memoirs are worth reading). Opposing him were the civilian leaders in the National Assembly, including Alexander Mavrokordatos and George Koundouriotes. Mavrokordatos came from a well-connected Phanariot family. Koundouriotes was a wealthy shipowner from the island Hydra. They typified the assembly, which spoke for the wealthy notables, influential primates and rich merchants. By 1823 the two sides were engaged in a civil war. The third cause of the stalemate was intervention by Britain, France and Russia. Each of these states had strategic political and economic interests in Turkey, and wanted to make sure that the results of the war in Greece would not hurt them. In Lecture 10 we'll look more closely at the "Eastern Question" -- the dilemma faced by the Great Powers, who had to choose between an unstable Turkey and an unpredictable future if they allowed the Ottoman Empire to collapse. For now, it is enough to know that the British were sympathetic to the Greek cause (in part out of sentimental Phil-Hellenism, the result of education in the Classics) but unwilling to see Turkey become so weak that Russia might gain control of the Turkish Straits and threaten the Mediterranean trade routes. The Russian tsars in turn had sympathy for the Orthodox Greeks, but also feared both the concept of revolution and a possible outcome in which a new Greek state might become a British ally. French interests were partly financial, partly strategic. French trade with Turkey was very important, and French investors also held large numbers of Turkish state bonds that would be worthless if Turkey fell apart. France was also anxious to re-enter world politics after the defeat of 1815, and played an active role partly for the simple sake of doing so. From the perspective of the Great Powers, the stalemate showed that the Greek revolution would not go away. These three states were prepared to intervene to make sure the final result was acceptable to their interests. Phases Three and Four The third phase of the war was characterized by foreign interference, and ran from 1825 until 1827. It began with an unlikely-seeming intervention by the armed forces of Egypt, a vassal of Turkey that had undergone sweeping reforms under Mehmet Ali after the French invasion of 1798. Mehmet Ali had ambitions and later tried to overthrow the sultan, but at this time he was able to make a deal with the central regime. In return for a promise that he and his sons could rule what they captured, Mehmet Ali's modernized navy and army invaded Greece in 1825, where they captured the port of Navarino. This gave them the kind of base never held by the Turkish army, and the Egyptians might well have defeated the Greek resistance. The Great Powers would not accept a powerful Mehmet Ali who controlled both Egypt and Greece. In 1827 the British, French and Russians agreed to seek a mediated peace and backed up their demands by sending a combined three-Power fleet of 27 ships to Navarino Bay in October to observe the Egyptian navy. In the crowded bay, a musket shot escalated into a battle and the European fleet sank 60 of the 89 Egyptian ships. The sultan was now without any armed force that could reclaim the Morea or resist the Great Powers. The fourth and last phase of the war coincided with the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1830. To end Turkish stalling, the Russians invaded Turkey. The sultan gave in when the Russian army almost reached Istanbul in 1829. Russia accepted British and French participation in the peace settlement. The London Protocol of 1830 created a small, independent Greek kingdom ruled by Prince Otto of Bavaria, a German prince acceptable to all three powers. After the revolution As was the case with Serbia, the achievements of the Greeks in 1830 are ambiguous. If Serbia seemed to have only exchanged Muslim pashas for an Orthodox one, perhaps Greece had merely increased the power of the very un-revolutionary oligarchs by removing their major hindrance, the sultan. Moreover, the decisive victory of 1830 was won less by the Greeks themselves than by the intervention of England, France and Russia, who thereafter claimed a major role in Greek politics. The new King of Greece was not even Greek, but a Bavarian German prince, who brought German cabinet ministers and German soldiers with him. The new state faced several key problems and the way in which it proceeded tells us a good deal about the degree to which 1830 was a "national revolution" after all. First, there was the land question. After the fighting, the country was full of displaced refugees and empty Turkish estates. By a series of land reforms over several decades, the government distributed this confiscated land among veterans and the poor, so that by 1870 most Greek peasant families owned about 20 acres. These farms were too small for prosperity but the land reform signaled the goal of a society in which Greeks were equals and could support themselves, instead of working for hire on the estates of the rich. The class basis of rivalry between Greek factions was thereby reduced. Second, the new state had to decide its relationship to the Greek nation at large. Some 800,000 Greeks lived in the kingdom, but 2 1/2 million remained under Ottoman rule. Greek foreign policy quickly showed its "national" character. The most popular party (the "French" party of John Kolettes) was a proponent of the "Megale Idea", the great idea of unifying all Greeks in one country. Third, the Greek response to the foreign imposition of the Bavarian King Otto led to wider national participation in politics. Greek domestic politics began as a continuation of the quarrels of the revolutionary period, with "Constitutionalist" oligarchs opposing the central power (much like similar events in Serbia). Two characteristic features of Greek political life soon made their first appearance. In 1843, the army responded to budget cuts with a military coup (the first of many in modern Greek history). The result was a new Constitution in 1844 under which King Othon shared power with an upper chamber of oligarchs appointed for life and a lower chamber elected by a very wide manhood suffrage. Kolettes then used this arrangement to create a mass political machine known as "the System" which delivered votes to the ruling party in return for patronage and favors for the voters. No prefect, tax official, judge or policeman served without an exchange of favors with party leaders. The System was corrupt, but it was also a mass organization that made the Greek people participants in the political system. The "national" character of Greek politics was underlined in a new constitutional crisis in 1862-1864. Another military coup ousted Othon, largely because of his failure to pursue the Megale Idea. He was replaced by a Danish prince, George I, but more important the Constitution of 1844 was replaced by another in 1864. That document placed political power squarely in the hands of the most democratic elements of Greek life: the senate was abolished in favor of a uni-cameral legislature elected by direct, secret manhood suffrage. The politics of patronage remained but there was no question that the entire nation could take part in political life. The coups against Othon also reduced the influence of the Great Powers, because Greek elements prevailed over the Powers' chosen king. King George managed to remain in power until 1913 largely by leaving Greek politics to the Greeks.

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17

The history of Pilgrims and Puritans in 17th century New England reflects events in the reformation of English politics and religion. Summarizing the time-line of the English Reformation is the easiest way to show how these groups evolved in both England and America. Henry VIII (1491-1547, throne 1509) established the Protestant, Church of England 1534 with monarch as head of both church and state Edward VI (1537-1553, throne 1547) died age 16 Mary Tudor, "Bloody Mary" (1516-1558, throne 1553) failed to restore Catholicism Elizabeth I (1533-1603, throne 1558) made England a world power, strengthened the Church of England James I (James VI, Scotland son of Mary Queen of Scots) (1566-1625, throne 1603) repressed efforts of Catholics and Puritans to reform the Church of England Charles I (1600-1649, throne 1625) "personal rule" antagonized Puritan Parliament, beheaded Cromwell & Puritan Parliament (1649-1660) English Civil War, Parliament strengthened Charles II (1636-1685, throne 1660) restored relations between Anglicans and Calvinists Calvin, John (1509-1564) -salvation of the faithful predestined by God's grace irrespective of their behavior, knowledge, righteousness or good works -church must be faithful to scripture; rejected scholastic errors, papal heresies and idolatrous worship -ministers ordained by pastors; minister, elders and deacons selected by congregation Church of England – church governance dictated by bishops, contained people of Calvinist persuasion and Anglicans preferring ceremony and ritual Puritans – determined Calvinist reformers working to "purify" Church of England so as to be consistent with Calvinist principles, began during the reign of Henry VIII (1509-1547) Separatists – Puritans denied the authority of bishops and wanted total separation from the Church of England, began during the reigns of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) and James I (1603-1625) Pilgrims – Separatists who fled to Holland (1607/8) and sailed on Mayflower in 1620 Massachusetts Bay Puritans – immigrated to Massachusetts during the reign of Charles I (1625-1649) and encouraged by a Puritan Parliament (1649-1660); Puritans never sought separation from the Church of England Quakers – independent reformers practicing austere Protestantism; their missionaries and followers were repressed by the Puritans in the Bay Colony CHURCH OF ENGLAND Guttenberg's printed bible, Luther's dispute with the Catholic Church, and Calvin's theology initiated reform of Christendom that spread through Europe and England. In 1534 Henry VIII removed England from the Holy Roman Empire because the Catholic monarchs of Spain and France thwarted his desire to expand England's influence, and because they influenced the Pope to deny an annulment of Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon. Henry created the Church of England with himself as its head and forged a theology in the middle ground between Catholicism and Calvinism. Parliament was persuaded to support Henry and not Rome. Under the guidance of his political advisor Cardinal Wolsey, Henry dissolved Catholic monasteries, confiscated their property and distributed it to English gentry in return for their support. Beginning in 1535 Henry distributed bibles written in English to every parish and encouraged their use by all Englishmen. He expanded the navy to achieve dominance of the seas at the beginning of the age of discovery. In 1549 Archbishop Cranmer constructed the Book of Common Prayer prescribing the Anglican liturgy retaining major parts of the traditional Catholic liturgy, and it was accepted by Parliament. Catholic priests and laymen resented Henry's purge of the Church of Rome and resisted adopting the Book of Common Prayer. On the other hand, Protestant reformers believed the newly formed Church of England had not separated itself sufficiently from the Church of Rome and advocated additional reform. As sovereign of both church and state, efforts to revive Catholicism and attempts to reform the Church of England were interpreted by Henry as challenges to his authority. In some cases, such acts were punished as treason, including imprisonment and public execution. The Church of England was authoritarian and royalist, and referred to as an Episcopacy. It was a "top-down" organization in which the monarch as head chose the Archbishop who in turn chose lower-order bishops, who in turn selected the ministers for individual parishes. Church governance was subject to the authority of bishops, deans, etc. of the region in which the parishes were located. Following the death of Henry VIII, his young son Edward VI continued his fathers' plans, but challenge by Catholics continued. Following his death at the age of 16, his Catholic half-sister Mary ("Bloody Mary") assumed the throne. She wished to marry the Catholic, Phillip II of Spain and undertook a series of drastic actions to restore England to the Church of Rome. Her reign produced a war but was unsuccessful in restoring Catholicism. Puritans were determined Calvinist reformers who insisted the Church of England should be organized along lines consistent with scripture, without regard to custom, tradition or practices considered to be heretical to scripture. Puritans believed that God drew men's souls to salvation. It was heresy to believe that there was anything individuals could do by good works or reason to lay hold of this "covenant of grace". Religious services should consist of Bible readings, pastor's preaching the gospel, and extemporaneous prayers new to each service. Except for the sacraments of baptism and communion, reformers wanted services stripped of vestments, prayer books, creeds, rituals, alters, crucifixes, candles, organs, incense, stained glass windows, etc. Furthermore, each congregation should select their minister, elders and deacons, who are accountable to the congregation. Non-Conforming Anglicans interested in purifying the religious beliefs and practices in the Church of England were called "Puritans", a term of derision reflecting hostility to the Church of England. With time, reformers adopted the term as an expression reflecting the sincerity of their convictions. In 1558, Elizabeth I, a determined Protestant, became queen at the age of 25. From the start, she was preoccupied resisting efforts of Catholic monarchs in France, Spain and Scotland to undermine her authority. She thwarted Jesuit assassination plots; executed Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots in 1587 and defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588. She was less concerned by Puritans and even appointed a few Puritans as advisors. She ended her reign with England in command of the seas, a world power in commerce. After several decades of use, St. Johns Fort in Newfoundland was recognized as an English settlement in 1583. In 1585 Sir Walter Raleigh's fleet of 7 vessels carried 89 men and 20-30 women and children to Roanoke Island, NC. When the fleet returned in 1587 the settlement was abandoned and only the word, CROATAN, carved in a tree suggesting their fate. Growing numbers of Puritans entered Parliament but Puritan lords and gentry were unsuccessful in convincing Elizabeth to abandon the Episcopacy. Puritan members of Parliament were called the Presbyterian Party and those in Parliament who supported Elizabeth were called the Episcopal Party. Several congregations of Puritans unable to reform religious practices in the Church of England and angered by corruption, bribery and nepotism practiced by bishops, deans, etc., announced their desire to separate themselves from the Church of England and were allowed to immigrate to Holland. Francis Johnson immigrated to Amsterdam with his congregation from London and established the, Brethren of the Separation of the First English Church at Amsterdam. The congregation of 300 became known as the Ancient Brethren. Thomas White was the minister of a congregation from southwestern England and immigrated to Holland in (ca) 1595 to join the Ancient Brethren Over time, Puritans became the dominant constituency in Parliament and influenced civic life in England for many decades. For convenience, the Puritans could be divided as follows: (a) Presbyterian – representational parish governance, but espoused an orthodoxy and organization accountable to a central authority (b) Congregational – representational church governance but espousing orthodoxy, that was not accountable to a central authority (c) Separatists – congregation guided by individual conscience and totally independent of the Church of England or any central authority. Upon the death of childless Elizabeth in 1603, James IV of Scotland, a distant cousin, assumed the English throne and was named James I of England. James promised to preserve the Church of England, but he detested Calvinism and took steps to repress strident Puritan clergy. James believed he was above the law and had absolute authority in both church and state. Radical Catholics attempted to blow up Parliament ("gunpowder plot", 1606) during its opening day ceremonies when James was in attendance and James adopted a series of harsh penalties against Catholics. On the other side of religious criticism, Separatists quoting Corinthians II, challenged the authority of the bishops of the Church of England and began conducting religious services secretly. James claimed these actions defied his authority and subjected Separatists to fines, confiscation of property, imprisonment and in some cases execution. Separatists were prohibited from leaving England without the king's permission. From Lincolnshire (Northeast England), Separatist congregations of Richard Clyfton in Babsworth, John Smyth in Gainsborough, and John Robinson in Scrooby were imprisoned in 1607 when they attempted to travel to Holland without permission. By surreptitious means these congregations fled to Amsterdam in 1608. After several aborted attempts, the Scrooby congregation of Separatists fled to Holland to join the Clyfton congregation of Separatists. Because of arcane internal squabbles among the Amsterdam Separatists, John Robinson and a portion of Clyftons congregation broke away and were allowed by the Dutch authorities to move to Leiden. Wealthy Englishmen engaged in commerce, law, trading, manufacture, organized joint stockholding trading companies and were granted permission (patent) by James I to establish trading settlements in North America. The companies had to recruit settlers, provide capital and supplies for settlers to travel to North America and begin settlements to engage in activities to produce goods for trade controlled by the trading companies. The settlers were subject to the authority of a Governor General living in each colony who was appointed by trading company's governing council in England. The settlers enjoyed the liberties and rights as British subjects but were forbidden to draft orders and laws contrary to the laws of England. With assurance the settlers would support the Church of England and draft no laws contrary to English law, James granted a patent in 1606 to a group of entrepreneurs, called the Virginia Company, to establish settlements in the Chesapeake Bay region of North America. The governors and ruling councils of the settlements were controlled by the directors of the company in London. Several attempts were made to establish settlements in North America, some succeed and some were abandoned, e.g. Elizabeth Island, Vineyard Bay MA (1602), Jamestown VA (1607), St. George's Fort, mouth of Kennebec River MA (1607-08), Bermuda (1609), Monahigon Island, MA (1619), and the Barbados (1624). Settlers, council members and governors general in Jamestown were royalists, loyal to the king and the Church of England. Unfortunately they brought with them harsh attitudes toward the native people of North America. In addition, many of these colonies were composed only of men whose goal was monetary gain, treated the native people harshly and behaved in an undisciplined unruly, sometimes riotous behavior manner that undermined the ability of the colony to function effectively and achieve the financial goals of the governing councils in England. Jamestown was a major endeavor of the Virginia Company. Ships carrying supplies and settlers recruited from all parts of England were sent on a regularly basis. Jamestown settlers signed on with the Virginia Company for financial gain. The settlers treated the Indians harshly, confiscated their corn and settled permanently wherever they choose. Indians and settlers fought each other on and off for decades. Since the settlers were recruited from different parts of England, they did not have the internal cohesion and religious verve of the Puritans. In May 1607, 68 men landed on Jamestown Island, in the James River 60 miles from the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay. Unfortunately the settlement was constructed on a swampy peninsular on the James River exposing settlers to disease. During some seasons of the year the river water was unhealthy to drink. Within weeks Algonquian Indians attacked and a fort was built. Sporadic attacks by Indians on settlers, and vice verse, continued for several decades. The settlers were a collection of English gentlemen, craftsman and laborers. During the winter of 1608, 71 men arrived from England but a fire in their warehouse destroyed nearly all their food and supplies. By the summer of 1608, only 38 men remained but in October 55 men, two women and 8 Dutchman to manufacture glass arrived. In August 1609, 200-300 men, women and children arrived after having been shipwrecked in Bermuda. During the winter, 1609-1610, the "starving time", food supplies were exhausted that nearly 80% of the settlers died from disease and starvation. By June 1610 the remaining 60 survivors planned to abandon the settlement, when luckily, new supplies arrived from England. Conditions improved and the settlement grew. By 1616 the 269 men plus their families lived in Jamestown and made the settlement a profitable exporter of high-grade tobacco to England. In 1619, the Virginia Company in England asked the settlers to establish a two-part legislature. One part was composed of the appointed Governor General and his council and the other part was composed of spokesman from the Jamestown plantations. Jamestown was the first representative assembly in North America. Virginia became a crown colony in 1624. Separatists who fled to Holland and later traveled to North America are now called "Pilgrims". Aside from its literal meaning, the phrase "Pilgrims" was not used by the Separatists! William Bradford, quoting Hebrews, xi:13,...that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth...used the phrase to characterize their departure from Leiden in 1620. Even then, the phrase had no currency until 1669 when writers began calling the Mayflower company, the "Pilgrim Fathers". [In this essay, the phrase Separatist and Pilgrim will be used interchangeably.] The Dutch in Leiden were tolerant and allowed the Separatists to worship as they pleased. However, the Pilgrims were excluded from certain occupations, membership in trade guilds, owning land but were allowed to participate in low-paying parts of Leiden's principal industry, textile trades, e.g. spinning, weaving, carding, combing, dying, tailoring and manufacture of felt, corduroy, etc. In 1616/17 the congregation began negotiations with the Virginia Company to begin a colony in North America. The Leiden congregation feared loosing their English heritage through intermarriage and assimilation in Dutch society. The Pilgrims also feared being recruited to fight in an impending war between Holland and Spain. James I eventually granted them permission to establish a colony in North America and to practice their religion as they pleased provided they did not antagonize the Church of England. Needing additional colonists, the Leiden Pilgrims ("Saints") accepted Separatist families from England ("Strangers") to sail with them to North America. These later individuals had not shared the years of communal experience living in Leiden and in time, several "Strangers" proved to be sources of dissention after landing in North America. Pilgrims aboard the Mayflower and Speedwell sailed from Southampton on August 23, 1620. Twice the ships returned to port because the Speedwell was unseaworthy owing to being overloaded. A portion of the Pilgrim company remained in England, planning to sail to North America the next year and the remaining 102 passengers and crew finally sailed from Plymouth, England aboard the Mayflower on September 6, 1620. Their original destination was Manhattan Island (northern Virginia territory) but navigational difficulties and their late arrival in Cape Cod Harbor on November 11, 1620 resulted in them selecting a site in a former Indian village, Patuxet, Captain John Smith had mapped in a 1616 expedition to North America. On December 11, 1620 the Pilgrims landed and began building dwellings for a permanent settlement they called New Plymouth. Except for William Brewster, the son of the baliff for the Duke of York who attended Cambridge and served in Elizabeth's court in Holland, the Pilgrims were men without formal education, or political or economic connections. They and their families had been yeoman and artisans in Northeast England and textile workers in Leiden. The Pilgrim congregation traveled to North America as members of a joint stock trading company financed by London merchants with the goal of fishing for profit. Unfortunately, the Pilgrims had no experience or success in fishing. They were successful however growing corn to trade with Indians for furs that were sent to England to reimburse their London backers. One half of the 102 Pilgrims aboard the Mayflower perished during their first year in Plymouth. Skillful diplomacy of Governor Bradford and Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoag Indians secured a treaty of peace that lasted for decades. While in Leiden the Pilgrims adopted religious practices used in the Dutch Reformed Church. Secondly they appreciated the tolerance shown them by Dutch society; they absorbed it and practiced it with the neighboring Wampanoag Indians. The Indians needed protection from neighboring tribes and the Pilgrims needed the Indians to show them how to survive in the wilderness. Without this lasting peace, the Pilgrim colony would never have survived. James I died in 1625 and his son, Charles I, became King. Like his father, Charles believed he had absolute authority and was above the law. Charles favored Arminian beliefs in the Anglican Church that man could achieve faith and win salvation by good works, reason and will power. These high-church Anglican beliefs were heretical to Calvinism and the Puritans felt betrayed. Puritans loathed dictatorial bishops and high-church liturgy, inept appointed clergy and other practices contradictory to Calvinism. Beginning under the reign of James, Parliament began to take the lead in civic and foreign affairs and Charles encountered increasing difficulty dealing with Parliament. He tried to enforce prerogatives he believed the monarch possessed. However, Parliament considered these efforts intrusions in their domain. Conditions worsened and in 1629 Charles dismissed Parliament and began an era of "Personal Rule". Between 1630 and 1640 relationships between Parliament and Charles changed from antagonistic to hostile. To many members in Parliament, Charles was a despot, but reluctantly they maintained their allegiance to the Church of England. In 1635 Charles levied a "ship's money tax" on all counties in England, where heretofore the tax applied only to the maritime counties. Parliament took the view that only Parliament could levy taxes. William Lourd, Archbishop of Canterbury, enforced laws compelling everyone to attend church. Puritans objected. Lourd demanded that Scotland use the English Prayer book rather than their preferred prayer book by John Knox. In 1639 Charles was confronted with Scotland seeking independence. Charles requested money from Parliament for an expected war with Spain and to support of the French Huguenots. After 11 years of "Personal Rule", Charles recalled Parliament to support war with Scotland that had invaded England. The Puritan Parliament claimed that only Parliament could summon the army to fight. In 1642 Charles ordered the arrest of 4 members of Parliament who challenged his authority. Mobs rioted in London and Charles and his Queen fled London. Parliament asked Charles to surrender sovereignty over church and state. He didn't and the English Civil War began. In 1649 Charles was beheaded and English governance passed to a Puritan Parliament that established a "Presbyterian System" with doctrinaire rigidity and discipline. No longer was the king the head of the church but clergy met, formed presbyteries to whom parish ministers owed allegiance. It was a "bottom up" representative system of church governance whereas the former Church of England, or episcopacy was a "top-down" system. Puritans in Parliament engaged in numerous disputes with the army and in 1660 a compromise was reached that resulted with Charles' son, Charles II, asked to return to England and assume the throne. PURITANS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY In 1628 the Massachusetts Company trading company under John Endicott was granted permission to establish a settlement in Salem, MA. In 1629 leadership of the company was transferred to John Winthrop, a Puritan and leading London attorney. Before the end of 1630 he and 2000 Puritans aboard 17 ships settled in the area around Boston Bay. The colonists were staunch Puritans from a wide class of English society, e.g. tradesman, craftsman, wealthy country gentlemen, prominent men involved in commerce and industry, and active in civic affairs in England and some who had even served in Parliament. The Massachusetts Colony Puritans professed allegiance to Parliament and the Church of England, which now tolerated Puritan beliefs and practices. Between 1629 and 1640 the Massachusetts colony grew to 4,000 encompassing a wide range of occupations. On the other hand, the Plymouth colony remained relatively static, numbering approximately 300 engaged in farming to supply produce to the Bay colony. During this period, the religious beliefs and practices of the residents of Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonies were essentially the same. Puritans arriving in Plymouth were no longer called Pilgrims and virtually indistinguishable from the Puritans arriving in the Massachusetts Colony. The tolerance the Pilgrims enjoyed in Leiden between 1607-1620 and that governed their actions with the Wampanoag Indians was not practiced in the Massachusetts Colony. The Bay Colony was governed by Governor General John Winthrop who administered laws passed by the colony's governing body called the General Court, composed of elected members. In the broad sense, the Massachusetts Colony was a Calvinist theocracy. Attendance and financial support of the church were required for all colony members. Ministers, elders and deacons exerted considerable influence over laws passed by the General Court; and in turn, the General Court enforced actions taken by the Puritan churches. Individuals critical of the churches, or espousing beliefs thought to be heretical to Calvinist dogma were punished, e.g. banishment, whipping, branding, ear-lobbing, etc. In 1635/36 the Puritan congregation of Thomas Hooker in Cambridge, Massachusetts was unhappy with the dictatorial ways of Winthrop's General Court and was granted permission to begin a colony in Hartford, Connecticut. Roger Williams, minister in Plymouth and later Salem preached the total separation of civic and religious affairs. In 1636 he was banished from Salem and established a colony in Providence, Rhode Island. In 1637 Anne Hutchinson advocated separatist beliefs and other non-conforming views held to be heretical to Calvinist dogma and was banished from the Bay Colony. In 1638, the Puritan congregation of John Davenport in Cambridge, Massachusetts was displeased with Winthrop's dictatorial ways and bought land from the Indians to begin the settlement, New Haven, Connecticut. Peace between the Pilgrims and the Wampanoag Indians that began in 1620 survived for many decades owing to the skillful diplomacy of Bradford and Massasoit. Relations between with the Pequot Indians in Eastern Connecticut and the Puritans were not peaceful. Following several scattered Pequot attacks on settlers, the General Courts of the Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonies conducted retaliatory attacks in 1637 that annihilated the Pequot Indian Nation by killing its people and dispersing those that remained. Later in 1674/5, relationships between the Narragansett Indian nation in Southeastern Massachusetts and the Puritan settlers erupted in hostilities, called the King Phillip's War, which destroyed the Indian nation and dispersed its people. SOCIETY OF FRIENDS The Society of Friends was founded in England by George Fox who disapproved of Christians who did not live up to scripture. His teaching attracted strict Calvinist Puritans. Fundamental to Quaker belief was, (a) immediacy of Christ's teaching, (b) irrelevance of special buildings, ordained ministers and (c) avoidance of doctrine, oaths, dogma, and liturgy. Quakers met in silence and spoke when they believed the divine urged them to speak, i.e. "Out of everything and expectant silence, God's light uses any worshiper as minister". Quakers favored "the mind to become a blank sheet" and receive divine impressions and direction because of the worthlessness of human reason. Members of the society were called seekers, ranters and quakers because of the behavior of some members during their religious services. Originally the term was one of derision but over time the phrase Quakers was accepted by its members, much like the reformists had accepted the phrase "Puritan" decades earlier. By 1652 the religious movement, "Quakerism", had begun. Quakers often disrupted Puritan religious services and refused to remove their hats when it was the custom to do so. In 1655 Cromwell directed magistrates to punish Quakers who "made unchristian disturbances" in Puritan services. In 1662 the Quaker Act punished extreme dissenters. Between 1667 and 1669 a regular system of Quaker governance evolved. In 1689 an act of Parliament ended the persecution of Quakers. Between 1655 and 1662, sixty Quaker missionaries arrived in the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies. They attracted many converts. The Quakers were to the Puritans in Massachusetts what the Separatists had been to the Anglicans in England decades earlier, except that now the Puritans were on the receiving end of the attack. Quakers disrupted Puritan religious services and criticized Puritan colonial officials with such scathing vehemence that colonial authorities believed they had to take harsh action to maintain their authority. In 1657/8 the Plymouth General Court banished Quakers from Plymouth but allowed them to form communities on Cape Cod and along the southern Massachusetts coast. The General Court in the Massachusetts colony was less tolerant. Quakers were banished and if they returned, as several did and were punished severely. Between 1659 and 1661 four were hung publicly. In 1661 the Test Act, prevented Quakers and nonconforming Puritans in the Massachusetts Colony from serving in public office. Thus Quakers gravitated to business and commerce. Over time, Quaker meetings were established throughout North America: New England 1661, MD 1672, Philadelphia 1681, NY 1695, VA 1696 and NC 1698 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Puritans, Pilgrims and Quakers are the names given to groups of reforming Protestants embracing varying forms of Calvinism that emerged at different periods during the English Reformation. Over time Puritans evolved into three groups, each desiring representational governance: (a) espousing an orthodoxy and organization accountable to a central authority (b) an orthodoxy and organization not accountability to a central authority (c) independents wanting a total separation from any governmental authority Pilgrims were Calvinist separatists who suffered repression under James I, fled to Holland in 1607/8 as political exiles and immigrated to North America aboard the Mayflower in 1620. For the most part, Pilgrims were farm families who found employment as textile workers in Holland. After 1630, Puritans immigrated to the Massachusetts Colony with the encouragement of Parliament. Pilgrims and Massachusetts Colony Puritans shared the same Calvinist beliefs. However, the Pilgrims embraced tolerance shown them by the Dutch (1607-1620) that proved successful in living with the Indians (1620-1640). On the other hand, the Massachusetts Colony Puritans were staunch Puritans conditioned by Parliament's conflict with Charles I (1630-1640). Quakers were separatist men and women holding austere Calvinist beliefs believed to be authentic to scripture. After 1655 Quaker missionaries immigrated to North America, attracted a considerable following and established communities throughout all the English colonies in North America. Pilgrims embraced a covenant that sustained them during their exile in Holland and the early difficult years in Plymouth. The writing of the Pilgrim leaders suggests that they were thoughtful, generous and warm people. The Puritan men in the Massachusetts colony were cosmopolitan men of commerce emerging during the decades political tumult of the Puritan revolution. The writing of the Puritan leaders suggests that they were militant, severe and doctrinaire. Certainly the Salem witch trials (1692-94) reveals the absurdity of their doctrinaire behavior. Why do Pilgrims occupy such an enduring part in the American imagination? Jamestown was larger and settled earlier than Plymouth, and its settlers suffered physical conditions as grim as the Pilgrims experienced. The answer is that the Jamestown settlers were quite different than the Pilgrims, and the political conditions under which Jamestown was settled were quite different than for Plymouth. The Pilgrims were men, women and children who subscribed to a covenant in which they agreed to abide by doctrines of religious faith and to govern themselves as a political community. The covenant sustained the families as religious separatists in England who were persecuted for their religious beliefs and after fleeing England, sustained them as exiles in Holland for nearly two decades. The covenant sustained the families during the frightening voyage of the Mayflower and the first horrific year in Plymouth when half of them died. After landing in Plymouth their covenant was expressed as the Mayflower Compact that is the foundation to representational government in America. "...combine our selves together in a civil body politic for our better ordering and preservation...and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices from time to time as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the general good of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." The Pilgrims found solace in Holland from the tolerant Dutch who allowed them to practice their religion as they wished and to pursue productive lives in the textile trades. Tolerance shown Pilgrims in Holland was absorbed by them and influenced their relationship with the neighboring Wampanoag Indians in Massachusetts. The Pilgrims negotiated a peace with the Wampanoag that satisfied the needs of both communities. Both parties accommodated each other from time to time to preserve a peace that lasted over forty years. The Pilgrims ought to be remembered because they laid the foundation of representational government and because they demonstrated that tolerance and accommodation were sustainable policies for peace. Their story needs retelling so that it remains a national memory and a part of our national identity. Bradford W., "Of Plymouth Plantation; 1620-1647", Edited by S. E. Morison, Alfred Knopf, New York, 1952 Churchill, W. S., "History of the English-Speaking Peoples", Barnes & Noble, New York, 1955 Forman H. C., "Jamestown and St. Mary's", The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, MD, 1938 Morgan, E. S., "The Puritan Dilemma, The Story of John Winthrop", Addison Wesley Longman, Inc, 2nd editon, 1999 Morison S. E., "The Story of the Old Colony of New Plymouth", Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1957 Nicolson A., "God's Secretaries", Harper Collins Publishers, New York, 2003 Schmidt G. D., "William Bradford, Plymouth's Faithful Pilgrim", Eerdman's Books for Young Readers, Grand Rapids, MI, 1999 Sherwood M. B., "Pilgrim, A Biography of William Brewster", Great Oak Press, Falls Church, VA, 1982 Stratton E. A., "Plymouth Colony", Ancestry Publishing, Salt Lake City, UT, 1986

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Science Fair Project Encyclopedia Balance of trade Balance of trade figures are the sum of the money gained by a given economy by selling exports, minus the cost of buying imports. They form part of the balance of payments, which also includes other transactions such as the international investment position. A positive balance of trade is known as a trade surplus and consists of exporting more (in financial capital terms) than one imports. A negative balance of trade is known as a trade deficit and consists of importing more than one exports. Neither is necessarily dangerous in modern economies, although large trade surpluses or trade deficits may sometimes be a sign of other economic problems. Factors that can affect the balance of trade figures include: - Prices of goods manufactured at home (influenced by the responsiveness of supply), - Exchange rates, and - Trade agreements or barriers - other tax, tariff and trade measures Measuring the balance of payments can be problematic, due to problems with recording and collecting data. As an illustration of this problem, when official data for all countries in the world is added up it appears that the world is running a positive balance of payments with itself. The total reported amount of exports in the world is greater by a few percent than the total reported amount of imports. This cannot be true, because all transactions involve an equal credit or debit in the account of each nation. The discrepancy is widely believed to be explained by transactions intended to launder money or evade taxes, and other visibility problems. Economic Impact of Balance of Trades If the balance of trade is positive, then the economy has received more money than it has spent. This may appear to be a good thing but may not always be so. An example of an economy in which a positive balance of payments is generally regarded as a bad thing is Japan in the 1990s. Because Japan had a consistently positive balance of payments, it had more currency than it could effectively invest. This led to huge Japanese overseas purchases of items such as real estate, which were of questionable economic usefulness. Furthermore, the protectionist measures that created the positive balance of trade also caused the price of goods in Japan to be much higher than they would have been had imports been freely allowed. Negative balances are not necessarily terrible news, either. In particular, an effect known as reserve currency status makes it possible for dominant currencies to run significant trade deficits with limited economic impact. Because the United States dollar is generally regarded to be extremely stable, dollars which are exported are held by persons overseas and there is no pressure to return them to the United States. Furthermore, countries running large trade surpluses (e.g. China and Japan) use these funds to purchase US Treasury Notes, essentially allowing the United States to export monetary paper and get real goods and services in return. The pricing of oil in US dollars also forces nations and institutions to hold some of their reserves in US dollars in order to hedge against the rapid rises and falls in prices of this all-essential energy source. Reserve currency status, however, is not without its risks. While the United Kingdom enjoyed economic benefits through the 19th Century up until 1914 from the strength of the British Pound and its reserve currency status, the relative weakening of the UK and strengthening of the US economies in the inter-war and post-war periods caused the shift in currency reserves, culminating in a 30% devaluation of the British Pound in 1949 which ended the dominance of the British Pound as a world currency. Weighed down by the debts of fighting World War II, and without the benefits of reserve currency status, the United Kingdom struggled to rebuild its economy, entering a period of economic slowdown and decline that would last over three decades. If, as some economists are speculating, current weakness in the dollar were to cause the shift of foreign exchange reserves or oil pricing into another currency such as the Euro, then the reserve currency advantage would also switch to the European Union. Physical trade balance Monetary trade balance is different from physical trade balance (which is expressed in amount of raw materials). Developed countries usually import a lot of primary raw materials from developing countries at low prices. Often, these materials are then converted into finished products, and an enormous amount of value is added. Although the EU (and other developed countries) has a balanced monetary trade balance, its physical trade balance (especially with developing countries) is negative, meaning that in terms of materials a lot more is imported than exported. That means the ecological footprint of developed countries is much larger than that of developing countries. The contents of this article is licensed from www.wikipedia.org under the GNU Free Documentation License. Click here to see the transparent copy and copyright details

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||This article needs more links to other articles to help integrate it into the encyclopedia. (December 2012)| The Nullification Crisis was a sectional crisis during the presidency of Andrew Jackson created by South Carolina's 1832 Ordinance of Nullification. This ordinance declared by the power of the State that the federal Tariffs of 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and therefore null and void within the sovereign boundaries of South Carolina. The controversial and highly protective Tariff of 1828 (known to its detractors as the "Tariff of Abominations") was enacted into law during the presidency of John Quincy Adams. The tariff was opposed in the South and parts of New England. Its opponents expected that the election of Jackson as President would result in the tariff being significantly reduced. The nation had suffered an economic downturn throughout the 1820s, and South Carolina was particularly affected. Many South Carolina politicians blamed the change in fortunes on the national tariff policy that developed after the War of 1812 to promote American manufacturing over its European competition. By 1828 South Carolina state politics increasingly organized around the tariff issue. When the Jackson administration failed to take any actions to address their concerns, the most radical faction in the state began to advocate that the state itself declare the tariff null and void within South Carolina. In Washington, an open split on the issue occurred between Jackson and Vice President John C. Calhoun, the most effective proponent of the constitutional theory of state nullification. On July 14, 1832, after Calhoun had resigned the Vice Presidency in order to run for the Senate where he could more effectively defend nullification, Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832. This compromise tariff received the support of most northerners and half of the southerners in Congress. The reductions were too little for South Carolina, and in November 1832 a state convention declared that the tariffs of both 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable in South Carolina after February 1, 1833. Military preparations to resist anticipated federal enforcement were initiated by the state. In late February both a Force Bill, authorizing the President to use military forces against South Carolina, and a new negotiated tariff satisfactory to South Carolina were passed by Congress. The South Carolina convention reconvened and repealed its Nullification Ordinance on March 11, 1833. The crisis was over, and both sides could find reasons to claim victory. The tariff rates were reduced and stayed low to the satisfaction of the South, but the states’ rights doctrine of nullification remained controversial. By the 1850s the issues of the expansion of slavery into the western territories and the threat of the Slave Power became the central issues in the nation. Since the Nullification Crisis, the doctrine of states' rights has been asserted again by opponents of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, proponents of California's Specific Contract Act of 1863, (which nullified the Legal Tender Act of 1862) opponents of Federal acts prohibiting the sale and possession of marijuana in the first decade of the 21st century, and opponents of implementation of laws and regulations pertaining to firearms from the late 1900s up to 2013. Background (1787 - 1816) The historian Richard E. Ellis wrote: |“||By creating a national government with the authority to act directly upon individuals, by denying to the state many of the prerogatives that they formerly had, and by leaving open to the central government the possibility of claiming for itself many powers not explicitly assigned to it, the Constitution and Bill of Rights as finally ratified substantially increased the strength of the central government at the expense of the states.||”| The extent of this change and the problem of the actual distribution of powers between state and the federal governments would be a matter of political and ideological discussion up to the Civil War and beyond. In the early 1790s the debate centered on Alexander Hamilton's nationalistic financial program versus Jefferson's democratic and agrarian program, a conflict that led to the formation of two opposing national political parties. Later in the decade the Alien and Sedition Acts led to the states' rights position being articulated in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. The Kentucky Resolutions, written by Thomas Jefferson, contained the following, which has often been cited as a justification for both nullification and secession: |“||… that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it… .||”| The Virginia Resolutions, written by James Madison, hold a similar argument: |“||The resolutions, having taken this view of the Federal compact, proceed to infer that, in cases of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose to arrest the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. ...The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the Constitution, that it rests on this solid foundation. The States, then, being parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their authority to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and, consequently, as parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.||”| Historians differ over the extent to which either resolution advocated the doctrine of nullification. Historian Lance Banning wrote, “The legislators of Kentucky (or more likely, John Breckinridge, the Kentucky legislator who sponsored the resolution) deleted Jefferson's suggestion that the rightful remedy for federal usurpations was a "nullification" of such acts by each state acting on its own to prevent their operation within its respective borders. Rather than suggesting individual, although concerted, measures of this sort, Kentucky was content to ask its sisters to unite in declarations that the acts were "void and of no force", and in "requesting their appeal" at the succeeding session of the Congress.” The key sentence, and the word "nullification" was used in supplementary Resolutions passed by Kentucky in 1799. Madison's judgment is clearer. He was chairman of a committee of the Virginia Legislature which issued a book-length Report on the Resolutions of 1798, published in 1800 after they had been decried by several states. This asserted that the state did not claim legal force. "The declarations in such cases are expressions of opinion, unaccompanied by other effect than what they may produce upon opinion, by exciting reflection. The opinions of the judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect by force." If the states collectively agreed in their declarations, there were several methods by which it might prevail, from persuading Congress to repeal the unconstitutional law, to calling a constitutional convention, as two-thirds of the states may. When, at the time of the Nullification Crisis, he was presented with the Kentucky resolutions of 1799, he argued that the resolutions themselves were not Jefferson's words, and that Jefferson meant this not as a constitutional but as a revolutionary right. Madison biographer Ralph Ketcham wrote: |“||Though Madison agreed entirely with the specific condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Acts, with the concept of the limited delegated power of the general government, and even with the proposition that laws contrary to the Constitution were illegal, he drew back from the declaration that each state legislature had the power to act within its borders against the authority of the general government to oppose laws the legislature deemed unconstitutional.”||”| Historian Sean Wilentz explains the widespread opposition to these resolutions: |“||Several states followed Maryland's House of Delegates in rejecting the idea that any state could, by legislative action, even claim that a federal law was unconstitutional, and suggested that any effort to do so was treasonous. A few northern states, including Massachusetts, denied the powers claimed by Kentucky and Virginia and insisted that the Sedition law was perfectly constitutional .... Ten state legislatures with heavy Federalist majorities from around the country censured Kentucky and Virginia for usurping powers that supposedly belonged to the federal judiciary. Northern Republicans supported the resolutions' objections to the alien and sedition acts, but opposed the idea of state review of federal laws. Southern Republicans outside Virginia and Kentucky were eloquently silent about the matter, and no southern legislature heeded the call to battle.||”| The election of 1800 was a turning point in national politics as the Federalists were replaced by the Democratic-Republican Party led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, the authors of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. But, the four presidential terms spanning the period from 1800 to 1817 “did little to advance the cause of states’ rights and much to weaken it.” Over Jefferson’s opposition, the power of the federal judiciary, led by Federalist Chief Justice John Marshall, increased. Jefferson expanded federal powers with the acquisition of the Louisiana Territory and his use of a national embargo designed to prevent involvement in a European war. Madison in 1809 used national troops to enforce a Supreme Court decision in Pennsylvania, appointed an “extreme nationalist” in Joseph Story to the Supreme Court, signed the bill creating the Second Bank of the United States, and called for a constitutional amendment to promote internal improvements. Opposition to the War of 1812 was centered in New England. Delegates to a convention in Hartford, Connecticut met in December 1814 to consider a New England response to Madison’s war policy. The debate allowed many radicals to argue the cause of states’ rights and state sovereignty. In the end, moderate voices dominated and the final product was not secession or nullification, but a series of proposed constitutional amendments. Identifying the South’s domination of the government as the cause of much of their problems, the proposed amendments included “the repeal of the three-fifths clause, a requirement that two-thirds of both houses of Congress agree before any new state could be admitted to the Union, limits on the length of embargoes, and the outlawing of the election of a president from the same state to successive terms, clearly aimed at the Virginians.” The war was over before the proposals were submitted to President Madison. After the conclusion of the War of 1812 Sean Wilentz notes: |“||Madison’s speech [his 1815 annual message to Congress] affirmed that the war had reinforced the evolution of mainstream Republicanism, moving it further away from its original and localist assumptions. The war’s immense strain on the treasury led to new calls from nationalist Republicans for a national bank. The difficulties in moving and supplying troops exposed the wretchedness of the country’s transportation links, and the need for extensive new roads and canals. A boom in American manufacturing during the prolonged cessation of trade with Britain created an entirely new class of enterprisers, most of them tied politically to the Republicans, who might not survive without tariff protection. More broadly, the war reinforced feelings of national identity and connection.||”| This spirit of nationalism was linked to the tremendous growth and economic prosperity of this post war era. However in 1819 the nation suffered its first financial panic and the 1820s turned out to be a decade of political turmoil that again led to fierce debates over competing views of the exact nature of American federalism. The “extreme democratic and agrarian rhetoric” that had been so effective in 1798 led to renewed attacks on the “numerous market-oriented enterprises, particularly banks, corporations, creditors, and absentee landholders”. Tariffs (1816-1828) The Tariff of 1816 had some protective features, and it received support throughout the nation, including that of John C. Calhoun and fellow South Carolinian William Lowndes. The first explicitly protective tariff linked to a specific program of internal improvements was the Tariff of 1824. Sponsored by Henry Clay, this tariff provided a general level of protection at 35% ad valorem (compared to 25% with the 1816 act) and hiked duties on iron, woolens, cotton, hemp, and wool and cotton bagging. The bill barely passed the federal House of Representatives by a vote of 107 to 102. The Middle states and Northwest supported the bill, the South and Southwest opposed it, and New England split its vote with a majority opposing it. In the Senate the bill, with the support of Tennessee Senator Andrew Jackson, passed by four votes, and President James Monroe, the Virginia heir to the Jefferson-Madison control of the White House, signed the bill on March 25, 1824. Daniel Webster of Massachusetts led the New England opposition to this tariff. Protest against the prospect and the constitutionality of higher tariffs began in 1826 and 1827 with William Branch Giles, who had the Virginia legislature pass resolutions denying the power of Congress to pass protective tariffs, citing the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and James Madison's 1800 defense of them. Madison denied both the appeal to nullification and the unconstitutionality; he had always held that the power to regulate commerce included protection. Jefferson had, at the end of his life, written against protective tariffs. The Tariff of 1828 was largely the work of Martin Van Buren (although Silas Wright Jr. of New York prepared the main provisions) and was partly a political ploy to elect Andrew Jackson president. Van Buren calculated that the South would vote for Jackson regardless of the issues so he ignored their interests in drafting the bill. New England, he thought, was just as likely to support the incumbent John Quincy Adams, so the bill levied heavy taxes on raw materials consumed by New England such as hemp, flax, molasses, iron and sail duck. With an additional tariff on iron to satisfy Pennsylvania interests, Van Buren expected the tariff to help deliver Pennsylvania, New York, Missouri, Ohio, and Kentucky to Jackson. Over opposition from the South and some from New England, the tariff was passed with the full support of many Jackson supporters in Congress and signed by President Adams in early 1828. As expected, Jackson and his running mate John Calhoun carried the entire South with overwhelming numbers in all the states but Louisiana where Adams drew 47% of the vote in a losing effort. However many Southerners became dissatisfied as Jackson, in his first two annual messages to Congress, failed to launch a strong attack on the tariff. Historian William J. Cooper Jr. writes: |“||The most doctrinaire ideologues of the Old Republican group [supporters of the Jefferson and Madison position in the late 1790s] first found Jackson wanting. These purists identified the tariff of 1828, the hated Tariff of Abominations, as the most heinous manifestation of the nationalist policy they abhorred. That protective tariff violated their constitutional theory, for, as they interpreted the document, it gave no permission for a protective tariff. Moreover, they saw protection as benefiting the North and hurting the South.||”| South Carolina Background (1819-1828) South Carolina had been adversely affected by the national economic decline of the 1820s. During this decade, the population decreased by 56,000 whites and 30,000 slaves, out of a total free and slave population of 580,000. The whites left for better places; they took slaves with them or sold them to traders moving slaves to the Deep South for sale. Historian Richard E. Ellis describes the situation: |“||Throughout the colonial and early national periods, South Carolina had sustained substantial economic growth and prosperity. This had created an extremely wealthy and extravagant low country aristocracy whose fortunes were based first on the cultivation of rice and indigo, and then on cotton. Then the state was devastated by the Panic of 1819. The depression that followed was more severe than in almost any other state of the Union. Moreover, competition from the newer cotton producing areas along the Gulf Coast, blessed with fertile lands that produced a higher crop-yield per acre, made recovery painfully slow. To make matters worse, in large areas of South Carolina slaves vastly outnumbered whites, and there existed both considerable fear of slave rebellion and a growing sensitivity to even the smallest criticism of “the peculiar institution.”||”| State leaders, led by states’ rights advocates like William Smith and Thomas Cooper, blamed most of the state’s economic problems on the Tariff of 1816 and national internal improvement projects Soil erosion and competition from the New Southwest were also very significant reasons for the state’s declining fortunes. George McDuffie was a particularly effective speaker for the anti-tariff forces, and he popularized the Forty Bale theory. McDuffie argued that the 40% tariff on cotton finished goods meant that “the manufacturer actually invades your barns, and plunders you of 40 out of every 100 bales that you produce.” Mathematically incorrect, this argument still struck a nerve with his constituency. Nationalists such as Calhoun were forced by the increasing power of such leaders to retreat from their previous positions and adopt, in the words of Ellis, "an even more extreme version of the states' rights doctrine" in order to maintain political significance within South Carolina. South Carolina’s first effort at nullification occurred in 1822. Its planters believed that free black sailors had assisted Denmark Vesey in his planned slave rebellion. South Carolina passed a Negro Seamen Act, which required that all black foreign seamen be imprisoned while their ships were docked in Charleston. Britain strongly objected, especially as it was recruiting more Africans as sailors. What was worse, if the captains did not pay the fees to cover the cost of jailing, South Carolina would sell the sailors into slavery. Other southern states also passed laws against free black sailors. Supreme Court Justice William Johnson, in his capacity as a circuit judge, declared the South Carolina law as unconstitutional since it violated United States treaties with Great Britain. The South Carolina Senate announced that the judge’s ruling was invalid and that the Act would be enforced. The federal government did not attempt to carry out Johnson's decision. Route to nullification in South Carolina (1828-1832) Historian Avery Craven argues that, for the most part, the debate from 1828-1832 was a local South Carolina affair. The state's leaders were not united and the sides were roughly equal. The western part of the state and a faction in Charleston, led by Joel Poinsett, would remain loyal to Jackson almost to the end. Only in small part was the conflict between “a National North against a States’-right South”. After the final vote on the Tariff of 1828, the South Carolina congressional delegation held two caucuses, the second at the home of Senator Robert Y. Hayne. They were rebuffed in their efforts to coordinate a united Southern response and focused on how their state representatives would react. While many agreed with George McDuffie that tariff policy could lead to secession at some future date, they all agreed that as much as possible, the issue should be kept out of the upcoming presidential election. Calhoun, while not at this meeting, served as a moderating influence. He felt that the first step in reducing the tariff was to defeat Adams and his supporters in the upcoming election. William C. Preston, on behalf of the South Carolina legislature, asked Calhoun to prepare a report on the tariff situation. Calhoun readily accepted this challenge and in a few weeks time had a 35,000-word draft of what would become his “Exposition and Protest”. Calhoun’s “Exposition” was completed late in 1828. He argued that the tariff of 1828 was unconstitutional because it favored manufacturing over commerce and agriculture. He thought that the tariff power could only be used to generate revenue, not to provide protection from foreign competition for American industries. He believed that the people of a state or several states, acting in a democratically elected convention, had the retained power to veto any act of the federal government which violated the Constitution. This veto, the core of the doctrine of nullification, was explained by Calhoun in the Exposition: |“||If it be conceded, as it must be by every one who is the least conversant with our institutions, that the sovereign powers delegated are divided between the General and State Governments, and that the latter hold their portion by the same tenure as the former, it would seem impossible to deny to the States the right of deciding on the infractions of their powers, and the proper remedy to be applied for their correction. The right of judging, in such cases, is an essential attribute of sovereignty, of which the States cannot be divested without losing their sovereignty itself, and being reduced to a subordinate corporate condition. In fact, to divide power, and to give to one of the parties the exclusive right of judging of the portion allotted to each, is, in reality, not to divide it at all; and to reserve such exclusive right to the General Government (it matters not by what department to be exercised), is to convert it, in fact, into a great consolidated government, with unlimited powers, and to divest the States, in reality, of all their rights, It is impossible to understand the force of terms, and to deny so plain a conclusion.||”| The report also detailed the specific southern grievances over the tariff that led to the current dissatisfaction. ” Fearful that “hotheads” such as McDuffie might force the legislature into taking some drastic action against the federal government, historian John Niven describes Calhoun’s political purpose in the document: |“||All through that hot and humid summer, emotions among the vociferous planter population had been worked up to a near-frenzy of excitement. The whole tenor of the argument built up in the “Exposition” was aimed to present the case in a cool, considered manner that would dampen any drastic moves yet would set in motion the machinery for repeal of the tariff act. It would also warn other sections of the Union against any future legislation that an increasingly self-conscious South might consider punitive, especially on the subject of slavery.||”| The report was submitted to the state legislature which had 5,000 copies printed and distributed. Calhoun, who still had designs on succeeding Jackson as president, was not identified as the author but word on this soon leaked out. The legislature took no action on the report at that time. In the summer of 1828 Robert Barnwell Rhett, soon to be considered the most radical of the South Carolinians, entered the fray over the tariff. As a state representative, Rhett called for the governor to convene a special session of the legislature. An outstanding orator, Rhett appealed to his constituents to resist the majority in Congress. Rhett addressed the danger of doing nothing: |“||But if you are doubtful of yourselves – if you are not prepared to follow up your principles wherever they may lead, to their very last consequence – if you love life better than honor, -- prefer ease to perilous liberty and glory; awake not! Stir not! -- Impotent resistance will add vengeance to your ruin. Live in smiling peace with your insatiable Oppressors, and die with the noble consolation that your submissive patience will survive triumphant your beggary and despair.||”| Rhett’s rhetoric about revolution and war was too radical in the summer of 1828 but, with the election of Jackson assured, James Hamilton Jr. on October 28 in the Colleton County Courthouse in Walterborough “launched the formal nullification campaign.” Renouncing his former nationalism, Hamilton warned the people that, “Your task-master must soon become a tyrant, from the very abuses and corruption of the system, without the bowels of compassion, or a jot of human sympathy.” He called for implementation of Mr. Jefferson’s “rightful remedy” of nullification. Hamilton sent a copy of the speech directly to President-elect Jackson. But, despite a statewide campaign by Hamilton and McDuffie, a proposal to call a nullification convention in 1829 was defeated by the South Carolina legislature meeting at the end of 1828. State leaders such as Calhoun, Hayne, Smith, and William Drayton were all able to remain publicly non-committal or opposed to nullification for the next couple of years. The division in the state between radicals and conservatives continued throughout 1829 and 1830. After the failure of a state project to arrange financing of a railroad within the state to promote internal trade, the state petitioned Congress to invest $250,000 in the company trying to build the railroad. After Congress tabled the measure, the debate in South Carolina resumed between those who wanted state investment and those who wanted to work to get Congress' support. The debate demonstrated that a significant minority of the state did have an interest in Clay’s American System. The effect of the Webster-Haynes debate was to energize the radicals, and some moderates started to move in their direction. The state election campaign of 1830 focused on the tariff issue and the need for a state convention. On the defensive, radicals underplayed the intent of the convention as pro-nullification. When voters were presented with races where an unpledged convention was the issue, the radicals generally won. When conservatives effectively characterized the race as being about nullification, the radicals lost. The October election was narrowly carried by the radicals, although the blurring of the issues left them without any specific mandate. In South Carolina, the governor was selected by the legislature, which selected James Hamilton, the leader of the radical movement, as governor and fellow radical Henry L. Pinckney as speaker of the South Carolina House. For the open Senate seat, the legislature chose the more radical Stephen Miller over William Smith. With radicals in leading positions, in 1831, they began to capture momentum. State politics became sharply divided along Nullifier and Unionist lines. Still, the margin in the legislature fell short of the two-thirds majority needed for a convention. Many of the radicals felt that convincing Calhoun of the futility of his plans for the presidency would lead him into their ranks. Calhoun meanwhile had concluded that Martin Van Buren was clearly establishing himself as Jackson’s heir apparent. At Hamilton’s prompting, George McDuffie made a three-hour speech in Charleston demanding nullification of the tariff at any cost. In the state, the success of McDuffie’s speech seemed to open up the possibilities of both military confrontation with the federal government and civil war within the state. With silence no longer an acceptable alternative, Calhoun looked for the opportunity to take control of the anti-tariff faction in the state; by June he was preparing what would be known as his Fort Hill Address. Published on July 26, 1831, the address repeated and expanded the positions Calhoun had made in the “Exposition”. While the logic of much of the speech was consistent with the states’ rights position of most Jacksonians, and even Daniel Webster remarked that it “was the ablest and most plausible, and therefore the most dangerous vindication of that particular form of Revolution”, the speech still placed Calhoun clearly in the nullifier camp. Within South Carolina, his gestures at moderation in the speech were drowned out as planters received word of the Nat Turner insurrection in Virginia. Calhoun was not alone in finding a connection between the abolition movement and the sectional aspects of the tariff issue. It confirmed for Calhoun what he had written in a September 11, 1830 letter: |“||I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the peculiar domestick [sic] institution of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness.||”| From this point, the nullifiers accelerated their organization and rhetoric. In July 1831 the States Rights and Free Trade Association was formed in Charleston and expanded throughout the state. Unlike state political organizations in the past, which were led by the South Carolina planter aristocracy, this group appealed to all segments of the population, including non-slaveholder farmers, small slaveholders, and the Charleston non-agricultural class. Governor Hamilton was instrumental in seeing that the association, which was both a political and a social organization, expanded throughout the state. In the winter of 1831 and spring of 1832, the governor held conventions and rallies throughout the state to mobilize the nullification movement. The conservatives were unable to match the radicals in either organization or leadership. The state elections of 1832 were “charged with tension and bespattered with violence,” and “polite debates often degenerated into frontier brawls.” Unlike the previous year’s election, the choice was clear between nullifiers and unionists. The nullifiers won and on October 20, 1832, Governor Hamilton called the legislature into a special session to consider a convention. The legislative vote was 96-25 in the House and 31-13 in the Senate In November 1832 the Nullification Convention met. The convention declared that the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable within the state of South Carolina after February 1, 1833. They said that attempts to use force to collect the taxes would lead to the state’s secession. Robert Hayne, who followed Hamilton as governor in 1833, established a 2,000-man group of mounted minutemen and 25,000 infantry who would march to Charleston in the event of a military conflict. These troops were to be armed with $100,000 in arms purchased in the North. The enabling legislation passed by the legislature was carefully constructed to avoid clashes if at all possible and to create an aura of legality in the process. To avoid conflicts with Unionists, it allowed importers to pay the tariff if they so desired. Other merchants could pay the tariff by obtaining a paper tariff bond from the customs officer. They would then refuse to pay the bond when due, and if the customs official seized the goods, the merchant would file for a writ of replevin to recover the goods in state court. Customs officials who refused to return the goods (by placing them under the protection of federal troops) would be civilly liable for twice the value of the goods. To insure that state officials and judges supported the law, a "test oath" would be required for all new state officials, binding them to support the ordinance of nullification. Governor Hayne in his inaugural address announced South Carolina's position: |“||If the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her citizens, shed in defense, I trust in Almighty God that no son of hers … who has been nourished at her bosom … will be found raising a parricidal arm against our common mother. And even should she stand ALONE in this great struggle for constitutional liberty … that there will not be found, in the wider limits of the state, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, and be ready to lay down his life in her defense.||”| Washington, D.C. (1828-1832) When President Jackson took office in March 1829 he was well aware of the turmoil created by the “Tariff of Abominations”. While he may have abandoned some of his earlier beliefs that had allowed him to vote for the Tariff of 1824, he still felt protectionism was justified for products essential to military preparedness and did not believe that the current tariff should be reduced until the national debt was fully paid off. He addressed the issue in his inaugural address and his first three messages to Congress, but offered no specific relief. In December 1831, with the proponents of nullification in South Carolina gaining momentum, Jackson was recommending “the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies.” However on the constitutional issue of nullification, despite his strong beliefs in states’ rights, Jackson did not waver. Calhoun’s “Exposition and Protest” did start a national debate over the doctrine of nullification. The leading proponents of the nationalistic view included Daniel Webster, Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story, Judge William Alexander Duer, John Quincy Adams, Nathaniel Chipman, and Nathan Dane. These people rejected the compact theory advanced by Calhoun, claiming that the Constitution was the product of the people, not the states. According to the nationalist position, the Supreme Court had the final say on the constitutionality of legislation, the national union was perpetual and had supreme authority over individual states. The nullifiers, on the other hand, asserted that the central government was not to be the ultimate arbiter of its own power, and that the states, as the contracting entities, could judge for themselves what was or was not constitutional. While Calhoun’s “Exposition” claimed that nullification was based on the reasoning behind the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, an aging James Madison in an August 28, 1830 letter to Edward Everett, intended for publication, disagreed. Madison wrote, denying that any individual state could alter the compact: |“||Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over 1/4 of the U. S. — that is, of 7 States out of 24 — to give the law and even the Constn. to 17 States, each of the 17 having as parties to the Constn. an equal right with each of the 7 to expound it & to insist on the exposition. That the 7 might, in particular instances be right and the 17 wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive & permanent rule giving such a power to such a minority over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free Govt. and in practice necessarily overturn the Govt. itself.||”| Part of the South’s strategy to force repeal of the tariff was to arrange an alliance with the West. Under the plan, the South would support the West’s demand for free lands in the public domain if the West would support repeal of the tariff. With this purpose Robert Hayne took the floor on the Senate in early 1830, thus beginning “the most celebrated debate, in the Senate’s history.” Daniel Webster’s response shifted the debate, subsequently styled the Webster-Hayne debates, from the specific issue of western lands to a general debate on the very nature of the United States. Webster's position differed from Madison's: Webster asserted that the people of the United States acted as one aggregate body, Madison held that the people of the several states had acted collectively. John Rowan spoke against Webster on that issue, and Madison wrote, congratulating Webster, but explaining his own position. The debate presented the fullest articulation of the differences over nullification, and 40,000 copies of Webster’s response, which concluded with “liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable”, were distributed nationwide. Many people expected the states’ rights Jackson to side with Haynes. However once the debate shifted to secession and nullification, Jackson sided with Webster. On April 13, 1830 at the traditional Democratic Party celebration honoring Thomas Jefferson’s birthday, Jackson chose to make his position clear. In a battle of toasts, Hayne proposed, “The Union of the States, and the Sovereignty of the States.” Jackson’s response, when his turn came, was, “Our Federal Union: It must be preserved.” To those attending, the effect was dramatic. Calhoun would respond with his own toast, in a play on Webster’s closing remarks in the earlier debate, “The Union. Next to our liberty, the most dear.” Finally Martin Van Buren would offer, “Mutual forbearance and reciprocal concession. Through their agency the Union was established. The patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it.” Van Buren wrote in his autobiography of Jackson’s toast, “The veil was rent – the incantations of the night were exposed to the light of day.” Thomas Hart Benton, in his memoirs, stated that the toast “electrified the country.” Jackson would have the final words a few days later when a visitor from South Carolina asked if Jackson had any message he wanted relayed to his friends back in the state. Jackson’s reply was: |“||Yes I have; please give my compliments to my friends in your State and say to them, that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I will hang the first man I can lay my hand on engaged in such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach.||”| Other issues than the tariff were still being decided. In May 1830 Jackson vetoed an important (especially to Kentucky and Henry Clay) internal improvements program in the Maysville Road Bill and then followed this with additional vetoes of other such projects shortly before Congress adjourned at the end of May. Clay would use these vetoes to launch his presidential campaign. In 1831 the re-chartering of the Bank of the United States, with Clay and Jackson on opposite sides, reopened a long simmering problem. This issue was featured at the December 1831 National Republican convention in Baltimore which nominated Henry Clay for president, and the proposal to re-charter was formally introduced into Congress on January 6, 1832. The Calhoun-Jackson split entered the center stage when Calhoun, as vice-president presiding over the Senate, cast the tie-breaking vote to deny Martin Van Buren the post of minister to England. Van Buren was subsequently selected as Jackson’s running mate at the 1832 Democratic National Convention held in May. In February 1832 Henry Clay, back in the Senate after a two decades absence, made a three day long speech calling for a new tariff schedule and an expansion of his American System. In an effort to reach out to John Calhoun and other southerners, Clay’s proposal provided for a ten million dollar revenue reduction based on the amount of budget surplus he anticipated for the coming year. Significant protection was still part of the plan as the reduction primarily came on those imports not in competition with domestic producers. Jackson proposed an alternative that reduced overall tariffs to 28%. John Quincy Adams, now in the House of Representatives, used his Committee of Manufacturers to produce a compromise bill that, in its final form, reduced revenues by five million dollars, lowered duties on non-competitive products, and retained high tariffs on woolens, iron, and cotton products. In the course of the political maneuvering, George McDuffie’s Ways and Means Committee, the normal originator of such bills, prepared a bill with drastic reduction across the board. McDuffie’s bill went nowhere. Jackson signed the Tariff of 1832 on July 14, 1832, a few days after he vetoed the Bank of the United States re-charter bill. Congress adjourned after it failed to override Jackson’s veto. With Congress in adjournment, Jackson anxiously watched events in South Carolina. The nullifiers found no significant compromise in the Tariff of 1832 and acted accordingly (see the above section). Jackson heard rumors of efforts to subvert members of the army and navy in Charleston and he ordered the secretaries of the army and navy to begin rotating troops and officers based on their loyalty. He ordered General Winfield Scott to prepare for military operations and ordered a naval squadron in Norfolk to prepare to go to Charleston. Jackson kept lines of communication open with unionists like Joel Poinsett, William Drayton, and James L. Petigru and sent George Breathitt, brother of the Kentucky governor, to independently obtain political and military intelligence. After their defeat at the polls in October, Petigru advised Jackson that he should " Be prepared to hear very shortly of a State Convention and an act of Nullification.” On October 19, 1832 Jackson wrote to his Secretary of War, “The attempt will be made to surprise the Forts and garrisons by the militia, and must be guarded against with vestal vigilance and any attempt by force repelled with prompt and exemplary punishment.” By mid-November Jackson’s reelection was assured. On December 3, 1832 Jackson sent his fourth annual message to Congress. The message “was stridently states’ rights and agrarian in its tone and thrust” and he disavowed protection as anything other than a temporary expedient. His intent regarding nullification, as communicated to Van Buren, was “to pass it barely in review, as a mere buble [sic], view the existing laws as competent to check and put it down.” He hoped to create a “moral force” that would transcend political parties and sections. The paragraph in the message that addressed nullification was: |“||It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United States opposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able peaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it.||”| On December 10 Jackson issued the Proclamation to the People of South Carolina, in which he characterized the positions of the nullifiers as "impractical absurdity" and "a metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an impractical theory." He provided this concise statement of his belief: |“||I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which It was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.||”| The language used by Jackson, combined with the reports coming out of South Carolina, raised the spectre of military confrontation for many on both sides of the issue. A group of Democrats, led by Van Buren and Thomas Hart Benton among others, saw the only solution to the crisis in a substantial reduction of the tariff. Negotiation and Confrontation (1833) In apparent contradiction of his previous claim that the tariff could be enforced with existing laws, on January 16 Jackson sent his Force Bill Message to Congress. Custom houses in Beaufort and Georgetown would be closed and replaced by ships located at each port. In Charleston the custom house would be moved to either Castle Pinckney or Fort Moultrie in Charleston harbor. Direct payment rather than bonds would be required, and federal jails would be established for violators that the state refused to arrest and all cases arising under the state’s nullification act could be removed to the United States Circuit Court. In the most controversial part, the militia acts of 1795 and 1807 would be revised to permit the enforcement of the custom laws by both the militia and the regular United States military. Attempts were made in South Carolina to shift the debate away from nullification by focusing instead on the proposed enforcement. The Force bill went to the Senate Judiciary Committee chaired by Pennsylvania protectionist William Wilkins and supported by members Daniel Webster and Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey; it gave Jackson everything he asked. On January 28 the Senate defeated a motion by a vote of 30 to 15 to postpone debate on the bill. All but two of the votes to delay were from the lower South and only three from this section voted against the motion. This did not signal any increased support for nullification but did signify doubts about enforcement. In order to draw more votes, proposals were made to limit the duration of the coercive powers and restrict the use of force to suppressing, rather than preventing, civil disorder. In the House the Judiciary Committee, in a 4-3 vote, rejected Jackson’s request to use force. By the time Calhoun made a major speech on February 15 strongly opposing it, the Force Bill was temporarily stalled. On the tariff issue, the drafting of a compromise tariff was assigned in December to the House Ways and Means Committee, now headed by Gulian C. Verplanck. Debate on the committee’s product on the House floor began in January 1833. The Verplanck tariff proposed reductions back to the 1816 levels over the course of the next two years while maintaining the basic principle of protectionism. The anti-Jackson protectionists saw this as an economic disaster that did not allow the Tariff of 1832 to even be tested and "an undignified truckling to the menaces and blustering of South Carolina." Northern Democrats did not oppose it in principle but still demanded protection for the varying interests of their own constituents. Those sympathetic to the nullifiers wanted a specific abandonment of the principle of protectionism and were willing to offer a longer transition period as a bargaining point. It was clear that the Verplanck tariff was not going to be implemented. In South Carolina, efforts were being made to avoid an unnecessary confrontation. Governor Hayne ordered the 25,000 troops he had created to train at home rather than gathering in Charleston. At a mass meeting in Charleston on January 21, it was decided to postpone the February 1 deadline for implementing nullification while Congress worked on a compromise tariff. At the same time a commissioner from Virginia, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, arrived in Charleston bearing resolutions that criticized both Jackson and the nullifiers and offering his state as a mediator. Henry Clay had not taken his defeat in the presidential election well and was unsure on what position he could take in the tariff negotiations. His long term concern was that Jackson eventually was determined to kill protectionism along with the American Plan. In February, after consulting with manufacturers and sugar interests in Louisiana who favored protection for the sugar industry, Clay started to work on a specific compromise plan. As a starting point, he accepted the nullifiers' offer of a transition period but extended it from seven and a half years to nine years with a final target of a 20% ad valorem rate. After first securing the support of his protectionist base, Clay, through an intermediary, broached the subject with Calhoun. Calhoun was receptive and after a private meeting with Clay at Clay’s boardinghouse, negotiations preceded. Clay introduced the negotiated tariff bill on February 12, and it was immediately referred to a select committee consisting of Clay as chairman, Felix Grundy of Tennessee, George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania, William Cabell Rives of Virginia, Webster, John M. Clayton of Delaware, and Calhoun. On February 21 the committee reported a bill to the floor of the Senate which was largely the original bill proposed by Clay. The Tariff of 1832 would continue except that reduction of all rates above 20% would be reduced by one tenth every two years with the final reductions back to 20% coming in 1842. Protectionism as a principle was not abandoned and provisions were made for raising the tariff if national interests demanded it. Although not specifically linked by any negotiated agreement, it became clear that the Force Bill and Compromise Tariff of 1833 were inexorably linked. In his February 25 speech ending the debate on the tariff, Clay captured the spirit of the voices for compromise by condemning Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina as inflammatory, admitting the same problem with the Force Bill but indicating its necessity, and praising the Compromise Tariff as the final measure to restore balance, promote the rule of law, and avoid the "sacked cities," "desolated fields," and "smoking ruins" that he said would be the product of the failure to reach a final accord. The House passed the Compromise Tariff by 119-85 and the Force Bill by 149-48. In the Senate the tariff passed 29-16 and the Force bill by 32-1 with many opponents of it walking out rather than voting for it. Calhoun rushed to Charleston with the news of the final compromises. The Nullification Convention met again on March 11. It repealed the November Nullification Ordinance and also, "in a purely symbolic gesture", nullified the Force Bill. While the nullifiers claimed victory on the tariff issue, even though they had made concessions, the verdict was very different on nullification. The majority had, in the end, ruled and this boded ill for the South and their minorities hold on slavery. Rhett summed this up at the convention on March 13. Warning that, "A people, owning slaves, are mad, or worse than mad, who do not hold their destinies in their own hands," he continued: |“||Every stride of this Government, over your rights, brings it nearer and nearer to your peculiar policy. …The whole world are in arms against your institutions … Let Gentlemen not be deceived. It is not the Tariff – not Internal Improvement – nor yet the Force bill, which constitutes the great evil against which we are contending. … These are but the forms in which the despotic nature of the government is evinced – but it is the despotism which constitutes the evil: and until this Government is made a limited Government … there is no liberty – no security for the South.||”| People reflected on the meaning of the nullification crisis and its outcome for the country. On May 1, 1833 Jackson wrote, "the tariff was only a pretext, and disunion and southern confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or slavery question." The final resolution of the crisis and Jackson’s leadership had appeal throughout the North and South. Robert Remini, the historian and Jackson biographer, described the opposition that nullification drew from traditionally states’ rights Southern states: The Alabama legislature, for example, pronounced the doctrine “unsound in theory and dangerous in practice.” Georgia said it was “mischievous,” “rash and revolutionary.” Mississippi lawmakers chided the South Carolinians for acting with “reckless precipitancy.” Forest McDonald, describing the split over nullification among proponents of states rights, wrote, “The doctrine of states’ rights, as embraced by most Americans, was not concerned exclusively, or even primarily with state resistance to federal authority.” But, by the end of the nullification crisis, many southerners started to question whether the Jacksonian Democrats still represented Southern interests. The historian William J. Cooper notes that, “Numerous southerners had begun to perceive it [the Jacksonian Democratic Party] as a spear aimed at the South rather than a shield defending the South.” In the political vacuum created by this alienation, the southern wing of the Whig Party was formed. The party was a coalition of interests united by the common thread of opposition to Andrew Jackson and, more specifically, his “definition of federal and executive power.” The party included former National Republicans with an “urban, commercial, and nationalist outlook” as well as former nullifiers. Emphasizing that “they were more southern than the Democrats,” the party grew within the South by going “after the abolition issue with unabashed vigor and glee.” With both parties arguing who could best defend southern institutions, the nuances of the differences between free soil and abolitionism, which became an issue in the late 1840s with the Mexican War and territorial expansion, never became part of the political dialogue. This failure increased the volatility of the slavery issues. Richard Ellis argues that the end of the crisis signified the beginning of a new era. Within the states’ rights movement, the traditional desire for simply “a weak, inactive, and frugal government” was challenged. Ellis states that “in the years leading up to the Civil War the nullifiers and their pro-slavery allies used the doctrine of states’ rights and state sovereignty in such a way as to try to expand the powers of the federal government so that it could more effectively protect the peculiar institution.” By the 1850s, states’ rights had become a call for state equality under the Constitution. Madison reacted to this incipient tendency by writing two paragraphs of "Advice to My Country," found among his papers. It said that the Union "should be cherished and perpetuated. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her box opened; and the disguised one, as the Serpent creeping with his deadly wiles into paradise." Richard Rush published this "Advice" in 1850, by which time Southern spirit was so high that it was denounced as a forgery. The first test for the South over the slavery issue began during the final congressional session of 1835. In what became known as the Gag Rule Debates, abolitionists flooded the Congress with anti-slavery petitions to end slavery and the slave trade in Washington, D.C. The debate was reopened each session as Southerners, led by South Carolinians Henry Pinckney and John Hammond, prevented the petitions from even being officially received by Congress. Led by John Quincy Adams, the slavery debate remained on the national stage until late 1844 when Congress lifted all restrictions on processing the petitions. Describing the legacy of the crisis, Sean Wilentz writes: |“||The battle between Jacksonian democratic nationalists, northern and southern, and nullifier sectionalists would resound through the politics of slavery and antislavery for decades to come. Jackson’s victory, ironically, would help accelerate the emergence of southern pro-slavery as a coherent and articulate political force, which would help solidify northern antislavery opinion, inside as well as outside Jackson’s party. Those developments would accelerate the emergence of two fundamentally incompatible democracies, one in the slave South, the other in the free North.||”| For South Carolina, the legacy of the crisis involved both the divisions within the state during the crisis and the apparent isolation of the state as the crisis was resolved. By 1860, when South Carolina became the first state to secede, the state was more internally united than any other southern state. Historian Charles Edward Cauthen writes: |“||Probably to a greater extent than in any other Southern state South Carolina had been prepared by her leaders over a period of thirty years for the issues of 1860. Indoctrination in the principles of state sovereignty, education in the necessity of maintaining Southern institutions, warnings of the dangers of control of the federal government by a section hostile to its interests – in a word, the education of the masses in the principles and necessity of secession under certain circumstances – had been carried on with a skill and success hardly inferior to the masterly propaganda of the abolitionists themselves. It was this education, this propaganda, by South Carolina leaders which made secession the almost spontaneous movement that it was.||”| See also - Origins of the American Civil War - American System (economic plan) - American School (economics) - Alexander Hamilton - Friedrich List - Nullification Convention - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v2 pp. 136-137. Niven pg. 135-137. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg 143 - Freehling, The Road to Disunion, pg. 255. Craven pg. 60. Ellis pg. 7 - Craven pg.65. Niven pg. 135-137. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg 143 - Niven p. 192. Calhoun replaced Robert Y. Hayne as senator so that Hayne could follow James Hamilton as governor. Niven writes, "There is no doubt that these moves were part of a well-thought-out plan whereby Hayne would restrain the hotheads in the state legislature and Calhoun would defend his brainchild, nullification, in Washington against administration stalwarts and the likes of Daniel Webster, the new apostle of northern nationalism." - Howe p. 410. In the Senate only Virginia and South Carolina voted against the 1832 tariff. Howe writes, "Most southerners saw the measure as a significant amelioration of their grievance and were now content to back Jackson for reelection rather than pursue the more drastic remedy such as the one South Carolina was touting." - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 1-3. Freehling writes, “In Charleston Governor Robert Y. Hayne ... tried to form an army which could hope to challenge the forces of ‘Old Hickory.’ Hayne recruited a brigade of mounted minutemen, 2,000 strong, which could swoop down on Charleston the moment fighting broke out, and a volunteer army of 25,000 men which could march on foot to save the beleaguered city. In the North Governor Hayne’s agents bought over $100,000 worth of arms; in Charleston Hamilton readied his volunteers for an assault on the federal forts.” - Wilentz pg. 388 - Woods pg. 78 - Tuttle, California Digest 26 pg. 47 - Ellis pg. 4 - McDonald pg. vii. McDonald wrote, “Of all the problems that beset the United States during the century from the Declaration of Independence to the end of Reconstruction, the most pervasive concerned disagreements about the nature of the Union and the line to be drawn between the authority of the general government and that of the several states. At times the issue bubbled silently and unseen between the surface of public consciousness; at times it exploded: now and again the balance between general and local authority seemed to be settled in one direction or another, only to be upset anew and to move back toward the opposite position, but the contention never went away.” - Ellis pg. 1-2. - For full text of the resolutions, see Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and Kentucky Resolutions of 1799. - James Madison, Virginia Resolutions of 1798 - Banning pg. 388 - Brant, p. 297, 629 - Brant, pp. 298. - Brant, p.629 - Ketchum pg. 396 - Wilentz pg. 80. - Ellis p.5. Madison called for the constitutional amendment because he believed much of the American System was unconstitutional. Historian Richard Buel Jr. notes that in preparing for the worst from the Hartford Convention, the Madison administration made preparation to intervene militarily in case of New England secession. Troops from the Canadian border were moved near Albany so that they could move into either Massachusetts or Connecticut if necessary. New England troops were also returned to their recruitment areas in order to serve as a focus for loyalists. Buel pg.220-221 - McDonald pg. 69-70 - Wilentz pg.166 - Wilentz pg. 181 - Ellis pg. 6. Wilentz pg. 182. - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 92-93 - Wilentz pg. 243. Economic historian Frank Taussig notes “The act of 1816, which is generally said to mark the beginning of a distinctly protective policy in this country, belongs rather to the earlier series of acts, beginning with that of 1789, than to the group of acts of 1824, 1828, and 1832. Its highest permanent rate of duty was twenty per cent., an increase over the previous rates which is chiefly accounted for by the heavy interest charge on the debt incurred during the war. But after the crash of 1819, a movement in favor of protection set in, which was backed by a strong popular feeling such as had been absent in the earlier years.” http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136 - Remini, Henry Clay pg. 232. Freehling, The Road to Disunion, pg. 257. - McDonald pg. 95 - Brant, p. 622 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v2 pp. 136-137. McDonald presents a slightly different rationale. He stated that the bill would “adversely affect New England woolen manufacturers, ship builders, and shipowners” and Van Buren calculated that New England and the South would unite to defeat the bill, allowing Jacksonians to have it both ways – in the North they could claim they tried but failed to pass a needed tariff and in the South they could claim that they had thwarted an effort to increase import duties. McDonald pg. 94-95 - Cooper pg. 11-12. - Freehling, The Road to Disunion, pg. 255. Historian Avery Craven wrote, “Historians have generally ignored the fact that the South Carolina statesmen, in the so-called Nullification controversy, were struggling against a practical situation. They have conjured up a great struggle between nationalism and States” rights and described these men as theorists reveling in constitutional refinements for the mere sake of logic. Yet here was a clear case of commercial and agricultural depression. Craven pg. 60 - Ellis pg. 7. Freehling notes that divisions over nullification in the state generally corresponded to the extent that the section suffered economically. The exception was the “Low country rice and luxury cotton planters” who supported nullification despite their ability to survive the economic depression. This section had the highest percentage of slave population. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 25. - Cauthen pg. 1 - Ellis pg. 7. Freehling, Road to Disunion, pg. 256 - Gerald Horne, Negro Comrades of the Crown: African Americans and the British Empire Fight the U.S. Before Emancipation, New York University (NYU) Press, 2012, pp. 97-98 - Freehling, Road to Disunion, p. 254 - Craven pg.65. - Niven pg. 135-137. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg 143. - South Carolina Exposition and Protest - Niven pg. 158-162 - Niven pg. 161 - Niven pg. 163-164 - Walther pg. 123. Craven pg. 63-64. - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 149 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 152-155, 173-175. A two-thirds vote of each house of the legislature was required to convene a state convention. - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 177-186 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 205-213 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 213-218 - Peterson pg. 189-192. Niven pg. 174-181. Calhoun wrote of McDuffie’s speech, “I think it every way imprudent and have so written Hamilton … I see clearly it brings matters to a crisis, and that I must meet it promptly and manfully.” Freehling in his works frequently refers to the radicals as “Calhounites” even before 1831. This is because the radicals, rallying around Calhoun’s “Exposition,” were linked ideologically, if not yet practically, with Calhoun. - Niven pg. 181-184 - Ellis pg. 193. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 257. - Freehling pg. 224-239 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 252-260 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 1-3. - Ellis pg. 97-98 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v. 3 pg. 14 - Ellis pg. 41-43 - Ellis p. 9 - Ellis pg. 9 - Brant, p.627. - Ellis pg. 10. Ellis wrote, "But the nullifiers' attempt to legitimize their controversial doctrine by claiming it was a logical extension of the principles embodied in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions upset him. In a private letter he deliberately wrote for publication, Madison denied many of the assertions of the nullifiers and lashed out in particular at South Carolina's claim that if a state nullified an act of the federal government it could only be overruled by an amendment to the Constitution." Full text of the letter is available at http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm. - Brant, pp. 626-7. Webster never asserted the consolidating position again. - McDonald pg.105-106 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 233-235. - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 233-237. - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 255-256 Peterson pg. 196-197. - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 343-348 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 347-355 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 358-373. Peterson pg. 203-212 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v.2 pg. 382-389 - Ellis pg. 82 - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v. 3 pg. 9-11. Full text of his message available at http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html - Ellis pg 83-84. Full document available at: http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm - Ellis pg. 93-95 - Ellis pg. 160-165. Peterson pg. 222-224. Peterson differs with Ellis in arguing that passage of the Force Bill “was never in doubt.” - Ellis pg. 99-100. Peterson pg. 217. - Wilentz pg. 384-385. - Peterson pg. 217-226 - Peterson pg. 226-228 - Peterson pg. 229-232 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 295-297 - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War, pg. 297. Willentz pg. 388 - Jon Meacham (2009), American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House, New York: Random House, p. 247; Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, Vol. V, p. 72. - Remini, Andrew Jackson, v3. pg. 42. - McDonald pg. 110 - Cooper pg. 53-65 - Ellis pg. 198 - Brant p. 646; Rush produced a copy in Mrs. Madison's hand; the original also survives. The contemporary letter to Edward Coles (Brant, p. 639) makes plain that the enemy in question is the nullifier. - Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pg. 346-356. McDonald (pg 121-122) saw states’ rights in the period from 1833-1847 as almost totally successful in creating a “virtually nonfunctional” federal government. This did not insure political harmony, as “the national political arena became the center of heated controversy concerning the newly raised issue of slavery, a controversy that reached the flash point during the debates about the annexation of the Republic of Texas” pg. 121-122 - Cauthen pg. 32 - Brant, Irving: The Fourth President: A Life of James Madison Bobbs Merrill, 1970. - Buel, Richard Jr. America on the Brink: How the Political Struggle Over the War of 1812 Almost Destroyed the Young Republic. (2005) ISBN 1-4039-6238-3 - Cauthen, Charles Edward. South Carolina Goes to War. (1950) ISBN 1-57003-560-1 - Cooper, William J. Jr. The South and the Politics of Slavery 1828-1856 (1978) ISBN 0-8071-0385-3 - Craven, Avery. The Coming of the Civil War (1942) ISBN 0-226-11894-0 - Ellis, Richard E. The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis (1987) - Freehling, William W. The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776-1854 (1991), Vol. 1 - Freehling, William W. Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816-1836. (1965) ISBN 0-19-507681-8 - Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848. (2007) ISBN 978-0-19-507894-7 - McDonald, Forrest. States’ Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio 1776-1876 (2000) ISBN 0-7006-1040-5 - Niven, John. John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union (1988) ISBN 0-8071-1451-0 - Peterson, Merrill D. The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun. (1987) ISBN 0-19-503877-0 - Remini, Robert V. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822-1832,v2 (1981) ISBN 0-06-014844-6 - Remini, Robert V. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833-1845, v3 (1984) ISBN 0-06-015279-6 - Remini, Robert V. Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (1991) ISBN 0-393-31088-4 - Tuttle, Charles A. (Court Reporter) California Digest: A Digest of the Reports of the Supreme Court of California, Volume 26 (1906) - Walther, Eric C. The Fire-Eaters (1992) ISBN 0-8071-1731-5 - Wilentz, Sean. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln. (2005) ISBN 0-393-05820-4 - Woods, Thomas E. Jr. Nullification (2010) ISBN 978-1-59698-149-2 Further reading - Barnwell, John. Love of Order: South Carolina's First Secession Crisis (1982) - Capers, Gerald M. John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal (1960) - Coit, Margaret L. John C. Calhoun: American Portrait (1950) - Houston, David Franklin (1896). A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina. Longmans, Green, and Co. - Latner, Richard B. "The Nullification Crisis and Republican Subversion," Journal of Southern History 43 (1977): 18-38, in JSTOR - McCurry, Stephanie. Masters of Small Worlds.New York: Oxford UP, 1993. - Pease, Jane H. and William H. Pease, "The Economics and Politics of Charleston's Nullification Crisis", Journal of Southern History 47 (1981): 335-62, in JSTOR - Ratcliffe, Donald. "The Nullification Crisis, Southern Discontents, and the American Political Process", American Nineteenth Century History. Vol 1: 2 (2000) pp. 1–30 - Wiltse, Charles. John C. Calhoun, nullifier, 1829-1839 (1949) - South Carolina Exposition and Protest, by Calhoun, 1828. - The Fort Hill Address: On the Relations of the States and the Federal Government, by Calhoun, July 1831. - South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, November 24, 1832. - President Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina, December 10, 1832. - Primary Documents in American History: Nullification Proclamation (Library of Congress) - President Jackson's Message to the Senate and House Regarding South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance, January 16, 1833 - Nullification Revisited: An article examining the constitutionality of nullification (from a favorable aspect, and with regard to both recent and historical events).

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nullification_Crisis

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||This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. (January 2013)| In arithmetic, long division is a standard division algorithm suitable for dividing simple or complex multidigit numbers that is simple enough to perform by hand. It breaks down a division problem into a series of easier steps. As in all division problems, one number, called the dividend, is divided by another, called the divisor, producing a result called the quotient. It enables computations involving arbitrarily large numbers to be performed by following a series of simple steps. The abbreviated form of long division is called short division, which is almost always used instead of long division when the divisor has only one digit. Place in education Inexpensive calculators and computers have become the most common way to solve division problems, eliminating a traditional mathematical exercise, and decreasing the educational opportunity to show how to do so by paper and pencil techniques. (Internally, those devices use one of a variety of division algorithms). In the United States, long division has been especially targeted for de-emphasis, or even elimination from the school curriculum, by reform mathematics, though traditionally introduced in the 4th or 5th grades. The process is begun by dividing the left-most digit of the dividend by the divisor. The quotient (rounded down to an integer) becomes the first digit of the result, and the remainder is calculated (this step is notated as a subtraction). This remainder carries forward when the process is repeated on the following digit of the dividend (notated as 'bringing down' the next digit to the remainder). When all digits have been processed and no remainder is left, the process is complete. An example is shown below, representing the division of 500 by 4 (with a result of 125). 125 (Explanations) 4)500 4 (4 × 1 = 4) 10 (5 - 4 = 1) 8 (4 × 2 = 8) 20 (10 - 8 = 2) 20 (4 × 5 = 20) 0 (20 - 20 = 0) In the above example, the first step is to find the shortest sequence of digits starting from the left end of the dividend, 500, that the divisor 4 goes into at least once; this shortest sequence in this example is simply the first digit, 5. The largest number that the divisor 4 can be multiplied by without exceeding 5 is 1, so the digit 1 is put above the 5 to start constructing the quotient. Next, the 1 is multiplied by the divisor 4, to obtain the largest whole number (4 in this case) that is a multiple of the divisor 4 without exceeding the 5; this product of 1 times 4 is 4, so 4 is placed underneath the 5. Next the 4 under the 5 is subtracted from the 5 to get the remainder, 1, which is placed under the 4 under the 5. This remainder 1 is necessarily smaller than the divisor 4. Next the first as-yet unused digit in the dividend, in this case the first digit 0 after the 5, is copied directly underneath itself and next to the remainder 1, to form the number 10. At this point the process is repeated enough times to reach a stopping point: The largest number by which the divisor 4 can be multiplied without exceeding 10 is 2, so 2 is written above the 0 that is next to the 5 – that is, directly above the last digit in the 10. Then the latest entry to the quotient, 2, is multiplied by the divisor 4 to get 8, which is the largest multiple of 4 that does not exceed 10; so 8 is written below 10, and the subtraction 10 minus 8 is performed to get the remainder 2, which is placed below the 8. This remainder 2 is necessarily smaller than the divisor 4. The next digit of the dividend (the last 0 in 500) is copied directly below itself and next to the remainder 2, to form 20. Then the largest number by which the divisor 4 can be multiplied without exceeding 20 is ascertained; this number is 5, so 5 is placed above the last dividend digit that was brought down (i.e., above the rightmost 0 in 500). Then this new quotient digit 5 is multiplied by the divisor 4 to get 20, which is written at the bottom below the existing 20. Then 20 is subtracted from 20, yielding 0, which is written below the 20. We know we are done now because two things are true: there are no more digits to bring down from the dividend, and the last subtraction result was 0. If the last remainder when we ran out of dividend digits had been something other than 0, there would have been two possible courses of action. (1) We could just stop there and say that the dividend divided by the divisor is the quotient written at the top with the remainder written at the bottom; equivalently we could write the answer as the quotient followed by a fraction that is the remainder divided by the divisor. Or, (2) we could extend the dividend by writing it as, say, 500.000... and continue the process (using a decimal point in the quotient directly above the decimal point in the dividend), in order to get a decimal answer, as in the following example. 31.75 4)127.00 124 3 0 (0 is written because 4 does not go into 3, using whole numbers.) 30 (0 is added in order to make 3 divisible by 4; the 0 is accounted for by adding a decimal point in the quotient.) 28 (7 × 4 = 28) 20 (an additional zero is brought down) 20 (5 × 4 = 20) 0 In this example, the decimal part of the result is calculated by continuing the process beyond the units digit, "bringing down" zeros as being the decimal part of the dividend. This example also illustrates that, at the beginning of the process, a step that produces a zero can be omitted. Since the first digit 1 is less than the divisor 4, the first step is instead performed on the first two digits 12. Similarly, if the divisor were 13, one would perform the first step on 127 rather than 12 or 1. Basic procedure for long division by longhand - When dividing two numbers, for example, n divided by m, n is the dividend and m is the divisor; the answer is the quotient. - Find the location of all decimal points in the dividend and divisor. - If necessary, simplify the long division problem by moving the decimals of the divisor and dividend by the same number of decimal places, to the right, (or to the left) so that the decimal of the divisor is to the right of the last digit. - When doing long division, keep the numbers lined up straight from top to bottom under the tableau. - After each step, be sure the remainder for that step is less than the divisor. If it is not, there are three possible problems: the multiplication is wrong, the subtraction is wrong, or a greater quotient is needed. - In the end, the remainder, r, is added to the growing quotient as a fraction, r/m. Example with multi-digit divisor A divisor of any number of digits can be used. In this example, 37 is to be divided into 1260257. First the problem is set up as follows: Digits of the number 1260257 are taken until a number greater than 37 occurs. So 1 and 12 are less than 37, but 126 is greater. Next, the greatest multiple of 37 less than 126 is computed. So 3 × 37 = 111 < 126, but 4 × 37 > 126. This is written underneath the 126 and the multiple of 37 is written on the top where the solution will appear: 3 37)1260257 111 Note carefully which columns these digits are written into - the 3 is put in the same column as the 6 in the dividend 1260257. The 111 is then subtracted from the above line, ignoring all digits to the right: 3 37)1260257 111 15 Now digits are copied down from the dividend and appended to the result of 15 until a number greater than 37 is obtained. 150 is greater so only the 0 is copied: 3 37)1260257 111 150 The process repeats: the greatest multiple of 37 less than 150 is subtracted. This is 148 = 4 × 37, so a 4 is added to the solution line. Then the result of the subtraction is extended by digits taken from the dividend: 34 37)1260257 111 150 148 225 Notice that two digits had to be used to extend 2, as 22 < 37. This is repeated until 37 divides the last line exactly: 34061 37)1260257 111 150 148 225 222 37 Mixed mode long division m - yd - ft - in 1 - 634 1 9 r. 15" 37) 50 - 600 - 0 - 0 37 22880 66 348 13 23480 66 348 17600 222 37 333 5280 128 29 15 22880 111 348 == ===== 170 === 148 22 66 == Each of the four columns is worked in turn. Starting with the miles: 50/37 = 1 remainder 13. No further division is possible, so perform a long multiplication by 1,760 to convert miles to yards, the result is 22,880 yards. Carry this to the top of the yards column and add it to the 600 yards in the dividend giving 23,480. Long division of 23,480 / 37 now proceeds as normal yielding 634 with remainder 22. The remainder is multiplied by 3 to get feet and carried up to the feet column. Long division of the feet gives 1 remainder 29 which is then multiplied by twelve to get 348 inches. Long division continues with the final remainder of 15 inches being shown on the result line. Non-decimal radix The same method and layout is used for binary, octal and hexadecimal. An address range of 0xf412df divided into 0x12 parts is: 0d8f45 r. 5 12 ) f412df ea a1 90 112 10e 4d 48 5f 5a 5 Binary is of course trivial because each digit in the result can only be 1 or 0: 1110 r. 11 1101) 10111001 1101 10100 1101 1110 1101 11 Interpretation of decimal results When the quotient is not an integer and the division process is extended beyond the decimal point, one of two things can happen. (1) The process can terminate, which means that a remainder of 0 is reached; or (2) a remainder could be reached that is identical to a previous remainder that occurred after the decimal points were written. In the latter case, continuing the process would be pointless, because from that point onward the same sequence of digits would appear in the quotient over and over. So a bar is drawn over the repeating sequence to indicate that it repeats forever. Notation in non-English-speaking countries China, Japan and India use the same notation as English-speakers. Elsewhere, the same general principles are used, but the figures are often arranged differently. Latin America In Latin America (except Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela and Brazil), the calculation is almost exactly the same, but is written down differently as shown below with the same two examples used above. Usually the quotient is written under a bar drawn under the divisor. A long vertical line is sometimes drawn to the right of the calculations. 500 ÷ 4 = 125 (Explanations) 4 (4 × 1 = 4) 10 (5 - 4 = 1) 8 (4 × 2 = 8) 20 (10 - 8 = 2) 20 (4 × 5 = 20) 0 (20 - 20 = 0) 127 ÷ 4 = 31.75 124 3 0 (0 is written because 4 does not go into 3, using whole numbers.) 30 (a 0 is added in order to make 3 divisible by 4; the 0 is accounted for by adding a decimal point in the quotient) 28 (7 × 4 = 28) 20 (an additional zero is added) 20 (5 × 4 = 20) 0 In Mexico, the US notation is used, except that only the result of the subtraction is annotated and the calculation is done mentally, as shown below: 125 (Explanations) 4)500 10 (5 - 4 = 1) 20 (10 - 8 = 2) 0 (20 - 20 = 0) 127|4 −124 31,75 3 − 0 30 −28 20 −20 0 Same procedure applies in Mexico, only the result of the subtraction is annotated and the calculation is done mentally. In Spain, Italy, France, Portugal, Romania, Turkey, Greece, Belgium, and Russia, the divisor is to the right of the dividend, and separated by a vertical bar. The division also occurs in the column, but the quotient (result) is written below the divider, and separated by the horizontal line. 127|4 −124|31,75 3 − 0 30 −28 20 −20 0 In France, a long vertical bar separates the dividend and subsequent subtractions from the quotient and divisor, as in the example below of 6359 divided by 17, which is 374 with a remainder of 1. Decimal numbers are not divided directly, the dividend and divisor are multiplied by a power of ten so that the division involves two whole numbers. Therefore, if one were dividing 12,7 by 0,4 (commas being used instead of decimal points), the dividend and divisor would first be changed to 127 and 4, and then the division would proceed as above. In Germany, the notation of a normal equation is used for dividend, divisor and quotient (cf. first section of Latin American countries above, where it's done virtually the same way): 127 : 4 = 31,75 −124 3 −0 30 −28 20 −20 0 In the Netherlands, the following notation is used: 12 / 135 \ 11,25 132 3 0 30 24 60 60 0 Rational numbers Long division of integers can easily be extended to include non-integer dividends, as long as they are rational. This is because every rational number has a recurring decimal expansion. The procedure can also be extended to include divisors which have a finite or terminating decimal expansion (i.e. decimal fractions). In this case the procedure involves multiplying the divisor and dividend by the appropriate power of ten so that the new divisor is an integer – taking advantage of the fact that a ÷ b = (ca) ÷ (cb) – and then proceeding as above. See also - Arbitrary-precision arithmetic - Egyptian multiplication and division - Elementary arithmetic - Fourier division - Polynomial long division - Shifting nth root algorithm – for finding square root or any nth root of a number - Short division - Implementing Multiple-Precision Arithmetic, Part 2. Algorithm for long division and C++ implementation at sputsoft.com - Long Division Algorithm - Long Division and Euclid’s Lemma

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Long_division

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Numbers are used for calculating and counting. To count objects, we use numbers i.e. 1, 2, 3, 4,………, 10 etc. Related Links : ● Various Types of Numbers ● Operations On Whole Numbers These are called counting numbers and are also called natural numbers. When we add 0 to the set of counting numbers, we get whole numbers. So, 0, 1, 2, 3,….,10 are called whole numbers. So, 1 is the smallest natural number and 0 is the smallest whole number. But there is no largest whole number or natural number because each number has its successor. Every whole number is made up of one or more of the symbols 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. These symbols are called digits or figures. In numbers we will learn more about the basic operations, unitary method, multiple and factors etc………… Addition Of Whole Numbers. Subtraction Of Whole Numbers. Multiplication Of Whole Numbers. Properties Of Multiplication. Division Of Whole Numbers. Properties Of Division. Representation of Integers on a Number Line. Addition of Integers on a Number Line. Rules to Add Integers. Rules to Subtract Integers. ● Multiplication is Repeated Addition. Multiplication of Fractional Number by a Whole Number. Multiplication of a Fraction by Fraction. Properties of Multiplication of Fractional Numbers. Worksheet on Multiplication on Fraction. Division of a Fraction by a Whole Number. Division of a Fractional Number. Division of a Whole Number by a Fraction. Properties of Fractional Division. Worksheet on Division of Fractions. Simplification of Fractions. Worksheet on Simplification of Fractions. Word Problems on Fraction. Worksheet on Word Problems on Fractions. Decimal Place Value Chart. Expanded form of Decimal Fractions. Like Decimal Fractions. Unlike Decimal Fraction. Equivalent Decimal Fractions. Changing Unlike to Like Decimal Fractions. Comparison of Decimal Fractions. Conversion of a Decimal Fraction into a Fractional Number. Conversion of Fractions to Decimals Numbers. Addition of Decimal Fractions. Subtraction of Decimal Fractions. Multiplication of a Decimal Numbers. Multiplication of a Decimal by a Decimal. Properties of Multiplication of Decimal Numbers. Division of a Decimal by a Whole Number. Division of Decimal Fractions Division of Decimal Fractions by Multiples. Division of a Decimal by a Decimal. Division of a whole number by a Decimal. Conversion of fraction to Decimal Fraction. Simplification in Decimals. Word Problems on Decimal. ● Rounding Numbers. Round off to Nearest 10. Round off to Nearest 100. Round off to Nearest 1000. Rounding off Decimal Fractions. Correct to One Decimal Place. Correct to Two Decimal Place. Worksheet on Rounding off number. ● Multiples and Factors. Repeated Prime Factors. Highest Common Factor (H.C.F). Examples on Highest Common Factor (H.C.F). Greatest Common Factor (G.C.F). Examples of Greatest Common Factor (G.C.F). To find Highest Common Factor by using Prime Factorization Examples to find Highest Common Factor by using Prime To find Highest Common Factor by using Division Method. Examples to find Highest Common Factor of two numbers by using Division Method. To find the Highest Common Factor of three numbers by using Division Method. ● Divisibility Rules. Divisible by 2. Divisible by 3. Divisible by 4. Divisible by 5. Divisible by 6. Divisible by 7. Divisible by 8. Divisible by 10. Divisible by 11. To Convert a Percentage into a Fraction ● Profit and Loss. To Convert a Fraction into a Percentage To find the percent of a given number To find what Per cent is one Number of another Number To Calculate a Number when its Percentage is Known Formulas of Profit and Loss. ● Simple Interest. To find Cost Price or Selling Price when Profit or Loss is Worksheet on Profit and Loss. Word Problems on Simple Interest. In Simple Interest when the Time is given in Months and To find Principal when Time Interest and Rate are given. To find Rate when Principal Interest and Time are given . To find Time when Principal Interest and Rate are given. Worksheet on Simple Interest. Converting the Temperature from Celsius to Fahrenheit. Converting the Temperature from Fahrenheit to Celsius. Worksheet on Temperature. Worksheet on Average. ● Speed Distance and Time. To find Speed when Distance and Time are given. To find the Distance when Speed and Time are given. To find Time when Distance and Speed are given. Worksheet on Speed, Distance and Time. ● Unitary Method. Worksheet on Measurement. 5th Grade Math Problems From Numbers to HOME PAGE

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Saylor.org's Ancient Civilizations of the World/Economic Structure Ancient Rome commanded a vast area of land, with tremendous natural and human resources. As such, Rome's economy remained focused on farming and trade. Agricultural free trade changed the Italian landscape, and by the 1st century BCE, vast grape and olive estates had supplanted the yeoman farmers, who were unable to match the imported grain price. The annexation of Egypt, Sicily and Tunisia in North Africa provided a continuous supply of grains. In turn, olive oil and wine were Italy's main exports. Two-tier crop rotation was practiced, but farm productivity was low, around 1 ton per hectare. Industrial and manufacturing activities were smaller. The largest such activities were the mining and quarrying of stones, which provided basic construction materials for the buildings of that period. In manufacturing, production was on a relatively small scale, and generally consisted of workshops and small factories that employed at most dozens of workers. However, some brick factories employed hundreds of workers. The economy of the early Republic was largely based on smallholding and paid labor. However, foreign wars and conquests made slaves increasingly cheap and plentiful, and by the late Republic, the economy was largely dependent on slave labor for both skilled and unskilled work. Slaves are estimated to have constituted around 20% of the Roman Empire's population at this time and 40% in the city of Rome. Only in the Roman Empire, when the conquests stopped and the prices of slaves increased, did hired labor become more economical than slave ownership. Although barter was used in ancient Rome, and often used in tax collection, Rome had a very developed coinage system, with brass, bronze, and precious metal coins in circulation throughout the Empire and beyond—some have even been discovered in India. Before the 3rd century BCE, copper was traded by weight, measured in unmarked lumps, across central Italy. The original copper coins (as) had a face value of one Roman pound of copper, but weighed less. Thus, Roman money's utility as a unit of exchange consistently exceeded its intrinsic value as metal. After Nero began debasing the silver denarius, its legal value was an estimated one-third greater than its intrinsic value. Horses were too expensive and other pack animals too slow. Mass trade on the Roman roads connected military posts, not markets, and were rarely designed for wheels. As a result, there was little transport of commodities between Roman regions until the rise of Roman maritime trade in the 2nd century BCE. During that period, a trading vessel took less than a month to complete a trip from Gades to Alexandria via Ostia, spanning the entire length of the Mediterranean. Transport by sea was around 60 times cheaper than by land, so the volume for such trips was much larger. Some economists like Peter Temin consider the Roman Empire a market economy, similar in its degree of capitalistic practices to 17th century Netherlands and 18th century England. The development of coinage in Ancient Roman civilization came as a result of its place on the trade routes between the Greek colonies in Southern Italy, and Etruscan city-states to the north of Rome. It was not until the reign of the Etruscan king Servius Tullius (r. 578 - 535 BCE) that history records the first minting of coins in Rome. This early coin was stamped with the image of cattle (pecus) from which derived the Latin word for money (pecunia). Minting coins meant that Romans could slowly replace the heavy bronze ingots, such as the Aes Rude(Rough Bronze) and the Aes Signatum (stamped bronze) which had been the traditional currency of Rome from the early 8th century BCE. As Rome expanded its reach across the Mediterranean world, contact with new cultures and the discovery of new mineral resources meant that coins of copper, silver, and gold could be minted. General Coin Types and Denominations The earliest Roman coins were cast bronze based on the As (plural- Asses). The standard As originally weighed 1 pound, which could then be divided into 12 ounces (Latin - unciae). Denominations of these early coins, based on the amount of material it contained, were represented by raised dots. For example, a coin containing 4 ounces of material (or 1/3 of a 12 ounce As) would be represented by four raised dots. Due to the Augustan monetary reforms, the As and the Quadrans denomination which had been bronze since their inception, were changed to copper. The availability of silver in the late 3rd century BCE made it more popular as a coin material. An early silver coin was the quadrigatus, so named for the image of a quadriga (four-horse chariot). It was introduced around 269 BCE. Further standardization of the monetary system eventually led to the use of the denarius (pl. denarii) in 211 BCE as the principle Roman coin. In the mid-Republic period the Denarius had a value of 10 Asses. Two denominations of the denarius were the Victoriatus(valued 5 Asses) and the Sestertius (valued 2.5 Asses). Augustus also targeted the Sestertius during his reforms. He changed the coin's composition from bronze to brass. By the time of Constantine in the early 4th century CE, the denarius was no longer in use. It had been replaced in the 3rdcentury CE by the short-lived double denarius or antoninianus, and later by the follis or silvered-bronze coin introduced during the reign of Diocletian in the late 3rd century CE. Of all Roman coins, the follis (pl. folles) is the hardest to assign value, due to the rapidly changing economy during the later Roman period. Folles, as opposed to other coins, are categorized not by weight of material, but by the coins' diameter. Gold coins were rare during the Roman Republic. The aureus (from Latin aurum-"gold") was not a regularly minted coin until the time of Julius Caesar. The aureus had a value of 25 denarii. As with the denarius, the aureus did not survive into the Late Empire. It was replaced by a coin known as the Solidus, said to have a value of 1000 denarii due to the debasement of the denarius' value by that time. - "Economy of Rome: History" (Wikipedia) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Rome#History - "Roman Culture:Coinage" (Wikibooks) http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Roman_Culture/Coinage

http://en.m.wikibooks.org/wiki/Saylor.org's_Ancient_Civilizations_of_the_World/Economic_Structure

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Women's March on Versailles The Women's March on Versailles, also known as The October March, The October Days, or simply The March on Versailles, was one of the earliest and most significant events of the French Revolution. The march began among women in the marketplaces of Paris who, on the morning of 5 October 1789, were near rioting over the high price and scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of revolutionaries who were seeking liberal political reforms and a constitutional monarchy for France. The market women and their various allies grew into a mob of thousands and, encouraged by revolutionary agitators, they ransacked the city armory for weapons and marched to the Palace of Versailles. The crowd besieged the palace and in a dramatic and violent confrontation they successfully pressed their demands upon King Louis XVI. The next day, the crowd compelled the king, his family, and most of the French Assembly to return with them to Paris. These events effectively ended the independent authority of the king. The march symbolized a new balance of power that displaced the ancient privileged orders of the French nobility and favored the nation's common people, collectively termed the Third Estate. Bringing together people representing disparate sources of the Revolution in their largest numbers yet, the march on Versailles proved to be a defining moment of that Revolution. When the October journéesa took place, France's revolutionary decade, 1789–1799, had barely begun. The revolution's capacity for violence was as yet not fully realized. The storming of the Bastille had occurred less than three months earlier and a romantic view of armed revolt captivated the public imagination. Flush with newly discovered power, the common citizens of France – particularly in the teeming capital, Paris – felt a newly discovered desire to participate in politics and government. The poorest among them were almost exclusively concerned with the issue of food: most workers spent nearly half their income on bread. In the post-Bastille period, price inflation and severe shortages in Paris became commonplace, as did local incidents of violence in the marketplaces. The king's court and the deputies of the National Constituent Assembly were all in comfortable residence at the royal city of Versailles, where they were considering momentous changes to the French political system. Reformist deputies had managed to pass sweeping legislation in the weeks after the Bastille's fall, including the revolutionary August Decrees (which formally abolished most noble and clerical privileges) and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Now their attention was turned to the creation of a permanent constitution. Monarchists and conservatives of all degrees had thus far been unable to resist the surging strength of the reformers, but by September their positions were beginning, however slightly, to improve. In constitutional negotiations they were able to secure a legislative veto power for the king. Many of the reformers were left aghast by this, and further negotiations were hobbled by contentiousness. Quiet Versailles, the seat of royal power, was a stifling environment for reformers. Their stronghold was in Paris. The bustling metropolis lay within walking distance, less than 21 kilometres (13 mi) to the northeast. The reformist deputies were well aware that the four hundred or more monarchist deputies were working to transfer the Assembly to the distant royalist city of Tours, a place even less hospitable to their efforts than Versailles. Worse, many feared that the king, emboldened by the growing presence of royal troops, might simply dissolve the Assembly, or at least renege on the August decrees. The king was indeed considering this, and when on 18 September he issued a formal statement giving his approval to only a portion of the decrees, the deputies were incensed. Stoking their anger even further, the king even stated on 4 October that he had reservations about the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Early plans Despite its post-revolutionary mythology, the march was not a spontaneous event. Numerous calls for a mass demonstration at Versailles had already been made; the Marquis of Saint-Huruge, one of the popular orators of the Palais-Royal, had called for just such a march in August to evict the obstructionist deputies who, he claimed, were protecting the king's veto power. Although his efforts were foiled, revolutionaries continued to hold onto the idea of a march on Versailles to compel the king to accept the Assembly's laws. Speakers at the Palais-Royal mentioned it regularly throughout the next month, creating enduring suspicions of the proprietor, Louis Philippe II, Duke of Orléans. The idea of a march on Versailles was widespread, and was even discussed in the pages of the Mercure de France (5 September 1789). A menacing unrest was in the air, and many nobles and foreigners fled the oppressive atmosphere. Royal banquet Following the mutiny of the French Guards immediately prior to the storming of the Bastille, the only troops immediately available for the security of the palace at Versailles were the aristocratic Garde du Corps (Body Guard) and the Cent Suisse (Hundred Swiss). Both were primarily ceremonial units and lacked the numbers and training to provide effective protection for the royal family and the government. Accordingly, the Flanders Regiment (a regular infantry regiment of the Royal Army) was ordered to Versailles in late September 1789 by the king's minister of war, the Comte de Saint-Priest, as a precautionary measure. On 1 October, the officers at Versailles held a welcoming banquet for the officers of the new troops, a customary practice when a unit changed its garrison. The royal family briefly attended the affair, walking amongst the tables set up in the opera house of the palace. Outside in the cour de marbe (central courtyard) the soldiers' toasts and oaths of fealty to the king grew more demonstrative as the night wore on. The lavish banquet was certain to be an affront to those suffering in a time of severe austerity, but it was reported in the L'Ami du Peuple and other firebrand newspapers as nothing short of a gluttonous orgy. Worst of all, the papers all dwelt scornfully on the reputed desecration of the tricolor cockade; drunken officers were said to have stamped upon this symbol of the nation and professed their allegiance solely to the white cockade of the House of Bourbon. This embellished tale of the royal banquet became the source of intense public outrage. Beginning of the march On the morning of 5 October, a young woman struck a marching drum at the edge of a group of market-women who were infuriated by the chronic shortage and high price of bread. From their starting point in the markets of the eastern section of Paris then known as the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, the angry women forced a nearby church to toll its bells. Their numbers continued to grow and with restless energy the group began to march. More women from other nearby marketplaces joined in, many bearing kitchen blades and other makeshift weapons, as the tocsins rang from church towers throughout several districts. Driven by a variety of agitators, the mob converged on the Hôtel de Villeb where they demanded not only bread, but arms. As more and more women – and men – arrived, the crowd outside the city hall reached between six and seven thousand, and perhaps as many as ten thousand. One of the men was the audacious Stanislas-Marie Maillard, a prominent vainqueur of the Bastille, who eagerly snatched up his own drum and led the infectious cry of "à Versailles!" Maillard was a popular figure among the market-women, and by unofficial acclamation was given a leadership role. Although hardly a gentle man,c Maillard helped suppress by force of character the mob's worst instincts; he rescued the hôtel's quartermaster, the Abbé Lefèvre, who had been strung up on a lamppost for trying to safeguard its stores. The hôtel itself was ransacked as the crowd surged through taking its provisions and weapons, but Maillard helped prevent them from burning down the entire building. In due course the rioters' attention turned again to Versailles, and they filtered back to the streets. Maillard deputized a number of women as group leaders and gave a loose sense of order to the proceedings as he led the crowd out of the city in the driving rain. As they left, thousands of National Guardsmen who had heard the news were assembling at the Place de Grève. The Marquis de Lafayette, in Paris as their commander-in-chief, discovered to his dismay that his soldiers were largely in favor of the march and were being egged on by agitators to join in. Even though he was one of France's greatest war heroes, Lafayette could not dissuade his troops and they began threatening to desert. Rather than see them leave as another anarchic mob, the Parisian municipal government told Lafayette to guide their movements; they also instructed him to request that the king return voluntarily to Paris to satisfy the people. Sending a swift horseman forward to warn Versailles, Lafayette contemplated the near mutiny of his men: he was aware that many of them had openly promised to kill him if he did not lead or get out of the way. At four o'clock in the afternoon, fifteen thousand guards with several thousand more civilian latecomers set off for Versailles. Lafayette reluctantly took his place at the head of their column, hoping to protect the king and public order. Goals of the march The hunger and despair of the market women was the original impetus for the march, but what started as a search for bread soon took on a much more ambitious goal. The Hôtel de Ville had already opened its plentiful stores to the rioters, but they remained unsatisfied: they wanted not just one meal but the assurance that bread would once again be plentiful and cheap. Famine was a real and ever-present dread for the lower strata of the Third Estate, and rumors of an "aristocrats' plot" to starve the poor were rampant and readily believed. At the same time, there was common resentment against the reactionary attitudes prevailing in Court circles even before the uproar sparked by the notorious banquet precipitated the political aspects of the march. Deeper planners in the crowd spread the word that the king needed to dismiss his royal bodyguards entirely and replace them all with patriotic National Guardsmen, a line of argument that had a compelling resonance among Lafayette's soldiers. These two popular goals coalesced around a third that was largely the revolutionaries' idea, which was that the king and his court, and the Assembly as well, must all be moved to Paris to reside among the people. Only then would the foreign soldiers be expelled, food be reliably available, and France served by a leader who was "in communion with his own people". The plan appealed to all segments of the crowd. Even those who were innocently supportive of the monarchy (and there were many among the women) felt the idea of bringing home le bon papa was a good and comforting plan. For revolutionaries, the preservation of their recent legislation and the creation of a constitution were paramount, and a lockdown of the king within reformist Paris would provide the best possible environment for the Revolution to succeed. Siege of the palace The crowd traveled the distance from Paris to Versailles in about six hours. Among their makeshift weaponry they dragged along several cannon taken from the Hôtel de Ville. Boisterous and energetic, they recruited (or impressed into service) more and more followers as they surged out of Paris in the autumn rain. In their ambiguous but always aggressive poissard slang,d they chattered enthusiastically about bringing the king back home. Less affectionately, they spoke of the queen, Marie Antoinette, whose appellations fell to the level of "bitch" and "whore"; many had no restraint in calling for her death. Occupation of the Assembly When the crowd finally reached Versailles it was met by another group that had assembled from the surrounding area. Members of the Assembly greeted the marchers and invited Maillard into their hall, where he fulminated about the Flanders Regiment and the people's need for bread. As he spoke, the restless Parisians came pouring into the Assembly and sank exhausted on the deputies' benches. Hungry, fatigued, and bedraggled from the rain, they seemed to confirm that the siege was a simple demand for food. The unprotected deputies had no choice but to receive the marchers, who shouted down most of the speakers and demanded to hear from the popular reformist deputy Mirabeau. The great orator declined this chance at demagoguery but nonetheless mingled familiarly with the market women, even sitting for some time with one of them upon his knee. A few other deputies welcomed the marchers warmly, including Maximilien Robespierre who was still at that time a relatively obscure figure in politics. Robespierre gave strong words of support to the women and their plight, and his efforts were received appreciatively; his solicitations helped greatly to soften the crowd's hostility towards the Assembly. Deputation to the king With few other options available to him, the President of the Assembly, Jean Joseph Mounier, accompanied a deputation of market-women into the palace to see the king. A group of six women nominated by the crowd were escorted into the king's apartment, where they told him of the crowd's privations. The king responded sympathetically, and using all his charm impressed the women to the point that one of them fainted at his feet. After this brief but pleasant meeting, arrangements were made to disburse some food from the royal stores, with more promised, and some in the crowd felt that their goals had been satisfactorily met. As rain once again began to pelt Versailles, Maillard and a small cluster of market women trooped triumphantly back to Paris. Most of the crowd, however, remained unpacified. They milled around the palace grounds with rumors abounding that the women's deputation had been duped – the queen would inevitably force the king to break any promises that had been made. Well aware of the surrounding dangers, Louis discussed the situation with his advisors. At about six o'clock in the evening, the king made a belated effort to quell the rising tide of insurrection: he announced that he would accept the August decrees and the Declaration of the Rights of Man without qualification.Adequate preparations to defend the palace were not made, however: the bulk of the royal guards, who had been deployed under arms in the main square for several hours facing a hostile crowd, were withdrawn to the far end of the park of Versailles. In the words of one of their officers: "Everyone was overwhelmed with sleep and lethargy, we thought it was all over." This left only the usual night guard of sixty-one Gardes du Corps posted throughout the building. Late in the evening, Lafayette's national guardsmen approached up the Avenue de Paris. Lafayette immediately left his troops and went to see the king, grandly announcing himself with the declaration, "I have come to die at the feet of Your Majesty". Outside, an uneasy night was spent in which his Parisian guardsmen mingled with the marchers, and the two groups sounded each other out. Many in the crowd persuasively denounced Lafayette as a traitor, complaining of his resistance to leaving Paris and the slowness of his march. By the first light of morning, an alliance of the national guards and the women was evident, and as the crowd's vigor was restored, their roughneck poissard clamoring resumed. Attack on the palace At about six o'clock in the morning, some of the protesters discovered a small gate to the palace was unguarded. Making their way inside, they searched for the queen's bedchamber. The royal guards raced throughout the palace, bolting doors and barricading hallways and those in the compromised sector, the cour de marbre, fired their guns at the intruders, killing a young member of the crowd. Infuriated, the rest surged towards the breach and streamed inside. Two guardsmen, Miomandre and Tardivet, each separately attempted to face down the crowd and were overpowered. e The violence boiled over into savagery as Tardivet's head was shorn off and raised aloft on a pike. As battering and screaming filled the halls around her, the queen ran barefoot with her ladies to the king's bedchamber and spent several agonizing minutes banging on its locked door, unheard above the din. In a close brush with death, they barely escaped through the doorway in time. The chaos continued as other royal guards were found and beaten; at least one more was killed and his head too appeared atop a pike. Finally, the fury of the attack subsided enough to permit some communication between the former French Guards, who formed the professional core of Lafayette's National Guard militia, and the royal gardes du corps. The units had a history of cooperation and a military sense of mutual respect, and Lafayette, who had been snatching a few hours of sleep in his exhaustion, awoke to make the most of it. To the relief of the royals, the two sets of soldiers were reconciled by his charismatic mediation and a tenuous peace was established within the palace. Lafayette's intervention Although the fighting ceased and the two commands of troops had cleared the palace, the mob was still everywhere outside. The rank and file of both the Flanders Regiment and another regular unit present, the Montmorency Dragoons, now appeared unwilling to act against the people. Lafayette, who had earned the court's indebtedness, convinced the king to address the crowd. When the two men stepped out on a balcony an unexpected cry went up: "Vive le Roi!" The relieved king briefly conveyed his willingness to return to Paris, acceding "to the love of my good and faithful subjects". As the crowd cheered, Lafayette stoked their joy by dramatically pinning a tricolor cockade to the hat of the king's nearest bodyguard. After the king withdrew, the exultant crowd would not be denied the same accord from the queen, and her presence was demanded loudly. Lafayette brought her to the same balcony, accompanied by her young son and daughter. The crowd ominously shouted for the children to be taken away, and it seemed the stage might be set for a regicidal tragedy. Yet, as the queen stood there, vulnerable yet serene with her hands crossed over her chest, the crowd – some of whom had muskets leveled in her direction – warmed to her courage. Amid this unlikely development, Lafayette cannily let the mob's fury drain away until, with dramatic timing and flair, he knelt reverently and kissed her hand. The demonstrators responded with a muted respect, and many even raised a cheer which the queen had not heard for quite a long time: "Vive la Reine!" The goodwill generated by this surprising turn of events defused the situation, but to many observers the scene on the balcony was mere theatricality without long-term resonance. However pleased they may have been by the royal displays, the crowd insisted that the king come back with them to Paris. Return to Paris At about one o'clock in the afternoon of 6 October 1789, the vast throng escorted the royal family and a complement of one hundred deputies back to the capital, this time with the armed National Guards leading the way. By now the mass of people had grown to over sixty thousand, and the return trip took about nine hours. The procession could seem merry at times, as guardsmen hoisted up loaves of bread stuck on the tips of their bayonets, and some of the market women rode gleefully astride the captured cannon. Yet even as the crowd sang pleasantries about their "Good Papa", their violent mentality could not be misread; celebratory gunshots flew over the royal carriage and some marchers even carried pikes bearing the heads of the slaughtered Versailles guards. A sense of victory over the ancien régime was imbued in the parade, and it was understood by all that the king was now fully at the service of the people. No one understood this so viscerally as the king himself. After arriving at the dilapidated Tuileries Palace, abandoned since the reign of Louis XIV, he was asked for his orders and he replied with uncharacteristic diffidence, "Let everyone put himself where he pleases!" Then, with a sullen poignancy, he asked for a history of the deposed Charles I to be brought from the library. The rest of the National Constituent Assembly followed the king within two weeks to new quarters in Paris. In short order, the entire body settled in only a few steps from the Tuileries at a former riding school, the Salle du Manége. However, some fifty-six monarchien deputies did not come with them, believing the mob threat in the capital to be personally dangerous. The October journées thus effectively deprived the monarchist faction of significant representation in the Assembly as most of these deputies retreated from the political scene; many, like Mounier, fled the country altogether. Conversely, Robespierre's impassioned defense of the march raised his public profile considerably. The episode gave him a lasting heroic status among the poissardes and burnished his reputation as a patron of the poor. His later rise to become virtual dictator of the Revolution was greatly facilitated by his actions during the occupation of the Assembly. Lafayette, though initially acclaimed, found that he had tied himself too closely to the king. As the Revolution progressed, he was hounded into exile by the radical leadership. Maillard returned to Paris with his status as a local hero made permanent. He participated in several later journées, but in 1794 became stricken with illness, dying at the age of thirty-one. For the women of Paris, the march became the source of apotheosis in revolutionary hagiography. The "Mothers of the Nation" were highly celebrated upon their return, and they would be praised and solicited by successive Parisian governments for years to come. King Louis XVI was officially welcomed to Paris with a respectful ceremony held by mayor Jean Sylvain Bailly. His return was touted as a momentous turning point in the Revolution, by some even as its end. Optimistic observers such as Camille Desmoulins declared that France would now enter a new golden age, with its revived citizenry and popular constitutional monarchy. Others were more wary, such as journalist Jean-Paul Marat, who wrote: It is a source of great rejoicing for the good people of Paris to have their king in their midst once again. His presence will very quickly do much to change the outward appearance of things, and the poor will no longer die of starvation. But this happiness would soon vanish like a dream if we did not ensure that the sojourn of the Royal Family in our midst lasted until the Constitution was ratified in every aspect. L'Ami du Peuple shares the jubilation of its dear fellow citizens, but it will remain ever vigilant. It would take almost two full years until the first French Constitution was signed on 3 September 1791, and it required another popular intervention to make it happen. Louis attempted to work within the framework of his limited powers after the women's march but won little support, and he and the royal family remained virtual prisoners in the Tuileries. Desperate, he made his abortive flight to Varennes in June 1791. Attempting to escape and join up with royalist armies, the king was once again captured by a mixture of citizens and national guardsmen who hauled him back to Paris. Permanently disgraced, Louis was forced to accept a constitution more denuding of his kingship than any previously put forward. The spiral of decline in the king's fortunes culminated at the guillotine in 1793. Orléanist conspiracy theory Even while the women were marching, suspicious eyes looked upon Louis Philippe II, Duke of Orléans, as being somehow responsible for the event. The Duke, a cousin of Louis XVI, was an energetic proponent of constitutional monarchy, and it was an open secret that he felt himself to be uniquely qualified to be king under such a system. Though allegations of his specific actions concerning the October march remain largely unproven, he has long been considered a significant instigator of the events. The Duke was certainly present as a deputy to the Assembly, and he was described by contemporaries as smiling warmly as he walked among the protesters at the height of the siege; many of them are said to have hailed him with greetings like "Here is our king! Long live King Orléans!" Many scholars believe that the Duke paid agents provocateur to fan the discontent in the marketplaces and to conflate the women's march for bread with the drive to bring the king back to Paris. Others suggest he coordinated in some way with Mirabeau, the Assembly's most powerful statesman at the time, to use the marchers to advance the constitutionalist agenda. Still others go so far as to assert that the crowd was guided by such important Orléanist allies as Antoine Barnave, Pierre Laclos, and the Duc d'Aiguillon, all dressed as poissardes in women's clothes. Yet most of the Revolution's foremost histories describe any involvement of the Duke as ancillary to the action, efforts of opportunism that neither created nor defined the October march.f The Duke was investigated by the crown for complicity and none was proven. Still, the pall of suspicion helped convince him to take on King Louis' offer of a diplomatic mission conveniently outside the country. He returned to France the following summer and resumed his place in the Assembly where both he and Mirabeau were officially exonerated of any misdeeds regarding the march. As the Revolution moved forward into the Terror, the Duke's royal lineage and alleged avarice convicted him in the minds of radical leaders and he was sent to his execution in November 1793. The women's march was a signal event of the French Revolution, its impact on a par with the fall of the Bastille. For its inheritors, the march would stand as an inspirational example, emblematic of the power of popular movements. The occupation of the deputies' benches in the Assembly created a template for the future, forecasting the mob rule that would frequently influence successive Parisian governments. But it was the crudely decisive invasion of the palace itself that was most momentous; the attack removed forever the aura of invincibility that once cloaked the monarchy. It marked the end of the king's resistance to the tide of reform, and he made no further open attempts to push back the Revolution. As one historian states, it was "one of those defeats of royalty from which it never recovered". See also - ^ a: Journée (literally, "day") is used frequently in French accounts of the Revolution to denote any episode of popular uprising: thus the women's march is known most commonly in French as the "October Days". English historians have favored more descriptive names for the episodes, and the majority (see Doyle, Schama, Hibbert, Wright, Dawson, et al) employ some variation of the phrase "women's march" in recognition of the market women's prominence as the vanguard of the action. - ^ b: This was the Parisian City Hall, located at that time on the Place de Grève. - ^ c: Carlyle repeatedly refers to him as "cunning Maillard" or "shifty Maillard". - ^ d: Poissard (plural poissardes), literally "fishwife", was a contemporary general term for women of the working class. Derived from the French poix (pitch, tar), it is synonymous with their highly stylized urban slang. - ^ e: Miomandre was left for dead but survived to become a royalist hero. Schama's index gives his full name as François Aimé Miomandre de Sainte-Marie. Carlyle gives the second guard's name as Tardivet du Repaire. - ^ f: Some writers, such as Hibbert and Webster, impute significant influence to the Duke; most authoritative historians of the Revolution give him much less emphasis. Lefebvre and Soboul describe Orléanist activity as garden-variety political manœuvres that would have been ineffective without the compelling economic circumstances that motivated the commoners. Carlyle, Michelet, and Rose paint his influence as shadowy and malign, but without resonant success. Schama and Doyle, by their absence of focus, depict him as largely irrelevant to the situation. - Hibbert, p. 96. - Lefebvre, pp.129–130. - Rose, pp. 43ff. - Kropotkin, p. 154. - Doyle, p. 121. - Kropotkin, p. 152. - Doyle, p. 120. - Lefebvre, p. 127. - Furet & Ozouf, p. 126. - Morris, p. 242. - Doyle, pp. 120–121. - Lefebvre, p. 128. - Schama, p. 459. - Hibbert, p. 97. - Schama, p. 460. - Schama, p.461. - Soboul, p. 156. - Carlyle, p. 258. - Carlyle, pp. 249–251. - Carlyle, p. 252. - Schama, pp. 461–462. - Schama, p. 462. - Kropotkin, p. 156. - Soboul, p. 155. - Kropotkin, p. 153. - Soboul, pp.154–155. - Schama, pp. 456–457. - Kropotkin, p.155. - Hibbert, p. 98. - Hibbert, p. 99. - Scurr, p. 93. - Carlyle pp. 257–258. - Schama, p. 465. - Lefebvre, p. 133. - Hibbert, p.100. - Hibbert, p. 101. - Philip Mansel, page 129 "Pillars of Monarchy", ISBN 0-7043-2424-5 - Schama, p. 466. - Hibbert, p. 102. - Carlyle, p.267. - Carlyle, p. 272. - Schama, p.467. - Carlyle, p. 273. - Schama, pp.467–468. - Richard Cobb, page 88 "The French Revolution - Voices From a Momentous Epoch", CN 8039 - Carlyle, p. 276. - Schama, p. 468. - Doyle, p. 122. - Morris, p. 243. - Kropotkin, p. 157. - Hibbert, p. 105. - Rose, p. 48. - Soboul, p. 157. - Sorel, p. 54. - Stephens, p. 358. - Doyle, pp. 123ff. - Hibbert, pp.97–98. - Lefebvre, p. 132. - Webster, p. 135. - Gershoy, p. 131. - Doyle, p.253. - Wright, pp. 58–59. - Dawson, pp. 33ff. - Doyle, p. 123. - Carlyle, Thomas (1838) . The French Revolution: A History. Boston, MA: Little & Brown. OCLC 559080788. - Dawson, Philip (1967). # The French Revolution. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. OCLC 405698. - Doyle, William (1990). The Oxford History of the French Revolution (3 ed.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-285221-3. - Gershoy, Leo (1933). The French Revolution and Napoleon. New York: F.S. Crofts & Co. OCLC 692300210. - Furet, François; Ozouf, Mona (1989). Dictionnaire critique de la révolution française. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-17728-2. - Hibbert, Christopher (1980). The Days of the French Revolution. New York: William Morrow and Co. ISBN 0-688-03704-6. - Kropotkin, Peter (1909). The Great French Revolution 1789–1793. G.P. Putnam & Sons. ISBN 1-4179-0734-7. - Lefebvre, Georges (1962). The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-7100-7181-7. OCLC 220957452. - Morris, Gouverneur (1939). A Diary of the French Revolution, Volume 1. Ayer Publishing. ISBN 0-8369-5809-8. - Rose, John Holland (1913). The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era, 1789–1815 (Sixth ed.). New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. OCLC 461169081. - Schama, Simon (1989). Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Vintage Books/Random House. ISBN 0-679-72610-1. - Scurr, Ruth (2006). Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution. London: Vintage Books. pp. 93–94. ISBN 978-0-09-945898-2. - Soboul, Albert (1975). The French Revolution 1787–1799. New York: Vintage. p. 155. ISBN 0-394-71220-X. - Sorel, Alexandre (1862). Stanislas Maillard, l'homme du 2 septembre 1792 (in French). Paris: A. Aubry. - Stephens, Henry Morse (1891). A History of the French Revolution, Volume 2. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. OCLC 427855469. - Webster, Nesta H. (1919). The French Revolution: A Study in Democracy. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co. OCLC 1533887. - Wright, Gordon (1960). France in Modern Times, 1760 to the present. Chicago: Rand McNally. OCLC 402013. Further reading - Kennedy, Emmet (1989). A Cultural History of the French Revolution. USA: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-04426-7. - Michelet, Jules (1833). History of the French Revolution. Bradbury & Evans. OCLC 1549716. - Stephens, Henry Morse (1891). A History of the French Revolution, Volumes 1–2. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. OCLC 504617986. - A modern transcription of Thomas Carlyle's The French Revolution: A History, Vol. I with line-by-line annotation. For the Women's March on Versailles, see chapter 1.7.IV: The Menads.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Women's_March_on_Versailles

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What Is Atherosclerosis? Atherosclerosis (ath-er-o-skler-O-sis) is a disease in which plaque (plak) builds up on the insides of your arteries. Arteries are blood vessels that carry oxygen-rich blood to your heart and other parts of your body. Plaque is made up of fat, cholesterol, calcium, and other substances found in the blood. Over time, plaque hardens and narrows your arteries. The flow of oxygen-rich blood to your organs and other parts of your body is reduced. This can lead to serious problems, including heart attack, stroke, or even death. Atherosclerosis can affect any artery in the body, including arteries in the heart, brain, arms, legs, and pelvis. As a result, different diseases may develop based on which arteries are affected. - Coronary artery disease (CAD). This is when plaque builds up in the coronary arteries. These arteries supply oxygen-rich blood to your heart. When blood flow to your heart is reduced or blocked, it can lead to chest pain and heart attack. CAD also is called heart disease, and it's the leading cause of death. - Carotid (ka-ROT-id) artery disease. This happens when plaque builds up in the carotid arteries. These arteries supply oxygen-rich blood to your brain. When blood flow to your brain is reduced or blocked, it can lead to stroke. - Peripheral arterial disease (PAD). This occurs when plaque builds up in the major arteries that supply oxygen-rich blood to the legs, arms, and pelvis. When blood flow to these parts of your body is reduced or blocked, it can lead to numbness, pain, and sometimes dangerous infections. Some people with atherosclerosis have no signs or symptoms. They may not be diagnosed until after a heart attack or stroke. The main treatment for atherosclerosis is lifestyle changes. You also may need medicines and medical procedures. These, along with ongoing medical care, can help you live a healthier life. The cause of atherosclerosis isn’t known. However, certain conditions may raise your chances of developing it. These conditions are known as risk factors. You can control some risk factors, such as lack of physical activity, smoking, and unhealthy eating. Others you can’t control, such as age and family history of heart disease. Better treatments have reduced the number of deaths from atherosclerosis-related diseases. These treatments also have improved the quality of life for people with these diseases. Still, the number of people diagnosed with atherosclerosis remains high. You may be able to prevent or delay atherosclerosis and the diseases it can cause, mainly by maintaining a healthy lifestyle. This, along with ongoing medical care, can help you avoid the problems of atherosclerosis and live a long, healthy life. What Causes Atherosclerosis? The exact cause of atherosclerosis isn't known. However, studies show that atherosclerosis is a slow, complex disease that may start in childhood. It develops faster as you age. Atherosclerosis may start when certain factors damage the inner layers of the arteries. These factors include: - High amounts of certain fats and cholesterol in the blood - High blood pressure - High amounts of sugar in the blood due to insulin resistance or diabetes When damage occurs, your body starts a healing process. Fatty tissues release compounds that promote this process. This healing causes plaque to build up where the arteries are damaged. Over time, the plaque may crack. Blood cells called platelets (PLATE-lets) clump together to form blood clots where the cracks are. This narrows the arteries more and worsens angina (chest pain) or causes a heart attack. Researchers continue to look at why atherosclerosis develops. They hope to find answers to such questions as: - Why and how do the arteries become damaged? - How does plaque develop and change over time? - Why does plaque break open and lead to clots? Who Is At Risk for Atherosclerosis? Coronary artery disease (atherosclerosis of the coronary arteries) is the leading cause of death. The exact cause of atherosclerosis isn't known. However, certain traits, conditions, or habits may raise your chance of developing it. These conditions are known as risk factors. Your chances of developing atherosclerosis increase with the number of risk factors you have. You can control most risk factors and help prevent or delay atherosclerosis. Other risk factors can't be controlled. Major Risk Factors - Unhealthy blood cholesterol levels. This includes high LDL cholesterol (sometimes called bad cholesterol) and low HDL cholesterol (sometimes called good cholesterol). - High blood pressure. Blood pressure is considered high if it stays at or above 140/90 mmHg over a period of time. - Smoking. This can damage and tighten blood vessels, raise cholesterol levels, and raise blood pressure. Smoking also doesn't allow enough oxygen to reach the body's tissues. - Insulin resistance. This condition occurs when the body can't use its own insulin properly. Insulin is a hormone that helps move blood sugar into cells where it's used. - Diabetes. This is a disease in which the body’s blood sugar level is high because the body doesn’t make enough insulin or doesn’t use its insulin properly. - Overweight or obesity. Overweight is having extra body weight from muscle, bone, fat, and/or water. Obesity is having a high amount of extra body fat. - Lack of physical activity. Lack of activity can worsen other risk factors for atherosclerosis. - Age. As you get older, your risk for atherosclerosis increases. Genetic or lifestyle factors cause plaque to build in your arteries as you age. By the time you're middle-aged or older, enough plaque has built up to cause signs or symptoms. - In men, the risk increases after age 45. - In women, the risk increases after age 55. - Family history of early heart disease. Your risk for atherosclerosis increases if your father or a brother was diagnosed with heart disease before 55 years of age, or if your mother or a sister was diagnosed with heart disease before 65 years of age. Although age and a family history of early heart disease are risk factors, it doesn't mean that you will develop atherosclerosis if you have one or both. Making lifestyle changes and/or taking medicines to treat other risk factors can often lessen genetic influences and prevent atherosclerosis from developing, even in older adults. Emerging Risk Factors Scientists continue to study other possible risk factors for atherosclerosis. High levels of a protein called C-reactive protein (CRP) in the blood may raise the risk for atherosclerosis and heart attack. High levels of CRP are proof of inflammation in the body. Inflammation is the body's response to injury or infection. Damage to the arteries' inner walls seems to trigger inflammation and help plaque grow. People with low CRP levels may get atherosclerosis at a slower rate than people with high CRP levels. Research is under way to find out whether reducing inflammation and lowering CRP levels also can reduce the risk of atherosclerosis. High levels of fats called triglycerides in the blood also may raise the risk of atherosclerosis, particularly in women. Other Factors That Affect Atherosclerosis Other risk factors also may raise your risk for developing atherosclerosis. These include: - Sleep apnea. Sleep apnea is a disorder in which your breathing stops or gets very shallow while you're sleeping. Untreated sleep apnea can raise your chances of having high blood pressure, diabetes, and even a heart attack or stroke. - Stress. Research shows that the most commonly reported "trigger" for a heart attack is an emotionally upsetting event—particularly one involving anger. - Alcohol. Heavy drinking can damage the heart muscle and worsen other risk factors for atherosclerosis. Men should have no more than two drinks containing alcohol a day. Women should have no more than one drink containing alcohol a day. What Are the Signs and Symptoms of Atherosclerosis? Atherosclerosis usually doesn't cause signs and symptoms until it severely narrows or totally blocks an artery. Many people don't know they have the disease until they have a medical emergency, such as a heart attack or stroke. Some people may have other signs and symptoms of the disease. These depend on which arteries are severely narrowed or blocked. The coronary arteries supply oxygen-rich blood to your heart. When plaque narrows or blocks these arteries (a condition called coronary artery disease, or CAD), a common symptom is angina (AN-ji-na or an-JI-na). Angina is chest pain or discomfort that occurs when your heart muscle doesn't get enough oxygen-rich blood. Angina may feel like pressure or a squeezing pain in your chest. You also may feel it in your shoulders, arms, neck, jaw, or back. This pain tends to get worse with activity and go away when you rest. Emotional stress also can trigger the pain. Other symptoms of CAD are shortness of breath and arrhythmias (irregular heartbeats). The carotid arteries supply oxygen-rich blood to your brain. When plaque narrows or blocks these arteries (a condition called carotid artery disease), you may have symptoms of a stroke. These symptoms include sudden numbness, weakness, and dizziness. Plaque also can build up in the major arteries that supply oxygen-rich blood to the legs, arms, and pelvis (a condition called peripheral arterial disease). When these arteries are narrowed or blocked, it can lead to numbness, pain, and sometimes dangerous infections. How Is Atherosclerosis Diagnosed? Your doctor will diagnose atherosclerosis based on: - Your medical and family histories - Your risk factors - The results of a physical exam and diagnostic tests If you have atherosclerosis, a doctor, internist, or general practitioner may handle your care. Your doctor may send you to other health care specialists if you need expert care. These specialists may include: - A cardiologist (a doctor who specializes in treating people with heart problems). You may see a cardiologist if you have coronary artery disease(CAD). - A vascular specialist (a doctor who specializes in treating people with blood vessel problems). You may see a vascular specialist if you have peripheral arterial disease (PAD). - A neurologist (a doctor who specializes in treating people with disorders of the nervous system). You may see a neurologist if you've had a stroke due to carotid artery disease. During the physical exam, your doctor may listen to your arteries for an abnormal whooshing sound called a bruit (broo-E). Your doctor can hear a bruit when placing a stethoscope over an affected artery. A bruit may indicate poor blood flow due to plaque. Your doctor also may check to see whether any of your pulses (for example, in the leg or foot) are weak or absent. A weak or absent pulse can be a sign of a blocked artery. Diagnostic Tests and Procedures Your doctor may order one or more tests to diagnose atherosclerosis. These tests also can help your doctor learn the extent of your disease and plan the best treatment. Blood tests check the levels of certain fats, cholesterol, sugar, and proteins in your blood. Abnormal levels may show that you have risk factors for atherosclerosis. An EKG is a simple test that detects and records the electrical activity of your heart. An EKG shows how fast your heart is beating and whether it has a regular rhythm. It also shows the strength and timing of electrical signals as they pass through each part of your heart. Certain electrical patterns that the EKG detects can suggest whether CAD is likely. An EKG also can show signs of a previous or current heart attack. Chest X Ray A chest x ray takes a picture of the organs and structures inside the chest, including your heart, lungs, and blood vessels. A chest x ray can reveal signs of heart failure. This test compares the blood pressure in your ankle with the blood pressure in your arm to see how well your blood is flowing. This test can help diagnose PAD. This test uses sound waves to create a moving picture of your heart. Echocardiography provides information about the size and shape of your heart and how well your heart chambers and valves are working. The test also can identify areas of poor blood flow to the heart, areas of heart muscle that aren't contracting normally, and previous injury to the heart muscle caused by poor blood flow. Computed Tomography Scan A computed tomography, or CT, scan creates computer-generated images of the heart, brain, or other areas of the body. The test can often show hardening and narrowing of large arteries. During stress testing, you exercise to make your heart work hard and beat fast while heart tests are performed. If you can't exercise, you're given medicine to speed up your heart rate. When your heart is beating fast and working hard, it needs more blood and oxygen. Arteries narrowed by plaque can't supply enough oxygen-rich blood to meet your heart's needs. A stress test can show possible signs of CAD, such as: - Abnormal changes in your heart rate or blood pressure - Symptoms such as shortness of breath or chest pain - Abnormal changes in your heart rhythm or your heart's electrical activity During the stress test, if you can't exercise for as long as what's considered normal for someone your age, it may be a sign that not enough blood is flowing to your heart. But other factors besides CAD can prevent you from exercising long enough (for example, lung diseases, anemia, or poor general fitness). Some stress tests use a radioactive dye, sound waves, positron emission tomography (PET), or cardiac magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to take pictures of your heart when it's working hard and when it's at rest. These imaging stress tests can show how well blood is flowing in the different parts of your heart. They also can show how well your heart pumps blood when it beats. Angiography (an-jee-OG-ra-fee) is a test that uses dye and special x rays to show the insides of your arteries. This test can show whether plaque is blocking your arteries and how severe the plaque is. A thin, flexible tube called a catheter is put into a blood vessel in your arm, groin (upper thigh), or neck. A dye that can be seen on x ray is then injected into the arteries. By looking at the x-ray picture, your doctor can see the flow of blood through your arteries. How Is Atherosclerosis Treated? Treatments for atherosclerosis may include lifestyle changes, medicines, and medical procedures or surgery. Goals of Treatment The goals of treatment are to: - Relieve symptoms - Reduce risk factors in an effort to slow, stop, or reverse the buildup of plaque - Lower the risk of blood clots forming - Widen or bypass clogged arteries - Prevent diseases related to atherosclerosis Making lifestyle changes can often help prevent or treat atherosclerosis. For some people, these changes may be the only treatment needed. - Follow a healthy eating plan to prevent or reduce high blood pressure and high blood cholesterol and to maintain a healthy weight. - Increase your physical activity. Check with your doctor first to find out how much and what kinds of activity are safe for you. - Lose weight, if you're overweight or obese. - Quit smoking, if you smoke. Avoid exposure to secondhand smoke. - Reduce stress. Therapeutic Lifestyle Changes (TLC). Your doctor may recommend TLC if you have high cholesterol. TLC is a three-part program that includes a healthy diet, physical activity, and weight management. With the TLC diet, less than 7 percent of your daily calories should come from saturated fat. This kind of fat is mainly found in meat and poultry, including dairy products. No more than 25 to 35 percent of your daily calories should come from all fats, including saturated, trans, monounsaturated, and polyunsaturated fats. You also should have less than 200 mg a day of cholesterol. The amounts of cholesterol and the different kinds of fat in prepared foods can be found on the Nutrition Facts label. Foods high in soluble fiber also are part of a healthy eating plan. They help block the digestive track from absorbing cholesterol. These foods include: - Whole grain cereals such as oatmeal and oat bran - Fruits such as apples, bananas, oranges, pears, and prunes - Legumes such as kidney beans, lentils, chick peas, black-eyed peas, and lima beans A diet high in fruits and vegetables can increase important cholesterol-lowering compounds in your diet. These compounds, called plant stanols or sterols, work like soluble fiber. Fish are an important part of a heart healthy diet. They're a good source of omega-3 fatty acids, which may help protect the heart from blood clots and inflammation and reduce the risk for heart attack. Try to have about two fish meals every week. Fish high in omega-3 fats are salmon, tuna (canned or fresh), and mackerel. You also should try to limit the amount of sodium (salt) that you eat. This means choosing low-sodium and low-salt foods and "no added salt" foods and seasonings at the table or when cooking. The Nutrition Facts label on food packaging shows the amount of sodium in the item. Try to limit drinks with alcohol. Too much alcohol will raise your blood pressure and triglyceride level. (Triglycerides are a type of fat found in the blood.) Alcohol also adds extra calories, which will cause weight gain. Men should have no more than two drinks containing alcohol a day. Women should have no more than one drink containing alcohol a day. Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) eating plan. Your doctor may recommend the DASH eating plan if you have high blood pressure. The DASH eating plan focuses on fruits, vegetables, whole grains, and other foods that are heart healthy and lower in salt/sodium. This eating plan is low in fat and cholesterol. It also focuses on fat-free or low-fat milk and dairy products, fish, poultry, and nuts. The DASH eating plan is reduced in red meats (including lean red meat), sweets, added sugars, and sugar-containing beverages. It's rich in nutrients, protein, and fiber. Increase Physical Activity Regular physical activity can lower many atherosclerosis risk factors, including LDL ("bad") cholesterol, high blood pressure, and excess weight. Physical activity also can lower your risk for diabetes and raise your levels of HDL cholesterol (the "good" cholesterol that helps prevent atherosclerosis). Check with your doctor about how much and what kinds of physical activity are safe for you. Unless your doctor tells you otherwise, try to get at least 30 minutes of moderate-intensity activity on most or all days of the week. You can do the activity all at once or break it up into shorter periods of at least 10 minutes each. Moderate-intensity activities include brisk walking, dancing, bowling, bicycling, gardening, and housecleaning. Maintain a Healthy Weight Maintaining a healthy weight can decrease your risk factors for atherosclerosis. A general goal to aim for is a body mass index (BMI) of less than 25. BMI measures your weight in relation to your height and gives an estimate of your total body fat. A BMI between 25 and 29 is considered overweight. A BMI of 30 or more is considered obese. A BMI of less than 25 is the goal for preventing and treating atherosclerosis. Your doctor or other health care provider can help you determine an appropriate goal for you. If you smoke or use tobacco, quit. Smoking can damage and tighten blood vessels and raise your risk for atherosclerosis. Research shows that the most commonly reported "trigger" for a heart attack is an emotionally upsetting event—particularly one involving anger. Also, some of the ways people cope with stress, such as drinking, smoking, or overeating, aren't heart healthy. Physical activity can help relieve stress and reduce other atherosclerosis risk factors. Many people also find that meditation or relaxation therapy helps them reduce stress. To help slow or reverse atherosclerosis, your doctor may prescribe medicines to help lower your cholesterol or blood pressure or prevent blood clots from forming. For successful treatment, take all medicines as your doctor prescribes. Medical Procedures and Surgery If you have severe atherosclerosis, your doctor may recommend one of several procedures or surgeries. Angioplasty is a procedure to open blocked or narrowed coronary (heart) arteries. Angioplasty can improve blood flow to the heart, relieve chest pain, and possibly prevent a heart attack. Sometimes a small mesh tube called a stent is placed in the artery to keep it open after the procedure. Coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG) is a type of surgery. In CABG, arteries or veins from other areas in your body are used to bypass (that is, go around) your narrowed coronary arteries. CABG can improve blood flow to your heart, relieve chest pain, and possibly prevent a heart attack. Bypass grafting also can be used for leg arteries. In this surgery, a healthy blood vessel is used to bypass a narrowed or blocked blood vessel in one of your legs. The healthy blood vessel redirects blood around the artery, improving blood flow to the leg. Carotid artery surgery removes plaque buildup from the carotid arteries in the neck. This opens the arteries and improves blood flow to the brain. Carotid artery surgery can help prevent a stroke. How Can Atherosclerosis Be Prevented or Delayed? Taking action to control your risk factors can help prevent or delay atherosclerosis and its related diseases. Your chance of developing atherosclerosis goes up with the number of risk factors you have. Making lifestyle changes and taking prescribed medicines are important steps. Know your family history of health problems related to atherosclerosis. If you or someone in your family has this disease, be sure to tell your doctor. Also, let your doctor know if you smoke. Living With Atherosclerosis Improved treatments have reduced deaths from atherosclerosis-related diseases. These treatments also have improved the quality of life for people with these diseases. You may be able to prevent or delay atherosclerosis and the problems it can cause, mainly by maintaining a healthy lifestyle. This, along with ongoing medical care, can help you avoid the problems of atherosclerosis and live a long, healthy life. Research continues look for ways to improve the health of people who have atherosclerosis or may get it. The goals of research are to: - Find more effective medicines - Identify people at greatest risk earlier - Find out how well alternative treatments work Ongoing Health Care Needs If you have atherosclerosis, work closely with your doctor and other health care providers to avoid serious problems, like heart attack and stroke. Talk to your doctor about how often you should schedule office visits or blood tests. Be sure to let your doctor know if you develop new symptoms or if your symptoms worsen. Talk about your lifestyle changes with your spouse, family, or friends—whoever can provide support or needs to understand why you're changing your habits. They may be able to help you make lifestyle changes, like helping you plan healthier meals. Because atherosclerosis tends to run in families, your lifestyle changes may help many of your family members too. - Atherosclerosis is a disease in which plaque builds up on the insides of your arteries. - Over time, plaque hardens and narrows your arteries. The flow of oxygen-rich blood to your organs and other parts of your body is reduced. This can lead to serious problems, including heart attack, stroke, or even death. - Atherosclerosis can affect any artery in the body. - Coronary artery disease (CAD) occurs when plaque builds up in the coronary (heart) arteries. CAD is a leading cause of death. - Carotid artery disease happens when plaque builds up in the carotid arteries (the arteries that supply blood and oxygen to your brain). - Peripheral arterial disease (PAD) occurs when plaque builds up in the major arteries of the legs, arms, and pelvis. - The exact cause of atherosclerosis isn’t known. It may start when certain factors damage the inner layers of arteries. When damage occurs, your body starts a healing process. This healing causes plaque to build up where the arteries are damaged. Over time, the plaque may crack and causes blood clots to form in the arteries. This can worsen angina (chest pain) or cause a heart attack. - Many factors raise your risk for atherosclerosis. Major risk factors include unhealthy cholesterol levels, high blood pressure, smoking, insulin resistance,diabetes, overweight or obesity, lack of physical activity, age, and a family history of early heart disease. - Atherosclerosis usually doesn't cause signs and symptoms until it severely narrows or totally blocks an artery. Many people don't know they have the disease until they have a medical emergency, such as a heart attack or stroke. Other signs and symptoms depend on which arteries are narrowed or blocked. - Your doctor will diagnose atherosclerosis based on your medical and family histories, your risk factors, and the results of a physical exam and diagnostic tests. - Treatments for atherosclerosis may include lifestyle changes, medicines, and medical procedures and surgery. Lifestyle changes include following a healthy eating plan, increasing physical activity, maintaining a healthy weight, quitting smoking, and reducing stress. - Taking steps to control your risk factors can help prevent or delay atherosclerosis and its related diseases. These steps include making lifestyle changes and/or taking medicines as prescribed by your doctor. - Improved treatments have helped reduce deaths from atherosclerosis-related diseases. However, the number of people diagnosed with atherosclerosis remains high. - If you've been diagnosed with atherosclerosis, you can control the disease with lifestyle changes and/or medicines.

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|Bolivia Table of Contents The Spanish arrived in what is present-day Bolivia in 1532 and replaced an Inca economic system based on collective agriculture, the ayllu, and economic tributes to a socio-religious hierarchy with a system dominated by the conquistadors and the Spanish crown. They organized the Indians into an encomienda system in which they again paid tributes, now to conquistadors, and toiled in the silver mines of Potosí under a compulsory labor system called the mita. Through the exploitation of Indian labor, the Spanish by the mid-1600s had converted Potosí into South America's most populated metropolis. Independence in 1825 did little to improve the economic lot of Bolivia's Indian majority. Indeed, the already unfair distribution of land, a legacy of the encomienda system, was worsened when the government abolished the land tenure system of the Indian communities in 1866. The system that emerged was dominated by nearly feudal peonage rather than wage labor. By the late 1800s, the silver industry had suffered a sharp decline and was replaced by tin mining. The tin industry benefited from the new rail access linking the country's mines to Pacific Ocean ports for the first time. The rail access to ocean ports had become crucial to the Bolivian economy by the early 1880s because Chile had seized the country's outlets to the sea during the War of the Pacific, 1879-80. Bolivia's tin industry boomed in the early twentieth century as the invention of the vacuum-packed tin can and the assembly of the automobile raised world demand for tin. By the end of World War I, the country was the world's second-leading producer, mining a fifth of global output. The unprecedented international demand for tin, the high concentrations of easily accessed tin in the new mines, low taxation, and cheap labor made the industry highly lucrative. The nation's tin industry and the economy at large became completely dominated during the 1920s by the Patiño, Hochschild, and Aramayo tin-mining families, who, along with the lawyers who defended them, were collectively known as the rosca. The rosca not only dominated economic affairs but politics as well, and it constituted a formidable elite in conjunction with the landed oligarchy that had developed since 1866. This class contrasted sharply with most of the country's poor citizenry who worked the marginal agricultural plots of the highlands or labored under appalling conditions in underground tin mines. The Great Depression in 1929 and the devastating Chaco War (1932-35) with Paraguay marked the beginning of a period of growing disdain for the country's elite. The Great Depression caused tin prices to plunge, thereby hardening the plight of miners and lowering the profits of the rosca. During the Chaco War, highland Indians were enlisted to defend Bolivia's vast Chaco lowlands, with its rumored oil reserves. The war exposed highlanders for the first time to their nation's vast tracts of land. As Indians and organized labor began to play a more prominent role in national life after the Chaco War, mining and landed interests could no longer stop the momentum for social, economic, and political reforms. The principal economic goals of the 1952 Revolution were land reform and the nationalization of the tin mines, both of which were swiftly enacted. Even before the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Nationalista Revolucionario--MNR) could implement its Agrarian Reform Law on August 2, 1953, the long- oppressed Indians began to seize the latifundios. Two years into the reform program, the government accommodated 49 percent of all farming families who had claimed their traditional land. The state also expropriated underutilized arable land. On October 31, 1952, the government nationalized most of the tin mines and legally transferred them to the Mining Corporation of Bolivia (Corporación Minera de Bolivia -- Comibol), which dominated mining activity until 1985. Much of the elite fled the country or resettled in the underpopulated department of Santa Cruz. The MNR's postrevolutionary economic policies focused on the public sector, especially Comibol and the Bolivian State Petroleum Company (Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos-- YPFB), as the spearhead of economic growth. The MNR also promoted cooperatives, particularly in mining and agriculture, as an alternative to the latifundios. The government enacted social reforms, such as universal suffrage, and forged a greater role for organized labor in society. Although most of its economic policies were not conventional, the revolutionary government did accept a stabilization plan backed by the IMF in 1956 and 1957 in an effort to reverse negative growth and serious inflation. Economic growth averaged 4.5 percent from 1965 to 1980, lower than the growth rate in most Latin American economies. Minerals still dominated the nation's economy, however; tin accounted for 40 percent of exports and 15 percent of government revenues as late as 1980. Natural gas and oil reduced that dependency somewhat beginning in the early 1970s, but not enough to insulate the economy from commodity price swings. Protracted disputes between the government and labor also characterized this period. Economic growth accelerated during the 1970s, averaging 5.5 percent a year, one of the fastest rates of expansion in Bolivian history. This expansion resulted primarily from higher export commodity prices. Large public sector spending also spurred economic output as external financing cushioned budget deficits. The brisk rise in output also occurred in part because of sharp restrictions on organized labor imposed by the military government of Hugo Banzer Suárez (1971-78). Political stability and higher commodity prices in turn favored greater foreign investment, which also improved national accounts. Moreover, the government announced large reserves of oil during the 1970s. Although revised downward years later, the oil discoveries improved Bolivia's creditworthiness with foreign commercial banks. The economic expansion of the 1970s also contributed to rapid growth of the Santa Cruz area. Partly because the government favored that region, but also because of increased colonization, higher cotton and soybean prices, and infrastructure developments, the area flourished. For a time, the city of Santa Cruz threatened to overtake La Paz as the nation's most important financial center. By the 1980s, the public sector had ballooned to encompass 520 agencies, including 120 federal agencies and 50 state-owned enterprises or financial institutions. Comibol accounted for 65 percent of all mineral production, YPFB produced 80 percent of all oil and natural gas, and the government owned over half of the banking system's assets. The government also controlled the manufacture of glass, textiles, cement, dairy products, oils, and sugar, mostly through the Bolivian Development Corporation (Corporación Boliviana de Fomento--CBF), then the nation's principal development bank. Public sector corruption had become common, and certain government agencies increased their scope solely to expand their influence in the bureaucracy. Bolivia's minor "economic miracle" of the 1970s began to weaken in 1978 when political instability returned in force. Several foreign commercial banks reassessed Bolivia's ability to service its nearly US$3 billion debt, most of which had been acquired by the Banzer government. External financing from private sources came to a complete halt by the early 1980s; in the absence of external financing to cover increasingly large budget deficits, the government opted for the inflationary policy of printing more money. The value of the peso dropped rapidly, and high international interest rates multiplied the debt. By 1985 the nation's per capita income had fallen below 1965 levels, and rampant hyperinflation ravaged the Bolivian economy. Prices escalated so rapidly that inflation reached over 24,000 percent by 1985. Barter flourished as money was seen as virtually worthless. The coca and cocaine industry propped up the economy and flooded the financial system with United States dollars. In order to restore public confidence in the national currency, the Hernán Siles Zuazo government (1982-85) announced a "dedollarization" decree that outlawed the dollar deposits and loans used by 90 percent of the economy. The policy caused massive capital flight, burdened the banking system by forcing it to convert into greatly overvalued and essentially worthless pesos, and destroyed the nation's deposit base. From 1979 to 1985, successive Bolivian heads of state negotiated six tentative stabilization programs (paquetes económicos) with the IMF, but none was implemented because of the lack of political continuity and the strength of the political opposition. In August 1985, President Paz Estenssoro promulgated Bolivia's New Economic Policy (Nueva Política Económica--NPE). The NPE's main feature was the floating of the peso with the United States dollar. The plan also liberalized import policies by introducing a uniform tariff of 20 percent. In addition, the NPE called for a radical restructuring of the public sector, including the dismantling of the CBF, the laying off of 20,000 of Comibol's 27,000 employees, the partial privatization of the Mining Bank of Bolivia (Banco Minero de Bolivia -- Bamin), the reduction by one-third of YPFB's work force, and a virtual spending freeze for all state-owned enterprises. The policy also deregulated the economy, legalized dollars, eliminated subsidies, and lifted price controls. Although drastic, the NPE succeeded in suffocating rampant hyperinflation; within a few months, inflation had dropped to an annual rate of 10 to 20 percent. The international tin market collapsed in October 1985, adding to Bolivia's problems with hyperinflation, recession, and austere stabilization. Declaring an end to the tin era, the government further encouraged the diversification and privatization of the economy. It also enacted a major tax reform measure in May 1986 that lowered the country's highest tax bracket from 30 to 10 percent and simultaneously instituted a general value-added tax. Economists generally perceived the 1986 tax reform as an important policy tool in continuing to stabilize the economy. The crash of the tin market and the NPE's austerity program led to an estimated unemployment rate of 21.5 percent by 1987 (the unemployment rate had risen steadily from 5.5 percent in 1978 to 10.9 percent in 1982, 15.5 percent in 1984, and 20 percent in 1986.) In response, the government promulgated the Reactivation Decree in July 1987. Under the decree, the government created the Emergency Social Fund--financed in part by West European and Latin American governments as well as the World Bank --to develop public works projects to activate the unemployed. The decree also fostered export activity by introducing tax rebates for exporters and by establishing the National Institute for Export Promotion. In addition, the 1987 reactivation measures included sophisticated financing schemes aimed at eliminating the country's debt with commercial banks. Source: U.S. Library of Congress

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Four main markets in the economy: 1) market for final goods and services, 2) market for resources/inputs (labor mkt.), 3) market for financial assets (stocks, bonds, credit, loanable funds) and 4) foreign exchange. In Ch 7 and 8, we looked at how to measure econ performance - GDP, real GDP, inflation, un rate, etc. We will now look closer at econ performance and study the factors that influence econ performance. We will develop a macro model of the economy using the concepts of Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply, the D and S conditions for the aggregate, or entire (macro) economy. To start, let's define some basic concepts: 1. Fiscal policy - conducted by Congress and the President. Involves tax policy, spending policy, regulations, social security, Medicare, etc. Fiscal policy is the activity of Congress and President as they try to stabilize and regulate the economy, to promote national goals like economic growth, low un, etc. 2. Monetary Policy - conducted by the Federal Reserve or central bank of the country. The Fed controls the money supply and attempts to stabilize the price level. It can influence the money supply directly, and interest rates, ex-rates indirectly, price level, inflation, economic growth indirectly. 3. Money supply - most narrow definition of money is M1. Cash, checking accounts and traveler's checks, only counts money items that can be used to make final payment for goods and services. Doesn't count money in savings accounts for example, since those funds can't be used directly for final payment. To simplify our Macro model of the economy, we will first assume that fiscal policy and monetary policy are fixed or constant and the MS is fixed. Simplifies the model, allows us to concentrate on the economy without considering the influence of policy changes. After setting up the basic model, we will come back and investigate fiscal policy and monetary policy in later chapters. 4 KEY MARKETS: RESOURCES, LOANABLE FUNDS AND GOODS/SERVICES Exhibit 8-1 on page 202 shows graphically the circular flow of income in the economy. There are four S/D diagrams representing the four key markets. We also assume that there are 3 units in the economy - households (Consume), businesses (Invest) and governments (Govt. Spending). Resource markets - labor, land, inputs, natural materials, raw materials, physical capital, etc. Households supply all resources in the economy to businesses and governments - labor, land, and capital in the form of the supply of credit. All resource payments flow to households in the bottom of the graph in the form of wages, rents, interest and dividends. Business spending is in three forms: 1) investment expenditures on final goods and services (I in GDP), 2) taxes and 3) resource payments. Resource payments are equal to National Income. The S/D at the top represents GDP - the market for goods and services. Notice that the four arrows leading into GDP are C + I + G + net X. This is also called the Aggregate Demand for final goods/services. Also, notice that National Income to households can only go to: C + S + T. After taxes have been paid, we have disposable income. Disposable Income can only go to C and S. Savings = deferred consumption. Household savings go into the Loanable Funds Market, Credit Market, Stock Markets, Banks, etc. Loanable funds go for Business Borrowing and Govt. Borrowing. The price of loanable funds is the interest rate. The interest rate coordinates borrowing and lending activities. Equilibrates S and D for loanable funds. Notice: that the Govt. gets revenue from three sources: Taxes from Business, Taxes from Households, and Borrowed funds from the Credit Market. Remember: there is no such thing as government money. The upper right hand side represents the international trade sector of the economy - Exports and Imports, which creates a demand for foreign currency. To buy German products, you first have to buy DM. Also, notice that funds flow between the Foreign Exchange Market and the Loanable Funds Market, reflecting that some of our savings gets invested overseas, and also some foreigners invest in the U.S., supply credit/loanable funds to the U.S. Investment capital flows into and out of the U.S. economy. Remember from Chapter 7, GDP can be measured by spending on final goods or by the income received to produce the final goods (GDI). The top loop on p. 202 represents GDP measured by the Expenditure Approach, and the bottom loop represents GDP measure by the Resource Cost-Income AGGREGATE DEMAND FOR GOODS AND SERVICES - We now focus on the market for aggregate goods and services. Probably the most important market - directly related to the health of the economy and our standard of living. We use standard S and D analysis, but now our quantity and price variables are different than before. The Quantity variable is Real GDP on the horizontal axis (p. 204), which is the amount of domestically produced goods and services during a period. The Price variable is the Aggregate Price Level (vertical axis), the average price level for all goods and services using either the GDP Deflator or CPI. Aggregate Demand (AD) is the total demand for domestic goods and services by Consumers, Businesses, Governments and Foreigners (GDP). AD (GDP) slopes downward and represents the different amounts of real GDP that purchasers are willing to buy at different price levels. Why does the AD curve slope downward? 3 reasons: 1. Real Balance Effect - as the price level increases, the purchasing power of money declines. When the price level decreases, the purchasing power of money increases. There is an inverse relation between real wealth and the price level. We assume that you are holding some of your wealth in the form of cash. If you have $20,000 under your mattress, or in the bank, and prices double, the value of your cash decreases by 1/2. You are worse off and would reduce your spending, a negative wealth effect. If all prices are cut in half, your cash is now worth twice as much. Because lower price levels increase the value of wealth in the form of cash holdings, you spend more when price levels fall because of the positive wealth effect. This contributes to an inverse relationship between the Price Level and Real GDP. 2. Interest Rate Effect - When the price level falls, people and businesses don't need as much cash to carry out transactions. Disposable income can only go to C + S. If C goes down because prices are falling, people will Save more. When the supply of savings goes up, there is downward pressure on int. rates. Lower int. rate stimulate the economy - consumers will buy more interest-sensitive goods like cars and furniture, appliances, etc. that require financing. Businesses will increase spending on property, plant and equipment when int. rates are low. Int. rate effect contributes to the downward slope of the AD. Sequence of events: Price level falls, savings increases, interest rates fall, real GDP increases. Result: inverse (neg.) relation between P and Q (real GDP). 3. International-Substitution Effect - If domestic prices fall, US goods will now be cheaper for Americans and foreigners. If U.S. prices are falling and other countries' prices are staying the same, it is as if their prices are rising, relative to ours. Imports (M) will decline and exports (X) will increase. Americans will buy more domestic products and fewer foreign products (M falls). Foreigners will buy more U.S. products (X rises) and fewer of their own products. Real GDP will expand as Net Exports increases. X goes up, M goes down. (X-M) goes up. GDP goes up. See Thumbnail Sketch on page 206 for a summary of the 3 effects. AGGREGATE SUPPLY (AS) OF GOODS AND SERVICES AS curve is the relationship between the Price Level (P) and Real Output (Q). For AS, we distinguish between two situations: the AS in short-run, SRAS; and the AS in the long-run, LRAS. SRAS slopes upward because an unanticipated, or surprise increase in the general price level will generally increase the profitability of firms and they will expand output. See page 207. When the price level is expected to be P100, output will be at a normal level, Y0, and firms will earn a "normal" profit and "normal" rate of return. At P105, why will output increase to Y1? Short-run profitability is enhanced. Profit per unit is equal to Price per unit - Cost per unit (Profit = Retail Price - Cost of Production). We assume that the firm's Retail Price is more flexible in the short run than its Cost of Production. Why? Producer costs of production will be fixed in the short run by long-term contracts previously entered into - firm has fixed its interest rates on loans from banks for the next year, labor costs are pre-determined for years at a time, lease agreements for real estate and equipment are generally agreed upon for years, firm has negotiated contracts with its suppliers for parts, raw materials, etc. Those costs of production were set and pre-determined for a year or more, based on an Expected Price level of 100. If the firm can easily raise its Retail Price to the new higher price level of 105, and is locked into Costs of Production at the expected P of 100, Profits will increase and induce the firm to expand output. An unexpected reduction in the price level to 95 would have just the opposite effect. Retail prices are more flexible than the costs of production and would adjust downward. Since firms' costs are fixed by long term contracts, profits will decrease and firm will contract output. LRAS = Long-run AS (see p. 208). In the long-run (LR) after everyone has had sufficient time to adjust to unexpected increase (or decrease) in the price level, all contracts, loans, leases, wages, input prices, etc., would be renegotiated and profits will eventually return to normal. The incentive to temporarily expand (contract) output in the short run (SR) is gone in the long run. For example, assume prices double, so that retail prices double (quickly), input prices double (slowly), rent doubles, etc.... In the long run, Retail Prices and Costs of Production both adjust to higher prices by the same amount, so unexpected price changes CANNOT expand output beyond YF (full employment rate of output) in the long run. YF = Potential GDP = Output at Full Employment = Full Capacity Output. The economy's full output level in the LR is determined by real factors like the supply of resources, the level of technology, the size of the labor force, education level of labor force, demographics, institutional/legal/political arrangements, all factors that are unaffected by changes in the price level. POINT: In the long run the price level (nominal variable) can't affect real output. Think of the PPF - it is not influenced by the price level. A higher or lower nominal price level can't help an economy expand permanently, since the Price Level is ultimately determined by the number of green pieces of paper (dollars) circulating in the economy. How could there be more jobs or more computers in the LR just because there was $1T of money instead of $.5T? Hint: the factors that shift out PPF are the same factors that shift out LRAS. See Thumbnail Sketch, page 209. EQUILIBRIUM IN THE GOODS AND SERVICES MARKET Equilibrium = balance between S and D, resulting in Market Clearing at a price of P*, and AD=AS. See page 209, the macro market clears at P*, no shortages, no surpluses. If Price Level (P) is below the equilibrium P*, then AD > AS. Upward pressure on Price Level, to P*. If Price level is above equilibrium P*, AS > AD. Downward pressure on Price Level, to P*. Equilibrium in LR - Two conditions: 1. Price level adjusts to P* to bring AD=AS. 2. Buyers and sellers must be happy with their choices, which happens when the Actual Price Level (Pa) = Expected Price Level (Pe). Example: suppose buyers and sellers, workers and employers, lenders and borrowers, etc. expect a Price Level of 100 and then enter into contracts and agreements based on that expected Price Level. As long as the actual price level turns out to be 100, there is no incentive to change or modify agreements. If the actual price level turns out to be higher (or lower) than expected, then some parties will be affected adversely and will want to renegotiate , modify or alter the contracts. See page 210. P100 is expected. As long as Pa = 100, there will be full output at YF. The only way to deviate from YF and have Y > YF or Y < YF is to have an actual price level other than 100. At P>100, Y > YF. If P<100, Y < YF. YF = Full Output = Potential GDP = Maximum sustainable output consistent with resource base, current technology, institutional structure (prop rights, legal framework, regulations, etc.). Reflects the normal operation of markets. Full employment output, natural rate of un (frictional + structural). No cyclical unemployment. Actual un rate = natural rate. For LR equilibrium, Output will at full potential full employment is achieved at the natural rate of unemployment. What happens when the actual Price Level is higher than expected? Pe = 100 and Pa = 105. Real wages fall (making workers worse off, retail prices rise unexpectedly by 5% and wages are the same), real interest rates fall, real input prices fall, so that profit margins increase and output expands, and actual Un Rate < Nat Rate, Y > YF. However, this increased output is not sustainable in the LR since no real factors (technology, productivity, etc.) have changed that would allow a permanent increase in output. As labor contracts, interest rates and resource prices adjust, profits return to normal, un rate returns to natural rate, output returns to normal, etc., LR equilibrium prevails eventually. What if actual P < P expected? Deflation, or inflation lower than expected. In that case, real wages are higher than expected (retail prices fall and workers wages remain the same), profits fall, output contracts, workers are laid off. Y < YF, Un Rate > Nat Rate. Example: Recession of 1982 was caused because prices were lower than expected (Pa < Pe). Inflation was 13% in 1979 and 12% in 1980, then fell to 4 percent in 1982, so that actual inflation was less than people expected. Labor contracts had factored in 10-12% wage increases, assuming inflation was going to continue at the past rate. Since actual inflation was only 4%, real wages turned out to be much higher than expected, producers couldn't raise retail prices as fast as they thought. Profits fell, output fell, workers were laid off, economy went into a recession, Un Rate was almost 11%. Wages are "sticky" - take time to adjust. Conclusions: 1) Economy operates at maximum capacity/output (YF) as long as there is no unexpected inflation/deflation 2) Price level stability is critical for full output/full employment. 3) Unexpected increases in the Price Level temporarily expand output. 4) Unexpected decreases in the Price Level temporarily contract output. In general, the resource market is the market for all inputs to production - labor, raw materials, machinery, etc. Firms demand resources to produce goods and services. Main resource market is labor market - 70 percent of production costs is labor. S and D for resources work like before - Law of Demand/Supply. See page 213. Households supply labor or other resources (land, capital) in exchange for income. Producers (businesses) demand resources to produce final products. Demand for resources/labor/inputs is a DERIVED DEMAND, meaning that the real demand is the demand for final goods and services, and the demand for labor/resources is linked to the demand for final goods. If the demand increases for final goods, the demand will increase for resources to supply those goods. If the demand for college education increases, the demand for professors will increase. Equilibrium in Resource Markets: When the macroeconomy has settled into LR equilibrium, the Retail Prices for final products relative to the Resource Prices will be such that Producers will earn a normal rate of profit/return (in economic terms, economic profits = 0) and will have no incentive to expand or contract output. If resource prices are low relative to retail prices, output would expand. If resource prices are high relative to retail prices, output would contract. LOANABLE FUNDS MARKET - Coordinates the actions of borrowers and lenders. Borrowers - Demanders of Credit. Lender/Savers - Suppliers of Credit. Diagram - page 215. Households are net suppliers of credit/loanable funds, Households are savers and supply credit to the credit markets. Businesses and governments are net demanders of credit. Business borrowing and government borrowing. Financial intermediaries (banks/brokers) act as middlemen. Borrowers demand credit to get control of resources/purchasing power now in return for repayment later, including interest. Interest = rental rate on money. We borrow against future income, as individuals or as a business. Borrowing allows us to escape the constraint of having to live within our current income. We can convert future income into purchasing power today. Allows us to transfer future wealth into a purchase today, so that we can spend future income today. We willingly agree to pay a rental charge for our impatience, the privilege of having access to our future income. Savings allows us to transfer our current income/purchasing power into the future. Savings = deferred consumption. We get paid interest to defer consumption. Compensation for our frugality and thrift. Credit markets give us a higher standard of living. We can escape the constraints of time. Interest rates equilibrate the market for loanable funds, bring about market clearing in the credit markets. Interest Rates - Money/Nominal vs. Real Interest Rates Nominal interest rate = Stated or quoted interest rate in paper. Example - 30 year mortgage rate is 5.5%, the one year T-bill rate is 1.5%, the two year CD rate is 1.75%, the 3 year rate for car loans is 4%, etc., these are all nominal (money) interest rates (R). The nominal interest rate has two components: Real rate (r) + Inflation Premium (INFe). Example: Inflation is expected to be 5% over the next year. You borrow $100 from the bank, pay it back in one year. All prices are 5% higher next year. If the interest rate charged by the bank was 5%, the bank would just break even, they wouldn't make any money on the loan and its real return would be zero. If the nominal interest rate charged was 8% when expected inflation was 5%, then 5% would compensate the lender for inflation (loss of purchasing power) and the real rate of interest would be 3%. Formula: Nominal Int. Rate (R) = Real Rate (r) + Inflation Premium (INFe) or Real Interest Rate (r) = Nominal Rate (R) - Inflation (INFe). Fixed nominal interest rates don't change, for example: 30 year fixed rate mortgage at 6%, based on expected inflation of 4%, real rate would be 2%. If actual inflation is greater than expected (5%), the real rate is lower than anticipated (1%). If actual inflation is less than expected (1%), the real rate is greater than expected (5%). Explains the trouble that S&Ls had in the 1970s and 1980s. They had given out millions of dollars of 30 year fixed rate mortgages at 6% in the 1960s expected inflation to remain at about 3-4% giving them a 2-3% real rate of return. Inflation started rising in the 1970s to 6%, giving them a real return of 0%, and then inflation reached almost 16%, given them a negative real return of -10% (6% - 16% = -10%). It was a great deal for the borrower, but a terrible deal for banks - over 1000 S&Ls failed in the 1980s because of this problem - falling and negative real rates of interest. Summary (assumes fixed nominal rate, doesn't apply to variable, adjustable rates) : 1. When actual inflation is greater than expected, the real rate of interest falls, benefits debtors (borrowers), hurts lenders (savers). 2. When actual inflation is less than expected, the real rate of interest rises, hurts debtors (borrowers), helps lenders (savers). 3. When the actual rate of inflation is greater than the nominal interest rate, the real return is negative. Inflation benefits debtors when: 1) debt has fixed nominal rate and 2) actual inflation is greater than expected, see p. 216. Helps explain why unanticipated inflation expands output, upward sloping SRAS. Higher than expected inflation lowers real interest rates, helps producers, who are net borrowers. Lower real interest rates reduces the real cost of borrowing, increases profits, expands output. FOREIGN EXCHANGE MARKET International transactions for foreign a) goods and b) financial assets creates a demand for foreign currency to buy those foreign goods and assets. When Americans buy foreign products or invest in foreign countries, that creates a demand for foreign currency. When foreigners buy American products or invest in U.S., that creates a demand for U.S. dollars and creates a supply of foreign currency. Based on the interactions of Supply and Demand in the foreign exchange market, the dollar will either appreciate (strengthen) or depreciate (weaken). When the dollar appreciates, the foreign currency depreciates. If the demand for U.S. products (exports) increases, that will appreciate the $ and depreciate the foreign currency. If the demand for foreign products (imports) increases, that will appreciate the foreign currency and depreciate the $. The ex-rate will adjust to bring about equilibrium in the Foreign Exchange Market, see page 237. Also, there is a link between the ex-rate, trade flows and capital flows. When the foreign exchange market is in equilibrium, then the following relationship exists: IMPORTS (M) + CAPITAL OUTFLOW (Investments abroad) = EXPORTS (X) + CAPITAL INFLOW IMPORTS (M) - EXPORTS (X) = CAPITAL INFLOW - CAPITAL OUTFLOW When there is a TRADE DEFICIT (M > X), then there is a Net Capital Inflow, and when there is a TRADE SURPLUS (X > M), then there is a Net Capital Outflow. For the U.S., the Trade Deficit was about $500B (page 173) in 2002, meaning that there was a $500B Capital Inflow. In essence, we bought $500B more of foreigners' products than they bought of ours, and foreigners bought $500B more of our financial assets than we bought of theirs. We had a trade deficit of $500B that was exactly offset by a "capital surplus" of $500. The trade account and the capital account together make up the Balance of Payments accounts, which is always 0 (BP = -$500B trade deficit + $500B capital surplus = 0). Equilibrium in Our 4 Market Macro Model Four basic markets from our circular flow model - AD/AS (GDP), Resource Markets (National Income), Loanable Funds/Credit, and Foreign Exchange. Long run equilibrium means that each of the four macro markets is in equilibrium. Means that there is a balance and that buyers and sellers are willing to continue with the present arrangements. Long run equilibrium is a point that the real economy may never get to, it is always moving towards equilibrium, but equilibrium is a moving target. Certain industries are expanding and others are contracting, reflecting the dynamic nature of the economy. Equilibrium in the economy is like equilibrium in nature, a constant evolutionary process. Even if the economy never reaches static equilibrium or if it gets there but doesn't ever stay there very long, it is still very important to understand how the market forces of supply and demand are constantly moving and pushing the economy in the direction of equilibrium. Since the economy is always gravitating towards equilibrium, it is important and useful to understand the direction the economy is moving. Questions 4, 5, and 8

http://www.umflint.edu/~mjperry/macro9.htm

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The Articles of Confederation (1781-1789) Each of the thirteen states that make up the United States commit to a firm "friendship" with each of the other states. They are united for the purposes of defending themselves against military threats, protecting their independence, and ensuring the general well being of all of the states and good relationships between them. Each state commits to help any other state to defend itself against any attack on the basis of their religion, their right to self-government, their freedom to trade, or for any other reason. To ensure friendly relationships and good business between people living in different states, any free person living in one state, not counting slaves, has the same rights as a free person living in any other state. If a person charged as a criminal or traitor in one state runs away to another state, the government of the first state has the authority to bring the criminal back to the state in which the crime was committed. Any official records, documents, trials and decisions made by the court system in one state will be recognized by each of the other states. Delegates to congress expressed a lofty idealism when they talked about the "friendship" of the thirteen states and of the states' willingness to work together for their mutual benefit and towards the common good. The reality of the situation was that each state jealously guarded its own power, had no qualms about usurping power from or abusing the power of less powerful states, and ruthlessly supported its own cause at the expense of the common good. The bonds of friendship, rather than being enforced by a structured and centralized government, faltered because of the unwillingness of states to focus on their role as part of a bigger nation. The Articles of Confederation were worthless in enforcing good interstate relations because they did not endow Congress with the authority to regulate interstate trade or to intervene in questions of interstate disputes, except as a last resort. The Articles also made it too difficult for Congress to easily pass legislation beneficial to the common good. Furthermore, Congress itself was so plagued by poor interstate relations and low morale that it was often unable to address areas that did fall under its direct control. The failure of a supreme authority to regulate interstate commerce became a problem because, although Congress was endowed with the sole authority to negotiate foreign treaties, it did not have the power to control trade between individual states and foreign countries. States were solely granted the right to levy imposts on foreign goods, and they freely interpreted this to mean goods from other countries as well as other states in the United States. States insisted on printing their own paper money and requiring it in kind for payment of tariffs of purchase of goods. Bordering states that shared the same rivers struggled to exert control by imposing competing tolls. In addition to a variety of different customs regulations and currencies, state governments sought commercial advantage over other states, and based their policies on what would bring their state the biggest rewards, not what was best for the common economic good. These interstate trade wars developed because states with clear commercial advantages abused their power. The disadvantaged states without ports could not import goods directly into their state and had to rely on neighboring states with ports. These neighboring states often charged to transport goods either into or out of the state. The only recourse for the states without ports was to retaliate by enacting their own tariffs on imported goods. Therefore, the consumer was caught up in a confusing and costly interstate battle resulting from interstate jealousies and a system of commerce that lacked uniformity. Consumers, farmers, and merchants bore the brunt of these policies, but appeals for change accomplished nothing. Committees of merchants organized to appeal for a more regulated system of commerce. Nationalist politicians did what they could to make improvements to the system. Alexander Hamilton tried in 1781, and again in 1783, to draft an amendment that granted Congress the right to levy and collect an impost. This would not only provide some regulation to the world of trade, but would also provide Congress with a much-needed source of revenue. Many states were surprisingly eager to relinquish their control of commerce in order to relieve some of the confusion, but it required unanimous approval before it could become law. Unfortunately, Rhode Island opposed both measures, insisting that this infringed upon the sovereignty of the states. The inability of Congress to make much needed change without a unanimous decision, not to mention their inability to regulate commerce, fueled interstate tension further. Rhode Island especially irked the majority of states for not graciously succumbing to the desires of the other twelve states. Rhode Island again became the source of interstate frustration when it passed debt-repayment laws that required all creditors to accept the highly inflated and worthless Rhode Island currency. This attempt to quickly pay of its debt demonstrated a naivete about the fine points of finance, and appalled commercial men in other states. It would have been better for Rhode Island's line of credit had the state tried to pay off the actual value it owed over a longer period of time. Instead, creditors from other nations and other states were forced either to take full payment in paper currency, of a greatly diminished value, or give up their repayment altogether. Rhode Island established criminal penalties for refusing to accept its currency and removed the right to trial-by-jury in cases related to debt-collection. Acting solely in its own interest, Rhode Island jeopardized not only the United States' line of credit with foreign creditors but also threatened to remove civil liberties. Without a strong central government to control the behavior of individual states, there was no recourse when an individual state acted against the general welfare of the United States. The same lack of "friendship" between states existed between delegates to Congress as well. Sometimes openly hostile to delegates from other states, openly criticizing others in letters and other public forums, the delegates did not behave like friends, or even like polite acquaintances. A general lack of camaraderie plagued Congress in the form of low attendance and states refusing to compromise their own best interest. Congress was often unable to exert the few powers it did have to sooth interstate rivalries simply because of lack of a quorum. In other cases, Congress was unable to act objectively because it was so easily manipulated by powerful states. When appealed to by one state, Congress had to carefully weigh that state's influence (especially financial) when deciding whether to intervene. For example, when Vermont, which had been formed by land taken from New York, appealed to Congress to be accepted as a new state, New York withheld its requisitioned funds to pressure Congress into deciding on its behalf. The "perpetual union of firm friendship" lacked both the friendship and the coercive power necessary to regulate interstate relations. Relying on the pure motives of states, motives that were in fact driven by self-interest and jealousy, destroyed the possibility of a firm league of friendship. Ironically, one of the only attempts of self- regulation between two states actually succeeded in becoming a uniform policy and became the first step towards a revision of the Articles of Confederation. This self-regulation was also deemed technically illegal by the Articles, which did not allow states to contract treaties outside of the forum of Congress. Nevertheless, leaders from Maryland and Virginia agreed to meet in Alexandria to discuss a mutually agreed upon regulation of commerce on the Potomac and Pocomoke Rivers. As was typical of the time, the Virginia delegation did not get the message and failed to attend. When the Maryland delegates arrived with no reception, they contacted two of the Virginia delegates and persuaded them to go ahead with the meeting anyway, which they did at Mount Vernon. The results of the meeting went far beyond the original goals; not only did the delegates resolve the dispute relating to the two rivers, they also established a uniform policy of commerce and trade regulations in all areas of exchange between the two states. Additionally, their success inspired them to call a convention of all states interested in discussing issues of common commerce in Annapolis. This Annapolis Convention is what eventually led to the call for a Constitutional Convention in May 1787. Ironically, it seems that the states were eager to befriend each other in order to work towards their mutual interests, but somehow the Articles reinforced jealousies rather than effectively encouraging the friendship necessary to enact uniform policies towards the common good.

http://www.sparknotes.com/history/american/articles/section2.rhtml

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Project WILD – Lessons Only available to teachers by attending a workshop. For information on how to sign up for a workshop email <firstname.lastname@example.org>. - Ethi-Thinking (Pp. 303-304) – Students list activities that might be harmful to wild plants and animals. - Changing the Land (Pp. 345-352) – Humans affect biological communities in many ways. (This activity can also be used with the BTNEP Map.) Educator’s Guide to the Barataria-Terrebonne National Estuary – Activities (BTNEP) The BTNEP Educator’s Guide to the Barataria-Terrebonne National Estuary is a comprehensive, downloadble source of information and activities for formal and nonformal educators. Grades K-12. - Coastal Wetlands Needs You! (Activity 1-14) - Encourages the students to brainstorm ways they can contribute to solving and abating the problems associated with coastal land loss and habitat destruction. Students create a Citizen Action Brochure. Grades 2, 3, 5, 7, HS Biol. - Issue Analysis and Decision Making (Activity 1-13) - Students conduct research on potential restoration options, then discuss risks and benefits of a freshwater diversion project. Grades 7, 8, HS Env Sci. - Swamp Sweep Activity (3-11) - Focuses on debris found along a selected waterway within their community. Students conduct a scientific investigation and use the results to make a positive change toward solving the problem. Grade 7. Spirit of the Estuary: Using Art to Understand Ecology – Activities (BTNEP) A multi-disciplinary curriculum that addresses wetland environmental issues through the integration of fine art, language art, science, and social studies. Grades 6-12. - The Material of Culture (Activity 1-2) - Students research cultural artifacts; study the process of creating material culture; create an exhibit of Native American, African, and/or Cajun/Creole cultural artfacts. - To Build or Not to Build (Activity 1-3) - Students learn that Louisiana’s coast is disappearing at a catastrophic rate; compare and evaluate a variety of actual coastal restoration techniques; use accurate scientific terminology to discuss basic facts of coastal zone management; describe examples of current problems associated with land loss; develop a PSA to create an awareness of coastal land loss issues; analyze restoration projects that identify and remediate coastal and loss problems; prepare an evaluative presentation that critiques current practices. - Where Has All the Green Space Gone (Activity 1-4) - Students identify greenspace, natural areas and/or other important sites in the BTNE; research history of development in the BTNE; reflect on the ecological impact of urbanization; construct a green map; and communicate student findings to the community. - Architecture of the B-T Basin (Activity 1-7) - Students gather information on the characteristic features of the traditional architectural styles found in the Barataria-Terrebonne Estuary; organize the features in a graphic organizer; visit at least one historic building in their community; choose and draw a building that displays features of one of the traditional styles; contrast the traditional styles with modern architectural styles and discuss the importance of preserving historic buildings. - Form & Function of Boat Designs (Activity 1-8) - Students study, compare and contrast the design features of four boat types described in the handout The Form and Function of Louisiana Fishing Boats and on the Louisiana Folklife website; create a Venn diagram to highlight the similarities and differences between two fishing boat designs; draw their favorite fishing boat designs either from life (preferred if possible) or from a photograph; describe and explain in both oral and written form the design features they consider most important to the specific job their chosen boat does and how form follows function. Wetland Loss: Digging of Canals – Activities (CWPPRA/USGS) Illustrates the destruction of wetlands that resulted from the digging of canals for oil and gas exploration in the coastal wetlands and cypress logging in the swamps. Grades 4-8. Salt Marsh Habitat of the Barataria-Terrebonne Estuary – Activity Book (BTNEP) BTNEP Activity Book. To obtain a copy call 800-259-0869. Free upon request. - From Marsh to Marina (Pp. 21-23) - Shows the changes that can occur in a marsh and how humans have impacted the area to meet their needs. - Why Are We Losing Salt Marsh? (Pg. 24) - Shows how land loss occurs through natural causes and man’s activities. Rescuing the Treasure – Video Clips (BTNEP) A sequel to “Haunted Waters, Fragile Lands,” this video describes the importance of estuaries and restoration techniques. - Tourism (Clip 4) - Presents aspects of the ecosystem that attract visitors who can’t see these attractions anywhere else in the world. - Problems of the Future (Clip 7) - Shows consequences of wetland loss. Students are asked to think about what they can do to help with this situation. - Solutions and the Future (Clip 8) - Gives possible future solutions to help prevent the loss of our wetlands. BTNEP brings citizens, public officials and scientists together to come up with solutions. Citizen involvement is one of the most effective ways to save our wetlands. - This is Our Future (Clip 9) - Shows how Louisiana’s wetlands help the whole United States, not just Louisiana (seafood industry, oil and gas industry, recreational activities, wildlife, etc.). EstuaryLive! – Activities (BTNEP) Investigates the rich bounty of organisms in the Barataria-Terrebonne ecosystem, the delicate balance between the natural environment and human impacts, and the estuary’s importance to the - Hypoxia: Root of the Dead Zone - A bar graph helps students understand effects of hypoxia on the wetlands. Lafourche Parish: From the Beginning – Activities (BTNEP) A comprehensive guide to Lafourche Parish, its history, culture, and resources. Activities will help students better understand this important Louisiana parish. All files are in Adobe format and are downloadable from this site. Grades 6-12. - A Quote From Mark Twain - A gem of wisdom from the great author. - Interpreting Twain's Quote Activity - Students express their responses to what is happening today in south Louisiana. - Early Man in Louisiana - Information and maps describing prehistoric settlers of the bayou. - Bayou Indians Activity - Students research crafts, lifestyles, and customs of the bayou’s original inhabitants, and create an object that reflects a part of their heritage. - Researching the Bayou Indians - Students select a tribe to research and answer questions about tribal relationships with the Federal Government. - European Man in Louisiana - History of the settling of Louisiana by explorers and people of various nationalities. - Investigating European Man in Louisiana Activity - A worksheet helps students recall key events and people in local history. - Sugar Time Activity - Students create a timeline of the growth and development of the sugar industry. - Louisiana Oil Industry - Describes both the importance of the local oil industry and how it threatens the ecosystem. Empty Oceans – Lesson Plan (NOAA) How does the human population affect the population of marine species? What can citizens do to sustain seafood populations? Grades 6-8. National Marine Sanctuaries – Activities (NOAA) Explore our national marine sanctuaries and learn about habitats and human impacts. Oceans Connecting a Nation – Activities Urges students to consider the impact humans are having on the oceans. Grades 8-12. Blue Frontier Oceans for Life – Lesson Plans Multimedia approach promotes ocean exploration and conservation. Underwater expeditions to National Marine Sanctuaries provide case studies and data for lesson plans. Topics include: biological oceanography; ocean regions and habitats; physical ocean process; human links to and impacts on the ocean; applications of oceanography. Virtual expeditions link the classroom experience with the individual National Marine Sanctuaries, research methods and technology, and researchers' experiences. Free, on line teacher workshops feature top ocean researchers and policy makers. Keep Away – Lesson Plan (NOAA) Students discuss the meaning of biological diversity and compare and contrast the concepts of variety and relative abundance as they relate to biological diversity. Given information on the number of individuals, number of species, and biological diversity at a series of sites, students make inferences about the possible effects of oil drilling operations on benthic communities. The Dead Zone – Lesson Plan (NOAA) Inquiry-based lesson on what causes hypoxic conditions that produce the “dead zone” in the Gulf of Mexico. The maps from this pdf are an excellent resource for studying watershed issues. Grades 9-12 but may be adapted for a younger audience. Human Disturbances of the Estuaries (NOAA) Data on fertilizers and toxic substances that damage coastal areas. Waterlife: Where Rivers Meet the Sea – Activities (NOAA) Interactive story based on estuarine environment introduces the estuary, its diverse ecosystems, tidal influences, restoration efforts, and marine debris. Emphasizes personal responsibility and care for environment. (NOTE: This product in still in the development stages, keep visiting the website for more details.) Who Moved the Beach? – Lesson Plan (NOAA) Identify the primary causes and impacts of coastal erosion, and how human communities should respond to this process. For advanced 8th (Honors), and 9-12th graders.

http://coastalroots.lsu.edu/Compendium%20Sections/ComHuman.html

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|See also the Hydroelectricity category.| for subtopics, how-tos, project pages, designs, organization pages and more. Hydroelectricity or hydroelectric power is electricity generated from the captured energy of moving water, be it from the sea, or from freshwater sources. It is an established and continuous form of renewable energy. It uses the natural water cycle, and gravity, to generate electricity. Determining the powerpotential of a site Determining hydropower potential The following mathematical formula allow to estimate the hydropower potential: P = 10xQxHxr Knowing that: P expresses the electrical power in kilowatt-hour of the current generator; Q expresses the waterflow in the penstock in m³/sec; H expresses the difference in water level between the entrance to the penstock and the leakage channel of the turbine, expressed in meters; R is the overall efficiency of the facility, including the loss of load in the penstock, the turbine efficiency and alternator efficiency. A total efficiency of 60% is acceptable for the estimated hydroelectric potential. As an example, with Q being 0,1 m³/sec and H being 10m we get a potential of 6kWh. The efficiency of the turbine is a charisteristic of the machine given by the manufacturer. This efficiency depends on the waterflow. Indeed, if the inflow is, for example, only half of the expected speed (or nominal waterflow), it is easy to understand that the piece of the waterflow that will run between the rotating parts and the fixed parts without reacting on the blades of the machine does little or nothing. So the effective waterflow drops sharply and leads to an efficiency drop. The potential of a site can be improved if the hydroelectric equipment is not a hydroelectric facility along the waterstream but equipped with an accumulation pond. In these circumstances it is possible to, for a few hours of the day, provide sufficient waterflow for periods of greater consumption of electricity. When the population of the village sleeps, they generally consume much less electricity. This decrease in electricityrequirements accompanies, through the speedregulator discussed above, a decrease in waterconsumption. The saved amount can be used at times of greater need. This accumulation pond should be considered in the context of a daily regulation. If deals around overcoming the insufficiencies of low water flows, the accumulation intake reaches a size that is outside the context of small power plants. Overview of formula's The amount of energy released by lowering an object of mass by a height in a gravitational field is: - where is the acceleration due to gravity. Converting these units, a common field equation to measure the maximum power available in a moving body of water is: - Pmax=Maximum Power Available (kW) - Qmax=Flow (Volume/time) - Hmax=Head (Vertical drop in ft) - emax=Efficiency of the turbine (use a value of 1 for max power available) - K=Unit conversion factor (see table below for some common values) |For Q measured in||K is equal to| |ft3/sec (CFS)||11.8 (ft4)/(sec*kW)| |gal/min (GPM)||5302 (gal*ft)/(min*kW)| To find the actual power you will get from that moving body of water, calculate Pnet with the following changes made. - Pnet=The net power extracted from the river, not including loss in delivery from power station to load (kW) - Qnet=Flow (Volume/time) - Only take a portion of the max flow (%take). For delicate streams this may be a small percentage of the total flow. - Hnet=Head (Vertical drop in ft) - This is the actual head that you have available due to losses from friction. Calculate friction loss using tables based on the materials you use for diversion (e.g. PVC). - Determine equivalent length of pipe by adding actual length of pipe and equivalent lengths of fittings based on tables using pipe size. - Find Frictional Pressure Loss Ratio (FPL) coefficient in ftloss/ftpipe based upon flow rate and pipe size - calculate Hloss=equivalent length of pipe * FPL - enet=Efficiency of the turbine - Always between 0 and 1, usually between .5 and .9 depending on the turbine type and flow rate. A value of 0.78 is a good guess for modern turbines in average conditions. - K=Unit conversion factor (see table above for some common values) Note that these equations are static in time. You must run these equations for with a resolution high enough to cover periods of variation (e.g. monthly river data). Parts of a hydroelectric plant An installation, no matter how small, always includes the following elements (following the flow of water): - a main water intake which ensures that as long as there is water in the river, it is directed towards the power plant. This intake is fitted with a valve that can cut the water supply in case of failure of the turbine or in case of repairs of the infrastructure. - an intake channel more or less long will lead water from the main water intake to the head intake or startup room. This channel can also create a greater drop height when choosing a suitable route. - the intake of the startup room ensures filling the pipeline linking the intake to the turbine. The correct creation of the startup room allows to keep the penstock submerged. The intake is foreseen of a emergency release to allow the evacuation of excess water by reducing the water needs of the turbine. - the penstock (pipe between the intake of startup room and turbine) creates the water column which allows the startup of the turbine. This pipeline usually of steel for conventional plants, but can be carried out in polyethylene for pico-power. Its diameter is calculated to avoid loss of charges in the flow of water. A large pipe is expensive in purchase and placement but reduces the loss. When the height of the water column is low, there is no penstock but a concrete construction in which water flows to supports the water column. - the turbine room of the facility, is a kind of wheel that is rotated by the flow of water flowing through it. The type of wheel is to be chosen depending of the given instantaneous waterflow, but also depending of the water pressure. Some of these turbines resemble the old bucketwheels are particularly suitable for plants that need to operate with significant waterflow variations. The turbines may be vertical or horizontal axis. - The speed regulator controls the speed of the turbine. In times of normal operation, speed is a balance between the hydraulic load that turns the turbine and the resistive load of the electricity production. In case of a ruptured electrical circuit, the resistive electrical is canceled and the speed of the turbine will accelerate because the hydraulic load remains unchanged. Too much speed can be fatal to the equipment and the presence of the regulator corrects the beginning of the acceleration also called the runaway. - The electricity generator, is another essential part as it will convert the mechanical energy of the turbine into electrical energy. This conversion into electricity facilitates the provision on places that can be removed from the turbine. Today, the generator is an alternator that provides alternating current, a type of electricity that is more widespread than direct current. To provide an alternating current conforming to the needs of network users, the alternator must turn in a speed range set by the manufacturer. Between the generator and the turbine, which rotates much more slowly, a gearbox is installed to make the operation of the two machines compatible. The generator is set synchronous or asynchronous, as determined or set on the frequency of the cycles of current of the network, being 50 cycles per second except on the American continent where it is 60 cycles. If the plant is the only or main power source of the network, install a synchronous alternator. - Electrical cabinet for control and distribution. For the safety of the facilities and also the people, one should distribute the current on the network via a switchboard where the devices (fuses, disconnectors) allow the controlling of the distribution. At the other end of the network similar equipment should be installed to control the distribution with the client. - The electrical distribution network includes wiring that allows the transport of the power to the users. This network is either low voltage, ie operating voltage of client devices, or high voltage. This is necessary when the transport distance is over 500m. Indeed, to carry 20 kW at a voltage of 220V, one requires a 90 amp electrical cable of at least 10mm2 section. If the voltage is 5000V, a section of 1mm2 is sufficient. The cost of this cable will probably be cheaper than the other one. - The leakage channel is the route of escape of the water that has gone through the turbine. This channel is connected to the stream that resupplies the watervolume that is diverted to the water intake. It is important that this channel is not flooded in case of riverflood. Indeed, the rise of water level can cause flooding of the engine room (generator and turbine) with a risk of damage. Other equipment to provide is an sand trap on the feeder canal. The grains of sand that accompany the water on the turbine have an abrasive effect that reduces the life of the machine. The biggest materials (stones, bricks) have an even more destructive effect and gratings should be installed at the entrance to the intake line but also at the penstock to prevent such incidents. Assessment of electricity needs It is difficult at first to estimate the effective electricity output since it depends on the project which is associated with the construction of the hydroelectric powerplant. It is known that the provision of electricity promotes its use. Without any regulation system of the consumption (limiting the amount available to the consumer via electrical switchboard, billing of the consumption). The lighting of offices is an important element for the development of the electricity grid, as well as the sponsoring of communication facilities such as the telephone network, operation of television channels, computers. The electrical energy is also useful to activate the cooling chain (storage of medicines, vaccines ...). Foremost, we must exclude, in the context of a micro-powerplant, thel use of electricity as a means of heating because consumers will become prohibitive for the small network. To give a general idea however, an installed capacity of 2kW per family is a correct value to identify the electricity needs in a village community. However, Vietnamese experience transposed to the Philippines cites lower values. Once the provision of electricity for a workshop is also considered, it is sufficient to determine the installed capacity to the whole of the envisaged equipment. In the case of a carpentry, engines consuming more than 1500W are common. It is also possible to set, among the regular customers of a small network, priority clients such as those that manage a cooling chain for vaccines and drugs, or a surgical hospital. These customers will be supplied as long as possible. These provisions should be exposed to all users as a way to maintain cohesion and avoid conflicts. This regulating system allows to supply electricity to more customers but for a more limited period. Types of hydroelectric power plants A large scale hydroelectric power plant forces water, generally held in a dam, through a hydraulic turbine connected to a generator. After the water exits the turbine it returns to the stream or river below the dam. Because of the dependence on gravity, hydroelectric power is generally more feasible in mountainous regions than in flat country. Hydroelectricity has relatively low operations and maintenance costs, especially compared to other forms of renewable energy. Sizes of hydroelectric plants Today, to transform hydropower to electrical power, it is possible to construct very large but also small-sized plants. This article lists the parameters to determine small hydroelectric facilities. They have a place in the process of the development of small communities and in the process of sustainable development because of the economy in terms of CO²-emissions. See http://www.kuleuven.ac.be-ei-public-publications-EIWP900-09_fr.pdf The technical literature considers small power plants, those plants that generate a power output less than 2000kW or 2 MW. The small power plants are divided into mini power (maximum power output 500kW), micro-power (maximum power output of 100 kW) and pico-power (0.2 kw to 5kW). These powers outputs are to be considered as orders of magnitude because, depending on the country or region, different figures have been cited. The pico-plants have been installed mostly in Asia, Vietnam (120,000) and the Philippines. |Country||Micro (kW)||Mini (kW)||Small (MW)||Source| |United States||<100||100-1000||1-30||Dragu, 2002| |Italy||-||-||<3||European Commission, 2000| |Portugal,Spain, Ireland, Greece, Belgium||-||-||<10||European Commission, 2000| |France||5-5000||-||<8||European Commission, 2000| |ESHA-European Small Hydropower Association||<100||101-500||0,5-10||ESHA,1998| Advantages and disadvantages - hydroelectricity is a long-established technology, and the process itself is very reliable. - hydroelectricity has very little impact on air pollution and climate change, as no fuel is burned. - hydropower is highly dependent upon precipitation (rain and snow); droughts can effect generating capacity. - vegetation in the flood zone when the dam is built will decay in the lake formed by the dam, releasing methane. The net result is still believed to be a very small amount of greenhouse gases for the electricity produced, but it will vary from dam to dam. - (when using a hydroelectric dam): the ecological effects of a dam on the downstream side of the structure can be severe, as the water restriction often dramatically changes the normal flow of the river or stream. The range of anadromous fish (such as salmon) upriver is understandably hampered by the concrete and turbines of dams, beyond which is a habitat that has been deprived of a main predator. The buildup of sediment and silt behind the dam can substantially alter the geology of the downstream reaches. The construction of a dam is hence extremely controversial and guaranteed to face strong opposition from environmental groups and owners of affected farms and other property. In practice, only an authoritarian government is likely to choose to build a new dam. To avoid some of these issues, a "run of the river" design is preferable. - the ability to build new hydroelectric capacity is extremely limited, especially in developed countries, because most suitable sites are already being used. In developing countries, the potential for small hydropower installations has never carefully been measured. Past surveys of hydropower potential have focused on possible sites for large dams, as small hydroelectric units were considered uneconomical or ill-suited to the goal of providing large blocks of electric power for cities, industrial estates, or aluminum production. With the rapidly increasing costs of energy, however, the economics are now much more favorable for small hydroelectric units, which are also well-suited to the needs of small rural communities, and do not bring the degree of environmental disruption associated with large reservoirs. Many small units do not require reservoirs at all, and use small diversion canals instead. The success of waterpower installations can be greatly affected by forest conservation practices in the watershed above. Rapid deforestation brings high rates of soil erosion and subsequent rapid silt filling of reservoirs behind dams. At the same time, greater rain runoff causes increasingly violent floods that threaten hydropower installations. During the months following the floods, low water flows are likely to reduce generating capacity. A program to protect the watershed and the construction of a diversion canal may be necessary to prevent damage to a small waterpower installation. - A small hydroelectric powerplant is very expensive to install, around 1500 € to 3000 € per installed kW; operating costs are however quite low. The material is generally robust and lasts a lifetime if regular maintenance is exerciced for several decades. If we sign up for the perspective of a sustainable development, we should consider that in terms of the economic life-expectancy of the facility, the replacement of the facility will be incorporated by the users of the network agreeing to pay for the supplied power. The billing of the consumption allows to build up the needed capital for the maintenance and future replacement; it avoids abusive consumptions. About the pricing, it must be designed in function of the objectives of the powerplant project. About the pricing, we suggest progressive pricing (the more one consumes, the more the price per kW is increased, obviously within certain limits) which reduces the risk of waste, and sectorial pricing (collective or community consumptions are are charged at more favorable rates). See http://www.ciele.org/filieres/hydraulique.htm - Operating costs are low if the facility is regularly maintained: the damaged parts are replaced quickly (stock of spare parts), abnormal wear is investigated to identify the causes. Losses on the network are eliminated without delay. - Who says maintenance, says manager and personnel trained for the task at hand. - Control of consumption and illegal connections are punished. A too great consumption (overloading the network) will lead to a voltage drop that can cause damage to connected equipment, especially engines. The client is asked to sign a service contract which stipulates his rights and obligations. - Public information campaign on things to avoid and prevention: The area of the water intake in the river is to be avoided by the other users of the river (risk of getting caught up in the waterflow and risk of drowning); intake channel may be used for other purposes (laundry, irrigation), the manager informs the public to incidents such as blocked grates, overflow, etc ... The practice of bathing is regulated or prohibited in the absence of a basin with restraints to prevent the risk of drowning or sudden spills of large volumes of water. Information on the dangers of electrocution will be presented at both the facility and at the home. - In the spirit of sustainable development, the facility must take into account other water uses , both existing or planned, at the time of the drafting of the powerplant project. The sharing of the water must be done fairly; ie on the basis of criteria that all stakeholders comply to. - Estimates of budget, deadline for implementation: From an average unit cost of 2000 €/kW installed, it is easy to estimate the investment budget for 10, 100 or 1000kW, as being € 20,000 to € 2,000,000. On the other hand, pico-powerplants of 300W are sold in Vietnam for U.S.D. $20 and are very popular. It is likely that the complexity of a facility of more than 100kW extends the delay of realisation because of forgoing feasibility studies, which probably increases the quality and reliability of the project. Compact installation kits are sold in commerce, requiring only a minimum of know-how for the installation. This equipment series offers the advantage of being available quickly and to be well calibrated for operating conditions. Unless you have control of all parameters (location, project funding, expertise for the construction of infrastructure), an installation project requires several years between the first sketches on paper and the effective operation of the distribution network. - Small powerplants and local development: Many places on earth are not yet equipped with electric network due to lack of interest (economic or political) to install utilities. The low population density is one of the main reasons for this lack. A micro-powerplant offers a solution for decentralised development where the local undertaker or local authorities can act autonomously. A well designed and well maintained installation offers a very low return price, within the reach of small and medium enterprises. The social impact of these small facilities is considerable in the fight against poverty. See http://www.tve.org/ho/doc.cfm?aid=1636&lang=English The Chinese authorities have helped a great amount of areas removed or isolated from major electricity distribution networks in acquiring small powerplants. Similar projects have been developed, especially in Kenya. These measures allow the local population to develop activities that meet their expectations and to avoid, for example, migration to the already congested suburbs of major cities. These populations can emerge from the isolation, communicate with the rest of the world and participate in the evolution. Use of hydroelectricity From backyard, single resident systems made from recycled car parts, to grand scale projects such as those on the Colorado river in the western United States, people are harnessing the energy of water moving down a gradient. The size and therefor, application, of a hydroelectric system can vary widely. Use in P.R. of China The use of water power in the People's Republic of China has reflected the same pattern, with first water wheels and then turbines being built in great numbers as power demands increased along with technical production capabilities. By 1976 an estimated 60,000 small hydroelectric turbines were in operation in South China alone, contributing a major share of the electricity used by rural communes for lighting, small industrial production, and water pumping. With the rising cost of energy in the United States today, small hydroelectric units are returning in large numbers. Generating stations along New England rivers are being rehabilitated and put back into operation. The number of companies making small waterpower units has jumped. The U.S. Department of Energy has estimated that 50,000 existing agricultural, recreational, and municipal water supply reservoirs could be economically equipped with hydroelectric generating facilities. Use of hydroelectric plants depending on size |Size||Power Output||Typical Use| |Large||>10MW||Usually part of a large grid.| |Small||1MW-10MW||Usually grid intertied. (up to 50MW in Canada)| |Mini||100kW-1,000kW (1MW)||Community and industry. Often grid intertied.| |Micro||1kW-100kW||Small low energy consuming community, small industry, rural high energy consuming household. Usually off-grid.| |Pico||<1kW||Radio tower, low energy consuming household, charging station. Almost always off grid.| Please note that these are averages, many different communities classify hydropower somewhat differently. - ↑ Some high flow, low head situations can use hydropower systems such as a [water wheel] to convert just kinetic energy of the flowing water with very little change in the potential energy. In those cases, where is the velocity of the water. - ↑ Reference - ↑ http://www.renaissancepower.ca/downloads/What_Is_MicroHydropower.pdf

http://www.appropedia.org/Hydroelectricity

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The cluster of islands off the coast of the West African nation of Guinea-Bissau—the Bijagós archipelago—are a semitropical land with abundant flora, fauna and natural resources. Despite centuries of slave trading and colonial oppression, the ethnic Bijagós people have remained fiercely independent and continue to practice their land-based religion, which restricts access and activities within sacred sites. These traditional management practices have contributed toward conserving the islands’ biodiversity. Today, in the face of threats like industrial fishing, ship breaking and the growth of international drug trafficking, it is even more important that Bijágos values be maintained. “These traditional practices of the Bijágos that limit periodically the free access to certain areas and their natural resources effectively assists in the preservation of the sites for flora and fauna,” Gonzalo Oviedo, of the World Conservation Union, said. “An interesting overlapping is that the most valued sites for biodiversity also happen to be the most sacred ones.” The Land and Its People The Bijagós archipelago consists of 88 semitropical islands, only 23 of which are inhabited. Early settlement in the area that is now the nation of Guinea-Bissau started from the interior of Africa and moved westward, and it is believed that people arrived on the coast by 9000 B.C. Members of the broad Senegambian ethnic group who settled the islands became known as the Bijagós (Bissagos) people, a matriarchal and matrilineal society in which women choose their husbands and that is guided by female priests. Traditionally a hunter-gatherer society, they were famous for their almadias, large ocean-going canoes that could hold up to 70 people. The islands contain a high degree of biodiversity, with mangrove forests, saltwater swamps and palm trees interspersed with zones of dry forest, coastal savanna and sand banks. Island rivers release nutrient-rich freshwater into the ocean, creating a breeding ground and habitat for many species, including crocodile, fish, crustaceans and mollusks, and the symbolically important sea turtles, manatees and hippopotamus, which are important in Bijagós cosmology. Each year, around 1 million local and migratory birds from as far away as Siberia and Northern Europe settle in the archipelago to breed. Portuguese traders and slavers began colonizing Guinea-Bissau in 1446. At its height, the Portuguese slave trade centered around Guinea-Bissau, but the Portuguese couldn’t establish dominion over the archipelago—whose wild terrain enabled the Bijagós to elude capture—and in the 18th century, the trade shifted south to Angola before coming to an end in the 19th century. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Britain, France and Portugal each sought to conquer the the island of Bolama, or at least subdue the population, but were repeatedly confronted with strong resistance. Portugal ultimately took possession in 1870, and in 1936, after five centuries of ongoing colonial presence along the Bissau coast, they declared the Bijagós archipelago “conquered.” For the first half of the 20th century, the Bijagós suffered under a system of forced labor, climbing palm trees to gather the fruits from which kernels and oil were extracted, and building the factories and machines used by the Portuguese and British who were industrializing the harvesting process. The Bijagós led a prolonged revolt throughout the archipelago from 1917 to 1925, resulting in further Portuguese oppression, including a policy of complete segregation of the indigenous peoples from the colonials. Guineau-Bissau finally gained independence from Portugal in 1974, after a decade-long liberation struggle, one of Africa’s most famous and bloodiest. Today, the Bijagós are still a traditional people of about 25,000, the majority of which practice their animist faith and speak their ethnic language, in addition to the Portuguese-African creole spoken by the majority of the citizens of Guinea-Bissau. The impressive biodiversity of the Bijagós archipelago has captured the attention of ecologists in recent years. The small islands are also valued by animal geneticists because they have unique gene pools and can provide clues about species evolution. A strong correlation has been shown between restricted sacred sites and high levels of biodiversity. For these reasons, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) designated the islands a biosphere reserve in 1996. Part of what has kept the region so pristine is that the Bijagós animistic faith prohibits economic and subsistence activities in the many sacred areas, which include mangroves, beaches and small islands. Thus, large areas have never been inhabited and their resources never touched. Some sacred sites are monitored by family clans, who have close ties with the deities that govern those areas. These clans establish guidelines for ritual and other behavior within the sites, rules that are followed by other islanders. Other sites are also reserved for initiation rituals, with access restricted to those who have completed certain ceremonial duties. Still others are meant only for men or women. Many sites carry prohibitions, including bans on constructing permanent settlements, shedding blood and allowing access to uninitiated individuals. The fifth poorest country in the world, Guinea-Bissau is thus particularly vulnerable to foreign businesses that promise short-term profits at the expense of the environment. In 2003, the Spanish company DDY de Comercio Exterior SA proposed setting up a ship-breaking area around Bolama Island. Ship breaking is the practice of dismantling and sinking commercial ships, and often takes place where countries have looser environmental regulations; Guinea-Bissau is a target for ship breaking because it is not a signatory to the Basel Convention, an international treaty that regulates the transport and disposal of hazardous substances across national lines. This results in oil and toxic materials like asbestos and PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls, which are commerical coolants) released into the water. DDY, acting on behalf of other Spanish companies with refrigeration boats requiring disposal, signed an “intention protocol” with the government of Guinea-Bissau to develop an industrial center for ship breaking. The government agreed not to tax the company’s operations on the rationale that it was bringing a “sustainable” business enterprise to the islands. DDY also claims that ship breaking is an environmentally sound practice, a charge disputed by environmental organizations like Greenpeace and the Basel Action Network, which have led the campaign against unregulated ship breaking around the world. Upon learning of the environmental damage being wrought in India, Pakistan and other Asian countries, the main locales for ship breaking, the Bijagós were determined to stop the industry from developing in their waters. The hazardous materials released into the waters could destroy the pristine marine environment that serve as a breeding ground for so many marine species and harm the indigenous fishing industry. Public outcry and the opposition of political and business leaders in Guinea-Bissau eventually led the government to reject DDY’s proposal. While this first proposal has been rejected, the Bijagós remain wary of future prospects for ship breaking because of the ambiguity of international ship-disposal protocol. In March 1996, the International Maritime Organization, the trade organization for the shipping industry, released a deeply flawed draft treaty that does not hold developed countries responsible for their own maritime waste materials; in fact, its proposed regulations are looser than the already-signed Basel Convention. Until the international community agrees on universal guidelines for safe disposal of old ships, companies will continue to look toward unmonitored waters in developing countries as dumping grounds. Meanwhile, industrial fishing also faces little regulation. Ships from China, Japan and South Korea flock to the 70,000 square kilometers of water that is one of West Africa’s most fertile fishing regions. Smaller boats also come from other African countries. Recently, the harvesting of large numbers of sharks and rays that are fished for their fins, a popular delicacy in Asia, has attracted the attention of conservationists. In May 2007, the IUCN brought together all stakeholders of this industry—including Bissau-Guinean government officials, fishermen, fish processors, scientists and island residents—to discuss how the industry as it currently operates is a threat to the environment, both marine and terrestrial, and to think strategically about how to regulate the industry in a way that allows some economic development. The immediate problem is that the government of Guinea-Bissau simply does not have the resources to enforce regulations: fuel shortages restrict the number of trips, and the waters to be patrolled are twice the country’s land base. There are only six small vessels in its navy, and every time they leave port to patrol, collaborators radio the ships to let them know that the patrol is coming, preventing government officials from catching fishermen in the act. The government knows how valuable its maritime resources are, with 45 percent of national revenue derived from fishing. Guinea-Bissau has struck a five-year fishing deal with the European Union that allows E.U. companies access to local waters in exchange for a licensing fee of 51 million euros. Even if fished sustainably and legally, however, the fish are transported to other countries for processing, which translates into the loss of up to a thousand potential jobs for Bissau-Guineans. The impoverished country’s other natural resources— oil, gold and diamonds —are all industries that have been relatively untapped but may soon be more aggressively pursued, leading to environmental destruction. Most recently, drug cartels from Latin America have begun using the isolate Bijagós archipelago as a weigh station for smuggling illegal drugs into Europe. Not only are the far-flung islands of the archipelago physically ideal for hiding speedboats and large amounts of drugs, but the government is unable to patrol the archipelago and pursue drug enforcement. The easy money of harboring drug smugglers is also realistically attractive to the economically strapped Bijagós people. Ecotourism, if implemented properly, would be one way for the islanders to rise out of poverty without sacrificing their sacred sites and natural resources. The archipelago is the only place in the world where one can see hippos swimming in ocean; the islands are also home to five endangered species of sea turtles and rare migratory birds. These could attract those interested in adventure tourism, nature-watching and fishing; however, the industry is limited by delapidated infrastructure and political instability. The government recognizes that the islands’ potential for the economy depends on maintaining their pristine ecosystems, and has plans to market Guinea-Bissau as the “Land of Biodiversity.” Two island groups are national parks: the southern Orango group, home to saltwater hippos, and the eastern João Vieira group, a breeding ground for a number of endangered sea turtles. Guinea-Bissau also hopes that the Bijagós archipelago might be the country’s first UNESCO World Heritage site. The country submitted the archipelago in May of 2006, but it remains on the tentative list. Also in 2006, a new international initiative was launched to safeguard sacred natural sites. Backed by the U.N. Development Program and indigenous peoples’ groups, the Conservation of Biodiversity Rich Sacred Natural Sites project selected a number of pilot sites with globally important ecosystems, among them the Bijágos archipelago. Sustainable economic development is the current challenge for Guinea-Bissau if the country is to protect its people and environment, and it is receiving needed attention from international institutions and the European Union, which has expressed interest in investing the $3-$4 million needed to establish refrigerated fish-processing plants on Guinea-Bissau to prepare fish for direct sales in Europe. However, the nation also needs the financial wherewithal to augment the policing of its waters, improve its port infrastructure and attract foreign investment. Cooperation between conservation-minded international agencies like UNESCO and the World Conservation Union (through its West African Regional Coastal and Marine Conservation Program) and the international investment community should result in the development of a truly sustainable fishing industry. Such a development would allow the Bijagós to stay true to their traditional way of life while earning money. What You Can Do In July 2007, the NGO Palmeirinha, established through IUCN’s Guinea-Bissau office, conducted a public-education project called “Towards better management of biodiversity and natural resources,” which disseminated information through six and community radio broadcasts, 36 school visits, and six organized video and radio debates. To support Palmeirinha’s efforts to protect biodiversity and the livelihoods and culture of the Bijagós people, contact IUCN’s country office in Guinea-Bissau. In addition, the Regional Coastal and Marine Conservation Program is continuing to organize the NGOs and governments of the coastal West African countries around issues of conservation and sustainable development. Contact the Program’s Director Ibrahima Niamadio for more information. “UN expert warns Guinea could explode under drugs pressure.” Agence France-Presse, September 25, 2007. Bowman, Joye. Ominous Transition: Commerce and Colonial Expansion in the Senegambia and Guinea: 1857-1919. Avebury, 1997. Campredon, Pierre. Arguin, Saloum and Bijagos. Film. Programme Régional de Conservation de la zone côtière et Marine en Afrique de l’Ouest, 2003. “New Initiative Will Conserve Sacred Sites Rich in Biodiversity.” Environmental News Service, March 19, 2006. Greenpeace. Shipbreaking Site. Henriques, Augusta and Pierre Campredon. “From sacred areas to the creation of marine protected areas in the Bijagós archipelago (Guinea Bissau, West Africa).” UNESCO Sustainable Development in Coastal Regions and Small Islands. (PDF) United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. “Bolama Bijagós.” MAB Biosphere Reserves Directory. Leave a Reply Report by: Amy Corbin and Ashley Tindall Thanks to: Nelson Dias of IUCN for reviewing the text prior to publication. Posted on: September 1, 2007 Updated on: September 1, 2007

http://www.sacredland.org/bijagos-archipelago/

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There are a number different ways of making beads from glass. The three principle methods are described in this chapter. Beads can be made 1) by winding molten glass to form a bead (Wound); or 2) by drawing molten glass to form a long thin tube, which can then be cut into many beads, (Drawn); or 3) by placing glass in moulds and heating in a kiln until it fuses together (Fused). There are two variations on these techniques: first, with mould‑pressed beads, the molten glass is forced into a mould to give beads a certain shape, and to speed up the process of producing beads; second, mosaic beads are made by fusing slices of drawn canes to a wound or drax,‑n‑glass body. One can also blow molten gJass to make beads, but such beads are fragile, and rarely survive for archaeologists to find, so this method is not dealt with here. The method of making beads in Ghana is described here in the most detail, as this method is only to be found in Ghana and Mauritania: in all other places beads are made by working with molten glass. Contemporary methods of making beads are described, with illustrations, and two historical accounts of bead making are reprinted for comparison. The method of making beads is also used as the primary criterion for classifying beads, both by others (Beck 1928, Kidd and Kidd 1970, Karklins 1985) and in the classification developed for the beads in the Museum of Archaeology"'. Wound beads are produced by winding a hot and molten rod of glass or strand drawn from molten glass around a metal wire called a mandrel. The bead maker sits in front of the heat source, typically a flame, heating the glass and winding the bead. Therefore these beads are also referred to as lamp‑wound beads. While still soft, the beads might be decorated with any of a myriad of inlays or appliqu6s, and the variety of decorations is infinite (see Figures 2 and 26). The most elaborately decorated wound beads are known as fancy beads. Sometimes wound beads may be pressed with metal paddles or tongs to produce a uniform shape. In West Africa we most often see squared or flattened wound beads. The surface of wound beads usually exhibits swirl marks that encircle the axis, an imaginary line passing through the centre of the perforation (see the top two beads in Figure 26). Bubbles in the glass are either round or elongated and oriented like the swirl marks. Unlike drawn beads, wound beads are made individually, and often not in a factory setting, but rather by piecework in people's houses. This was often women's work, and as with other "cottage" industries the pay was by completed bead. The amount of work to make these beads is considerable, and such fancy wound beads are not made in commercial quantifies any more. Yet, in the past, many thousands were made, and the majority of European beads in the museum collection are wound beads. Further information on wound beads can be found in Karkfins (1985:96), Jargstoff (1995) and Trivellato (1998). Beautiful pictures showing the amazing variety of wound beads can be seen in Picard and Picard (1987). In the manufacture of drawn beads, many identical beads can be made at once. While the process is complex, and cannot be done alone, it is a way of mass‑producing beads that was perfected by the artisans centuries before mechanisation. In those days, a large hollow globe of molten glass was created, and then drawn out into a long thin tube up to 300 metres long. One person manipulated the hollow globe, while the other took one end of the globe and moved away drawing out a tube of glass as one might draw out a thread of toffee. The globe may have been 1) composed of several different colored layers for layered beads; 2) adorned with rods or lumps of colored glass to form stripes; 3) marvered to create a specific shape, as for chevrons; 4) twisted during the drawing out process to produce spirals. The tube was laid down to cool, and then broken into manageable sections, sorted according to their diameter and subsequently cut into bead lengths. The beads were either left unaltered with sharp edges (known as gaggle beads) or their broken ends were rounded. Rounding was accomplished by a process known as tumbling: the beads were placed in a n or drum with other materials and heated as the mixture was stirred or tated. The heat and agitation rounded the broken ends while the various materials kept the beads from sticking together and prevented their perforations from collapsing. The resultant beads ranged from being unaltered tube fragments to almost perfect spheroids, depending the length of time they were tumbled (Karklins 1985:88). Drawn beads have certain characteristics due to their method of manufacture. Bubbles in the glass and striations on the surface, if present, oriented parallel to the axis. The perforation is parallel sided and usually s a smooth surface. The decoration on a drawn bead runs parallel to the section in which bead was drawn: a drawn bead cannot have bands or knots unless they were applied after the bead was initially made. The stripes uniform throughout the bead, and the lines of very even thickness. This contrasts with the fines in wound or powder glass beads. There are different classifications of drawn beads depending on the number and shape of the different layers of glass. Perhaps the most precious drawn bead is the chevron bead, known as powa in Krobo. This is a multi‑layered, drawn bead in which many of the layers e star‑shaped, and the typical colors are white, red and blue. Another drawn bead is the koli bead, and the parallel lines can often be seen koli beads because they are reheated, and in that process the air bubbles the glass burst (see bead glossary). Further information about chevron beads can be found in Picard and Picard (1986 and 1993). Two basic methods were used to produce the majority of mould pressed beads. In the first, the end of a glass rod was heated over an oil Flame until it melted. A piece was then pinched from it and pressed in a tong‑like two‑piece mould. As the glass was compressed, any excess was forced out at the seam while a pin pierced the glass to form the hole. In the second method, two pieces of viscid glass, one in either half of a two‑piece mould were pressed together to fuse them. This permitted the production of beads with complex color pattern that would have been destroyed or distorted in the previous method. The moveable pin that formed the perforation usually extended from one half of the mould to the other, in the case of round and oblate beads, and across the open face of the mould for flattened and elongated specimens (from Karklins 1985:100). Consequently, the beads in the former category have mould seams around their equators, whereas the latter have seams along their sides and ends (see Figure 28 second row). The seams cannot always be seen clearly, as they were ground down. They may also have seams in colored patterns, such as the beads in the third row of Figure 10, and the middle bead in the fourth row. Most of the mould pressed beads come from Bohemia, and Jargstoff (1993) concentrates on Bohemian bead makers. Fused cane or mosaic beads Are produced very quickly, and many Glass canes are sliced, and these slices are heated and fused to a centre core, usually a black drawn cylinder. Sometimes the entire surface is covered with cane slices, and sometimes the cane slices are mixed with stripes or bands of viscid wound glass. When the entire surface is covered with chevron cane slices the bead is known as a millefiore bead. The advantage of this method is that it allows highly‑patterned beads to be identical beads to be produced by lampworkers. The lamp workers are in effect being provided with pre‑fabricated bead parts (the cane slices and core) and assembling them. Although the technique is as ancient as glass making, it was revived in Venice in the latter part of the nineteenth century, as labor became more expensive. All of the mosaic beads in the collection come from Venice, and all from the late nineteenth century onwards. Not one mosaic bead was found in the Elmina excavation, so it is unlikely that there were mosaic beads in Ghana before 1876. Picard and Picard (1991) is devoted to Millefiore beads. Coles and Budwig (1993:15) have a lovely illustration of the method, and Allen (1991) discusses the method in some detail. Fused beads ‑ Modern methods The following types of bead manufacture are specific to West Africa, and especially to Ghana. Fused powder beads are also made in Mauritania (the famous Kiffa Beads), but their range of colors and shapes is much more limited. This method of manufacture is typified by very little being done with the bead when it is hot: the bead is passively shaped by the mould and the perforation is formed when the bead is still hot, but the colors and designs are made either before or after firing. Fused powder beads Glass is powdered by a pestle, often at great risk to the pounder. The powder may be mixed with ceramic dyes, and is then poured into moulds using a guide, to make patterns as one would find in sand paintings (Figure 32, step 4). A cassava stalk is used to make the hole, and this burns during firing. The bead is shaped by turning when just out of the oven, and the perforation checked. Lastly, the bead is polished by hand with sand and water on a grinding stone. Some styles of old powder beads are very hard to distinguish from wound or drawn counterparts, especially well‑made striped beads. Powder bead stripes are often indented more deeply into the body of the bead at one end than the other, because of the method of pouring the different colored powder to make the stripe. With both wound and powder beads the stripe may not be perfectly straight, and it might not be present for the entire length of the bead, whereas with drawn beads the stripes are perfect and repeated exactly for the whole bead. Fused fragment beads Glass fragments are arranged in moulds and heated in the wood fired oven, until the fragments are fused together. The perforation is made with a mandrel when the bead comes out of the oven, and the shape of the bead modified by turning the bead in the mould. The beads are typically translucent. Fused beads ‑ Historical methods From inquiries made it was gathered that the manufacturers of these beads were people from Apollonia, the district which borders the sea in the west of the Gold Coast, and who had come inland in order to make and trade these beads at Dunkwa in the Denkera country. No amount of questioning would induce these Apollonians to disclose the source of their technique; their replies being evasive as is usual with natives, especially in this case, where they appeared apprehensive that their 'patent' might be infringed and a 'rival firm' set up. However, it may be that they were the originators of this method, as numerous inquiries either in the Gold Coast, Ashanti or England have so far failed to trace the origin any further back. On the other hand, there is a possibility that the process was introduced from the neighboring Ivory Coast, as the western boundary of Apollonia forms the frontier line between the Gold Coast and the Ivory Coast. The moulds (see fig.36) are made from a good, local clay, which possibly contains a high percentage of kaolin. They have no definite shape, but are made roughly by hand into flat slabs from 1 inch to 11/2 inches in thickness. Holes, more or less circular, at irregular intervals, are formed in the clay; the diameters and depths are varied as required to suit different sized beads. In the centre of each hole is a much smaller hole going right down through the mould to its other side, and into these smaller holes the midribs or leafstalks of cassava (Manibot spp.), about the length of a safety‑match. The cassava is first made wet and smeared with clay, the effect of which is to cause the cassava to carbonise and not burn away when firing whicks place. In the illustration the moulds, circular holes, and the charred cassava stick can easily be seen. The next part of the process consists of powdering various coloured tylasses, which is accomplished by grinding on the common stone slab used for grinding corn. Different coloured bottles and European glass beads are obtained and ground down fairly finely to about a 60 mesh. The powdered glass is then poured into the holes around the cassava in layers, which are arranged according to the color and thickness desired. The moulds which the writer procured would permit of beads from half an inch to one inch in length being produced. When the filling of the holes with powdered glass is completed, the moulds are put on a charcoal fire and covered all round with charcoal, and t he ,,‑hole is then banked up with firewood. The writer, when visiting the tactorN, formed the opinion that the process of firing was also conducted in the one of the beehive ovens used for bread making. The cassava sticks carbonise when the firing takes place, thus leaving a small tubular hole in the centre of the bead. From the nature of the operation and from the known qualities of glass when subjected to heat the writer concludes that there was not complete fusion of the glass, but the heat was sufficient to produce a Tritting' or to reduce the glass to a state of being pasty on the edges of the particles; thus causing the grains to adhere. This opinion is borne out by the fact that the fired bead has a granular appearance. The crude beads have then to be polished and for this purpose they are rubbed on a flat stone for a long time, both the barrel and the ends undergoing treatment. The resultant bead has a streaky appearance which simulates the highly prized 'Aggrey' beads of the Gold Coast, and therefore a keen demand soon resulted. The manufacturers did not employ either borax or salt, nor were any chemicals used in order to obtain effects; they depended entirely on colored glass. Needless to say, colored bottles, for the time being, were in great demand in the neighbourhood, green, yellow and brown being the colors usually preferred. Specimens of the moulds and the beads have been deposited at the British Museum, the Pitt‑Rivers Museum, Oxford, and University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography, Cambridge. Ghana has a long tradition of bead culture dating back over the last 4000 years. Some Ghanaian ethnic groups, past and present have a record of both bead production and use. For example, the Akyem‑Abompe area, in the hills of the Kwahu Plateau, is noted for its bauxite bead production and use. In this chapter, I will discuss the main types of beads found in Ghana, and explain what the archaeological record can tell us about these beads. Stone and Shell Beads The very earliest archaeological evidence of bead production comes from stone beads found in the excavation of two rock shelters in the Kwahu escarpment, that were used in the period of the Late Stone Age huntergatherers, around 3000‑2000B.C. (Anquandah 1982:29). The earliest well authenticated evidence of production and use of beads in Ghana, however, is found in early agricultural village settlements dated from 2000‑500B.C. Archaeological digs have revealed numerous beads made from such materials as quartz, porphyry, shells and bone (Stahl, 1993:267; Anquandah 1982:72). Recent research at Boyase hill, near Kumasi, revealed an early agricultural village settlement extending over eleven hectares. Test excavations conducted alongside granite boulders with multiple, broad, artificial hollows and grooves revealed rough‑outs, or unfinished stone beads, as well as finished beads associated with pottery. Also found were rough‑outs of stone axes and/or hoes, suggesting that the granite boulders were workshop sites for production of stone industries, including bracelets, beads, and milling equipment (Anquandah 1993a). Similarly, artifacts excavated from another early agricultural settlement site at Daboya in the Gonja traditional area dated by radio carbon method to around 2000B.C. included seven white quartz beads (Shinnie and Kense 1989: 179180; fig.79) and abundant evidence of locally manufactured stone and shell beads covering the period 2000B.C.‑A.D. 1800. Most common stone beads found in Ghana today are bauxite beads. e British archaeologist, Thurstan Shaw, collected ethnographic and archeological data on the production, trade and use of beads in Ghana. Shaw became Curator of the Achimota College Museum of Anthropology in 1937. In the 1940s, he carried out field studies into the production of bauxite beads in Ghana. He surveyed a number of villages in the AkyemAbompe area noted for traditional bauxite mining and production of bauxite beads (Shaw 1945). In 1942, Shaw excavated a large midden 8.3 metres in height at Adukrom, in the Akuapem hills, and uncovered a large corpus of beads made of stone, shell and glass. The excavation also produced over 500,000 indigenous pottery sherds, some terracotta figurines, moulds and crucibles for brass‑casting, various artifacts of brass/copper and iron, ivory combs and bracelets, cowry shells, spindle whorls, and smoking pipes. The site's age was estimated to between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, on the basis of the distribution of smoking pipes. Shaw noted that locally manufactured shell beads and local stone beads including bauxite beads, quartz cylinders, schist discs, and hornblende granite beads were found distributed throughout the deposit. On the other hand, polychrome striped beads and Venetian mosaic long cylinder 'eye' beads were confined to the middle levels, and Venetian chevron barrel beads and perforated cowry shell beads were confined to the upper levels (Shaw 1961). As the levels are time related, this provides evidence for the continual attraction of natural material beads, including bauxite. In 1993 Bredwa‑Mensah undertook a survey of traditional bauxite mining and bauxite bead manufacture in the Akyem‑Abompe area, to build on Shaw's work (Bredwa‑Mensah 1996a). Shaw had recorded oral traditions in the 1940s at Akyem‑Abompe demonstrating that the bauxite bead industry 'was already flourishing a century ago. The oldest people now living declare that the oldest people who were engaged in the industry in their youth found large digging pits already excavated and this suggests a greater antiquity than a hundred years' (Shaw 1945). Bredwa‑Mensah recorded a large number of hand‑dug shafts used to dig bauxite which is also evidence of centuries of bauxite mining. From the ethno-archaeological standpoint perhaps the most interesting aspect of Bredwa‑Mensah's survey relates to data on typology and functions of beads and market distribution. Present‑day Akyem‑Abompe manufacturers produce a variety of bauxite beads which are purchased for use by women not only for general body ornamentation and beautification, but also to facilitate participation in special functions such as rites and celebrations related to child‑naming, attainment of puberty, marriage, funerals, and local festivals. Akyem‑Abompe bead products are marketed not only within Ghana, (particularly in the Central, Eastern, Asante and Volta Regions), but also as far afield as Togo, C6te d'Ivoire, Burkina Faso. In addition, the Akyem‑Abompe industry has engendered minor to significant off‑shoot domestic industries elsewhere in Ghana. Dealers and bead manufacturers in Accra and the Krobo traditional area, for ample, purchase half‑finished or pre‑formed beads at a cheaper rate from ‑yem‑Abompe manufacturers, and then send these beads to their own dustrial annexes' for the final stages of grinding and polishing (Bredwaensah 1996a). Bauxite beads have been found in urban sites near Shai Hills, at Yawaso, the Great Accra Capital Site, and in the Fante traditional area range in date from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries. A fourteenth to fifteenth century Shal Hills site excavated in 1978 revealed reddish‑brown pottery with elegant, modeled animal and human shrine attachments, associated with indigenous bauxite beads, and bauxite ds were also found at the fourteenth to fifteenth century level in the escavation of the old La site at Ladoku. Brass beads come from one of three sources; either from the Middle East r the trans‑Saharan trade route or from other West African countries; or m Europe via the ocean and the coast; or from Ghana itself. As one ht predict, inland archaeological sites such as Daboya, Banda and ,ho have the greatest number of glass beads from ' the trans‑Saharan de, whereas the coastal sites such as Elmina, Shai and the Danish settlements in the Akuapem foothills, contain more glass beads from the european trade. The earliest evidence of local glass bead production es from the northern trading city of Begho, but there is also evidence local bead production from Elmina and the Danish sites. A description these sites and their significance follows: Daboya: excavations at Daboya in the northern part of Ghana produced a collection of 63 imported glass beads, the majority of which e from contexts with radio carbon dates between A.D.700‑1800. Sixty ‑per cent of these glass beads came from contexts that also produced signgn‑painted 'Silima Ware', as well as local pottery forms imitating stern Sudanic polymorphic ceramics commonly found in medieval centres including Djenne, Gao, and Timbuktu, suggesting links to trans‑Saharan trade network. The beads include older, multi‑faceted, multi‑colored, and single‑colored, spherical, barrel‑shaped, and gated forms made by the cane technique. Also found were more cylindrical, unfaceted, short beads. Beads are culturally, historically and archaeologically important in Ghana. Beads can be made of many materials, but stone and glass beads are particularly immune to destruction and thus survive very well in the archaeological record. The bead collection of the museum is made up primarily of glass beads. These glass beads come from three main sources: glass beads traded over the Sahara, from Egypt and other middle Eastern and Islamic sources; glass beads traded over the sea, from Europe, particularly Venice in Italy, Bohemia, and Holland; and glass beads made in West Africa, mostly in Ghana. The popularity of glass and stone beads as a trading item may also be attributed to their imperviousness to temperature, humidity and insect predation. Beads have been used and traded all over the world, for many hundreds of years. As Sleen so elegantly says, 'The bowdrill is nearly as old as civilisation and ornamental stones like agate could be pierced and strung before the pyramids were built' (Sleen 1967:17). In Cambay, India, people have been making carnelian stone beads for the last 7,000 years (Sleen 1967:18). West Africans were thus not alone in their love of beads, but Ghanaian ethnic groups differed from others in two important ways. First, beads here were valued in their own right, and not merely for the patterns they could create en masse. In contrast to bead use by the North American Indians, the southern Africans and even the Yoruba (Dubin 1987: 266ff, 133ff, 138ff), Ghanaian ethnic groups did not use many small beads to create patterns. Beads in Ghana were and still are prized for their individuality, and beads have specific names and meanings. Second, there has been a flourishing, local, glass bead‑making industry for many years. The origins of this industry are debated, because it is unclear what the source of glass was prior to the large quantifies of glass beads that were imported through the European trade. It is clear, however, that certain types of imported beads were in demand because they could be re‑used as components in local glass bead‑making, rather than for immediate use. The Bohemian, small, single‑colour beads were particularly important raw materials for local beadmakers. Ghanaian bead makers do not work with molten glass, but work with powdered or fragmented glass, which they place in moulds and then heat in a kiln. Almost everywhere else in the world glass beads are made by blowing, or winding, or drawing out, or mould pressing hot red molten glass. The only other place they work with glass powder is in Mffa, Mauritania, and here the colours and shapes are very constrained, and the industry is nowhere near as vital as it is in Ghana. There have been changes in the bead‑making industry in Ghana, however. The two main centres for glass bead‑making today are in the Krobo and the Ashanti traditional areas. But in the 1930s, one British anthropologist reported on glass bead‑making near the C6te d'Ivoire border (Chapter 7); a second anthropologist reported on the techniques used in glass bead‑making in the Ashanti traditional area and they differ from those used today. In this book we concentrate on bead‑making in the Krobo area, but we hope to expand our coverage in the next edition to include the Ashanti bead makers. The first question, then, is, what do people do with beads in Ghana? In an attempt to answer this question we interviewed two sorts of bead wearers: Krobo queen mothers and Krobo traditional priests. Why this emphasis on the Krobo traditional area? We chose to concentrate on the Krobo traditional area partly because of the number of bead producers in Krobo, and partly because the Dipo custom of the Krobo is one of the most well known bead‑wearing occasions of any ethnic group in Ghana. Many other ethnic groups have similar customs, and many other ethnic groups wear beads, and have their own names and meanings for the beads, and we hope to cover these in subsequent editions. The second question is, how did the beads get to Ghana? To address this question we interviewed bead traders and importers. Traders travel all over West Africa buying and selling beads, old and new, and are the modern‑day equivalents of the trans‑Saharan traders of former times. Bead importers and wholesalers on the other hand deal primarily in European beads. They lived and worked in the cities, awaiting shipments from Europe. This business flourished in colonial times, but suffered after independence. The third question is, how are beads made in Ghana? We interviewed some of the Krobo bead makers, including the acting queen mother of the Osu Panya division of the Manya Krobo, who are the first bead makers in the Krobo traditional area. West African trade in glass beads falls into distinct historical categories, with Islamic bead production and trade, after A.D.800 The Islamic faith originated in Arabia in the seventh century and spread to Africa, Asia, south‑east Europe and China. The Islamic promotes a strong sense of brotherhood and so craftsmen were able so move freely through Islam's many countries: local crafts from many tries were imbued with Islamic motifs. Glassmaking centres were lished in Egypt, Syria and the Levant (Lebanon). Between A.D. 900 and ao. Cairo became an important centre for bead makers who imported and traded coral, pearls, cowry shells and African ivory. Glass beads appeared in West Africa from the eighth century onwards, so Arab merchants crossed the Sahara with beads from Cairo and India. The Arabs dominated long‑distance trade in the region, trading glass beads, salt and copper ornaments for gold, ivory and slaves. The lucrative monopoly the Arabs had on the West African trade ended with the arrival of the European trading ships on the coast of West Africa an the late 1400s. The Portuguese were the first to arrive, followed by the Danes, Dutch, French, Belgians and Germans. Explorers, discoverers and settlers brought glass beads with them, first as presents and as items for barter. Beads were used as payment for gold, ivory, slaves, wd salt. The beads traded were nearly all Venetian beads, including chevrons, and most are indistinguishable from the ones found in African archaeological sites dating from the same period. The early venetian beads were soon copied by other Europeans, notably the Dutch and the Eastern European artisans. The importance of the bead trade to Europeans in the early centuries lay not in the numbers of beads traded per se, but in the equality of the exchange which made the bead trade so profitable Tmellato 1998: 65‑71). And this was true throughout the inhabited world: *In an emblematic act when conquering Mexico City in 1519, Cortez is told w, have offered Montezuma a necklace made of small Venetian glass beads “A present in return for the red‑shell necklace with eighteen golden scarabs he had received from the Aztec king'. (Gasparetto 1958:185 quou in Trivellato 1998:65). The inequality of exchange was well understood; in a French commercial guide published in the 1720s, the author lists thirty‑seven types of glass beads favored by the Senegalese, and most useful in the slave trade, and goes on to inform readers that in Angola, they could exchange 3,000 French pounds of seed‑beads for 612 male slaves, provided 6 selected the beads carefully (Trivellato 1998:65,70). The quantity of beads sold into West Africa between the sixteenth eighteenth centuries remained low partly because the use of imported beads in West Africa was controlled by the chiefs through sumptuary In and other means Uargstoff 1995:104f~. Sumptuary laws dictated what sorts of beads and what sorts of cloth people could wear, according rank. For example, in the old kingdom of Benin (now in Nigeria), color beads were highly prized and controlled. The number of coral beads by an official indicated his rank, and those who wore such beads with" conferred privilege would be executed. Seventeenth‑century records tell of the 'coral‑feast' where the Oba, or king, would ride through old Ben and personally confer upon his officials the 'honour of beads'. Uargsta 1995:109) But by the nineteenth century, many of the use restrictions vanished, the colonial governments wrested power from the chiefs and emphasis commerce, seeking markets for their goods. The production of beads became more industrialized, producing more variety for less cost and East and West Africa were flooded with Venetian, Bohemian, and Dutch glass beads. Dealers from all over Europe were involved. Between 1827 and 1841 the Gold Coast (present day southern Ghana) imported phenomenal average of 74,952 pounds (34 metric tons) of glass beads P year. Exactly what happened to most of these beads is unclear. The bead trade was also substantial in money terms. For example, in 1846 the value of glass beads represented 15.7 per cent of all the imports to the Gold Coast (Francis 1993:8). Most, if not all, of the glass beads made in Ghana today are produced either by the Asante people, in villages just south and west of Kumasi, or by the Krobo people, in villages in the Akuapem hills and in the coastal Plains east of Accra. The heart of a bead factory is a kiln, that is built from clay, earth and sometimes old car parts for rigidity, and looks similar to a clay pizza or bread oven. Glass pieces are placed in moulds and put into the kiln, which have sufficient heat to fuse or sinter the glass in the mould, but not to melt it completely. The size of a factory is denoted by the number of kilns and by the number of master craftsmen. The kilns are outside under shade structures of varying sophistication. The factory then, is not a building, but a series of work areas under shade trees and structures. Beads in Ghana are produced by recycling glass. Not all the glass used is old and broken: many small, single‑colored beads from Bohemia in the Czech Republic are bought by bead makers in Ghana to use as raw material in making new beads, for colors unavailable through other means. Nowadays ceramic dyes are available, and these are mixed with clear powdered glass to produce a wider range of colored beads, though these are not translucent. While some bead factories are quite large, with a number of kilns and a lot of workers, (for example Florence Martey, who employs ten people), others have only a single kiln. In the past, most bead manufacturing took place in the foothill villages, but some of these producers have moved to the towns at the bottom of the foothills. This is probably owing to the better roads in towns, and proximity to Accra, providing easier transport for their goods, a good market at Agomanya, and better access for traders u‑ho wish to come and buy. But there are many producers still in Upper Nlanya. Francis (1993) suggested there were as many as eleven Asante villages making beads, with the village of Dabaa acknowledged as the earliest beadmaking village. Asante beads, while made by similar methods, look distinct from Krobo beads. After production the beads are polished and threaded and sold either in strings or in pairs of bracelets. There are two main bead markets for the Krobo bead sellers: the Thursday market in Koforidua, and the Wednesday and Saturday market in Agomanya. In the early part of the twentieth century the market at Asesewa was also very large, and described as one of the largest markets in West Africa (Field 1943), but with the introduction of vehicles, and the lack of roads in Upper Manya, it has lost its prominence. In the market in Agomanya, there are approximately sixty stalls of bead sellers, and the new buyer is frequently at a loss as to whom to buy from, since many sell similar if not identical beads. The similarities come because some of the bigger bead factories sell their beads to others to sell, and so a number of stalls may be selling beads from the same manufacturer, but bead makers also use the market to get ideas from their competitors. For example, Florence Martey comments, 'Sometimes when I design a new bead, I take it to the market and sell it for a good price. Then somebody will see it and make the same bead. On the next market day he will sell it for a reduced price. I wish something could be done to stop this. Some bead makers will not display a new bead in the market, but will show it only to known buyers, so that the design will not be copied so readily. Frequent buyers establish relationships with one or two sellers, and if those sellers do not have what they want, the sellers help them find it. The busiest time of year for the bead producers and sellers is the celebration of the Dipo custom, though all festivals increase the demand for beads, as do large funerals. The stories of these bead producers suggest it is possible to make a good living from bead production, but it is not easy work.

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Part 1: Purpose and Organization The Federal Reserve System was created by the United States Congress in 1913 in order to provide a safer, more flexible banking and monetary system. Over time, this original function evolved into the broader economic and financial objectives of facilitating the solidity and growth of the national economy, maintaining a high level of employment, ensuring stability in the purchasing power of the dollar, and maintaining reasonable balance in transactions with foreign countries. As the nation’s central bank, the Federal Reserve (or Fed, as it’s commonly called) contributes to the realization of these objectives with its ability to influence money and credit in the economy. Although but one of many forces affecting interest rates and the economy as a whole, the Fed arguably wields the most significant influence on the nation’s financial pathway. The governing body of the Federal Reserve is its Board of Governors, which is located in Washington, D.C. The seven members of the Board are appointed to fourteen-year terms by the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate. The Chairman and Vice-Chairman are selected from Board members for four-year terms, also by the President with Senate confirmation. Although appointed, the Board is not a part of the Administration; it is an independent agency of the federal government, though Congress has the authority to change its powers and duties by legislation. The members of the Board are part of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). Other members of the twelve-seat committee include the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and four additional Federal Reserve Bank presidents, who serve on a rotating basis. The FOMC directs the Federal Reserve’s open market operations -- the purchasing and selling of U.S. Treasury and federal agency securities -- which is the Fed’s principal tool for executing monetary policy. The United States is divided into twelve Federal Reserve Districts, each with a district Federal Reserve Bank and its own president and directors. These banks make recommendations to the Federal Reserve Board for changes in the discount rate, which is the interest rate that financial institutions are charged to borrow money from the Reserve. Also, these banks hold the reserve balances for their depository institutions, make loans to those institutions, supply currency, collect and clear checks, and handle U.S. government debt and cash balances. In addition to regulating the supply of reserves in its efforts to influence economic activity, the Fed, in close cooperation with the U.S. Treasury, also has the function of acting for the government in foreign exchange markets. The Fed watches international developments, such as interest rate changes abroad, in order to moderate their effects on the U.S. economy. The Fed also shares supervisory and regulatory functions with other federal banking agencies. It supervises state-chartered banks that are members of the Federal Reserve System as well as all bank holding companies. The Fed also acts as the banker for the federal government, sets margin requirements for the purchase or carrying of equity securities, and establishes and enforces rules which protect consumers in financial operations. Still, the Fed’s most important function is its control over banking reserves. Not all banks are members of the Federal Reserve System. National banks chartered by the federal government must belong to the system; state banks may also be members. Since 1980, however, all depository institutions (which include commercial banks, savings banks, savings and loans, credit unions, and foreign-related banking institutions) are required to maintain reserves with the Federal Reserve System. They may also borrow funds from the Reserve as necessary. Part 2 of this series will explore how the Federal Reserve regulates reserves and influences the national economy.

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The Great Depression (1920–1940) The Onset of the Depression: 1928–1932 The Election of 1928 Despite the booming U.S. economy of the late 1920s, Calvin Coolidge decided not to run for president again. In his place, Republicans nominated the president’s handpicked successor, popular World War I humanitarian administrator Herbert Hoover, to continue America’s prosperity. Democrats chose New York Governor Alfred E. Smith on an anti-Prohibition platform. Hoover won with ease, with 444 electoral votes to Smith’s 87 and with a margin of more than 6 million popular votes. The Crash of 1929 Soon after Hoover took office, the good times and successful run of the bull market came to an abrupt halt. Stiffer competition with Britain for foreign investment spurred speculators to dump American stocks and securities in the late summer of 1929. By late October, it was clear that the bull had been grabbed by the horns, and an increasing number of Americans pulled their money out of the stock market. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell steadily over a ten-day period, finally crashing on October 29, 1929. On this so-called Black Tuesday, investors panicked and dumped an unprecedented 16 million shares. The rampant practice of buying on margin (see The Politics of Conservatism, p. 17 ), which had damaged Americans’ credit, made the effects of the stock market crash worse. As a result, within one month, American investors had lost tens of billions of dollars. Although the 1929 stock market crash was certainly the catalyst for the Great Depression, it was not the sole cause. Historians still debate exactly why the Great Depression was so severe, but they generally agree that it was the result of a confluence of factors. Consumer Goods and Credit Ever since the turn of the century, the foundation of the American economy had been shifting from heavy industry to consumer products. In other words, whereas most of America’s wealth in the late 1800s had come from producing iron, steel, coal, and oil, the economy of the early 1900s was based on manufacturing automobiles, radios, and myriad other items that Americans could buy for use in their own homes. As Americans jumped on the consumer bandwagon, an increasing number of people began purchasing goods on credit, promising to pay for items later rather than up front. When the economic bubble of the 1920s burst, debtors were unable to pay up, and creditors were forced to absorb millions of dollars in bad loans. Policy makers found it difficult to end the depression’s vicious circle in this new consumer economy: Americans were unable to buy goods without jobs, yet factories were unable to provide jobs because Americans were not able to buy anything the factories produced. Consumer goods were not the only commodities Americans bought on credit; buying stocks on margin had become very popular during the Roaring Twenties. In margin buying, an individual could purchase a share of a company’s stock and then use the promise of that share’s future earnings to buy more shares. Unfortunately, many people abused the system to invest huge sums of imaginary money that existed only on paper. Overproduction in Factories Overproduction in manufacturing was also an economic concern during the era leading up to the depression. During the 1920s, factories produced an increasing amount of popular consumer goods in an effort to match demand. Although factory output soared as more companies utilized new machines to increase production, wages for American workers remained basically the same, so demand did not keep up with supply. Eventually, the price of goods plummeted when there were more goods in the market than people could afford to buy. The effect was magnified after the stock market crash, when people had even less money to spend. Overproduction on Farms Farmers faced a similar overproduction crisis. Soaring debt forced many farmers to plant an increasing amount of profitable cash crops such as wheat. Although wheat depleted the soil of nutrients and eventually made it unsuitable for planting, farmers were desperate for income and could not afford to plant less profitable crops. Unfortunately, the aggregate effect of all these farmers planting wheat was a surplus of wheat on the market, which drove prices down and, in a vicious cycle, forced farmers to plant even more wheat the next year. Furthermore, the toll that the repeated wheat crops took on the soil contributed to the 1930s environmental disaster of the Dust Bowl in the West (see The Dust Bowl, p. 33 ). Income inequality, which was greater in the late 1920s than in any other time in U.S. history, also contributed to the severity of the Great Depression. By the time of the stock market crash, the top 1 percent of Americans owned more than a third of all the nation’s wealth, while the poorest 20 percent owned a meager 4 percent of it. There was essentially no middle class: a few Americans were rich, and the vast majority were poor or barely above the poverty line. This disparity made the depression even harder for Americans to overcome. Bad Banking Practices Reckless banking practices did not help the economic situation either. Many U.S. banks in the early 1900s were little better than the fly-by-night banks of the 1800s, especially in rural areas of the West and South. Because virtually no federal regulations existed to control banks, Americans had few means of protesting bad banking practices. Corruption was rampant, and most Americans had no idea what happened to their money after they handed it over to a bank. Moreover, many bankers capitalized irresponsibly on the bull market, buying stocks on margin with customers’ savings. When the stock market crashed, this money simply vanished, and thousands of families lost their entire life savings in a matter of minutes. Hundreds of banks failed during the first months of the Great Depression, which produced an even greater panic and rush to withdraw private savings. A Global Depression The aftermath of World War I in Europe also played a significant role in the downward spiral of the global economy in the late 1920s. Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany owed France and England enormous war reparations that were virtually impossible for the country to afford. France and England, in turn, owed millions of dollars in war loans to the United States. A wave of economic downturns spread through Europe, beginning in Germany, as each country became unable to pay off its debts. At first, President Herbert Hoover and other officials downplayed the stock market crash, claiming that the economic slump would be only temporary and that it would actually help clean up corruption and bad business practices within the system. When the situation did not improve, Hoover advocated a strict laissez-faire (hands-off) policy dictating that the federal government should not interfere with the economy but rather let the economy right itself. Furthermore, Hoover argued that the nation would pull out of the slump if American families merely steeled their determination, continued to work hard, and practiced self-reliance. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Hoover made another serious miscalculation by signing into law the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff, which drove the average tariff rate on imported goods up to almost 60 percent. Although the move was meant to protect American businesses, it was so punitive that it prompted retaliation from foreign nations, which in turn stopped buying American goods. This retaliation devastated American producers, who needed any sales—foreign or domestic—desperately. As a result, U.S. trade with Europe and other foreign nations tailed off dramatically, hurting the economy even more. The Reconstruction Finance Corporation When it became clear that the economy was not righting itself, Hoover held to his laissez-faire ideals and took only an indirect approach to jump-starting the economy. He created several committees in the early 1930s to look into helping American farmers and industrial corporations get back on their feet. In 1932, he approved the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) to provide loans to banks, insurance companies, railroads, and state governments. He hoped that federal dollars dropped into the top of the economic system would help all Americans as the money “trickled down” to the bottom. Individuals, however, could not apply for RFC loans. Hoover refused to lower steep tariffs or support any “socialistic” relief proposals such as the Muscle Shoals Bill, which Congress drafted to harness energy from the Tennessee River. The economic panic caused by the 1929 crash rapidly developed into a depression the likes of which Americans had never experienced. Millions lost their jobs and homes, and many went hungry as factories fired workers in the cities to cut production and expenses. Shantytowns derisively dubbed “Hoovervilles” sprang up seemingly overnight in cities throughout America, filled with populations of the homeless and unemployed. In 1932, Congress took the first small step in attempting to help American workers by passing the Norris–La Guardia Anti-Injunction Act, which protected labor unions’ right to strike. However, the bill had little effect, given that companies were already laying off employees by the hundreds or thousands because of the worsening economy. The Dust Bowl Farmers, especially those in Colorado, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Kansas, and the Texas panhandle, were hit hard by the depression. Years of farming wheat without alternating crops (which was necessary to replenish soil nutrients) had turned many fields into a thick layer of barren dust. In addition, depressed crop prices—a result of overproduction—forced many farmers off their land. Unable to grow anything, thousands of families left the Dust Bowl region in search of work on the west coast. The plight of these Dust Bowl migrants was made famous in John Steinbeck’s 1939 novel The Grapes of Wrath. The “Bonus Army” Middle-aged World War I veterans were also among the hardest hit by the depression. In 1924, Congress had agreed to pay veterans a bonus stipend that could be collected in 1945; as the depression worsened, however, more and more veterans demanded their bonus early. When Congress refused to pay, more than 20,000 veterans formed the “Bonus Army” and marched on Washington, D.C., in the summer of 1932. They set up a giant, filthy Hooverville in front of the Capitol, determined not to leave until they had been paid. President Hoover reacted by ordering General Douglas MacArthur (later of World War II fame) to use force to remove the veterans from the Capitol grounds. Federal troops used tear gas and fire to destroy the makeshift camp in what the press dubbed the “Battle of Anacostia Flats.” Hoover’s inability to recognize the severity of the Great Depression only magnified the depression’s effects. Many historians and economists believe that Hoover might have been able to dampen the effects of the depression by using the federal government’s authority to establish financial regulations and provide direct relief to the unemployed and homeless. However, Hoover continued to adhere rigidly to his hands-off approach. This inaction, combined with Hoover’s treatment of the “Bonus Army” and his repeated arguments that Americans could get through the depression simply by buckling down and working hard, convinced Americans that he was unfit to revive the economy and destroyed his previous reputation as a great humanitarian. The Election of 1932 When the election of 1932 rolled around, all eyes focused on the optimistic Democratic governor of New York, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. A distant cousin of former president Theodore Roosevelt, FDR promised more direct relief and assistance rather than simply benefits for big business. Republicans renominated Hoover, and the election proved to be no contest. In the end, Roosevelt won a landslide victory and carried all but six states.

http://www.sparknotes.com/history/american/depression/section4.rhtml

15

Haunting Tradition: Ritual Failure in the Lakota Ghost Dance On December 29, 1890, U.S. soldiers massacred over three hundred and fifty Lakota Sioux at Wounded Knee Creek in South Dakota, in response to a supposed “Indian Outbreak” (Mooney 119). Both the agents in charge of the Lakota reservations and the Bureau of American Ethnology believed that a ritual form, known as the Ghost Dance, might have been responsible for the hostility of the Lakota tribe that led to the Wounded Knee massacre (Wallace vii). The Ghost Dance doctrine, as it was preached by the prophet Wovoka of the Paiute tribe in Nevada, may have originally contained a message of interracial peace, but the Lakota, who adopted the ritual in early 1890, believed that this dance would bring about an “Indian millennium,” both destroying their white oppressors and restoring all aspects of their traditional way of life (Mooney 14, 19). Extreme socio-economic deprivations may have led the Lakota to practice this version of the Ghost Dance (Mooney 73), and though some scholars, such as Alice Kehoe, argue that the Ghost Dance revitalized Lakota life prior to, and after, the Wounded Knee massacre (Kehoe 143), this ritual may also have failed to achieve its hoped for millenarian purpose. By looking at specific ways in which the ritual form of the Lakota Ghost Dance was derived, and deviated, from both Wovoka’s original doctrine and traditional Lakota ritualizing, and by applying Ronald Grimes’ classifications of ritual sensibilities and infelicitous performances, it may be possible to offer an interpretation of if and how the Lakota Ghost Dance failed. Prior to European-American settlement in North America, the Sioux held an immense territory across the Great Plains, on which an unlimited food supply of buffalo and the acquisition of horses in the 1600s made them the largest and strongest Native American tribe until the middle of the 19th Century (Mooney 69). Though Sioux is the common name for these tribes, it is derived from a derogatory term given to them by the Ojibwa tribe, the Sioux’s traditional enemies; the Sioux called themselves Lakota, Dakota, or Nakota, which in their own dialect mean “allies” or “friends” (Mooney 293). Historically, the Sioux organized their tribe from a large number of smaller hunting bands (DeMallie and Parks 6), and were divided into three distinct linguistic divisions, depending on geographic location across the plains: the eastern Santee, middle Yankton, and western Teton (Mooney 293). Lakota is the self-designation from the Teton dialect, the tribal division living in what are now the states of North and South Dakota, who constituted more than two-thirds of all the Sioux (DeMallie and Parks 6-7, and Mooney 294). The Lakota were the wildest of the Sioux branches, pursuing extreme warlike behavior against neighboring tribes, and displaying an “air of proud superiority” that the ethnohistorian James Mooney found unusual among the Native Americans he had visited (Mooney 295-6). Of the 20,000 Sioux who took up the Ghost Dance, 16,000 were from this Lakota or Teton division (Mooney 61). Written records of Christian missionaries show that the Lakota had contact with European-Americans as early as 1665 (DeMallie and Parks 7). However, in the decades following the Civil War in 1865, the United States government waged an increasing war on Native American tribes, who were seen as a hindrance to the doctrine of Manifest Destiny (Mooney 28), the expansion of European-American settlement across the entire continent. In 1868, the government negotiated a treaty with the Lakota to cut back their land into reservations; the coming of railroads, the discovery of gold in the Black Hills, the Custer War in 1876, a host of epidemics, and the surrendering of more territory over the next thirteen years further reduced their hunting grounds, until the Lakota subsisted solely on government rations and the farming of arid land (Mooney 69-72). By the time the first rumors of Wovoka and his new Ghost Dance religion reached the Lakota in the winter of 1888-9, they were suffering from starvation (Mooney 29), and had become increasingly enculturated by European-American churches, farming, schools, businesses, the railroad, and the postal service (Wallace vii). In the last two decades of the 19th Century, the Lakota had been transformed from a traditionally prosperous hunting and warring lifestyle into poor farmers wearing the clothes of European-American civilization (DeMallie and Parks 12). Though scholars have generally focused on the socio-economic factors leading to the Lakota adoption of the Ghost Dance, the Sioux may still have been in a better economic position than other tribes that did not take up the Ghost Dance (Wallace ix). It is also worth noting that in the 1880s, the U.S. government had prohibited the primary Lakota ritual of the Sun Dance, due to a perception of the ritual cutting and hanging from hooks as a form of self-torture (Amiotte 75, 88), and the Lakota may have embraced and modified the new ritual in order to fill this void. These social, economic, and religious crises my have led the Lakota to perceive the rumors of a new messiah as a hope that would lead them out of their cultural deprivation (Kehoe 39). After the Wounded Knee massacre, James Mooney was dispatched from the Smithsonian Institute in Washington D. C. to investigate the Ghost Dance religion, and its messiah Wovoka, of the Paiute tribe in Nevada, who was blamed for riling up the Sioux (Kehoe 3). Mooney talked with Wovoka in person about the Ghost Dance doctrine, and was shown the ‘Messiah Letter,’ a document copied by an earlier Arapaho delegate that Mooney describes as the “genuine official statement” of the Ghost Dance religion (Mooney 22). Wovoka told Mooney that he had experienced a vision during a solar eclipse in which he had seen God living with all the Native Americans who had died, and was instructed to tell his people to be honest and to live in peace with the European-Americans (Mooney 13-4). If these instructions were followed, and the Ghost Dance performed at intervals for four consecutive nights, along with ritual bathing and feasting, the Native Americans would soon be reunited with their dead friends and families and the whole earth would be renewed (Mooney 19-20, 23). This doctrine may have drawn from Christian and Mormon theology that framed Wovoka’s upbringing in Mason Valley, Nevada, as well as from the traditional Paiute Round Dance and an earlier, failed version of the Ghost Dance in 1870 (Mooney 6, Hittman 84, 93, and 96), but it was surely a powerful promise for a people suffering from epidemics, the loss of resources, malnourishment, and cultural genocide (Kehoe 8). Despite the Ghost Dance’s origins, the Native Americans revered Wovoka as a direct messenger from the “Other World” (Mooney 7), and delegations were sent on pilgrimage to Mason Valley from around the country to seek guidance and healing for their tribes (Kehoe 6). Wovoka’s message spread through a process of Native Americans visiting neighboring tribes, observing the ritual, becoming inspired, and returning to their own tribes with the new faith (Kehoe 8). The ritual had been communicated to the Lakota by the northern Arapaho and Shoshoni tribes of Wyoming, and a delegation was sent West by the Lakota in order to confirm the rumors (Mooney 61-3). When they returned in the spring of 1890, the Ghost Dance ritual was immediately accepted and inaugurated by the majority of the tribe (Mooney 29). According to James McLaughlin, the agent at the Pine Ridge reservation in South Dakota, the Lakota were excited about the prospect of an “Indian millennium:” if they believed in and practiced the Ghost Dance their dead families and buffalo herds would return, they would be impervious to bullets, and the European-Americans would be annihilated that coming spring (Mooney 29). However, this idea of an “Indian millennium” does not seem to have been part of the o riginal Ghost Dance doctrine; it was only among the warlike Lakota Sioux that the Ghost Dance assumed this hostile expression (Mooney 19). Part of the reason for the broad acceptance and distortion of Wovoka’s Ghost Dance message was that the doctrine was abstract enough to allow for a variety of local interpretations (Wallace viii). Each tribe reconstructed the central Ghost Dance beliefs in a return of the dead and the regeneration of the earth from their own mythology, and each believer filled in the details from their own life and trance experiences (Mooney 19). The idea that the earth must be renewed was common to a number of Native American tribes (Mooney 27). The Lakota believed that this renewal of life would occur in the early spring, when the earth’s natural regeneration takes place, and was the time of year when their annual Sun Dance ceremony was formerly held (Mooney 19-20), in which a sacrifice is performed in order to recreate the world and reactivate the wakan, or sacred power of the Universe (Amiotte 76). Similarly, the Lakota strongly believed that the spirits of the dead still exist in the world and can be reached for support (DeMallie and Parks 21). Wovoka’s message, “when your friends die, do not cry,” was interpreted by the plains tribes as forbidding their customary funerary practice of killing horses, burning property, and gashing the mourner’s body, and instead trances were performed during the dance in which they could communicate directly with their dead (Mooney 24, 186). More importantly, Wovoka’s suggestion of living in peace was interpreted as a call to put down the war dances, scalp dances, and the self-inflicted violence of the Sun Dance, that had been an integral part of life for warring plains tribes like the Lakota (Mooney 25). However, there may have been some discrepancy in Wovoka’s original message that allowed the Lakota Sioux to interpret it in such a millenarian way. It is possible that Wovoka had different revelations that he offered to his different visitors, reflecting doctrinal shifts before and after the perceived involvement of his Ghost Dance in the Wounded Knee massacre (Hittman 98). Black Elk, a Lakota wicaša wakan, or holy man, recounts that Wovoka told the Sioux delegation that a “cloud was coming like a whirlwind” that would crush the old world and restore the buffalo (Neihardt 233). This prediction may have spoken to the central Lakota myth of the White Buffalo Woman, wherein two men hunting buffalo come across a mysterious woman and one of them is filled with evil thoughts towards her. The woman destroys this man with a cloud, reveals herself as Wakan Tanka, a manifestation of the “Great Mystery,” and gives the other man a sacred pipe, the tribal rituals, and the sanction of the buffalo as an everlasting food source (Looking Horse, 68 and DeMallie 28, 31). The offering of the pipe was the primary means of prayer for the Lakota Sioux, and was ritually accompanied by the physical and spiritual cleansing of the sweat lodge, and the communal sacrifice of the Sun Dance, which had been practiced without interruption throughout the previous century (DeMallie and Parks 14). When the Lakota adopted the Ghost Dance in 1890, they included in their adopted version several aspects from these rituals, as well as their mythic desire to see the “evil man,” now embodied by the European-Americans, destroyed in a similar supernatural cloud, altering both the original Ghost Dance doctrine and their own traditional religious practices. Lakota religion was not separate from everyday life, and due to man’s ability to share in the wakan power, no distinction was seen between man and nature, or between nature and the supernatural; the world was characterized by a sense of unity or oneness (DeMallie 27-8). This relationship to the sacred, established in the myth of the White Buffalo Woman, was symbolized as a fixed and unending circle, and characterized Lakota ritualizing until the advent of European-American settlement and the decline of the buffalo (DeMallie 31). The traditional rituals, whether public or private, taught through myths or personal revelation, were all patterned in accordance to this circular relationship with the Wakan Tanka (DeMallie 33). The Lakota had no standardized theological beliefs; though the tribe shared basic spiritual concepts, individuals formulated specific knowledge of the wakan, whereas the rituals eventually reached an accepted public structure through continual repetition (DeMallie 34). Lakota rituals were often spoken of in terms of “pleasing” the all-powerful wakan beings, and it was believed that if they were left unsatisfied, the Wakan Tanka would do great harm to mankind (DeMallie 33, 29). Consequently, the power of the rituals made their performance dangerous, and if executed incorrectly the rituals would fail to produce their desired results, bringing on the wrath of the wakan beings, which led to an importance of proper instructions for novices and a greater uniformity of rituals (DeMallie 34). Despite pre-established ceremonial forms, Lakota ritualizing was not static, and could be changed through the influence of each individual’s visionary experience (DeMallie 42-3, and Kehoe 71). Mooney felt that such innovative visionary states were the primary feature of the Ghost Dance, and that Native Americans have an implicit faith in the content of such dreams and visions (Mooney 186, 16). Lakota participants would strive to imitate whatever they had seen while entranced, creating new songs, objects, games, and articles of clothing to be used in the next dance (Mooney 186). This mutability of Lakota ritualizing possibly accounts for what may have been a rapid, and spiritually dangerous, accruement of ritual innovations in their Ghost Dance over against Wovoka’s original doctrine. The Lakota Ghost Dance had many features in common with Wovoka’s Ghost Dance, and with the traditional Paiute Round Dance: the ritual leaders sat in the middle of the dance circle, fires were kept on the outside, no instruments accompanied the ritual songs, and both men and women danced with joined hands, moving from right to left in the direction of the sun (Hittman 93-4, Mooney 179, 185-6, and Neihardt 237). The Lakota also participated in the communal feast that was part of every large Native American ceremony, and in the continuation of the Ghost Dance over four nights, as four was considered a sacred number in most Native American belief systems (Mooney 24), presumably indicating the four cardinal directions. Like in Wovoka’s original Ghost Dance, the Lakota ritual began with the wicaša wakan painting the dancers faces with a red-ochre paint given to the Lakota delegates by Wovoka, which the Paiute collected from their sacred mountain, Mount Grant, and was supposed to ward off illness and assist in the mental vision of the trance (Mooney 20-1). The Lakota however used other colors of paint determined by individual trance visions, and a variety of specific tribal designs that were painted on the dancer’s cheek or forehead (Mooney 68, 184). Other differences arise between the two versions of the Ghost Dance, drawn from traditional Lakota ritual forms. While the Lakota followed Wovoka’s instruction to bathe in a stream, in order to wash away evil and dirt after the ritual, they also began the Ghost Dance with a large version of their traditional sweat lodge, in which a circular framework of willow branches is covered with blankets, and then filled with the steam from heated stones splashed with water in order to ritually purify those within (Mooney 186, 66-8). The Sweat Lodge was used to begin all Lakota ritualizing, representing the mother’s womb from which the ritual participants would be reborn (Mooney 29, and Looking Horse 72), in the same way they believed that they had been born from the womb of the earth in unity with the buffalo (DeMallie 27). A tree was also raised in the center of the Lakota Ghost Dance circle from which a sacred bow and arrows w ere hung, along with other ritual objects (Mooney 182, 30). The inclusion of the sweat lodge and a central tree were not found in the Paiute Ghost Dance, though a non-sacred pole was used in the traditional Piute Round Dance in order to orient the dancers in the circle (Mooney 46-7, Hittman 94). Due to Wovoka’s explicit message of peace, weapons like the bow and arrows were specifically disallowed in the Paiute Ghost Dance (Mooney 30). Finally, though trance visions became a dominant feature of the Ghost Dance for many tribes, including the Lakota, Wovoka claimed that there were no innovative trances in the Paiute Ghost Dance, a statement Mooney confirmed through eyewitness reports from neighboring ranchmen (Mooney 14). However, it does seem that Wovoka demonstrated visionary trance performances to the Lakota delegation as part of his preaching campaign, which may have helped lead the Lakota to adopt both the Ghost Dance and the use of trances in their ritual (Neihardt 231-2). The Lakota use of a tree in the center of the Ghost Dance circle, and the opening ritual sequence associated with the tree are of particular significance as an example of individual innovation from the established ritual form of the Sun Dance. Mooney notes that at many Lakota camps, after the preparatory face painting, the Ghost Dance participants gathered in a circle around the tree, and a woman signaled the beginning of the dance by shooting four sacred arrows, made in the traditional fashion with bone heads dipped in the blood of a steer, towards each of the four cardinal directions. These arrows were then tied to the tree along with the bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a horned staff, while the woman remained standing throughout the performance holding a sacred redstone pipe stretched towards the west, from where the messiah was supposed to appear (Mooney 68). A wicaša wakan may also have taken the horned “ghost stick,” which was roughly six feet long and trimmed with red cloth and feathers, and waved it over the participants heads while they faced the sun in the east (Mooney 178-9). Short Bull, a Lakota from the Pine Ridge Reservation who had been part of the delegation to visit Wovoka, was said to have been responsible for the innovations of the woman holding the pipe and shooting arrows (Mooney 299, 31). Upon their return, the delegates proselytized for the Ghost Dance and acted as its ritual leaders, often changing it to fit their own cultural precepts (Mooney 65). In Short Bull’s version of Wovoka’s message, a tree should be raised in the middle of the dance circle, and objects representing the Lakota and surrounding tribes were to be placed in the four directions (Mooney 31). However, Short Bull may have derived some of these innovations in the Lakota Ghost Dance from aspects of the Sun Dance. The focus in this traditional ritual was a tree placed in the center of the sacred circle to act as an axis mundi, connecting above and below into a place where the wakan powers could descend to communicate with mankind (Amiotte 79). Like in the Ghost Dance, the Sun Dance tree was painted with the sacred red paint, and hung with offerings, cloth, and sacred bundles, which represented all the things that mankind needed in order to construct and preserve life (Amiotte 83). Likewise, in the Sun Dance, a woman touched the tree with the sacred pipe as an offering to the wakan powers; she was supposed to represent the White Buffalo Woman, while the pipe symbolized the center of the world and the tobacco expressed all things in the universe being gathered in this one place (Amiotte 85). However, as this traditional earth renewal ritual had been recently prohibited, Short Bull seems to have taken the inward-looking Sun Dance symbolism and directed it beyond the boundaries of their established religious forms. Perhaps there was a hope that the Ghost Dance ritual would be able to renew their culture both from within the ritual tradition of the sacred tree and pipe, and from without, through the messiah in the west, the wakan power of the sun in the east, and the support of all the surrounding Native American tribes who were also participating in the Ghost Dance. It is possible that such innovations and adaptations are an integral part of the ritual process, serving to legitimate new religious forms in relation to traditional patterns of behavior (Clothey 5), and while the Lakota seem to have adapted their version of the Ghost Dance to their traditional rituals, there are still innovations that may not have been founded in their desire to ritually “please” the wakan powers. The horned staffs that were hung on the tree and waved over the dancer’s heads may have originated in a trance vision Black Elk had during his first participation in the Ghost Dance. In the account of this trance that he gave to the poet John Neihardt, Black Elk claims that he saw these red-painted sticks being used by the dead in the spirit world, along with “ghost shirts” that he afterwards made for other members of the tribe (Neihardt 241-4). While the staffs seem to have been one of many other innocuous innovations envisioned into the Ghost Dance, the Ghost Shirts became an integral part of the Lakota ritual and constituted the most significant break from both their own traditions and Wovoka’s original doctrine. The Ghost Shirts were made in a traditional fashion from white cloth and sinew, fringed and adorned with feathers, and painted with a variety of designs drawn from mythology and trances (Mooney 31-4). All adherents to the Ghost Dance religion, men, women, and children, wore the Ghost Shirts as an outside garment during the ritual and under their ordinary clothes at all other times (Mooney 31). Along with the rejection of European-American clothing in favor of the Ghost Shirts, the Lakota did not allow any metal in the Ghost Dance, especially the jewelry and belts of German silver that had become an important part of their tribal costume (Mooney 30, 186). What is most striking about this ritual garment is that the Ghost Shirts were believed to be impenetrable to weapons and bullets (Mooney 34), an idea that may have readily lent itself to the Lakota doctrine of an “Indian millennium,” or helped ferment their resistance to the European-Americans, but at the very least seemed to betray Wovoka’s message of peace (Kehoe 13). When reservation police tried to disband a Ghost Dance ceremony in June of 1890, possibly the first at which the Ghost Shirts were worn, the Lakota reportedly lowered their guns and said that they would defend their religion with their lives, though by this time they may already have been defiant due to starvation (Mooney 92). The neighboring Arapaho and Cheyenne tribes rejected the innovation of Ghost Shirts as being an example of “Sioux belligerency” that distorted Wovoka’s doctrine (Kehoe 14, and Mooney 35), and when Mooney asked the messiah about the Ghost Shirts in person, Wovoka disclaimed any responsibility for this war-like novelty, and said it was better for the Native Americans to peacefully “adopt the habits of civilization” (Mooney 14). While Black Elk claims some credit for devising the Ghost Shirts in his trances, and introducing them to other Lakota reservations (Neihardt 249), Mooney suggests that Kicking Bear, another of the delegates sent to Wovoka, was actually the idea’s originator (Hittman 85), or at least its disseminator (Kehoe 13-4). It is worth noting that on first seeing the Ghost Dance performed, Black Elk told Neihardt that he was surprised at how much the ritual coincided with a vision he had experienced earlier in his life, but had not told anyone (Neihardt 249, 237). While this may say something about the efficacy of visionary experiences, or the interconnectedness of Native American symbolism as a whole, the belief in the invulnerability of the Ghost Shirts may have been equally inspired from outside of Lakota cultural practices. Lakota warriors were customarily protected by feathers, tiny bags of sacred powder, war paint , or animal claws twisted into their hair, and went into battle naked above the waist, as any covering would have hindered their movements (Mooney 34). It is instead possible that the Ghost Shirts were motivated by observations of Mormon “endowment robes,” a white and symbol-clad badge of office (Mooney 34), that the Mormons believed would protect them from disease, death, and even bullets (Kehoe 13, and Hittman 85). The Mormons living in the Nevada area had a long contact with and interest in the local Native Americans, and the concept of invulnerable articles of clothing may have spread to the Lakota through other tribes (Mooney 35). Furthermore, while Wovoka disclaimed credit for the Ghost Shirts in his talks with Mooney, independent reports suggest that Wovoka claimed to be invulnerable to bullets himself; among the various magical tricks and visions he used to demonstrate his powers as a prophet to the Native American delegates, Wovoka would apparently let himself be shot at and yet remain unharmed (Hittman 83-4). Perhaps the Lakota delegates saw the messiah’s act of invincibility, which along with reports of the Mormon “endowment robes,” and their own war-like nature, lent credibility to Black Elk’s vision of the Ghost Shirts as a central vestment of the Lakota Ghost Dance ritual. While a belief in the invulnerability of the Ghost Shirts and the immanent destruction of the European-Americans may have added to the Lakota feelings of discontent and defiance, the official U.S. government statement on the causes of the Wounded Knee massacre suggests that these were only symptoms of and a defensive reaction to the already staggering cultural and economic deprivations suffered by the Sioux tribes (Mooney 74-6). The Lakota did not actively revolt until troops were called onto their lands in November 1890, in response to the fears of the reservation agents that they were losing control of the Native Americans (Mooney 73, 95). Even after the prohibition of the Ghost Dance on the reservations; the death of Sitting Bull, a conservative chief whose camp had become a center for plotting resistance to the government; and the panicked flight of Short Bull, Kicking Bull, and many Lakota from the Rosebud and Pine Ridge reservations into the Badlands of South Dakota after the arrival of troops, Mooney believes that there was still no premeditated “Indian Outbreak” leading to the massacre at Wounded Knee Creek (Mooney 99, 108, 119). However, on the morning of December 29, 1890, when the Lakota were being rounded up from the Badlands to be disarmed and returned to the reservations, a wicaša wakan named Yellow Bird continued to urge the Lakota warriors to resist by claiming that their Ghost Shirts would keep them safe (Mooney 115-8). This final incitement, along with what was most likely a rather tense situation, may have proved a tipping point; when Yellow Bird threw a handful of dust into the air, the Lakota took this as a signal to attack, precipitating the return fire of the government troops (Mooney 118), and the interment of the Lakota Ghost Dance as a historical anomaly. One wounded woman said after the massacre that she no longer wanted her Ghost Shirt, as it had failed to protect her from the bullets (Mooney 34), and though a few Lakota leaders continued to proselytize for the Ghost Dance afterwards (DeMallie and Parks 8), the majority of the tribe gave up the new religion, as they may have become convinced that their expectations of invulnerability, and of a coming supernatural assistance for their plights, were groundless (Mooney 200). While ritual studies have generally ignored rites that do not work, participants may experience ritual failure as often as success, and to engage in ritual criticism may presuppose that rituals can “exploit, denigrate, or simply not do what people claim they do” (Grimes, Ritual 284, 282). It is, however, necessary to determine on what grounds the Lakota Ghost Dance ritual did not work. As the ritual theorist Ronald Grimes suggests, one difficulty in critiquing rituals is that there is often no separation between “failure in” and “failure of” the ritual; is the problem in the performance of the ritualists, in the ritual itself, or in the relation between the ritual and its surrounding “religiocultural processes” (Grimes, Ritual 290)? In the Lakota Ghost Dance we have the hostility and trance innovations of the Lakota, the inclusion of Ghost Shirts and weapons within the originally peaceful ritual, and a discrepancy between the stated desires of the Lakota Ghost Dance and both traditional Lakota ritualizing and their current socio-economic crises. Another difficulty Grimes raises in critiquing ritual is the point of view: do the ritual participants or observers determine if the ritual has actually failed (Grimes, Ritual 290)? It may be too simplistic to take a modern, rational perspective and argue that the Lakota Ghost Dance failed because Ghost Shirts cannot really protect someone from bullets, or because a supernatural cloud that will destroy the European-Americans could not really happen. Instead it is important to take the failure of the Lakota Ghost Dance on its own terms, as a ritual that could have brought about these changes if something had not gone wrong with its performance. As mentioned previously, the Lakota themselves believed that their ritualizing could fail and bring about the disastrous retribution of the wakan powers. That the Lakota stopped performing the Ghost Dance after the Wounded Knee massacre suggests that they may have believed that their ritual had failed. In order to discuss just how this ritual may not have worked, it is first necessary to articulate what it intended to accomplish, by applying Grimes’ six modes of ritual sensibility, the “embodied attitudes, that may arise in the course of a ritual” (Grimes, Beginnings 35). The first mode, “ritualization,” establishes the relationship of the participants to their ecological and psychosomatic environments through stylized gestures (Grimes, Beginnings 36-7). In the Lakota Ghost Dance the participants would move in a circle following the direction of the sun, and all the songs were adapted to the measure of this dance step (Mooney 185), thus identifying themselves with their physical environment and spiritual powers in accordance with their traditional belief in the unity of man, nature, and the supernatural. The Lakota expressed the second mode of “decorum,” or their conventional interpersonal intentions (Grimes, Beginnings 40-1), by having the men and women dance together, and by intentionally not disturbing those who fell in trance (Mooney 181). While the Lakota placed a high value on such trance states, the spiritual powers of men and women were considered qualitatively different, reflecting a rigid distinction between their roles in everyday life (DeMallie 34). However, as women were much more likely to succumb to trances (Mooney 199), it may have been necessary to break this convention and encourage a new social unity in order to assure the success of the ritual. The third mode of ritual sensibility, “ceremony,” expresses the political or ideological power to conserve or create change (Grimes, Beginnings 41-2). Here we see the Lakota rejecting European-American clothing and tools in favor of the Ghost Shirts, and attempting to articulate their prohibited cultural heritage by offering the pipe and sacred arrows to the messiah and wakan powers. These actions, and the Lakota Ghost Dance songs that refer to the coming of the messiah and the establishment of their cultural practices in the myth of the White Buffalo Woman (Mooney 297-8), express a “liturgical” sentiment, a sense of cosmic necessity that waits on the coming of sacred powers and serves as a preparation for a coming transformation (Grimes, Beginnings 43, 49). The last mode, a “celebratory” expression of play and spontaneity (Grimes, Beginnings 48), may have only arisen in the Lakota trance innovations, and employment of new songs and sacred objects. It seems however that the Lakota were most concerned with rendering themselves invulnerable to and capable of destroying the European-Americans, as well as with restoring the buffalo and their traditional way of life. Anxiously seeking these transcendent and empirical results, the Lakota Ghost Dance ritual may be best expressed in Grimes’ terms as the sixth, “magical” mode of ritual sensibility (Grimes, Beginnings 45). Desire is an essential factor in the efficacy of magic rituals (Grimes, Beginnings 46), but it seems unlikely that the Lakota “abused” the Ghost Dance ritual through a lack of sincerity, performing their dance without the feelings, thoughts, or intentions necessary in order to make it succeed (Grimes, Ritual 286). If anything they may have been too overzealous to revitalize their decaying religiocultural processes. Instead we must turn to other types of infelicitous performances, which Grimes adapted from J. L. Austin’s Speech-act theory. Austin makes a distinction between descriptive language, and “performative utterances:” words that do something, or fail to do what they intend, and Grimes suggests that while speech-acts only constitute one dimension of ritual action, rituals can be seen as a convergence of several performative genres that likewise have the possibility of doing something, or infelicitously failing to do something (Grimes, Ritual 283). Beyond the “professed but hollow” abuse type of ritual infelicity, that does not seem present in the Lakota Ghost Dance, Grimes posits a typology of ritual “misfires,” based off of Austin’s own categorizations, where the ritual formula is not effective (Grimes, Ritual 284). Perhaps most directly relevant would be a “nonplay,” where the ritual procedures are either illegitimate or do not exist, among which Grimes includes rites that have been recently invented or borrowed, without being grounded in structures that might legitimate them (Grimes, Ritual 285). While some aspects of the Lakota Ghost Dance seem to be grounded in their traditional Sun Dance and sweat lodge rituals, the Lakota borrowed the main ritual form from Wovoka’s Ghost Dance teachings, itself adapted from the Paiute Round Dance, and invented several elements of their own, including the Ghost Shirts that do not seem to be supported by either religious tradition. While Wovoka’s Ghost Dance may have been a legitimate ritual for the Paiute Native Americans, for the Lakota it was possibly a “misapplication,” their desperate circumstances and warlike nature were inappropriate for the performance of a ritual originally designed to bring interracial peace (Grimes, Ritual 285). Grimes proposes that ritual participants will often blame themselves for a ritual’s failure rather than the rite itself, or blame part of the rite rather than the whole (Grimes, Ritul 291), but it seems that after the discontinuation of the Ghost Dance, the Lakota may have admitted that their ritual contained a “flaw” (Grimes, Ritual 285); their pronouncement that the Ghost Shirts would make them invulnerable proved to be incorrect, and this may have cast doubt on the efficacy of the Ghost Dance as a whole to bring about the desired millennium and earth-renewal. In this case the Ghost Dance may have produced one of Grimes’ own infelicitous types, the more serious “ineffectuality,” where a magical ritual fails to cause its intended changes (Grimes, Ritual 286). Finally, it might be worth noting that the Ghost Dance succeeded to some degree, in stirring up the Lakota to resist the European-Americans in favor of their own cultural traditions, but in doing so served as an example of ritual “contagion” (Grimes, Ritual 287); the Ghost Dance was unable to contain the Lakota’s desire for resistance and an apocalyptic destruction, and this will to violence contaminated their social relationship with the government to the point of precipitating the Wounded Knee massacre. Grimes admits that this typology of infelicitous rituals needs more testing through application to specific rituals, but he also suggests that the right to criticize a ritual is bought with participation in it or through a richness of observations and interpretations (Grimes, Ritual 290-1). It is unfortunately too late to participate in the Lakota Ghost Dance of 1890, and even Mooney himself, who was in a better position to do so, was told by the Lakota he interviewed that, “The dance was our religion, but the government sent soldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it” (Mooney, 296). However, even relying on the interpretation of relevant texts alone presents challenges to fully examining the Lakota Ghost Dance. The complex multivalence of symbolism and action makes ritual one of the most difficult human behaviors to evaluate; it is complicated to show that a rite has completely failed; while it may not have achieved a particular stated goal, a ritual can still have other social repercussions (Grimes, Ritual 283). While the Lakota Ghost Dance may have failed to bring about a magical “Indian millennium,” it possibly fulfilled another aspect of ritualizing: to affirm and transform the participants’ identities and social contexts (Clothey 1-2). Alice Kehoe suggests that prior to the Wounded Knee massacre, the Ghost Dance revitalized the Lakota Sioux by reformulating their cultural patterns to better suit their needs and preferences (Kehoe 142-3). The ritual may have offered them hope of communal identity and transformation during their cultural and economic deprivations at the end of the 1800s. Though the Lakota discontinued the Ghost Dance in early 1891, the ritual spread to the Yanktonai Sioux at the Standing Rock reservation and into Canada (DeMallie and Parks 8), where the Saskatchewan Sioux gave up the practice of trances and the invulnerability of the Ghost Shirts, and incorporated the Ghost Dance into their traditional Dakota Medicine Feast (Kehoe 46-8). For the Lakota, the discontinuation of the Ghost Dance allowed them to sign a new treaty in February 1891, for increased rations and an end of hostilities with the U.S. government (Mooney 145). Black Elk was also inspired by this new need for an effective ritual, and he reorganized the traditional Lakota religious practices, albeit within a Christian framework (Kehoe 40, 71), but including a revival of the Sun Dance in 1924 (Amiotte 75). In 1973, Leonard Crow Dog, a Lakota activist in the American Indian Movement, tried to revive the 1890 Ghost Dance, along with hostilities towards the European-American government, but the only result was a second Wounded Knee massacre (Kehoe 51, 86-7, and DeMallie and Parks 8), suggesting that a hostile version of the Ghost Dance truly was not an effective ritual for cultural transformation. Little belief in the Ghost Dance ritual survives among the Lakota, besides the recollection of the more poignant Ghost Dance songs (DeMallie and Parks 8), but many of the basic spiritual concepts of the Lakota continue to develop in the context of modern life (DeMallie 27), and the Lakota reservations in South Dakota continue to serve as a locus for contemporary religious revitalization (DeMallie and Parks 7). In adopting Wovoka’s Ghost Dance over against their own cultural traditions, and altering the ritual by the inclusion of the violence-provoking Ghost Shirts, the Lakota were unable to bring about a destruction of the European-Americans through their participation in the Ghost Dance. Though this primary, magical intention failed, the performance of the Lakota Ghost Dance, during their critical period of cultural deprivation at the close of the 19th Century, may have succeeded in expressing something vital to the United States government. The Lakota desired to practice their traditional religious forms, and after the disgrace of the Wounded Knee massacre they were again allowed to do so, leading to an eventual rebirth of their cultural and spiritual beliefs that continues through the present day. Amiotte, Arthur. “The Lakota Sun Dance: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives.” Sioux Indian Religion: Tradition and Innovation. Ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Pp. 75-89 Clothey, Fred. “Rhythm and Intent.” Madras: Blackie and Son, 1982 DeMallie, Raymond J. “Lakota Belief and Ritual in the Nineteenth Century.” Sioux Indian Religion: Tradition and Innovation. Ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Pp. 25-43 DeMallie, Raymond J., Parks, Douglas R. “Introduction.” Sioux Indian Religion: Tradition and Innovation. Ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Pp. 3-22 Grimes, Ronald. “Beginnings in Ritual Studies.” Lanham: University Press of America, 1982 - – - “Ritual Criticism and Infelicitous Performances.” Readings in Ritual Studies. Ed. Ronald Grimes. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1996. Pp. 279-293 Hittman, Michael. “Wovoka and the Ghost Dance.” Expanded edition. Ed. Don Lynch. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997 Kehoe, Alice Beck. “The Ghost Dance: Ethnohistory and Revitalization.” 2nd edition. Long Grove: Waveland Press, Inc., 2006 Looking Horse, Arval. “The Sacred Pipe in Modern Life.” Sioux Indian Religion: Tradition and Innovation. Ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Pp. 67-73 Mooney, James. “The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890.” Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965 Neihardt, John G. “Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux.” Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988 Wallace, Anthony F. C. “Introduction.” The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965

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Normal hearing requires that all parts of the auditory pathway are working correctly. This pathway includes the external ear, middle ear, inner ear, auditory nerve, and the connection between the auditory nerve and the brain. The exact location and nature of the problem in the auditory pathway determines the type and severity of a person's hearing loss. Some causes of hearing loss occur before a baby is born. These include genetic disorders (such as Waardenburg syndrome or Crouzon syndrome) and infections (such as congenital rubella or congenital syphilis). About half of all cases of hearing loss among children are thought to result from genetic factors. Sometimes these children have a syndrome of which hearing loss is only one feature. However, in most children with hearing loss that is due to a genetic cause, the hearing loss is not part of a syndrome. A variant of the connexin 26 gene is responsible for much of the hearing loss in this latter group of children. [Read about the connexin 26 gene] To learn more about a specific genetic condition that you think could cause hearing loss, go to the National Library of Medicine's Genetics Home Reference Web site. Information about each genetic condition includes symptoms, how common it is, related genes, treatments, and links to resources where you can learn more about the condition. The Genetics Home Reference also can help you learn more about genetics, including genetic testing, genetic counseling, and gene therapy. [Go to the Genetics Home Reference Web site] You can also learn more about the genetics of hearing loss by reading the parent's guide to genetics on the CDC Early Hearing Detection and Intervention Web site. The guide describes the "All Ears" study, whose purpose is to help us understand both genetic and environmental causes of hearing loss in babies and young children. Problems during or soon after birth can also be risk factors for developing hearing loss. These include hypoxia (where the baby does get not enough oxygen), bleeding in the brain, and hyperbilirubinemia (severe jaundice). Children who are born early or at low birth weight are more likely to have problems that may lead to hearing loss. However, children who are normal birth weight can have hearing loss. Hearing loss can also occur later in a child's or adult's life. Causes during this time include infection (such as meningitis, chronic middle ear infections, or measles), injuries (such as head injury), or certain drugs (such as the antibiotic gentamicin). High noise levels (such as from firecrackers or loud rock concerts) can also damage a person's hearing. About 30 million workers are exposed to dangerous noise levels on their jobs. Another nine million are at risk of hearing loss as a result of working with certain metals or solvents. Some causes of hearing loss can be prevented. For example, vaccines can prevent certain infections, such as H-flu meningitis or measles, that can cause hearing loss. Another cause that can be prevented is kernicterus, a kind of brain damage that happens when a newborn baby has too much jaundice. Kernicterus can be prevented by using special lights (phototherapy) or other therapies to treat babies with jaundice. [Read more about kernicterus] To find CDC guidelines on preventing hearing loss, visit the "CDC Recommends: The Prevention Guidelines System" Web site and search on "deafness" or "hearing loss". The guidelines include information about hearing loss caused by noise, congenital syphilis, congenital rubella, and other conditions. WISE EARS!® is a national program to prevent noise-induced hearing loss. It was created by the National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, the National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health, and other agencies. The program has materials for kids, teachers, parents, the media, and the general public. It helps people learn what noise-induced hearing loss is, what causes it, and how to prevent it. [Go to the WISE EARS!® Web site] People who work in noisy places can prevent hearing loss by using hearing protectors. You can learn how to choose the right protector for you at the National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health's Hearing Loss Prevention Web site. The site also has information about other ways to protect your hearing on the job. [Go to the Hearing Loss Prevention Web site] Healthy People 2010 is a national effort to promote health and prevent disease. It includes goals related to hearing loss, such as increasing the number of newborns who are screened for hearing loss by 1 month of age, diagnosed by 3 months of age and receiving intervention services by 6 months of age; increasing the use of ear protection devices; decreasing the number of people who have noise-induced hearing loss, and increasing the number of people who get their hearing checked regularly. The National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders' "Healthy Hearing 2010" Web site provides more information about hearing-related goals in Healthy People 2010. [Learn more about Healthy Hearing 2010]

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Europeans of the sixteenth century presumed that somewhere deep in South America was a vast city called El Dorado that contained unimaginable mineral riches. Several Spanish conquistadors made perilous, often deadly journeys to find it. Sir Walter Raleigh (1554–1618), the English raconteur, explorer, and visionary, claimed in a book he published in 1596 that he knew the whereabouts of El Dorado. But in spite of such valiant efforts, El Dorado seems to persist only as a symbol of the rapacious greed with which the English and Spanish beheld the New World. Europeans first learned of El Dorado through word-of-mouth tales that circulated among South America's indigenous peoples. There was a small grain of truth to the story: high in the eastern range of the Andes, in what is now Colombia, lived the Chibcha people. Geographically isolated, they mined gold and emeralds freely, and built a highly stratified and developed society. When they anointed a new priest-chief, they covered the man in balsam gum, and then blew gold dust all over his body through cane straws until he resembled a statue of pure gold. The new priest-chief then ceremonially bathed in Lake Guatavita, a sacred place to the Chibcha. This practice ended around 1480 when they were subdued by another tribe. But the story of the "gilded one" became part of the oral folklore traditions in South America, and in its retellings, the tale took on added dimensions: the gilded one supposedly ruled over a vast kingdom where nearly everything was made from gold, silver, or precious stone. Spanish colonization of Latin America began not long after the end of this practice. Francisco Pizzaro (c. 1475–1541), who conquered the powerful Inca civilization in the 1530s in what is today Peru, saw the technically advanced and lavishly prosperous city of Cuzco that the tightly organized indigenous culture created. He believed that the continent held enormous mineral wealth, and he took bags of gold and stacks of silver bars back to Spain from his plunder of the Inca. Not long after the conquest, a messenger from an unknown Indian tribe appeared in Peru with a message for the Inca emperor, unaware the empire had been defeated. Interrogated by the Spanish, he told them he came from the Zipa people in the Bogota region, but knew of another kingdom, high in the mountains to the east, a tribe so rich that they covered their chief in gold. The Spanish, who had already heard about the Chibcha, became increasingly certain that El Dorado, their translation of "the gilded one," really existed. Adding to the mystery was a rumor that a renegade Inca faction had managed to escape the violent Spanish conquest and had fled to the mountains. Supposedly they had migrated into the Amazon River jungle. There, according to folklore, was an empire richer than that of the Inca. The Spanish assumed that the rebels took large amounts of mineral wealth with them, and that this fugitive empire was flourishing some-where in what is today Venezuela. Between 1536 and 1541, the Spanish sent out five major expeditions in search of El Dorado. After the journeys proved fruitless, the Spanish became certain that El Dorado must lie in the northern part of the continent into which they had not yet ventured—the jungle basin between the Orinoco and Amazon rivers. Meanwhile, another mysterious appearance of a man who spoke of a city of gold he called "Manoa" only fueled their desire. His name was Juan Martinez, and he had been a munitions master on board a Spanish ship exploring the Caroni River that branched off from the Orinoco at San Thome. His group headed deeper into the jungle, but the journey was aborted when its gunpowder stores exploded. Martinez was left behind in an open canoe as punishment for the accident. He claimed to have met friendly Indians, who blindfolded him for days and led him to their kingdom, called Manoa, where everything in the royal palace was made of gold. Martinez said that riches had been given to him as a departing gift, but they had been stolen by Indians on his way back. This story was told to Sir Walter Raleigh in England around 1586. Raleigh had established an ill-fated colony in North America on Roanoke Island and had fallen out of favor with Queen Elizabeth I (1533–1603). Wishing to restore his reputation and status at court, he set sail for South America. After arriving in March of 1595, Raleigh and his party spent weeks sailing along the Orinoco River, but found nothing but a massive Spanish anchor, which had been lost when Martinez's ship had exploded. Raleigh brought back to England exotic flora and fauna and some blue-tinged rocks that hinted at great ore deposits. But when Raleigh told his extraordinary tales of the jungle, his enemies ridiculed him, claiming that he had been hiding in Cornwall the entire time. In response, he wrote a book, The Discovery of the Large, Rich and Beautiful Empire of Guyana with a Relation to the Great and Golden City of Manoa. The book was absorbing, but the English expedition had not ventured into any parts of the Orinoco that the Spanish had not already explored. Raleigh claimed that the city of Manoa was on Lake ParÌma, behind a mountain range. He provided a map so remarkably accurate that most atlases of South America showed the mythical lake for the next 150 years. Raleigh also wrote of a tribe of headless, club-wielding warriors with eyes and mouths on their torsos. That brought further discredit to his book, but it sold well, even in translation. Raleigh's claims failed to interest Queen Elizabeth I or potential investors who might finance a further search for El Dorado. After the monarch died in 1603, Raleigh was imprisoned in the Tower of London by her successor, King James I (1566–1625), on charges of treason. Convinced in the very least that vast gold mines existed close to the Orinoco River, Raleigh continually petitioned for release; only when dire financial straits fell on Great Britain did the king allow Raleigh a second chance. Raleigh's 1618 expedition battled the Spanish, and Raleigh's son died in battle. When Raleigh returned to England empty-handed, he was jailed again, tried in secret, and executed on the 1603 treason charge. The term "El Dorado" became part of Renaissance-era English culture; John Milton (1608–1674) wrote of it in Paradise Lost, and William Shakespeare (1564–1616) mentioned the headless warriors in Othello. El Dorado has become synonymous with a place of fabulous wealth or inordinately great opportunity. Accepted theory holds that El Dorado existed only in the minds of the Europeans who were eager to discover the quickest path to riches. Gordon, Stuart. The Encyclopedia of Myths and Legends. London: Headline Books, 1993. Larousse Dictionary of World Folklore. New York: Larousse, 1995.

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History of the United States (1789–1849) |Part of a series on the| |History of the |United States portal| George Washington, elected the first president in 1789, set up a cabinet form of government, with departments of State, Treasury, and War, along with an Attorney General (the Justice Department was created in 1870). Based in New York, the new government acted quickly to rebuild the nation's financial structure. Enacting the program of Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton, the government assumed the Revolutionary war debts of the states and the national government, and refinanced them with new federal bonds. It paid for the program through new tariffs and taxes; the tax on whiskey led to a revolt in the west; Washington raised an army and suppressed it. The nation adopted a Bill of Rights as 10 amendments to the new constitution. The Judiciary Act of 1789 established the entire federal judiciary, including the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court became important under the leadership of Chief Justice John Marshall (1801–1834), Federalist and nationalist who built a strong Supreme Court and strengthened the national government. The 1790s were highly contentious, as the First Party System emerged in the contest between Alexander Hamilton and his Federalist party, and Thomas Jefferson and his Republican party. Washington and Hamilton were building a strong national government, with a broad financial base, and the support of merchants and financiers throughout the country. Jeffersonians opposed the new national Bank, the Navy, and federal taxes. The Federalists favored Britain, which was embattled in a series of wars with France. Jefferson's victory in 1800 opened the era of Jeffersonian democracy, and doomed the upper-crust Federalists to increasingly marginal roles. The Americans declared war on Britain (the War of 1812) to uphold American honor at sea, and to end the Indian raids in the west. Despite incompetent government management, and a series of defeats early on, Americans found new generals like Andrew Jackson, William Henry Harrison, and Winfield Scott, who repulsed British invasions and broke the alliance between the British and the Indians that held up settlement of the Old Northwest. The Federalists, who had opposed the war to the point of trading with the enemy and threatening secession, were devastated by the triumphant ending of the war. The remaining Indians east of the Mississippi were kept on reservations or moved via the Trail of Tears to reservations in what later became Oklahoma. The spread of democracy opened the ballot box to nearly all white men, allowing the Jacksonian democracy to dominate politics during the Second Party System. Whigs, representing wealthier planters, merchants, financiers and professionals, wanted to modernize the society, using tariffs and federally funded internal improvements; they were blocked by the Jacksonians, who closed down the national Bank in the 1830s. The Jacksonians wanted expansion—that is "Manifest Destiny"—into new lands that would be occupied by farmers and planters. Thanks to the annexation of Texas, the defeat of Mexico in war, and a compromise with Britain, the western third of the nation rounded out the continental United States by 1848. Howe (2007) argues that the transformation America underwent was not so much political democratization but rather the explosive growth of technologies and networks of infrastructure and communication—the telegraph, railroads, the post office, and an expanding print industry. They made possible the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening, the expansion of education and social reform. They modernized party politics, as speeded up business by enabling the fast, efficient movement of goods, money and people across an expanding nation. They transformed a loose-knit collection of parochial agricultural communities into a powerful cosmopolitan nation Economic modernization proceeded rapidly, thanks to highly profitable cotton crops in the South, new textile and machine-making industries in the Northeast, and a fast developing transportation infrastructure. Breaking loose from European models, the Americans developed their own high culture, notably in literature and in higher education. The Second Great Awakening brought revivals across the country, forming new denominations and greatly increasing church membership, especially among Methodists and Baptists. By the 1840s increasing numbers of immigrants were arriving from Europe, especially British, Irish, and Germans. Many settled in the cities, which were starting to emerge as a major factor in the economy and society. The Whigs had warned that annexation of Texas would lead to a crisis over slavery, and they were proven right by the turmoil of the 1850s that led to civil war. Federalist Era Washington Administration: 1789–1797 George Washington, a renowned hero of the American Revolutionary War, commander of the Continental Army, and president of the Constitutional Convention, was unanimously chosen as the first President of the United States under the new U.S. Constitution. All the leaders of the new nation were committed to republicanism, and the doubts of the Anti-Federalists of 1788 were allayed with the passage of a Bill of Rights as the first 10 amendments to the Constitution in 1791. The first census, conducted by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, enumerated a population of 3.9 million, with a density of 4.5 people per square mile of land area. There were only 12 cities of more than 5,000 population, as the great majority of the people were farmers. Congress passed the Judiciary Act of 1789, which established the entire federal judiciary. At the time, the act provided for a Supreme Court of six justices, three circuit courts, and 13 district courts. It also created the offices of U.S. Marshal, Deputy Marshal, and District Attorney in each federal judicial district. The Compromise of 1790 located to the national capital in the southern state of Maryland (now the District of Columbia), and enabled the federal assumption of state debts. Washington had hoped that his Secretary of the Treasury would be Robert Morris, celebrated Philadelphia merchant and so-called "financier of the Revolution", but he declined and instead the post went to the president's brilliant young former aide-de-camp Alexander Hamilton who with Washington's support and Jefferson's opposition, convinced Congress to pass a far-reaching financial program that was patterned after the system developed in England a century earlier. It funded the debts of the American Revolution, set up a national bank, and set up a system of tariffs and taxes. His policies had the effect of linking the economic interests of the states, and of wealthy Americans, to the success of the national government, as well as enhancing the international financial standing of the new nation. Most Representatives of the South opposed Hamilton's plan because they had already repudiated their debts and thus gained little from it. But more importantly, there were early signs of the economic and cultural rift between the Northern and Southern states that was to burst into flames seven decades later, being that the South and its plantation-based economy resisted the idea of a centralized federal government and being subordinated to Northeastern business interests. Despite considerable opposition in Congress from Southerners, Hamilton's plan was moved into effect during the middle of 1790. The First Bank of the United States was thus created that year despite arguments from Thomas Jefferson and his supporters that it was unconstitutional while Hamilton declared that it was entirely within the powers granted to the federal government. Hamilton's other proposals, including protection tariffs for nascent American industry, were defeated. The Whiskey Rebellion in 1794—when settlers in the Monongahela Valley of western Pennsylvania protested against the new federal tax on whiskey, which the settlers shipped across the mountains to earn money. It was the first serious test of the federal government. Washington ordered federal marshals to serve court orders requiring the tax protesters to appear in federal district court. By August 1794, the protests became dangerously close to outright rebellion, and on August 7, several thousand armed settlers gathered near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Washington then invoked the Militia Law of 1792 to summon the militias of several states. A force of 13,000 men was organized, and Washington personally led it to Western Pennsylvania. The revolt immediately collapsed, and there was no violence. Foreign policy unexpectedly took center stage starting in 1793, when revolutionary France became engulfed in war with the rest of Europe, an event that was to lead to 22 years of fighting. France claimed that its 1778 alliance with the US meant that the latter was bound to come to their aid. The Washington administration's policy of neutrality was widely supported, but the Jeffersonians strongly favored France and deeply distrusted the British, who they saw as enemies of Republicanism. In addition, they sought to annex Spanish territory in the South and West. Meanwhile Hamilton and the business community favored Britain, which was by far America's largest trading partner. The Republicans gained support in the winter of 1793-94 as Britain seized American merchant ships and impressed their crews into the Royal Navy, but the tensions were resolved with the Jay Treaty of 1794, which opened up 10 years of prosperous trade in exchange for which Britain would remove troops from its fortifications along the Canadian border. The Jeffersonians viewed the Treaty as a surrender to British moneyed interests, and mobilized their supporters nationwide to defeat the treaty. The Federalists likewise rallied supporters in a vicious conflict, which continued until 1795 when Washington publicly intervened in the debate, using his prestige to secure ratification. By this point, the economic and political advantages of the Federalist position had become clear to all concerned, combined with growing disdain for France after the Reign of Terror and Jacobin anti-religious policies. Jefferson promptly resigned as Secretary of State. Historian George Herring notes the "remarkable and fortuitous economic and diplomatic gains" produced by the Jay Treaty. Continuing conflict between Hamilton and Jefferson, especially over foreign policy, led to the formation of the Federalist and Republican parties. Although Washington remained aloof and warned against political parties in his farewell address, he generally supported Hamilton and Hamiltonian programs over those of Jefferson. The Democratic-Republican Party dominated the Upper South, Western frontier, and in parts of the middle states. Federalist support was concentrated in the major Northern cities and South Carolina. After his death in 1799 he became the great symbolic hero of the Federalists. Emergence of political parties The First Party System between 1792 and 1824 featured two national parties competing for control of the presidency, Congress, and the states: the Federalist Party was created by Alexander Hamilton and was dominant to 1800. The rival Republican Party (Democratic-Republican Party) was created by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, and was dominant after 1800. Both parties originated in national politics but moved to organize supporters and voters in every state. These comprised "probably the first modern party system in the world" because they were based on voters, not factions of aristocrats at court or parliament. The Federalists appealed to the business community, the Republicans to the planters and farmers. By 1796 politics in every state was nearly monopolized by the two parties. Jefferson wrote on Feb. 12, 1798: - Two political Sects have arisen within the U. S. the one believing that the executive is the branch of our government which the most needs support; the other that like the analogous branch in the English Government, it is already too strong for the republican parts of the Constitution; and therefore in equivocal cases they incline to the legislative powers: the former of these are called federalists, sometimes aristocrats or monocrats, and sometimes tories, after the corresponding sect in the English Government of exactly the same definition: the latter are stiled republicans, whigs, jacobins, anarchists, disorganizers, etc. these terms are in familiar use with most persons." The Federalists promoted the financial system of Treasury Secretary Hamilton, which emphasized federal assumption of state debts, a tariff to pay off those debts, a national bank to facilitate financing, and encouragement of banking and manufacturing. The Republicans, based in the plantation South, opposed a strong executive power, were hostile to a standing army and navy, demanded a limited reading of the Constitutional powers of the federal government, and strongly opposed the Hamilton financial program. Perhaps even more important was foreign policy, where the Federalists favored Britain because of its political stability and its close ties to American trade, while the Republicans admired the French and the French Revolution. Jefferson was especially fearful that British aristocratic influences would undermine republicanism. Britain and France were at war 1793–1815, with one brief interruption. American policy was neutrality, with the federalists hostile to France, and the Republicans hostile to Britain. The Jay Treaty of 1794 marked the decisive mobilization of the two parties and their supporters in every state. President Washington, while officially nonpartisan, generally supported the Federalists and that party made Washington their iconic hero. Adams Administration: 1797–1801 Washington retired in 1797, firmly declining to serve for more than eight years as the nation's head. The Federalists supported Vice President John Adams for President. Adams defeated Jefferson, who as the runner-up became Vice President under the operation of the Electoral College of that time. These domestic difficulties were compounded by international complications: France, angered by American approval in 1795 of the Jay Treaty with its great enemy Britain proclaimed that food and war material bound for British ports were subject to seizure by the French navy. By 1797, France had seized 300 American ships and had broken off diplomatic relations with the United States. When Adams sent three other commissioners to Paris to negotiate, agents of Foreign Minister Charles Maurice de Talleyrand (whom Adams labeled "X, Y and Z" in his report to Congress) informed the Americans that negotiations could only begin if the United States loaned France $12 million and bribed officials of the French government. American hostility to France rose to an excited pitch, fanned by French ambassador Edmond-Charles Genêt. Federalists used the "XYZ Affair" to create a new American army, strengthen the fledgling United States Navy, impose the Alien and Sedition Acts to stop pro-French activities (which had severe repercussions for American civil liberties), and enact new taxes to pay for it. The Naturalization Act, which changed the residency requirement for citizenship from five to 14 years, was targeted at Irish and French immigrants suspected of supporting the Republican Party. The Sedition Act proscribed writing, speaking or publishing anything of "a false, scandalous and malicious" nature against the President or Congress. The few convictions won under the Sedition Act only created martyrs to the cause of civil liberties and aroused support for the Republicans. Jefferson and his allies launched a counterattack, with two states stating in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions that state legislatures could nullify acts of Congress. However, all the other states rejected this proposition, and nullification — or it was as it was called, the "principle of 98" — became the preserve of a faction of the Republicans called the Quids. In 1799, after a series of naval battles with the French (known as the Quasi-War), full-scale war seemed inevitable. In this crisis, Adams broke with his party and sent three new commissioners to France. Napoleon, who had just come to power, received them cordially, and the danger of conflict subsided with the negotiation of the Convention of 1800, which formally released the United States from its 1778 wartime alliance with France. However, reflecting American weakness, France refused to pay $20 million in compensation for American ships seized by the French navy. In his final hours in office, Adams appointed John Marshall as chief justice. Serving until his death in 1835, Marshall dramatically expanded the powers of the Supreme Court and provided a Federalist interpretation of the Constitution that made for a strong national government. Thomas Jefferson Under Washington and Adams the Federalists had established a strong government, but sometimes it followed policies that alienated the citizenry. For example, in 1798, to pay for the rapidly expanding army and navy, the Federalists had enacted a new tax on houses, land and slaves, affecting every property owner in the country. In the Fries's Rebellion hundreds of farmers in Pennsylvania revolted—Federalists saw a breakdown in civil society. Some tax resisters were arrested—then pardoned by Adams. Republicans denounced this action as an example of Federalist tyranny. Jefferson had steadily gathered behind him a great mass of small farmers, shopkeepers and other workers which asserted themselves as Democratic-Republicans in the election of 1800. Jefferson enjoyed extraordinary favor because of his appeal to American idealism. In his inaugural address, the first such speech in the new capital of Washington, DC, he promised "a wise and frugal government" to preserve order among the inhabitants but would "leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry, and improvement". Jefferson encouraged agriculture and westward expansion, most notably by the Louisiana Purchase and subsequent Lewis and Clark Expedition. Believing America to be a haven for the oppressed, he reduced the residency requirement for naturalization back to five years again. By the end of his second term, Jefferson and Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin had reduced the national debt to less than $560 million. This was accomplished by reducing the number of executive department employees and Army and Navy officers and enlisted men, and by otherwise curtailing government and military spending. Jefferson's domestic policy was uneventful and hands-off, the administration mainly concerning itself with foreign affairs and particularly territorial expansion. Except for Gallatin's reforms, their main preoccupation was purging the government of Federalist judges. The president and his associates were widely distrustful of the judicial branch, especially because Adams had made several "midnight" appointments prior to leaving office in March 1801. In Marbury vs Madison (1803), the Supreme Court under John Marshall established the precedent of being able to review and overturn legislation passed by Congress. This upset Jefferson to the point where his administration began opening impeachment hearings against judges that were perceived as abusing their power. The attempted purge of the judicial branch reached its climax with the trial of Justice Samuel Chase. When Chase was acquitted, Jefferson abandoned his campaign. With the upcoming expiration of the 20-year ban on Congressional action on the subject, Jefferson, a lifelong enemy of the slave trade, called on Congress to criminalize the international slave trade, calling it "violations of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best interests of our country have long been eager to proscribe." Louisiana Purchase and the War of 1812 The Louisiana Purchase in 1803 gave Western farmers use of the important Mississippi River waterway, removed the French presence from the western border of the United States, and, most important, provided U.S. settlers with vast potential for expansion. A few weeks afterward, war resumed between Britain and Napoleon's France. The United States, dependent on European revenues from the export of agricultural goods, tried to export food and raw materials to both warring Great Powers and to profit from transporting goods between their home markets and Caribbean colonies. Both sides permitted this trade when it benefited them but opposed it when it did not. Following the 1805 destruction of the French navy at the Battle of Trafalgar, Britain sought to impose a stranglehold over French overseas trade ties. Thus, in retaliation against U.S. trade practices, Britain imposed a loose blockade of the American coast. Believing that Britain could not rely on other sources of food than the United States, Congress and President Jefferson suspended all U.S. trade with foreign nations in the Embargo Act of 1807, hoping to get the British to end their blockade of the American coast. The Embargo Act, however, devastated American agricultural exports and weakened American ports while Britain found other sources of food. James Madison won the U.S. presidential election of 1808, largely on the strength of his abilities in foreign affairs at a time when Britain and France were both on the brink of war with the United States. He was quick to repeal the Embargo Act, refreshing American seaports. Unfortunately, despite his intellectual brilliance, Madison lacked Jefferson's leadership and tried to merely copy his predecessor's policies verbatim. He tried various trade restrictions to try and force Britain and France to respect freedom of the seas, but they were unsuccessful. The British had undisputed mastery over the sea after defeating the French and Spanish fleet at Trafalgar in 1805, and they took advantage of this to seize American ships at will and force their sailors into serving the Royal Navy. Even worse, the size of the US Navy was reduced due to ideological opposition to a large standing military and the Federal government became considerably weakened when the charter of the First National Bank expired and Congress declined to renew it. A clamor for military action thus erupted just as relations with Britain and France were at a low point and the US's ability to wage war had been reduced. In response to continued British interference with American shipping (including the practice of impressment of American sailors into the British Navy), and to British aid to American Indians in the Old Northwest, the Twelfth Congress—led by Southern and Western Jeffersonians—declared war on Britain in 1812. Westerners and Southerners were the most ardent supporters of the war, given their concerns about defending national honor and expanding western settlements, and having access to world markets for their agricultural exports. New England was making a fine profit and its Federalists opposed the war, almost to the point of secession. The Federalist reputation collapsed in the triumphalism of 1815 and the party no longer played a national role. The United States and Britain came to a draw in the war after bitter fighting that lasted even after the Burning of Washington in August 1814 and Andrew Jackson's smashing defeat of the British invasion army at the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815. The Treaty of Ghent, officially ending the war, returned to the status quo ante bellum, but Britain's alliance with the Native Americans ended, and the Indians were the major losers of the war. News of the victory at New Orleans over the best British combat troops came at the same time as news of the peace, giving Americans a psychological triumph and opening the Era of Good Feelings. The war destroyed the Federalist Party, and opened roles as national candidates to generals Andrew Jackson and William Henry Harrison among others, as well as civilian leaders James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, and Henry Clay. Era of Good Feelings and the Rise of Nationalism Following the War of 1812, America began to assert a newfound sense of nationalism. America began to rally around national heroes such as Andrew Jackson and patriotic feelings emerged in such works as Francis Scott Key's poem The Star Spangled Banner. Under the direction of Chief Justice John Marshall, the Supreme Court issued a series of opinions reinforcing the role of the national government. These decisions included McCulloch v Maryland and Gibbons v Ogden; both of which reaffirmed the supremacy of the national government over the states. The signing of the Adams-Onis Treaty helped to settle the western border of the country through popular and peaceable means. Even as nationalism increased across the country, its effects were limited by a renewed sense of sectionalism. The New England states that had opposed the War of 1812 felt an increasing decline in political power with the demise of the Federalist Party. This loss was tempered with the arrival of a new industrial movement and increased demands for northern banking. The industrial revolution in the United States was advanced by the immigration of Samuel Slater from Great Britain and arrival of textile mills beginning in Lowell, Massachusetts. In the south, the invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney radically increased the value of slave labour. The export of southern cotton was now the predominant export of the U.S. The western states continued to thrive under the "frontier spirit." Individualism was prized as exemplified by Davey Crockett and James Fenimore Cooper's folk hero Natty Bumpo from The Leatherstocking Tales. Following the death of Tecumseh in 1813, Native Americans lacked the unity to stop white settlement. Era of Good Feelings Domestically, the presidency of James Monroe (1817–1825) was hailed at the time and since as the "Era of Good Feelings" because of the decline of partisan politics and heated rhetoric after the war. The Federalist Party collapsed, but without an opponent the Democratic - Republican party decayed as sectional interests came to the fore. The Monroe Doctrine was drafted by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams in collaboration with the British, and proclaimed by Monroe in late 1823. He asserted the Americas should be free from additional European colonization and free from European interference in sovereign countries' affairs. It further stated the United States' intention to stay neutral in wars between European powers and their colonies but to consider any new colonies or interference with independent countries in the Americas as hostile acts towards the United States. No new colonies were ever formed. Emergence of Second Party System Monroe was reelected without opposition in 1820, and the old caucus system for selecting Republican candidates collapsed in 1820. In the presidential election of 1824, factions in Tennessee and Pennsylvania put forth Andrew Jackson. From Kentucky came Speaker of the House Henry Clay, while Massachusetts produced Secretary of State Adams; a rump congressional caucus put forward Treasury Secretary William H. Crawford. Personality and sectional allegiance played important roles in determining the outcome of the election. Adams won the electoral votes from New England and most of New York; Clay won his western base of Kentucky, Ohio and Missouri; Jackson won his base in the Southeast, and plus Illinois, Indiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, Maryland and New Jersey; and Crawford won his base in the South, Virginia, Georgia and Delaware. No candidate gained a majority in the Electoral College, so the president was selected by the House of Representatives, where Clay was the most influential figure. In return for Clay's support, which won him the presidency, John Quincy Adams appointed Clay as secretary of state in what Jacksonians denounced as The Corrupt Bargain. During Adams' administration, new party alignments appeared. Adams' followers took the name of "National Republicans", to reflect the mainstream of Jeffersonian Republicanism. Though he governed honestly and efficiently, Adams was not a popular president, and his administration was marked with frustrations. Adams failed in his effort to institute a national system of roads and canals as part of the American System economic plan. His coldly intellectual temperament did not win friends. Jacksonian democracy Charismatic Andrew Jackson, by contrast, in collaboration with strategist Martin Van Buren rallied his followers in the newly emerging Democratic Party. In the election of 1828, Jackson defeated Adams by an overwhelming electoral majority. The election saw the coming to power of Jacksonian Democracy, thus marking the transition from the First Party System (which reflected Jeffersonian Democracy) to the Second Party System. Historians debate the significance of the election, with many arguing that it marked the beginning of modern American politics, with the decisive establishment of democracy and the formation of the two party system. Suffrage of all white men Starting in the 1820s, American politics became democratic as many state and local offices went from being appointed to elective, and the old requirements for voters to own property were abolished. Voice voting in states gave way to ballots printed by the parties, and by the 1830s every state except South Carolina presidential electors were chosen directly by the voters. Jacksonian Democracy drew its support from the small farmers of the West, and the workers, artisans and small merchants of the East. They favored geographical expansion to create more farms for people like them, and distrusted the upper classes who envisioned an industrial nation built on finance and manufacturing. The entrepreneurs, for whom Henry Clay and Daniel Webster were heroes, fought back and formed the Whig party. Political machines appeared early in the history of the United States, and for all the exhortations of Jacksonian Democracy, it was they and not the average voter that nominated candidates. In addition, the system supported establishment politicians and party loyalists, and much legislation was designed to reward men and businesses who supported a particular party or candidate. As a consequence, the chance of single issue and ideology-based candidates being elected to major office dwindled and so those parties who were successful were pragmatist ones which appealed to multiple constituencies. Examples of single issue parties included the Anti-Masonic Party, which emerged in the Northeastern states. Its goal was to outlaw Freemasonry as a violation of republicanism; members were energized by reports that a man who threatened to expose Masonic secrets had been murdered. They ran a candidate for president (William Wirt) in 1832; he won 8% of the popular vote nationwide, carried Vermont, and ran well in rural Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. The party then merged into the new Whig Party. Others included abolitionist parties, workers' parties like the Workingmen's Party, the Locofocos (who opposed monopolies), and assorted nativist parties who denounced the Roman Catholic Church as a threat to Republicanism in the United States None of these parties were capable of mounting a broad enough appeal to voters or winning major elections. The election of 1828 was a significant benchmark marking the climax of the trend toward broader voter eligibility and participation. Vermont had universal male suffrage since its entry into the Union, and Tennessee permitted suffrage for the vast majority of taxpayers. New Jersey, Maryland and South Carolina all abolished property and tax-paying requirements between 1807 and 1810. States entering the Union after 1815 either had universal white male suffrage or a low taxpaying requirement. From 1815 to 1821, Connecticut, Massachusetts and New York abolished all property requirements. In 1824, members of the Electoral College were still selected by six state legislatures. By 1828, presidential electors were chosen by popular vote in every state but Delaware and South Carolina. Nothing dramatized this democratic sentiment more than the election of Andrew Jackson. Trail of Tears In 1830, Congress passed the Indian Removal Act, which authorized the President to negotiate treaties that exchanged Indian tribal lands in the eastern states for lands west of the Mississippi River. In 1834, a special Indian territory was established in what is now the eastern part of Oklahoma. In all, Native American tribes signed 94 treaties during Jackson's two terms, ceding thousands of square miles to the Federal government. The Cherokees insisted on their independence from state government authority and faced expulsion from their lands when a faction of Cherokees signed the Treaty of New Echota in 1835, obtaining money in exchange for their land. Despite protests from the elected Cherokee government and many white supporters, the Cherokees were forced to trek to the Indian Territory in 1838. Many died of disease and privation in what became known as the "Trail of Tears". Nullification Crisis Toward the end of his first term in office, Jackson was forced to confront the state of South Carolina on the issue of the protective tariff. The protective tariff passed by Congress and signed into law by Jackson in 1832 was milder than that of 1828, but it further embittered many in the state. In response, several South Carolina citizens endorsed the "states rights" principle of "nullification", which was enunciated by John C. Calhoun, Jackson's Vice President until 1832, in his South Carolina Exposition and Protest (1828). South Carolina dealt with the tariff by adopting the Ordinance of Nullification, which declared both the Tariff of 1828 and the Tariff of 1832 null and void within state borders. Nullification was only the most recent in a series of state challenges to the authority of the federal government. In response to South Carolina's threat, Jackson sent seven small naval vessels and a man-of-war to Charleston in November 1832. On December 10, he issued a resounding proclamation against the nullifiers. South Carolina, the President declared, stood on "the brink of insurrection and treason", and he appealed to the people of the state to reassert their allegiance to that Union for which their ancestors had fought. Senator Henry Clay, though an advocate of protection and a political rival of Jackson, piloted a compromise measure through Congress. Clay's 1833 compromise tariff specified that all duties more than 20% of the value of the goods imported were to be reduced by easy stages, so that by 1842, the duties on all articles would reach the level of the moderate tariff of 1816. The rest of the South declared South Carolina's course unwise and unconstitutional. Eventually, South Carolina rescinded its action. Jackson had committed the federal government to the principle of Union supremacy. South Carolina, however, had obtained many of the demands it sought and had demonstrated that a single state could force its will on Congress. Even before the nullification issue had been settled, another controversy arose to challenge Jackson's leadership. It concerned the rechartering of the Second Bank of the United States. The First Bank of the United States had been established in 1791, under Alexander Hamilton's guidance and had been chartered for a 20-year period. After the Revolutionary War, the United States had a large war debt to France and others, and the banking system of the fledgling nation was in disarray, as state banks printed their own currency, and the plethora of different bank notes made commerce difficult. Hamilton's national bank had been chartered to solve the debt problem and to unify the nation under one currency. While it stabilized the currency and stimulated trade, it was resented by Westerners and workers who believed that it was granting special favors to a few powerful men. When its charter expired in 1811, it was not renewed. For the next few years, the banking business was in the hands of State-Chartered banks, which issued currency in excessive amounts, creating great confusion and fueling inflation and concerns that state banks could not provide the country with a uniform currency. The absence of a national bank during the War of 1812 greatly hindered financial operations of the government; therefore a second Bank of the United States was created in 1816. From its inception, the Second Bank was unpopular in the newer states and territories and with less prosperous people everywhere. Opponents claimed the bank possessed a virtual monopoly over the country's credit and currency, and reiterated that it represented the interests of the wealthy elite. Jackson, elected as a popular champion against it, vetoed a bill to recharter the bank. He also personally detested banks due to a brush with bankruptcy in his youth. In his message to Congress, he denounced monopoly and special privilege, saying that "our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by act of Congress". In the election campaign that followed, the bank question caused a fundamental division between the merchant, manufacturing and financial interests (generally creditors who favored tight money and high interest rates), and the laboring and agrarian sectors, who were often in debt to banks and therefore favored an increased money supply and lower interest rates. The outcome was an enthusiastic endorsement of "Jacksonism". Jackson saw his reelection in 1832 as a popular mandate to crush the bank irrevocably; he found a ready-made weapon in a provision of the bank's charter authorizing removal of public funds. In September 1833 Jackson ordered that no more government money be deposited in the bank and that the money already in its custody be gradually withdrawn in the ordinary course of meeting the expenses of government. Carefully selected state banks, stringently restricted, were provided as a substitute. For the next generation, the US would get by on a relatively unregulated state banking system. This banking system helped fuel westward expansion through easy credit, but kept the nation vulnerable to periodic panics. It was not until the Civil War that the Federal government again chartered a national bank. Jackson groomed Martin van Buren as his successor, and he was easily elected president in 1836. However, a few months into his administration, the country fell into a deep economic slump known as the Panic of 1837, caused in large part by excessive speculation. Banks failed and unemployment soared. Although the depression had its roots in Jackson's economic policies, van Buren was blamed for the disaster. In the 1840 presidential election, he was defeated by the Whig candidate William Henry Harrison. However, his presidency would prove a non-starter when he fell ill with pneumonia and died after only a month in office. John Tyler, his vice president, succeeded him. Tyler was not popular since he had not been elected to the presidency, and was widely referred to as "His Accidency". The Whigs expelled him, and he became a president without a party. Age of Reform Spurred on by the Second Great Awakening, Americans entered a period of rapid social change and experimentation. New social movements arose, as well as many new alternatives to traditional religious thought. This period of American history was marked by the destruction of some traditional roles of society and the erection of new social standards. One of the unique aspects of the Age of Reform was that it was heavily grounded in religion, in contrast to the anti-clericalism that characterized contemporary European reformers. Second Great Awakening The Second Great Awakening was a Protestant religious revival movement that flourished in 1800–1840 in every region. It expressed Arminian theology by which every person could be saved through a direct personal confrontation with Jesus Christ during an intensely emotional revival meeting. Millions joined the churches, often new denominations. Many converts believed that the Awakening heralded a new millennial age, so that the Second Great Awakening stimulated the establishment of many reform movements designed to remedy the evils of society before the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. For example, the charismatic Charles Grandison Finney, in upstate New York and the Old Northwest was highly effective. At the Rochester Revival of 1830, prominent citizens concerned with the city's poverty and absenteeism had invited Finney to the city. The wave of religious revival contributed to tremendous growth of the Methodist, Baptists, Disciples, and other evangelical denominations. As the Second Great Awakening challenged the traditional beliefs of the Calvinist faith, the movement inspired other groups to call into question their views on religion and society. Many of these utopianist groups also believed in millennialism which prophesied the return of Christ and the beginning of a new age. The Harmony Society made three attempts to effect a millennial society with the most notable example at New Harmony, Indiana. Later, Scottish industrialist Robert Owen bought New Harmony and attempted to form a secular Utopian community there. Frenchman Charles Fourier began a similar secular experiment with his "phalanxes" that were spread across the Midwestern United States. However, none of these utopian communities lasted very long except for the Shakers. One of the earliest movements was that of the Shakers in which members of a community held all of their possessions in "common" and lived in a prosperous, inventive, self-supporting society, with no sexual activity. The Shakers, founded by an English immigrant to the United States Mother Ann Lee, peaked at around 6,000 in 1850 in communities from Maine to Kentucky. The Shakers condemned sexuality and demanded absolute celibacy. New members could only come from conversions, and from children brought to the Shaker villages. The Shakers persisted into the 20th century, but lost most of their originality by the middle of the 19th century. They are famed for their artistic craftsmanship, especially their furniture and handicrafts. The Perfectionist movement, led by John Humphrey Noyes, founded the utopian Oneida Community in 1848 with fifty-one devotees, in Oneida, New York. Noyes believed that the act of final conversion led to absolute and complete release from sin. Though their sexual practices were unorthodox, the community prospered because Noyes opted for modern manufacturing. Eventually abandoning religion to become a joint-stock company, Oneida thrived for many years and continues today as a silverware company. Joseph Smith also experienced a religious conversion in this era; under his guidance Mormon history began. Because of their unusual beliefs, which included recognition of the Book of Mormon as a supplement to the Bible, Mormons were rejected by mainstream Christians and forced to flee en masse from upstate New York to Ohio, to Missouri and then to Nauvoo, Illinois, where Smith was killed and they were again forced to flee. They Settled around the Great Salt Lake, then part of Mexico. In 1848, the region came under American control and later formed the Utah Territory. National policy was to suppress polygamy, and Utah was only admitted as a state in 1896 after the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints backtracked from Smith's demand that all the leaders practice polygamy. For Americans wishing to bridge the gap between the earthly and spiritual worlds, spiritualism provided a means of communing with the dead. Spiritualists used mediums to communicate between the living and the dead through a variety of different means. The most famous mediums, the Fox sisters claimed a direct link to the spirit world. Spiritualism would gain a much larger following after the heavy number of casualties during the Civil War; First Lady Mary Todd Lincoln was a believer. Other groups seeking spiritual awaking gained popularity in the mid-19th century. Philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson began the American transcendentalist movement in New England, to promote self-reliance and better understanding of the universe through contemplation of the over-soul. Transcendentalism was in essence an American offshoot of the Romantic movement in Europe. Among transcendentalists' core beliefs was an ideal spiritual state that "transcends" the physical, and is only realized through intuition rather than doctrine. Like many of the movements, the transcendentalists split over the idea of self-reliance. While Emerson and Henry David Thoreau promoted the idea of independent living, George Ripley brought transcendentalists together in a phalanx at Brook Farm to live cooperatively. Other authors such as Nathaniel Hawthorne and Edgar Allan Poe rejected transcendentalist beliefs. So many of these new religious and spiritual groups began or concentrated within miles of each other in upstate New York that this area was nicknamed "the burned-over district" because there were so few people left who had not experienced a conversion. Public schools movement Education in the United States had long been a local affair with schools governed by locally elected school boards. As with much of the culture of the United States, education varied widely in the North and the South. In the New England states public education was common, although it was often class-based with the working class receiving little benefits. Instruction and curriculum were all locally determined and teachers were expected to meet rigorous demands of strict moral behaviour. Schools taught religious values and applied Calvinist philosophies of discipline which included corporal punishment and public humiliation. In the South, there was very little organization of a public education system. Public schools were very rare and most education took place in the home with the family acting as instructors. The wealthier planter families were able to bring in tutors for instruction in the classics but many yeoman farming families had little access to education outside of the family unit. The reform movement in education began in Massachusetts when Horace Mann started the common school movement. Mann advocated a statewide curriculum and instituted financing of school through local property taxes. Mann also fought protracted battles against the Calvinist influence in discipline, preferring positive reinforcement to physical punishment. Most children learned to read and write and spell from Noah Webster's Blue Backed Speller and later the McGuffey Readers. The readings inculcated moral values as well as literacy. Most states tried to emulate Massachusetts, but New England retained its leadership position for another century. German immigrants brought in kindergartens and the Gymnasium (school), while Yankee orators sponsored the Lyceum movement that provided popular education for hundreds of towns and small cities. Asylum movement The social conscience that was raised in the early 19th century helped to elevate the awareness of mental illness and its treatment. A leading advocate of reform for mental illness was Dorothea Dix, a Massachusetts woman who made an intensive study of the conditions that the mentally ill were kept in. Dix's report to the Massachusetts state legislature along with the development of the Kirkbride Plan helped to alleviate the miserable conditions for many of the mentally ill. Although these facilities often fell short of their intended purpose, reformers continued to follow Dix's advocacy and call for increased study and treatment of mental illness. Zagarri (2007) argues the Revolution created an ongoing debate on the rights of women and created an environment favorable to women’s participation in politics. She asserts that for a brief decades, a "comprehensive transformation in women’s rights, roles, and responsibilities seemed not only possible but perhaps inevitable" (p. 8) However the opening of possibilities also engendered a backlash that actually set back the cause of women’s rights and led to a greater rigidity that marginalized women from political life. During the building of the new republic, American women were able to gain a limited political voice in what is known as republican motherhood. Under this philosophy, as promoted by leaders such as Abigail Adams, women were seen as the protectors of liberty and republicanism. Mothers were charged with passing down these ideals to their children through instruction of patriotic thoughts and feelings. During the 1830s and 1840s, many of the changes in the status of women that occurred in the post-Revolutionary period—such as the belief in love between spouses and the role of women in the home—continued at an accelerated pace. This was an age of reform movements, in which Americans sought to improve the moral fiber of themselves and of their nation in unprecedented numbers. The wife's role in this process was important because she was seen as the cultivator of morality in her husband and children. Besides domesticity, women were also expected to be pious, pure, and submissive to men. These four components were considered by many at the time to be "the natural state" of womanhood, echoes of this ideology still existing today. The view that the wife should find fulfillment in these values is called the Cult of True Womanhood or the Cult of Domesticity. In the South, tradition still abounded with society women on the pedestal and dedicated to entertaining and hosting others. This phenomenon is reflected in the 1965 book, The Inevitable Guest, based on a collection of letters by friends and relatives in North and South Carolina to Miss Jemima Darby, a distant relative of the author. Under the doctrine of two spheres, women were to exist in the “domestic sphere” at home while their husbands operated in the “public sphere” of politics and business. Women took on the new role of “softening” their husbands and instructing their children in piety and not republican values, while men handled the business and financial affairs of the family. Some doctors of this period even went so far as to suggest that women should not get an education, lest they divert blood away from the uterus to the brain and produce weak children. The coverture laws ensured that men would hold political power over their wives. Anti-slavery movements By 1800, many political leaders were convinced that slavery was undesirable, and should eventually be abolished, and the slaves returned to their natural homes in Africa. The American Colonization Society, which was active in both North and South, tried to implement these ideas and established the colony of Liberia in Africa as a means to repatriate slaves out of white society. Prominent leaders included Henry Clay and President James Monroe—who gave his name to Monrovia, the capital of Liberia. However after 1840 the abolitionists rejected the idea of repatriation to Africa. The slavery abolitionist movement among white Protestants was based on evangelical principles of the Second Great Awakening. Evangelist Theodore Weld led abolitionist revivals that called for immediate emancipation of slaves. William Lloyd Garrison founded The Liberator, an anti-slavery newspaper, and the American Anti-Slavery Society to call for abolition. A controversial figure, Garrison often was the focus of public anger. His advocacy of women's rights and inclusion of women in the leadership of the Society caused a rift within the movement. Rejecting Garrison's idea that abolition and women's rights were connected Lewis Tappan broke with the Society and formed the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. Most abolitionists were not as extreme as Garrison, who vowed that "The Liberator" would not cease publication until slavery was abolished. White abolitionists did not always face agreeable communities in the North. Garrison was almost lynched in Boston while newspaper publisher Elijah Lovejoy was killed in Alton, Illinois. The anger over abolition even spilled over into Congress where a gag rule was instituted to prevent any discussion of slavery on the floor of either chamber. Most whites viewed African-Americans as an inferior race and had little taste for abolitionists, often assuming that all were like Garrison. African-Americans had little freedom even in states where slavery was not permitted, being shunned by whites, subjected to discriminatory laws, and often forced to compete with Irish immigrants for menial, low-wage jobs. In the South meanwhile, planters argued that slavery was necessary to operate their plantations profitably and that emancipated slaves would attempt to Africanize the country as they had done in Haiti. Both free-born African American citizens and former slaves took on leading roles in abolitionism as well. By far the most prominent spokesperson for abolition in the African American community was Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave whose eloquent condemnations of slavery drew both crowds of supporters as well as threats against his life. Douglass was a keen user of the printed word both through his newspaper The North Star and three best-selling autobiographies. At one extreme David Walker published An Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World calling for African American revolt against white tyranny. The Underground Railroad helped some slaves out of the South through a series of trails and safe houses known as “stations.” Known as “conductors”, escaped slaves volunteered to return to the South to lead others to safety; former slaves, such as Harriet Tubman, risked their lives on these journeys. Women as abolitionists Angelia and Sarah Grimké were southerners who moved North to advocate against slavery. The American Anti-Slavery Society welcomed women. Garrison along with Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott were so appalled that women were not allowed to participate at the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London that they called for a women's rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York. It was at this convention that Sojourner Truth became recognized as a leading spokesperson for both abolition and women's rights. Women abolitionists increasingly began to compare women's situation with the plight of slaves. This new polemic squarely blamed men for all the restrictions of women's role, and argued that the relationship between the sexes was one-sided, controlling and oppressive. There were strong religious roots; most feminists emerged from the Quaker and Congregationalist churches in the Northeast. Alcohol consumption was another target of reformers in the 1850s. Americans drank heavily, which contributed to violent behaviour, crime, health problems, and poor workplace performance. Groups such as the American Temperance Society condemned liquor as being a scourge on society and urged temperance among their followers. The state of Maine attempted in 1851 to ban alcohol sales and production entirely, but it met resistance and was abandoned. The prohibition movement was forgotten during the Civil War, but would return in the 1870s. Economic growth In this period, the United States rapidly expanded economically from an agrarian nation into an industrial power. Industrialization in America involved two important developments. First, transportation was expanded. Second, improvements were made to industrial processes such as the use of interchangeable parts and railroads to ship goods more quickly. The government helped protect American manufacturers by passing a protective tariff. Social mobility The steady expansion and rapid population growth of the United States after 1815 contrasted sharply with static European societies, as visitors described the rough, sometimes violent, but on the whole hugely optimistic and forward-looking attitude of most Americans. While land ownership was something most Europeans could only dream of, contemporary accounts show that the average American farmer owned his land, fed his family afar more than European peasants, and could make provisions for land for his children. Europeans commonly talked of the egalitarianism of American society, which had no landed nobility and which theoretically allowed anyone regardless of birth to become successful. For example in Germany, the universities, the bureaucracy and the army officers required high family status; in Britain rich families purchased commissions in the army for their sons for tens of thousands of pounds. Rich merchants and factory owners did emerge in Europe, but they seldom had social prestige of political power. By contrast the US had more millionaires than any country in Europe by 1850. Most rich Americans had well-to-do fathers, but their grandfathers were of average wealth. Poor boys of the 1850s like Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller were two of the richest men in the world by 1900. Historians have emphasized that upward social mobility came in small steps over time, and over generations, with the Carnegie-like rags-to-riches scenario a rare one. Some ethnic groups (like Yankees, Irish and Jews) prized upward mobility, and emphasized education as the fastest route; other groups (such as Germans, Poles and Italians) emphasized family stability and home ownership more. Stagnant cities offered less mobility opportunities, leading the more ambitious young men to head to growth centers, often out west. Westward expansion After 1815 the United States shifted its attention away from foreign policy to internal development. With the defeat of the eastern Indians in the War of 1812, American settlers moved in great numbers into the rich farmlands of the Midwest. Westward expansion was mostly undertaken by groups of young families. Daniel Boone was one frontiersman who pioneered the settlement of Kentucky. In the 1830s, the federal government forcibly deported the southeastern tribes to their own reservations in the Indian territory (now Oklahoma) via the "Trail of Tears". There they received annual subsidies of food and supplies. Before the settlers arrived in the far west the fur trappers and Mountain men had their day. As skilled hunters, they trapped beaver for eventual sale to the European fashion industry. After the demise of the fur trade, they established trading posts throughout the west, continued trade with the Indians and served as guides and hunters for the western migration of settlers to Utah and the Pacific coast. Texas, Oregon, California and Manifest Destiny Manifest Destiny was the belief that American settlers were destined to expand across the continent. This concept was born out of "A sense of mission to redeem the Old World by high example ... generated by the potentialities of a new earth for building a new heaven". The phrase "Manifest Destiny" meant many different things to many different people, and was rejected by many Americans. Howe argues that, "American imperialism did not represent an American consensus; it provoked bitter dissent within the national polity." - "Most Democrats were wholehearted supporters of expansion, whereas many Whigs (especially in the North) were opposed. Whigs welcomed most of the changes wrought by industrialization but advocated strong government policies that would guide growth and development within the country's existing boundaries; they feared (correctly) that expansion raised a contentious issue the extension of slavery to the territories. On the other hand, many Democrats feared industrialization the Whigs welcomed....For many Democrats, the answer to the nation's social ills was to continue to follow Thomas Jefferson's vision of establishing agriculture in the new territories in order to counterbalance industrialization." Manifest destiny did however provide the rhetorical tone for the largest acquisition of U.S. territory. It was used by Democrats in the 1840s to justify the war with Mexico. It was also used to threaten war with Britain, but President Polk negotiated a compromise that divided the region half and half. Merk concludes: - "From the outset Manifest Destiny — vast in program, in its sense of continentalism — was slight in support. It lacked national, sectional, or party following commensurate with its bigness. The reason was it did not reflect the national spirit. The thesis that it embodied nationalism, found in much historical writing, is backed by little real supporting evidence." Mexican–American War 1846-48 After a bitter debate in Congress the Republic of Texas was voluntarily annexed in 1845, which Mexico had repeatedly warned meant war. In May 1846, Congress declared war on Mexico after Mexican troops massacred a U.S. Army detachment in a disputed unsettled area. However the homefront was polarized as Whigs opposed and Democrats supported the war. The U.S. Army, augmented by tens of thousands of volunteers, under the command of General Zachary Taylor defeated Santa Anna's in northern Mexico while other American forces quickly took possession of New Mexico and California. Mexico continued to resist despite a chaotic political situation, and so Polk launched an invasion of the country's heartland. A new American army led by Winfield Scott occupied the port of Veracruz, and pressed inland amid bloody fighting. Santa Anna offered to cede Texas and California north of Monterrey Bay, but negotiations broke down and the fighting resumed. In September 1847, Scott's army captured Mexico City. Santa Anna was forced to flee and a provisional government began the task of negotiating peace. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was signed on February 2, 1848. It recognized the Rio Grande as the southern boundary of Texas and ceded what is now the states of California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico to the United States, while also paying Mexico $15,000,000 for the territory. In the presidential election of 1848, Zachary Taylor ran as a Whig and won easily when the Democrats split, even though he was an apolitical military man who never voted in his life. Scott became the last Whig candidate for president in 1852, and he lost badly. With Texas and Florida having been admitted to the union as slave states in 1845, California was entered as a free state in 1850 after its state convention unanimously voted to ban slavery. Major events in the western movement of the U.S. population were the Homestead Act, a law by which, for a nominal price, a settler was given title to 160 acres (65 ha) of land to farm; the opening of the Oregon Territory to settlement; the Texas Revolution; the opening of the Oregon Trail; the Mormon Emigration to Utah in 1846–47; the California Gold Rush of 1849; the Colorado Gold Rush of 1859; and the completion of the nation's First Transcontinental Railroad on May 10, 1869. See also - Timeline of United States history (1790–1819) - History of the United States (1849–1865) - First Party System - First Great Awakening - Second Party System - Interregional slave trade - Norman K. Risjord, "1812: Conservatives, War Hawks, and the Nation's Honor". William And Mary Quarterly 1961 18(2): 196–210. in JSTOR - Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848 (2007), which is dedicated to the memory of John Quincy Adams. - Joel H. Silbey, Storm over Texas: The Annexation Controversy and the Road to Civil War (2007) - Forrest McDonald, The Presidency of George Washington (American Presidency Series) (1988) - Charles Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History, Vol. 1: 1789–1821 (1926) - Max M. Edling, and Mark D. Kaplanoff, "Alexander Hamilton's Fiscal Reform: Transforming the Structure of Taxation in the Early Republic," William and Mary Quarterly, Oct 2004, Vol. 61 Issue 4, pp 713-744 - George E. Connor, "The politics of insurrection: A comparative analysis of the Shays', Whiskey, and Fries' Rebellions," Social Science Journal, 1992, Vol. 29 Issue 3, pp 259-81 - George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776 (2008) p. 80 - Stanley M. Elkins, and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800 (1994), ch. 9 - James Sharp, American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (1995) - William Nisbet Chambers, The First Party System: Federalists and Republicans (1972) p. v - Francis N. Thorpe, ed "A Letter from Jefferson on the Political Parties, 1798," American Historical Review v.3#3 (April 1898) pp 488–89 - Ralph A. Brown, Presidency of John Adams (American Presidency Series) (1975) - Kevin Gutzman, "The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions Reconsidered: 'An Appeal to the Real Laws of Our Country,'" Journal of Southern History 66 (2000), pp 473-96. - Alexander De Conde, The quasi-war: the politics and diplomacy of the undeclared war with France 1797–1801 (1966). - Jean Edward Smith, John Marshall: Definer of a Nation (1996) - Whitman H. Ridgway, "Fries in the Federalist Imagination: A Crisis of Republican Society," Pennsylvania History, Jan 2000, Vol. 67 Issue 1, pp 141-160 - LaGreca, Gen. Happy Birthday, Thomas Jefferson. Front Page Magazine: April 13, 2007 - Paul Finkelman, "Regulating the African Slave Trade," Civil War History Volume: 54#4 (2008) pp 379+. - Marshall Smelser, The Democratic Republic: 1801–1815 (1968) ch 7-8 - Bradford Perkins, Prologue to war: England and the United States, 1805-1812 (1961) full text online - Walter R. Borneman, 1812: The War That Forged a Nation (2005) - Jean Edward Smith, John Marshall: Definer of a Nation (1998) - George Dangerfield, The awakening of American nationalism, 1815–1828 (1965) - David Waldstreicher, "The Birth of Modern Politics: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and the Election of 1828./Vindicating Andrew Jackson: The 1828 Election and the Rise of the Two Party System," Journal of the Early Republic, Winter 2010, Vol. 30 Issue 4, pp 674-678 - Sean Wilentz, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (2006) ch 8-16 - W. Stephen Belko, The invincible Duff Green: Whig of the West (2006) pp 240-1 - Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. History of U.S. Political Parties: 1789-1860: From fractions to parties (1973) - Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2000) pp 22-42 - Edward S. Kaplan, The Bank of the United States and the American Economy (1999) - Bray Hammond, Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (1967)p. 406 - Paul S. Boyer, Clifford Clark, and Sandra Hawley, The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People: to 1877 (2009) p 226 - Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (1957) - Sydney Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (1972) ch 27-30 - Dickson D. Bruce, Jr., And They All Sang Hallelujah: Plain Folk Camp-Meeting Religion, 1800–1845 (1974) - Stephen J. Stein, The Shaker Experience in America: A History of the United Society of Believers (1994) - Hillebrand, Randall (February 20, 2008). "The Shakers / Oneida Community (Part Two): The Oneida Community". New York History Net: For Historians and Students of New York History and Culture. Albany, NY: Institute for New York State Studies. Retrieved December 14, 2009. - Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling (2007) - Barbara Weisberg, Talking to the Dead: Kate and Maggie Fox and the Rise of Spiritualism (2005) - Philip F. Gura, American Transcendentalism: A History (2008) - Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (1950) - Judith Wellman, Grassroots Reform in the Burned-over District of Upstate New York: Religion, Abolitionism, and Democracy (2000) excerpt and text search - Rosemarie Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic (2007). 233 pp - Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860", American Quarterly Vol. 18, No. 2, Part 1 (Summer, 1966), pp. 151–174 in JSTOR - "Books: The Inevitable Guest". The Alcalde: The University of Texas Alumni Magazine 54 (1): 33. September 1965. Retrieved July 14, 2010. - Eric Burin, Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society (University Press of Florida, 2005) - Stanley Harrold, The American Abolitionists (Longman, 2000) - Fergus M Bordewich, Bound for Canaan: The Underground Railroad and the War for the Soul of America (2005) - Lori D. Ginzberg. Elizabeth Cady Stanton: An American Life (2010) - "Boston Manufacturing Company Collection". Women, Enterprise and Society: A Guide to Resources in the Business Manuscripts Collection at Baker Library (in "Collections: Women at Work: Manual Labor: Factory Labor: Textiles" section). Boston, MA: Harvard Business School, Harvard U. 2009 [copyright date]. Retrieved December 14, 2009. - George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (1951) - Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress, Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (1964) - Steven A. Riess, "The Impact of Poverty and Progress on the Generation of Historians Trained in the Late 1960s and Early 1970s," Social Science History Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1986), pp. 23-32 in JSTOR reviews numerous studies of mobility - Theda Perdue and Michael Green, The Cherokee Nation and the Trail of Tears (2007) - LeRoy R. Hafen and Harvey L. Carter, Mountain Men and Fur Traders of the Far West: Eighteen Biographical Sketches (1982) - Frederick Merk (1963). Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. Harvard University Press. p. 3. - Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America 1815-1848, (2007) pp 705-6 - John Mack Faragher et al. Out of Many: A History of the American People, (2nd ed. 1997) page 413 - Frederick Merk (1963). Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. Harvard University Press. p. 215. Further reading - Finkelman, Paul, ed. Encyclopedia of the New American Nation, 1754–1829 (3 vol., 2005), 1600 pp. - Finkelman, Paul, ed. Encyclopedia of the United States in the Nineteenth Century (3 vol., 2000), 1500pp - Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848 (Oxford History of the United States) (2007); Pulitzer prize excerpt and text search - Wood, Gordon. Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 (Oxford History of the United States) (2009) excerpt and text search Political history - Dangerfield, George. The Awakening of American Nationalism: 1815-1828 (1965) - Miller, John C. The Federalist Era: 1789-1801 (1960) - Smelser, Marshall. The Democratic Republic, 1801-1815 (1968) - Van Deusen, Glyndon G. The Jacksonian Era: 1828-1848 (1963) - White, G. Edward. The Marshall Court and Cultural Change, 1815–1835 (1990), legal history - Wilentz, Sean. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (2005) Interpretations of the spirit of the age - Henry Adams: History of the United States During the Administrations of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison v. 1 ch. 1–5 on America in 1800 - Appleby, Joyce. Inheriting the Revolution: the First Generation of Americans. 2000. Covers the period from 1790 to 1830 through the lives of those born after 1776. - Miller, Perry. The Life of the Mind in America: From the Revolution to The Civil War (1965) - Myers, Marvin. The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (1957) - Parrington, Vernon. Main Currents in American Thought (1927) (Vol 2: the Romantic Revolution, 1800–1860) online - Pessen, Edward. Jacksonian America: Society, Personality, and Politics (1978). - Sellers, Charles. The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America 1815–46 - Skeen, C. Edward. 1816: America Rising. 2004 surveys postwar America & sees a new nation being born - McKnight, Brian D., and James S. Humphreys, eds. The Age of Andrew Jackson: Interpreting American History (Kent State University Press; 2012) 156 pages; historiography Social history - Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans: The National Experience (1967) excerpt and text search - Clark, Christopher. Social Change in America: From the Revolution to the Civil War (2007) excerpt and text search - Larkin, Jack. The Reshaping of Everyday Life, 1790–1840 (1988) excerpt and text search |Wikibooks has a book on the topic of: US History| - Frontier History of the United States at Thayer's American History site - A New Nation Votes: American Election Returns, 1787-1825

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antebellum_Age

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Cuba in 1898 José M. Hernandez In 1898 Cuba was a geopolitical aberration. Lying only 90 miles from the Florida keys, astride the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, it was separated from Spain by the vast expanse of the Atlantic Ocean. Yet Cuba remained one of Spain's two colonies in the New World. (The other was Puerto Rico.) It was governed from Madrid much as it had been governed since it was first occupied and settled by the Spaniards in 1511. Not that Cubans were as compliant in 1898 as they had been during most of the colonial period, especially when the other Spanish Americans severed their ties with the mother country in the 1820s. At that time Cuba was evolving from a slowly growing colony into the world's leading sugar producer, a development that required the importation of steadily increasing numbers of African slaves. As a result, by 1840 there were in the island approximately 430,000 slaves, approximately 60 percent of the population was black or mulatto. Fearing a repetition of the upheaval that wiped out Haiti's white planter class in 1791, Cuban creoles (native born Cubans of European descent) refrained from imitating their mainland counterparts and risk all in a bloody and ruinous confrontation with the metropolis' military might. After the rest of the Spanish American empire disintegrated, nevertheless, Cuba's colonial government gradually turned more despotic. The members of the planter class and the intellectuals who had initially opposed independence then began to show their dissatisfaction. Some, favoring reform over revolution, opted for demanding self-government within the framework of the empire. Others sought annexation to the United States as a means of gaining political and economic freedom while preserving slavery. Neither movement made any headway. Annexationism became impractical after the U.S. Civil War. And the prospect of concessions from Spain faded out after the failure in April 1867 of the Junta de Información convened by the Madrid government to discuss the reforms demanded by the Cubans. Feeling the impact of increased taxation and an international economic crisis, a group of planters, cattlemen and other patriots raised the banner of independence on 10 October 1868. Thus began the Ten Years' War. The Cubans were unable to overthrow Spanish power in the island, but nevertheless the old colony based on slavery and aristocracy passed away after the strife had ended with a "no-victors" peace in 1878. The long- established dictatorial government machine was dismantled, and, at least in theory, Cubans were assured representation in the Cortes (the Spanish parliament) and some elective institutions at home. An emancipation law was enacted in 1880, and six years later slavery finally came to an end. Cuban society then began to evolve gradually toward a more egalitarian pattern of racial relations, which were markedly less tense than in the United States. At the same time, owing to a great influx of Spanish immigrants (about 709,000 arrived between 1868 and 1894), Cuba's population underwent a process of intensive Hispanization, particularly noticeable in the principal cities. Cuba's economy became even more closely linked with that of the United States than it had been earlier in the century. On the one hand, the tobacco industry was partially transplanted to the North American south. On the other, due to a sharp drop of sugar prices that took place from early 1884, the old Cuban "sugar nobility," unable to mechanize and cut costs, began to disintegrate and lose its dominant role in the island's economy and society. This facilitated U.S. penetration of the Cuban economy. Sugar estates and mining interests passed from Spanish and Cuban to U.S. hands, and it was U.S. capital, machinery and technicians that helped to save the sugar mills that remained competitive with European beet sugar. Furthermore, as the dependence of Cuban sugar on the U.S. market increased, the Cuban sugar producers were more and more at the mercy of the U.S. refiners to whom they sold their raw sugar. In 1894 nearly 90 percent of Cuba's exports went to the United States, which in turn provided Cuba with 38 percent of its imports. That same year Spain took only 6 percent of Cuba's exports, providing it with just 35 percent of its imports. Clearly, Spain had ceased to be Cuba's economic metropolis. By this time the nationalistic spirit ignited and solidified by the Ten Years' War had brought forth an organized pro- independence movement such as had never been seen in Cuba before. It was a multiracial and multiclass movement, with a strong grass-roots character. Its leaders were no longer members of the creole elite, but men of modest social origin. Its inspirational guide and promoter was José Martí, a middle class poet and journalist. Sometime in 1894 Martí determined that conditions in the island were ripe for another bid for independence. The economic situation was critical as a consequence of the cancellation of a trade agreement with the United States. It had become clear, besides, that Spain's much heralded plans for ruling Cuba as just another Spanish province were mere "traps for the gullible." Fighting broke out again on 24 February 1895 with several uprisings in the east of the island. Blacks and mulattoes became the backbone of what subsequently came to be the Cuban liberating army. The new war was still raging in 1898, notwithstanding the 220,285 men sent by Spain to choke it off, the largest army ever to cross the Atlantic until the Second World War. At first the rebels had been able to wage a successful campaign and push on from the east to the west, where the sugar heart of the island was located. But then Spain had bestirred itself and appointed as commander-in- chief ruthless General Valeriano Weyler, who regained the initiative with the support of substantial reinforcements. Seeking to starve out the rebels operating in the countryside, he herded the rural population into garrisoned towns, where bad and inadequate food and lack of sanitation brought death to thousands of peasants -- some 50,000 in Havana province alone. These extreme measures nevertheless failed to crush the insurrection, because the rebels retreated to rural areas in the eastern provinces and from there carried on guerrilla operations. The war thus settled down to one of attrition and destruction. Since the Spaniards were unable to defeat the rebels and the rebels lacked the resources to drive them from the island, no one knew for certain how long it would continue. This is not what Martí (who was killed in one of the first skirmishes) had had in mind. Having lived for many years in New York as an exile, he knew that the United States had always coveted Cuba and was aware of the circuitous ways of North American expansionism. He feared that if Cuba's struggle for independence continued indefinitely without the imminent prospect of success it would create conditions leading to U.S. intervention and ultimately to the annexation of the island. At one point he even came to believe, rightly or wrongly, that there existed an "iniquitous plan to put pressure on the island and drive it to war so as to fabricate a pretext to intervene in its affairs and with the credit earned as guarantor and mediator keep it as its own." For this reason he thought that Cubans had to achieve a quick victory and then present Washington with their political emancipation as an accomplished fact. Otherwise, they could very well shed their blood merely to exchange one master for another. Martí's fears would have been even greater had he had an inkling of how vulnerable to foreign penetration Cuba would be after three and a half years of devastating military operations. The island lay in ruins. The conflict, combined with the Spanish- U.S. tariff controversy of the 1890s, had destroyed two-thirds of its productive capacity. Close to 20 percent of its prewar estimated population of 1,800,000 had perished, and for those who survived the future was bleak indeed. Cubans had no capital and were heavily in debt. They lacked the resources needed for the reconstruction of the country. The poverty-stricken masses, which included a sizable (roughly 500,000) and even poorer black or mulatto minority, was inarticulate, largely illiterate (about 60 percent of the total), and apathetic. Whatever was left of the depressed sugar aristocracy had finally succumbed. Thus Cuba could no longer count on the stabilizing influence of a strong civilian elite. It is true Cuba had developed a well defined Spanish type of society, and that a real national tradition had been in the making in the country for many decades. But the loyalist merchants, speculators, and government officials had also lost their preeminence, and many Cubans had come to hate and despise everything Spanish, thinking only of the corruption and oppressiveness of Spanish rule. There were, too, upper class Cubans (and Spaniards, of course) who did not share the independentistas love of the fatherland and its symbols: flag and anthem. These elements thought of the rebellion against Spain as a racial and social struggle for control of the island, and predicted that upon the withdrawal of the Spaniards it would sink into anarchy, racial warfare, and perhaps an Hispaniola-like division into two parts, sought annexation to the United States as a means of preserving their wealth. This attitude was partly due to the fact that among noncombatant Cubans there was none of any social standing capable of exercising some sort of leadership at the time. In the other Spanish American republics, during the critical transition to independent life, there had been at least one institution endowed with influence and authority: the Catholic Church. But since the bishops of the Cuban Church as well as many priests identified themselves totally with the Spanish side during the war, at war's end the Church was politically discredited as an institution. It had reached the nadir of its prestige. In 1898 consequently there was only one political force still operative on the Cuban scene, and that was that of the partisans of independence, of whom the most compact and substantial component was the liberating army. When Washington entered the Cuban struggle for independence and eventually destroyed the rebel military organization and the institutions it had created, Cuba became a tabula rasa politically once more.

http://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/hernandez.html

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Alexander Hamilton was the first Secretary of the Treasury for the United States, serving under President George Washington from September 11, 1789 to January 31, 1795. Soon after attaining the office Hamilton issued a series of reports on the state of the nation's debt. In order to finance the Revolutionary War, the United States and the individual 13 colonies had borrowed money from the nations of Europe ($12 million) and from its own citizens ($42 million). The fledgling United States had a credit problem. Until they could show that they would repay the debt, it was unlikely that anyone would lend the nation a large amount of money. Hamilton proposed a plan, known today as the Hamiltonian economic program, that would repay the debt and secure the reputation of the United States. The plan called for the issuance of bonds with an interest rate of 4%. The principal of the debt would not be paid, but interest would, thus those who lent money to the country had a vested interest in its long term survival. The most controversial aspect of Hamilton's plan involved the debt racked up by individual states. His plan called for the Federal government to assume the states' debts. James Madison and Thomas Jefferson opposed Hamilton's plan, believing that it over-extended the Federal government's powers as defined in the constitution. Hamilton's plan finally won out, but not before Madison and Jefferson formed the Democratic-Republican political party (and the proponents of Hamilton's plan formed the Federalist Party). A two-party system was born. On July 14, 1798, the Alien and Sedition Acts was signed into law by President John Adams. This consisted of four laws that were designed to secure the nation, but also helped out the Federalist Party. The Naturalization Act required aliens to live in the country for 14 years — up from the original five years — before they could become citizens. Since many of the people who joined the Democratic-Republican Party were immigrants, this law was designed to hurt that party in favour of the Federalists as only citizens could vote. The Sedition Act also put limits on what people could say about the government. This law was designed to hamper anti-Federalist opposition. Interestingly, the law made it illegal to criticize the president, but it did not prevent criticism of the vice president. At the time, Thomas Jefferson was the vice president. He ran against John Adams, but the rules during Adams' election held that the man who received the second most votes for president became the vice president. Some states governments disliked giving the Federal government more power than they had at the nation's founding. The method of arguing against unconstitutional legislation was unclear. For this reason, Madison and Jefferson decided to fight the law by unseating the Federalists. They were consulted on two documents that would become known as the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. These two documents stated essentially the same thing, that the states had the right to nullify or invalidate any Federal law the state deemed unconstitutional (this principle was known as nullification), and that the states had the right to protect the liberties of its own citizens, even against the Federal government (the principle of interposition). Jefferson wrote the set of Kentucky Resolutions, which were passed by the Kentucky legislature on November 16, 1798. An additional resolution was passed on December 3, 1799. Madison wrote the Virginia Resolution, which was passed by the Virginia legislature on December 24, 1798. Madison and Jefferson hoped that the other states would follow with similar resolutions, but nothing came of it. Madison himself eventually joined forces with the Federalists (in establishing the nation's capitol on the Potomac River on the border of Maryland and Virginia, later to become Washington, D.C.). Even though other states did not follow Kentucky's and Virginia's example, the Resolutions had the desired effect. The people voted against the Federalists and they lost their grip on power. The Alien and Sedition Act expired when Adams' term as president ended in 1800. Nothing was set in the constitution to eliminate nullification or interposition. As such, the Southern Confederacy would later use these resolutions as justification for secession from the Union. The country's first secession crisis occurred not in the South, but in the North. The administration of Thomas Jefferson (1801 to 1809) pursued anti-foreign trade policies, particularly the Embargo Act of 1807 and Non-Intercourse Act of 1809. These were unpopular in the Northeastern states, which did a lot of trade with Europe in general and Great Britain in particular. James Madison, a Democratic-Republican, was elected president in 1809. He started the War of 1812 with Britain, which lasted from 1812 until 1815. Like the Embargo Act and the Non-Intercourse Act, the war affected trade with Britain, making it unpopular in New England. The Massachusetts state legislature called for a convention to discuss several amendments to the constitution that would protect the rights of the New England states. They met in secret in Hartford, Connecticut from December 15, 1814 until January 5, 1815. The amendments they proposed would never have been ratified by the country at large, but that did not matter. Their mere existence was designed to embarrass the ruling Democratic-Republican Party. Along with the amendments, the delegates discussed the idea of seceding from the United States, either to form their own republic or to reunite with Great Britain. Due to the secret — and potentially treasonous — nature of the meeting, no written notes were kept, so no one is sure what was said or by whom. The convention made no formal resolution, but Massachusetts did send three delegates to Washington, D.C. in order to negotiate the state's secession from the Union. The delegates arrived in Washington in February, 1815, just in time to hear of the signing of the Treaty of Ghent and of Andrew Jackson's victory at the Battle of New Orleans. The War of 1812 was over. Trade with Britain could resume. The reason for Massachusetts secession no longer existed, so the delegates slipped back to their home state. Due to the Hartford Convention and Massachusetts' abortive attempt at secession, the Federalist Party was seen as pro-secession. This made the party less popular in the South. The party collapsed, though it lived on for a few more years in Massachusetts. In 1819 the question of Missouri's entry into the Union as a state fueled a debate between pro- and anti-slavery factions. Alabama was admitted into the Union as a slave state on December 14, 1819. This meant that the number of free states and slave states was equal in the Union. Since each state had two senators, slave and free states had the same representation in the U.S. Senate. Missouri was up for entry as a state, as was Maine. The bill in the House to admit Maine (which passed on January 3, 1820) declared that Maine would be free. This brought to the fore the question of whether or not Missouri would be a slave state. If it was a slave state there would continue to be free and slave state parity in the Senate. If Missouri was a free state, the balance of power in the Senate would shift to the free states. A bill was passed before the House of Representatives allowing Missouri to become a state only if its constitution outlawed slavery within its borders. The Senate decided to connect the Maine bill and Missouri bill in one Senate bill. The Senate's bill had two additional amendments over the bill passed in the House: Missourians would be allowed to write their own state constitution, and slavery would be excluded from the Missouri Territory north of latitude 36° 30' (the Southern border of the proposed state of Missouri), except within the limits of the state of Missouri itself. This second amendment was proposed by Jesse Burgess Thomas of Illinois. The House rejected this combined bill, and the law was handed over to a committee to reconcile the House and Senate bills. The committee came up with a compromise bill. The bill became known as the Missouri Compromise (also known as the Missouri Compromise of 1820). The Maine and Missouri bills were split into two pieces of legislation. Thomas' amendment to exclude slavery North of latitude 36° 30' except within the confines of the proposed state of Missouri was included with the Missouri bill, which became an "enabling act" (meaning that Missouri would be made a state once its constitution was written and Congress accepted it). The House requirement that Missouri be a free state was removed from the bill. The Compromise would admit Maine into the Union as a free state. If Missouri chose to be a slave state then the balance of power would continue to be equal in the Senate. The Maine bill was passed on March 5, 1820, and the Missouri enabling act was passed on March 6. Missouri's constitution was written, and admission of Missouri into the Union came before Congress in the 1820–21 legislative session. There was some debate over a clause in Missouri's constitution that excluded "free negroes and mulattoes" from the state. Henry Clay, an influential Virginia-born representative for Kentucky — later, as a U.S. senator, he would by instrumental in defusing the Nullification Crisis — convinced Congress to allow Missouri into the Union as a state but with an additional clause added to the law. The clause stated that the Missouri constitution should "never be construed to authorize the passage of any law" impairing the privileges and immunities of any U.S. citizen. This clause is sometimes called the Second Missouri Compromise. Clay's clause was accepted and Missouri joined the Union on August 10, 1821 as a slave state. The ambiguously written clause would later be interpreted to mean that free blacks and mulattoes were not citizens of the United States, though that was not the purpose or the intention of the clause. The primary result of the Missouri Compromise was to exclude slavery North of the 36° 30' line (except in Missouri). The compromise would hold until the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 and the Supreme Court decision in the Dred Scott case in 1857. A recession hit the economies of Europe in the wake of the War of 1812 and the Napoleonic Wars. This led Britain to aggressively sell its goods in America at prices American manufacturers could not match. To protect American manufacturers, who were located primarily in the Northeastern states, Congress passed a protective tariff in 1816. A tariff is a fee applied to imported goods. It has two functions: it raises the price of imported goods, making local goods more competitive, and it produces revenue for the Federal government. The tax rate of the 1816 tariff was raised in 1824, and again in 1828. These tariffs were unpopular in the South. The South was more heavily agrarian than the North, so they had to import manufactured goods from Northern states or from foreign countries. The 1828 tariff was particularly unpopular and was called the "Tariff of Abominations". Not only did the cost of manufactured goods go up in the South, the tariff reduced the sale of British manufactured textile goods in the U.S., which in turn resulted in reduced demand for Southern cotton in the United Kingdom. The Southern economy was faced with increased costs and decreased revenue. The 1828 tariff was signed by President John Quincy Adams. Signing the bill was partially the reason he lost the 1828 election. Many Southern farmers saw Andrew Jackson, and his South Carolina running mate John C. Calhoun, as opponents of the tariff. Jackson became president when he won one of the dirtiest election campaigns in U.S. history. Even though he was Jackson's running mate, Calhoun wasn't above stirring up trouble for the administration. He wrote his South Carolina Exposition and Protest in 1828. It called for South Carolina to secede from the Union if its demands for eliminating the tariff were not met. In 1832 Jackson signed into law a milder version of the 1828 tariff, but that did not stop Southern farmers from feeling betrayed. South Carolina adopted an Ordinance of Nullification, declaring that the 1828 and 1832 tariffs were null and void within the state of South Carolina. It was passed by the state's legislature on November 24, 1832. In response, Congress passed the Force Bill and Jackson sent seven small naval vessels and a man-of-war to Charleston, South Carolina. On December 10, 1832 Jackson threatened to send government troops into the state to enforce the tariff. South Carolina hoped that other states would join them in opposing the Federal government, but none did. Henry Clay negotiated a compromise in 1833 that defused the situation. The tariff would be rolled back to 1816 levels over the next nine years. This measure was quickly passed and the crisis was over. The Nullification Crisis is important in retrospect because it showed that a single state could stand up to Congress. It also displayed the growing schism between the North and the South over economic issues. None of the foregoing events precipitated the American Civil War. Few people during any of these situations thought that hostilities would boil over into armed conflict. Nevertheless, these crises were important milestones on the road to the war for the following reasons: The most important point is the third one. The Constitution was vague as to whether or not a state could legally secede from the Union. When the Thirteen Colonies broke away from Britain they formed a loose confederation. The nation known as the United States developed over a decade later when it was obvious that certain aspects of government was best done for the colony as a whole, including defense and taxation to pay off the Revolutionary War's debt. The tightly knit country that exists today did not exist until the 20th century. People's loyalty lay first with their state, then with the Federal government. Certainly several states believed that secession was entirely legal. After the Nullification Crisis, Congress should have made the question unambiguous, either by amending the constitution to make secession impossible or by amending the constitution to include a mechanism for a state's secession. The constitution was not amended. The question of secession's legality was not resolved. The constitution's vague position on the role of the Federal government was not clarified. To many people, particularly in the South, secession remained an option at a point in time when different parts of the country began to differ in their views on a number of issues, the most important being slavery. Beginning with South Carolina's threat to secede during the Nullification Crisis, some in the North complained that the South had too much political influence. The Democratic-Republicans morphed into the Democratic Party, and the Whig Party formed in 1832 to oppose them. For a decade and a half after the Nullification Crisis the issue of slavery and Southern influence simmered without resolution. The Northeast became more industrialized. Social reformers and abolitionists gained prominence in the North, while the South exerted greater influence over the federal government. There was no specific crisis between North and South until after the Mexican-American War (1845–48), but there was a deepening schism between slave and free states. This schism was evident in the formation of the free soil movement in the 1840s and the creation of the Free Soil Party in 1848. The Free Soil Party had limited success and its presidential candidate, Martin Van Buren, failed to win a single electoral college vote in 1848 presidential election. The relative calm of the 1830s and 1840s was shattered in the 1850s. Southern influence (and politicians willing to compromise in order to gain that influence) along with social upheaval led to a series of political and economic crises that propelled the nation toward civil war. A piece of legislation, later known as the Wilmot Proviso, would have outlawed slavery in any territory gained from Mexico in the Mexican-American War. It was written by Congressman Jacob Brinkerhoff of Ohio, but it was presented by David Wilmot — a Democrat from Pennsylvania — because Wilmot had a better standing in Congress. The Proviso was attached to several bills beginning in 1848, but it was never passed. The Proviso polarized public opinion on slavery in the territories. Free soil Northerners supported it. Southerners, who saw slaves as property and thus believed their property was protected by the Constitution, opposed it. In retaliation, strong opposition developed in the South against attempts to bar slavery while the country was expanding. California was to be admitted into the Union as a free (non-slave) state, but that was seen by Southerners as unbalancing the number of slave and non-slave states. This had important implications in the senate where each state had the same representation. The Wilmot Proviso, if passed, would further exacerbate the slave/non-slave balance by outlawing slaves in the other Mexican territories. Meanwhile, Texas claimed all of the territory east of the Rio Grande River, including Santa Fe, while residents of the New Mexico territory claimed Santa Fe as their capitol. The Texas government was willing to take Santa Fe by force, and the Federal government under President Zachary Taylor was willing to send troops to stop them. To solve all of these problems, a compromise solution was enacted. Henry Clay, who negotiated the end of the Nullification Crisis and who was instrumental in the Missouri Compromise of 1820, wrote part of this compromise (and took credit for all of it). It was Senator Stephen Douglas, a Democrat from Illinois, who was responsible for guiding it through Congress. The Compromise had five parts: Southern Democrats, led by Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, did not like the compromise because it meant admitting California as a non-slave state and Texas giving up territorial claims. They were also against the idea of states deciding whether or not they were free or slave for themselves. Such freedom could undo the delicate balance of slave and free states in the Senate. Northern Whigs hated the bill because it ignored the Wilmot Proviso and included the draconian Fugitive Slave Act. Northern Democrats and Southern Whigs (many of the latter were from border states where fugitive slaves were a problem) supported the law. Whig President Zachary Taylor tried to sidestep the compromise by admitting California and New Mexico right away as free states, a move that was not popular in the South. Vice President John C. Calhoun gave a speech against the bills on March 3, 1850. He was so physically weak that he had to be carried into the Senate chamber and Senator James Mason had to read the speech. Calhoun died four weeks later. The bills were bundled into one big "omnibus" bill, which did not pass. President Taylor participated in ceremonies at the Washington Monument on July 4, but then came down ill with acute indigestion. He died on July 9. With the support of the new president, Millard Filmore, the five individual bills passed between September 9 through September 20, 1850. The most controversial of the laws was the Fugitive Slaves Act. It required law officers in non-slave states to apprehend fugitive slaves. Anyone helping a fugitive slave could be fined and/or imprisoned. The slave himself did not have the right to a trial, and could be captured simply if the alleged owner swore that the fugitive was his slave, with or without documentation to back it up. This act was terribly unpopular in the North. Opposition to the law, particularly in Boston, resulted in open violation of it. There were cases where mobs were organized to specifically prevent the enforcement of the law. Opposition in the South to the other parts of the Compromise (particularly those involving California and Texas) caused several Southern states to consider nullification and secession in 1851. State conventions to discuss the matter were convened, but the conventions were dominated by Unionists; secession was thwarted. The Mississippi convention went so far as to deny that states had a right to secede. South Carolina's convention was the only one not to vote for "no secession", as that wasn't even presented as an option. Instead, they voted on the option of "no secession without the collaboration of other states." This option passed. Ironically, if nullification had been clarified and legalized within the Constitution, Northern states could have used it to completely ignore the Fugitive Slaves Act. With the United States now stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean, a railroad was needed to connect the two halves of the country. Senator Stephen Douglas wanted Chicago, in his home state of Illinois, to be a hub of this important railroad. To gain support from Southerners for a Northern route across the country he proposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854. The Kansas-Nebraska Act would have all remaining territories from the Louisiana Purchase decide "all questions pertaining to slavery" in their own legislatures. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 prohibited slavery in newly formed states North of latitude 36° 30'. The Kansas-Nebraska Act effectively declared null and void the Missouri Compromise, as the state's latitude would no longer had any bearing on whether or not slavery would be legal there. The legality of slavery would be up to the citizens of the new state. Opposition in the North was slow to develop. Once opposition was whipped up by politicians like Salmon Chase, Northern newspapers seized on the issue (though some papers, like the National Era and the New York Tribune were against it from the start). Opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska Act gathered momentum. In order to exert political power on the national stage, Northern abolitionists and free-soilers realized a new political party was needed. The party had to bring free-soilers together with powerful and established anti-administration Whigs. The new party needed to divorce itself from the failed Free Soil Party while maintaining the Free Soil Party's platform on abolition in the territories. On February 28, 1854 at Ripon Wisconsin Congregational Church, this new party, called the Republican Party, was born. The moderates in the party called for a return of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 or a promise that slavery would not be extended into the territories. Radicals within the party also wanted a repeal of the Fugitive Slaves Act. The most radical of the radicals wanted slavery abolished altogether. The party ran its first election campaign in the mid-term elections of 1854. The result was something less than a success. The party was intolerant of social diversity. It wanted to impose its own values on the nation, including temperance (the banning of alcohol) and some measure of abolition. With its "free soil" roots, it was a party of the white middle class. The Republican party was also in favour of more government intervention in order to expand the economy. The party favoured by ethnic minorities continued to be the Democrats, who supported lower taxes and less government intervention. The American Party — also known as the "Know-Nothings" — was built around a bias against ethnic minorities, particularly Irish Catholics. The Democrats won most of the seats in the mid-term elections, but they lost some ground to the Know-Nothings. The Know-Nothings actually won the mayoral election in Philadelphia. After the 1854 elections Stephen Douglas declared that the Know-Nothings were the main threat to the Democrats. The Republican Party might have been marginalized if not for a series of bloody skirmishes in Kansas in 1855 that brought the expansion of slavery into the forefront of American politics. Abolitionists and pro-slavery advocates portrayed what was becoming known as "Bleeding Kansas" as an armed fight between pro- and anti-slavery factions. They were aided by a partisan press that amplified and distorted events. In fact most of the violence was not over slavery but over land claims between Missourians — who were accused of grabbing the best land without a legal claim — and Yankee squatters — who were seen by the Missourians as invaders. On May 21, 1856, pro-slavery forces under Sheriff Jones sacked Lawrence, Kansas. In what was apparently a reprisal, a band of abolitionists led by John Brown murdered five men believed to be pro-slavery in what was called the Pottawatomie Massacre. This event triggered a guerrilla war in the state. Both abolitionist and pro-slavery advocates used "Bleeding Kansas" as a symbol of the fanaticism of the other side. On May 19, even before Brown's attack, Senator Charles Sumner gave a speech in the Senate that condemned pro-slavery politicians, naming Senator Andrew P. Butler of South Carolina in particular. The next day Butler's nephew, U.S. Representative Preston Brooks, beat Sumner with a cane. The attack was almost fatal and it prevented Sumner from joining the Senate for three years. Although Brooks was hailed by the South as the protector of Southern honour, Sumner became a martyr for the North and Brooks was made into a symbol of pro-slavery barbarism. The Republicans offered up John C. Frémont, a famous explorer and abolitionist, as their candidate for president in the 1856 election. Some Southerners, moderates and radicals, called for secession if Frémont won. With a potential threat to the Union imminent, voters instead elected the Democratic Party's James Buchanan as president. Dred Scott was a slave who, by birth, belonged to John Blow of Virginia. Blow in turn sold Scott to Dr. John Emerson, a U.S. Army doctor, when the Blow family fell on hard times in St. Louis in 1832. Emerson took Scott on extensive travels through the free states of Illinois and Wisconsin, and the free territory of Minnesota. During these travels both Scott and Emerson married. Emerson moved back to St. Louis in 1837. In 1840 Emerson was called to fight in the Seminole War, so he left Scott and Scott's wife with his own wife in St. Louis. Emerson returned from the war and then moved to Iowa, leaving behind his slaves and his wife until he had settled. Emerson died unexpectedly in December, 1843. Scott remained as a slave until 1846, when he tried to purchase his freedom from Irene Emerson, the late doctor's wife. The woman refused, so Scott sued for his freedom. He argued that Missouri's doctrine of "once free, always free" applied, as he was technically freed when he was brought by Emerson to Minnesota. Irene Emerson argued that Scott was still her property, willed to her by her husband. Scott's first trial failed on a technicality. He won the second trial in January 1850. Mrs. Emerson appealed to the Missouri Supreme Court, which reversed the lower court's decision. Irene Emerson gave Scott and the case over to her brother John Sanford. Scott accused Sanford of hitting him, so he sued Sanford for battery. Scott also sued him for wrongful imprisonment, arguing that if he was free then holding him as a slave was a violation of the law. Scott took his case to the U.S. Circuit Court by claiming he was a citizen of Missouri and Sanford was a citizen of New York, thus the Federal court had jurisdiction. Sanford admitted to touching Scott but argued that this was allowed as Scott was his property. The Circuit Court found in favour of Sanford, but because they rendered a decision Scott was allowed to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Supreme Court heard the case, Scott v. Sanford, in December 1856, and handed down its decision on March 6, 1857. By that time the case had captured the attention of the country. The court had to decide if the U.S. Circuit Court had jurisdiction to hear the matter, and if so whether or not there was a problem with the decision. The majority decision under Chief Justice Roger B. Taney declared that the court did not have jurisdiction, as Dred Scott was property and not a citizen. That should have been as far as the decision went, but Taney did not stop there. The court went on to rule on the merits of the case. In his majority decision Taney stated that by restricting property rights the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional, and likewise was any attempt to restrict the possession of slaves in any of the territories. He wrote that the Missouri Compromise conflicted with the Fifth Amendment's protection against the deprivation of property without due process. Taney hoped that a clear decision from the bench on slavery would end the discussion. He was wrong. The decision was well received in the South, but it caused an uproar in the North. In one fell swoop Taney had destroyed the Missouri Compromise, even though the dissenting judges pointed out what they believed were mistakes in the majority decision. Fear rose in the North that if a slavery case came before the Supreme Court, Taney and the other like-minded judges would rule against abolitionist state laws. This would turn every state in the Union into a slave state. Such a case, Lemmon v. New York, was making its way through the court system. The furor that resulted split the Democratic Party and galvanized the North against slavery. Abolitionists and free-soilers had hoped to at least contain slavery; Taney's decision, and his expected decisions, had opened the way for the expansion of slavery throughout the Republic. Members of the Republican Party, including Abraham Lincoln, accused Taney of collaborating with President Buchanan in order to dismantle the Kansas-Nebraska Act. The Dred Scott decision had extensive implications. The Supreme Court had not only validated the constitutionality of slavery (which was never seriously in doubt) but it also declared unconstitutional any laws that interfered with slavery. It was possible, given time and given the makeup of the Supreme Court that slavery would be legalized throughout the country. Since it was a Supreme Court decision, nothing short of the court overturning itself or a constitutional amendment could end, or even halt the advance, of slavery. Abraham Lincoln famously said in his "House Divided" speech on June 16, 1858, "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other." Less famously, in the same speech, he declared, "We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State." It seemed that a North-South clash over slavery was inevitable. On a prescient note, the Albany Evening Journal ended an editorial on the decision with the following, "... All who love Republican institutions and who hate Aristocracy, compact yourselves together for the struggle which threatens your liberty and will test your manhood!" As for Dred Scott, his original owners bought him his freedom soon after the decision. He died of tuberculosis less than a year and a half later. The Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company branch in New York failed on August 24, 1857 due to massive embezzlement. The failure shook the public trust in banks. It was followed by a series of other economic events from around the world: These events precipitated a run on Northern banks and created an economic depression. The South, particularly the Southwest region, was largely insulated from this depression as the cotton market was not badly hurt. Some Southern pundits went so far as to compare the plight of the poor factory worker with the conditions of Southern slaves and declared that the "negro slaves" were better off than Northern "wage slaves". They suggested that Northern states should enslave these people for their own protection. Adding to the tension between the North and the South was the Tariff Act of 1857. The Tariff Act lowered tariffs on imported goods to about 17%. This followed the Walker Tariff of 1846, which itself lowered rates applied in the Tariff of 1842 (also known as the "Black Tariff"). Lowering the tariff increased overseas imports which in turn increased exports. This sweetened relations with Great Britain, which was also suffering from a depression. The lower tariff was welcomed in the South since the South had to import a lot of manufactured goods. The tariff angered Northerners because it lowered demand for Northern manufactured goods. Tensions between the North and the South increased while the North lost confidence in the Federal government. It looked to many Northerners that the Democratic Party was helping the South at their expense. The fight was not just about slavery but whether or not the economy of the North was suffering in favour of the economy of the South. Newspapers on both sides of the issue made the situation worse with inflammatory editorials and slanted stories. The stage was set for the Republican Party to make great political strides as the main opposition to what was seen as a Southern-dominated administration. The catalysts for the rise of the Republican Party were the depression that had begun in 1857 and the Lecomptin Constitution of 1858. The Lecomptin Constitution was one of four state constitutions drawn up for Kansas (the name comes from a small town in Douglas County, Kansas). If ratified it would have made Kansas a slave state. President Buchanan decided that pushing Kansas' statehood through Congress with the Lecomptin Constitution was the quickest way of ending the trouble generated by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, because a ratification of the constitution would allow him to point to the Kansas-Nebraska Act as "the will of the people of Kansas". Since Buchanan personally pushed this constitution, he alienated moderates within his own party. In order to be admitted to the Union, Kansas had to ratify the constitution in a referendum. The referendum was plagued with voting "irregularities" on both sides, but in the end the constitution was defeated by 10,000 votes, even though defeating it meant Kansas' entry into the Union as a state would be delayed. Moderates within the Republican party saw an opportunity to create an alliance with the anti-administration Democrats led by Stephen Douglas. The problem with this strategy was that it would have required the Republicans to drop their anti-slavery stance in favour of one where states would determine slavery for themselves. In the end no grand alliance was formed. The Republican Party remained it's own entity, while the Democratic party split in two along North/South lines. The mid-term elections of 1858 were some of the most important in U.S. history. Senate and House of Representative seats were up for grabs for the first time since the Scott v. Sanford decision and the Panic of 1857. By 1858 the depression had worsened, particularly in the North. The Republicans called for tariffs to protect Northern manufacturing. They believed in a "slave power conspiracy" that controlled the Buchanan administration. Buchanan had unwittingly aided the Republicans by giving patronage appointments to Democrats who supported the Lecomptin constitution. Republicans claimed the Buchanan administration and his Southern supporters were warping the U.S. constitution to their own ends (Taney's Dred Scott decision aided the Republicans in this regard). Southern politicians did not help matters by loudly contesting increased tariffs. The Republicans characterized the Southern aristocracy as ignoring the economic plight of the North. After the panic of 1857, the price of cotton fell as a result of the global recession. Meanwhile, the cost of slaves increased. The taking of slaves from Africa was illegal. To counter the price of slaves, at the Southern commercial convention in 1858 William L. Yancey of Alabama called for the reopening of the African slave trade. His proposal was voted down by the delegates of the upper South, who represented states that profited from the domestic slave trade. Even though the reopening of the African slave trade was voted down, the Republicans used the mere mention of it as proof that Southern politicians intended to expand slavery. The rhetoric in the South was equally loud and voracious. Southern newspapers pointed out that higher tariffs would hurt the Southern economy. They declared that Northern industry was sucking the wealth out of the land. Southerners pointed out that in spite of the Missouri Compromise, the last slave state admitted into the Union was Texas on December 29, 1845, with four non-slave states admitted between 1846 and 1858 (Iowa, Wisconsin, California, and Minnesota; Oregon, another free state, would be admitted in 1859). In spite of the Dred Scott ruling, it appeared to many Southerners that the balance of power was shifting away from what they saw was "the Southern way of life." The election of 1858 was a success for the Republican Party. They gained 26 seats in the House of Representatives, giving them just six shy of a majority. Only 20 of the 64 senators in the Senate were Republicans, but in this era most senators were appointed by the state's legislative assembly and not elected by popular vote; under today's system that number would have been much higher. The Democrats lost the most seats, mostly due to the election of Republicans but also due to the split within their own party. The Know-Nothings dropped from 14 seats to five. It was clear to Democrats, both North and South, that the Republicans were now a major political force. On October 16, 1859, John Brown — the abolitionist zealot responsible for the Pottawatomie Massacre — led a force of 21 men (16 white, 5 black) in an attack on the armory at Harper's Ferry, Virginia (now Harpers Ferry, West Virginia). They were armed with 200 breechloading Sharps carbines and a large number of pikes given to them by Northern sympathizers. Brown planned this raid over several months. He had rented a farmhouse in nearby Maryland as a base since early June. His plan was to break into the armory and steal its stock of 100,000 rifled and smoothbore muskets. He would use the muskets to arm local slaves, and then head South to forment a slave uprising. He hoped to end slavery by force of arms. At first the raid went well. His small force entered the town without incident. They cut the telegraph wires, and captured the Arsenal buildings, which were guarded by a single watchman. They rounded up hostages from nearby farms, including Colonel Lewis Washington, the great-grand-nephew of George Washington. They spread the news to the local slaves that the uprising had begun. The plan started to go awry when an eastbound Baltimore & Ohio train approached the town. The train's baggage master, Hayward Shepherd — a free black — tried to warn his passengers. Brown's men fired, killing Shepherd. Brown made the mistake of letting the train leave after Shepherd was shot. By morning the authorities in Washington, D.C. knew of the raid. On October 17th local farmers and militia traded volleys with Brown and his men. Around noon the militia seized the bridge across the Potomac, cutting off Brown's only exit route. Brown moved his men and the hostages to a small brick engine house near the armory. A vicious fight ensued between Brown and the locals. He sent one of his sons and a supporter out with a white flag, but the crowd cut them down. Another of his sons died later in the day during intermittent fighting. The next day Brown found himself surrounded by a company of U.S. Marines under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Robert E. Lee, a respected cavalry officer who happened to be at his home in Arlington, Virginia when the raid took place. The federal government assigned Lee to command the marines. A young Army lieutenant by the name of James Ewell Brown ("Jeb") Stuart acted as a messenger between Lee's force and Brown's. Brown was promised that his people would not be harmed if he surrendered. Brown refused. The marines battered down the door and rushed inside. During the chaos, Brown was bayoneted (but saved by his belt) and struck on the head several times by a Lt. Green. The raid was over. Brown and seven of his followers were captured. Ten other followers were killed, but five escaped (including his son, Owen). The raiders had killed four people and wounded nine. Although Brown's attack took place on federal land, his trial was allowed to be conducted in Virginia. He was charged with murdering four whites and a black, for conspiring with slaves to rebel, and with treason against the state of Virginia. After a doctor found him well enough to stand trial, the trial was convened on October 26 in Charles Town, Virginia. The area was in the grip of hysteria. Most Northern journalists and observers were run off. Brown was brought into court on a cot, and the judge refused to grant a delay until Brown was better. Brown's first court appointed lawyer admitted Brown's crimes before the court and an unruly crowd of spectators. The lawyer said he shared the community's outrage; he apologized for defending Brown. Numerous attempts to slow down the trial and give his lawyers time to mount an adequate defense were denied. His lawyers argued that Brown hadn't murdered anyone himself. They pointed out that no slave uprising took place, so he couldn't have been conspiring with slaves. Brown had no loyalty to Virginia so he couldn't be a traitor to that state. The defense rested on October 27. The trial's last day was November 2. After only 45 minutes deliberation, the jury found Brown guilty on all three counts. He was sentenced to hang in public on December 2. During his month in jail Brown was allowed to send and receive letters. Many of his letters made it into the Northern press, gaining him many supporters in the North and infuriating Southerners. A friend sneaked into the jail and offered to help him break out, but Brown said he was ready to die a martyr. His wife was brought to be with him for his last meal, but she was not allowed to stay the night, leading Brown to lose his composure for the first time during his trial and imprisonment. On December 2, cadets from the nearby Virginia Military Institute acted as guards against attempts to free Brown. VMI instructor Major William Gilham led the contingent, while another VMI instructor, Major Thomas J. Jackson commanded the cadet's artillery, which consisted of two howitzers and 21 cadets. Brown turned down an offer of religious service, as he rejected pro-slavery clergy. He wrote a final letter that morning. At 11:00 a.m. he was escorted through the crowd of about 2,000 and taken to the gallows. He was hanged at 11:15 a.m. On December 14, a bipartisan senate committee was assembled to determine if any citizens had aided Brown in his raid. The chairman was John M. Mason, a senator from Virginia. Republicans distanced themselves from Brown's illegal actions. The committee found no evidence to suggest that Republicans had aided Brown, but their report implied that Brown's raid was fueled by Republican doctrine. The two Republicans on the committee published a minority report. It is popularly believed that John Brown's raid pushed the nation closer to civil war. Southerners fearful of an abolitionist-led slave uprising began organizing state militias, which would become the backbone of the Confederate army. Those militias allowed the Southern states to be much better prepared to defend themselves in the event of secession. With the 1860 election around the corner, Republicans denounced the raid and labeled Brown an insane fanatic. By contrast, much of the North saw Brown as martyr who died for the "sins of the nation". William Lloyd Garrison, editor of the abolitionist paper The Liberator said Brown was "well-intended but sadly misguided". In a speech in Boston on the day Brown was hanged, Garrison said, "whenever commenced, I cannot but wish success to all slave insurrections". John Brown's raid further polarized the nation on the eve of a presidential election. It seemed to John Brown that armed conflict over the slavery issue was inevitable. Before his execution he wrote, "I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. I had, as I now think, vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done."

http://www.hyperbear.com/acw/essays/acw-essays-cause-2.html

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Standards in Economics Below are the National Standards in Economics that most closely relate to the following interactive tool. - Students will understand that: Income for most people is determined by the market value of the productive resources they sell. What workers earn primarily depends on the market value of what they produce. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Predict future earnings based on their current plans for education, training, and career options. Name: Unemployment and Inflation - Students will understand that: Unemployment imposes costs on individuals and the overall economy. Inflation, both expected and unexpected, also imposes costs on individuals and the overall economy. Unemployment increases during recessions and decreases during recoveries. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Make informed decisions by anticipating the consequences of inflation and unemployment. Name: Economic Growth - Students will understand that: Investment in factories, machinery, new technology, and in the health, education, and training of people stimulates economic growth and can raise future standards of living. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Predict the consequences of investment decisions made by individuals, businesses, and governments.

http://www.econedlink.org/economic-standards/standards-by-resource.php?educatorState=nat&iid=152

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(AFRICA, EMPIRES and SLAVERY – continued) Freetown had been a British colony since 1808. The British navy was using it as a base for their patrols along Africa's coastline, and there the freed slaves from British territory in the Caribbean were settled. The first of them – around 400 – had arrived in 1787, and they had been expected to support themselves by farming, but many had turned to trade. Since1815, Freetown was a center for slaves rescued from slave ships by the British navy. Hundreds of ships hauling slaves were seized, while some got through, taking slaves to be sold to sugar planters in Cuba and Brazil. British merchants were pursuing legitimate trade along Africa's Atlantic Coast. From Senegal, the British were acquiring a hardened resin of the Acacia tree, used for dyes in its textile factories. They were acquiring groundnuts from Guinea, gold from Asante and palm oil, the latter harvested on African-owned plantations using slave labor. Palm oil was Africa's foremost export to the Europeans, the oil used by the Europeans for lubricating their machines. In 1824, forces from Asante overran a British force along the Gold Coast, putting Britain control of the forts in decline there for a few years. In 1827, the British took over administration of the island of Fernando Po (between the Niger River delta and Spanish Guinea) with Spain's approval – a Spanish attempt to develop the island having failed. In 1820 the United States dispatched four ships to patrol the coast of Africa in cooperation with the British. In 1822, freed blacks from the United States arrived in western Africa, their voyage paid for by the American Colonization Society. The society's stated purpose was for the freed blacks to start a new life in Africa, safe from discrimination and persecution. The refugees were put ashore at a spot named Liberia – associated with the word liberty. The new colony suffered from poor administration, and the refugees had to defend themselves from attacks by local people resenting their intrusion. In 1824, a U.S. Supreme Court ruling undercut efforts at intercepting slave ships, and the U.S. campaign off the coast of Africa ended. In 1847 Liberia became an independent republic. The Liberians were trading in palm oil, coffee, ivory and camwood (used as a red dye). Some integration with people around Liberia had taken place, with the original migrants from the United States and their descendants dominating the economy and intellectual life of the new country. In the 1700s, Britain and France had been in conflict over the coastal colony of Senegal, with British rule at the town of St. Louis a disturbance to Catholics there. Then in 1814 the Treaty of Paris returned Senegal to the French. Thereafter, the largely mixed-race people of the colony continued to acquire French culture, including liberalism of the Enlightenment tradition. France tried to exploit its colony by encouraging the growth of agricultural products desired in France, but its agricultural program in Senegal failed – a failure that has been blamed on mismanagement. France monopolized trade into and out of Senegal, and until 1817 slaves were openly shipped from Senegal across the Atlantic. And from Yao traders on Africa's east coast the French were acquiring slaves for their plantations on the islands of Mauritius and Reunion (east of Madagascar). After 1817, when France joined other nations in abolishing international slave trading, slaves were sneaked out of Africa, including attempts to run past the British navy on the Atlantic coast. France's government cooperated with the British in trying to suppress the slave trade. Slaves taken from a ship off the coast of Angola were given sanctuary on the coastal island of Gorée, formerly the largest slave trading post on the Atlantic, halfway between the mouth of the Senegal River and Gambia. After three years on Gorée, these freed slaves were settled at a French trading station that had been founded in 1843, just south of Spanish Guinea, at a timber exporting point, which, in 1848, was given the name Libreville (French for Freetown). Across greater western Africa, slavery remained a major activity. The production of palm oil was rising, and the demand for palm oil was creating wars among Africans around the southern portion of the Niger River. The Oyo empire, weakened by civil wars, became a source of slaves for its neighbors, and slaves from Oyo and Igbo were exported from Bonny and Brass despite patrolling British gunships. The British began extending their power up the Niger River, amid the divided and warring peoples, to eliminate the Ijo middlemen in palm oil trade and to trade directly with the Igbo. And in 1851 the British navy occupied Lagos in an effort to shut down the slave market there. From the Portuguese controlled west coast of southern Africa, Angola, the exportation of slaves ended around 1850. Inland from the coastal town of Benguela, the Ovimbundu (Umbundu) people lost business with the decline in the slave trade, but they remained successful organizers of trading caravans and a link between the Portuguese on the coast and Chokwe suppliers of goods from farther inland. Their success in trading and their possession of guns gave them economic superiority and prestige over some other tribes in the area. The Portuguese found them friendly – as good traders are – and many Ovimbundu readily acquired aspects of western culture, while keeping their religious traditions. The Chokwe had changed from full-time hunting for game to searching also for ivory and beeswax with which to trade. They had acquired firearms and had used their guns against those they had come across who were not so well armed. The Chokwe strengthened their communities by capturing women, whom they put to work growing food and processing beeswax. The Chokwe moved farther inland to the northeast, where they were able to take advantage of local displeasure with Lunda kings, who were taxing villages heavily and taking as taxes a quota in slaves. The Chokwe absorbed the western portion of the crumbling Lunda empire. Back toward the center-south of Africa in the mid-1800s, those called Bisa became participants in the trading of goods that passed through the Lunda people at Bunkeya and then to the east coast. Lunda chieftains took a cut in the Bisa trader's profits by customs dues, and they obliged the Bisa to pay them tribute. The Bisa were also subjected to raids from the Bemba to their north, who had acquired firearms. With the newly acquired power that came with guns, a Bemba chieftain created a greater unity among the Bemba and, in 1856, he was able to fend off an attack by the Ngoni, from the south. In the 1860s, on an extension of the Congo River called the Lubala, around Nyangwe and Kasongo, another trading power with guns arose. This was a federation ruled by Hamed bin Muhammed, commonly known as Tippu Tip, a man of mixed Arab and black African descent. The federation engaged in a variety of activities, including hunting in the forest and raiding surrounding villages. They captured women for concubines and men and women to work their plantations of sugar cane, rice and maize. And they used captives as porters in their trade eastward, through Ujiji and Tabora, to Zanzibar. Tippu Tip did much to destroy the Songye towns of the upper Lualaba River, and he weakened the Luba empire to his south. His empire stretched from the Luba, in the south, northward to where the Congo River turned westward. Copyright © 2002-2011 by Frank E. Smitha. All rights reserved.

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There are several schools of thought on the reasons and factors leading to the dramatic rise of Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich that he founded. The most widely accepted factors are the post World War 1 Treaty of Versailles and the social, political, and economic upheaval in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s - most notably the Great Depression of 1929. These unique circumstances coincide with the emergence of Adolf Hitler during this period of upheaval. The man himself Adold Hitler by his own actions and his unusually gifted oratorical skills was also responsible for his rise to power. The chart below gives an overview of these unique circumstances in Germany following its defeat in World War 1 that contributed to the rise of the Third Reich. Note: This chart will be very useful for our younger readers. To find out more, you can continue reading the details. The details will be useful for our more interested and matured younger readers and older readers as well Treaty Of Versailles Following the defeat of Germany in World War 1, on 28 June 1919 , Germany was forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles with the victorious major allies of America , France and Britain . This treaty laid down harsh terms for Germany and it was greatly resented by Germans. Despite strong protests by the new democratic Weimar government, the treaty prevailed. Among the terms and effects of the treaty: - Germany lost 10% of her land - both to the east and west. Belgium , Denmark and Poland gained territory at Germany 's expense. France regained Alsace-Lorraine, the provinces Germany won in the Franco-Prussian War of 1871. France was also given control over the rich Saar coal fields for 15 years. The Allies would also occupy the west side of the Rhine for 15 years. Germany also lost her colonies in Africa and the Far East . - To prevent Germany from becoming a major military power again, severe limits were imposed on her army and navy. Her army was limited to only 100,000 men and she was allowed to keep only a small number of warships. Aeroplanes, submarines, tanks and heavy guns were banned. - Germany had to pay war reparations to the tune of £6,600 million. But what the Germans resented most was that under Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles, they had to accept the blame for starting the war and hence made to pay this hefty amount When Germany failed to pay a reparation installment in 1922, French and Belgian troops entered German soil and seized goods. The German government ordered passive resistance but workers needed to be paid. The government printed more money resulting in hyperinflation in which the price of goods skyrocketed. This had the effect of weakening the Weimar government. Adolf Hitler took advantage of this to blame the government for Germany 's ills. Although Adolf Hitler failed to seize power through the Munich Putsch of November 1923, that event had subsequently aided in his rise to power The Great Depression Between 1924 to 1929, Germany 's economy gradually improved with the help of the United States . The United States introduced the Dawes Plan and Young Plan to assist Germany 's recovery. These plans introduced millions of pounds of investments and loans to Germany . As a result, Germany prospered economically by 1929. Moreover, under the capable leadership of Gustav Stresemann, Chancellor (1923) and Foreign Minister of Germany from 1923 to 1929, German relations with the Allies improved and this had helped Germany 's economy However, in October 1929 the Wall Street stock market crashed under heavy selling. The Wall Street crash sank the American economy into depression. Many companies shut down and by 1932, millions of workers were jobless. Many banks and companies also closed down. The Depression spread quickly to the other countries. American bankers now demanded the Germans to repay the loans they had borrowed. American businessmen also withdrew their investments in Germany . This caused many factories and businesses in Germany to go bankrupt. Unemployment skyrocketed from 2 million in 1929 to 6 million in 1932. Inflation also set in. Gustav Stresemann, the capable minister died of a heart attack in October 1929. The new German Chancellor Heinrich Bruning tried to salvage Germany 's economy with cost cutting measures but it did not work and his failure to revive the economy led to his resignation. During these troubled times, extreme left and right political parties like the communists and the Nazis grew in popularity. These groups won an increasing number of seats in the German Reichstag (Parliament) Underlying Weakness Of Weimar Germany The Weimar Republic was a coalition government consisting of many representatives from different political parties. The different political parties had different ideas on how Germany should be ruled. The main political parties, the SPD, the Centre Party and the Democratic Party supported the Republic. The extreme right wing political parties like the German National People's Party and later the Nazi party wanted Germany to be united under a strong leader. Extreme left wing political parties like the Communist Party wanted to set up a communist government similar to the Soviet Union . Both left and right wing groups violently opposed the Weimar Republic . There was internal disunity. Many key political figures were assassinated. Democracy had not been fully accepted in Germany . The Republic's survival depended very much on the German economy. During the prosperous years between 1924 to 1929, the people were happy but when massive unemployment set in following the Great Depression in October 1929, the people were discontented and were swayed by the extreme left and right wing political parties. People who so far showed little interest in politics were lending their ears to new radical parties in the hope of an economic revival. There was an intense yearning for a leader of the status of 'Kaiser' Amidst such turbulence, Adolf Hitler incited the people to reject the Weimar government. Like the people, Hitler resented the Treaty of Versailles and he often referred to the people in the Weimar Government who signed the treaty as "November criminals" because the much resented treaty was signed in November The Nazi Party German Worker's Party A greater threat to the existence of the Weimar Republic came from the Nazi Party. The evolution of the Nazi Party and National Socialism had its origins in the formation of the German Workers' Party in Munich on January 5, 1919 , out of a small right-wing group headed by Anton Drexler that was noted for its anti-Semitism (hatred of Jews) stand During the formation of the German Worker's Party, in the summer of 1919, a young corporal Adolf Hitler was still in the army and was stationed in Munich where he had become an informer. Corporal Hitler had named soldiers in his barracks that supported the Marxist uprisings in Munich , resulting in their arrest and executions. Hitler then became one of many undercover agents in the German Army weeding out Marxist influence within the ranks and investigating subversive political organizations. Corporal Adolf Hitler was next ordered in September of 1919 to investigate a small group in Munich - the German Workers' Party. The use of the term 'workers' attracted the attention of the German Army which was now involved in crushing Marxist uprisings. On September 12, dressed in civilian clothes, Hitler went to a meeting of the German Workers' Party in the back room of a Munich beer hall, spoke forcefully against a man who spoke in favor of the German state of Bavaria breaking away from Germany and forming a new South German nation with Austria . One of the founders of the German Workers' Party, Anton Drexler was visibly impressed with Hitler and invited him to join the German Worker's Party Hitler accepted the invitation to join German Workers' Party as the ideology of the party reflected political thinking much like his own - building a strong nationalist, pro-military, anti-Semitic party made up of working class people. Hitler Rising Influence The German Workers' Party consisted mainly of an executive committee which had seven members, including Hitler. The party advertised for more members to join the party. Hitler was able to impress the audience with a highly emotional, at times near hysterical manner of speech making. This attracted more members and donations poured in for the party. The money was used to buy more advertising and print leaflets. The German Workers' Party now featured Hitler as the main attraction at its meetings. In his speeches Hitler railed against the Treaty of Versailles and delivered anti-Semitic speeches, blaming the Jews for Germany 's problems. Attendance slowly increased, numbering in the hundreds. Hitler took charge of party propaganda in early 1920, and also recruited young men he had known in the Army. He was aided in his recruiting efforts by Army Captain Ernst Röhm, a new party member, who would play a vital role in Hitler's eventual rise to power. On February 24, 1920, outlined in detail the Twenty Five Points of the German Workers' Party, its political platform, which included; the union of all Germans in a greater German Reich, rejection of the Treaty of Versailles, the demand for additional territories (living space) for the German people (Lebensraum), citizenship determined by race with no Jew to be considered a German, all income not earned by work to be confiscated, a thorough reconstruction of the national education system, religious freedom except for religions which endanger the German race, and a strong central government for the execution of effective legislation Hitler realized one thing the movement lacked was a recognizable symbol or flag. In the summer of 1920, Hitler chose the symbol which to this day remains perhaps the most infamous in history, the swastika provided a powerful, instantly recognizable symbol that immediately helped Hitler's party gain popularity. On February 24, 1920 , in accordance with Hitler's wish, the German Workers' Party name was changed by Hitler to include the term National Socialist. Thus the full name was the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or NSDAP) called for short, Nazi. The Party adopted an emblem, the swastika, a salute and greeting as its distinctive characteristics Leader Of Nazi Party By early 1921, Adolf Hitler was becoming highly effective at speaking in front of huge crowds. His rising popularity initially caused an internal revolt in which the executive committee members now considered Hitler to be highly overbearing, even dictatorial. Hitler struck back by announcing his resignation from the Party on July 11, 1921 and he would only return if he was made chairman of the party. By now, Hitler was such a central figure that the executive committee realized that losing him could mean the end of the Nazi party. The executive committee of the Nazi Party eventually backed down and Hitler's demands were put to a vote of the party members. Hitler received 543 votes for, and only one against. At the next gathering, July 29, 1921 , Adolf Hitler was made the leader of the Nazi Party and the title of Führer was first used to address him The Munich Beer Hall Putsch Between 1921 to 1923, the German economy was in chaos when the Allies demanded payment for war reparations under the Treaty of Versailles. The government printed more and more money until it became worthless. By November 1923, it took 4,000,000,000 marks to but a US dollar. Germans lost their life savings and many citizens were deeply unhappy. Taking advantage of the chaos, Hitler and the Nazis hatched a plot in which they would kidnap the leaders of the Bavarian government and force them at gunpoint to accept Hitler as their leader. With the aid of famous World War One General, Erich Ludendorff, they would win over the German Army, proclaim a nationwide revolt and bring down the German Weimar government in Berlin On November 8, 1923 , SA (Sturmabteilung) troops under the direction of Hermann Göring and Rohm stormed the Munich Beer Hall. However, troops were rushed in and by dawn the War Ministry building containing Röhm and his SA troops was surrounded. The putsch (or rebellion) had failed. The trial of Adolf Hitler for high treason after the Beer Hall Putsch was not the end of Hitler's political career. In fact it was a contributory factor to his eventual rise. The trial allowed Hitler to use the courtroom as a propaganda platform. Hitler admitted wanting to overthrow the government and outlined his reasons, portraying himself as a German patriot and the democratic government itself, its founders and leaders, as the real criminals. The sympathetic judges sentenced him to only 5 years in prison. But Hitler was released just after 9 months at Landsberg prison. It was in prison that Hitler crystalised his dangerous thoughts on the superiority of the Aryan race which is the supreme form of human, or master race in his book "Mein Kampf" or "My Struggles". Germans belong to the master race category. The Jews, communists, Gypsies and handicapped people were the direct opposite and Hitler states that the Jews are engaged in a conspiracy to keep the master race from assuming its rightful position as rulers of the world. This conspiracy idea and the notion of 'competition' for world domination between Jews and Aryans would become widespread beliefs in Nazi Germany and would even be taught to school children. In his book, Hitler also wrote about the right of Master Race to living space (Lebensraum). Some of this land can be obtained from Russia and world conquest. "We must secure for the German people the land and soil to which they are entitled". This led to Hitler's subsequent quest for world domination. The failed putsch also had an important lesson for Hitler - that he must gain power by legal means and that was exactly what he did subsequently. Gaining Power Legally Hitler had gambled in 1923, attempting to overthrow the Weimar democracy by force, and lost. Now he was determined to overthrow it legally by getting elected. The Nazi party started to contest in general elections for seats un the Reichstag (parliament). The table shows the success of the Nazi party between March 1924 and July 1932. Starting from one of the smallest parties, the Nazi party had in 8 short years become the largest party by July 1932. This was a remarkable achievement. It is noted that in the good years before the Wall Street crash, the Nazi party did not so as well. However, after the stock market crash, the Nazi party's popularity skyrocketed. Seats Nazis Won In Reichstag How did Hitler and the Nazi party achieve this feat? First of all, Hitler's promises were very appealing. He promised to unite Germany , end unemployment and regain Germany 's pride. He vowed to discard the Treaty of Versailles and make Germany a great nation. Hitler offered simple explanations for complex problems, blaming the Allies, the communists, the Jews and the Weimar government Soldiers and military personnel were also attracted to the Nazi as Hitler promised he would re-arm Germany and rebuild the armed forces. This would provide soldiers jobs in the army. Powerful German industrialists, fearful of a communist takeover also supported the Nazi party due to its strong anti communists stand. German youths were also attracted to the party as it gave them a sense of identity and purpose. Hitler's great gift for public speaking was also a major contributory factor. Many Germans were impressed with him. They saw in him a leader with modern ideas that would bring Germany to greater heights. The Nazi party also made very effective use of propaganda. The highly effective propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels manipulated propaganda very well, he modified many effective posters with clever slogans such as, "Work, freedom and bread". He also organised mass parades and rallies so everyone in Germany would know the Nazis. Many Germans were impressed by the Nazis dedication and so they earned respect. Having obtained amss support, Hitler decided to challenge the popular but ageing President Von Hindenburg for presidency in March 1932. Hitler lost the elections but increased his popularity. After becoming the largest party in the July 1932 elections, Hitler demanded the post of Chancellor from President Hindenburg but the president was suspicious of Hitler and instead appointed Franz von Papen as Chancellor. Later Von Papen persuaded President Hindenburg to appoint Hitler as Chancellor in a coalition government with Von Papen himself as Vice Chancellor. Von Papen had hoped to control Hitler and make use of him to give support to cabinet decisions. As a result, Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany on 30 th January 1933 . Former General Erich Ludendorff who had once supported Hitler and had even participated in the failed Beer Hall Putsch in 1923 in a telegram to President Hindenburg wrote "By appointing Hitler Chancellor of the Reich you have handed over our sacred German Fatherland to one of the greatest demagogues of all time. I prophesy to you this evil man will plunge our Reich into the abyss and will inflict immeasurable woe on our nation. Future generations will curse you in your grave for this action." The Reichstag Fire & The Enabling Act Adolf Hitler, the new Chancellor of Germany, had no intention of abiding by the rules of democracy. Hindenburg and Von Papen were to discover very soon that they could not control Hitler who took steps to complete a Nazi takeover of Germany and constitutionally ending democracy When a fire broke out in the Reichstag building in February 1933, Hitler seized this opportunity to accuse the communists of staging an uprising. He used his powers to issue an emergency decree to protect Germans from the so called uprising. He subsequently suspended all civil and political rights. Hitler used the Communist scare to consolidate power. He got the Reichstag to pass the Enabling Act in March, 1933. This gave Hitler dictatorial powers for four years. It allowed Hitler to introduce laws without the approval of the Reichstag, control the budget and approve treaties with foreign governments The Night Of Long Knives Adolf Hitler, realized that he needed the German army for total control of Germany . Leading officers in the German army were however suspicious of the SA (Sturmabteilung). They saw the SA as ill behaved and protected only the interests of the Nazis. The SA leader, Ernst Rohm also harboured intentions of making the SA a second German army. While Rohm's SA had been useful to Hitler's election campaigns, Hitler feared that there may be friction between the SA and the German army whom he needed for absolute control. Moreover, Rohm had grown too powerful for Hitler's liking and was beginning to challenge him. On 29 th June 1934 , Hitler ordered his men to arrest Rohm at gunpoint by circulating putsch rumours. He then had Rohm and other SA leaders as well as his political opponents executed with the help of the Schutzstaffel or the SS. The black shirted SS, led by Heinrich Himmler were the personal guards of Hitler and were fiercely loyal to him. On July 13 1934 , Hitler appeared before the Reichstag and gave a two-hour emotional speech which turned out to be one of the most important of his career. He justified the murders by citing the various putsch rumors as fact and then took full responsibility for his actions. A few weeks after the purge, Hitler rewarded Himmler by raising the SS to independent status. No longer part of the SA, Himmler would now answer only to Hitler. Reinhard Heydrich, co-mastermind of the purge, was promoted to SS-Gruppenführer (Lieutenant-General). The Brownshirted SA now ceased to be a threat to Hitler and over time all but disappeared into the regular Army after Hitler re-introduced military conscription. With this drastic move, Hitler won the support of the German army. This incident became known as The Night of The Long Knives Hitler becomes the Fuhrer After The Night of The Long Knives, only one man stood between Hitler and absolute power in Germany . That man was President Von Hindenburg. But the 87 year old President was a dying man. About 9 a.m. on August 2, 1934 , the much anticipated death of President Hindenburg finally occurred. Within hours, Hitler announced that the powers of the President and Chancellor would be combined and made himself the Supreme Leader or Fuhrer of the Third Reich. After becoming Fuhrer, Hitler had a free hand to pursue his policies, with tragic consequences. He implemented a Nazi totalitarian state in which his government controlled every aspect of German people's lives. Those who opposed him were either sent to concentration camps or executed Hitler banned all rival political parties. The Communist Party was declared illegal and its leaders sent to concentration camps. It was effectively a one party rule. On April 26, 1933 , a decree was issued creating the Secret Police Office (Geheime Staats Polizei) or Gestapo for short. The much feared Gestapo spied on German citizens and could arrest anyone they suspected of disloyalty to the Nazis. Many innocent citizens were sent to concentration camps or executed, with many disappearing without a trace All the top jobs in the civil service, police and law courts were controlled by high ranking Nazis. Hitler also took control of the trade unions. Trade union leaders were arrested and all workers were forced to join the new German Labour Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront). All striles and demonstrations were outlawed. The education system was also skewed to teach German children that they had to be loyal to the Fuhrer. They were also taught how weak politicians betrayed the German army and that Jews were responsible for Germany 's problems. In biology, they were also taught the superiority of the Germans as they belonged to the Aryan race. To win the support of the youths, the Nazi Party also organized Hitler Youth movements. Boys took part in outdoor activities and were taught how to maintain and use a rifle. Girls were taught how to be be good wives and mothers by supporting the boys and men. The Nazi youth movement and the education system had created a generation of young and loyal Germans who were willing to die for the Fuhrer The Nazi Minister of Propaganda, Dr Joseph Goebbels controlled all communications networks. Magazines, books, music, film and art were censored or banned if they did not promote Nazism. All German radio stations were controlled by the Nazis. This made it easy for the Nazis to propagate messages about Nazi ideologies All religion was also controlled by the state. Hitler put all Protestant churches under a single Reich Church . Nazi values and ideology were taught in this church. Christians who objected to joining the Reich Church were imprisoned. Catholic churches suffered a similar fate although Hitler initially promised them not to interfere in the catholic churches. Racism and anti-Semitism The most tragic policy of the Third Reich is undoubtedly the persecution and the eventual extermination of an entire race based on Hitler's racist notions of Aryan superiority. Hitler believed that the Germans belonged to the Aryan master race while Jews belonged to an inferior race and were parasites living off the countries in which they lived. Their existence would weaken Germany . Hitler was therefore determined to eliminate the Jews as a race Why did Hitler hate the Jews so much? Besides his racist notions, the Jewish community in Germany was very successful and too prominent in the fields of business, scientific achievement, academic scholarship and artistic vision. Hitler also hated the Jews because they were able to preserve their distinct cultural and religious identity. Just a week after the Enabling Act made Hitler dictator of Germany in 1933, a national boycott of Jewish shops and department stores was organized by Nazis under the direction of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels. This was only the beginning of a horrifying series of extremely inhumane measures by the Nazis to persecute and eliminate the Jews. From the moment the Nazis came to power in 1933, the Jews of Germany were subjected to a never-ending series of discriminatory laws. There would be, during the twelve years of Hitler's Reich, over 400 separate regulations issued against Jews prohibiting them from almost everything you can think of On the night of May 10, 1933 , an event unseen in Europe since the Middle Ages occurred as German students from universities once regarded as among the finest in the world, gathered in Berlin to burn books with non Nazi ideas. Jewish intellectuals were the primary target. Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels joined the students at the bonfire and declared: "The era of extreme Jewish intellectualism is now at an end In 1935, the Nuremberg laws were passed discriminating Jews. Jews were prohibited from holding jobs in the civil service, from marrying Germans and Jews lost their rights as German citizens. Jews were later forced to live in ghettos and wear special armbands to easily distinguish them Faced with such persecution, 130,000 Jews left Germany . When a Polish Jew in Paris assassinated a German official, the Nazis retaliated strongly by smashing 7,500 Jewish shops and other property all over Germany on 9 th November 1938 . 91 Jews were murdered and hundreds of synagogues (Jewish places of worship) were razed. 20,000 Jews were sent to concentration camps. This became known as the "Night Of Broken Glass" The Holocaust & Final Solution The Jews were subjected to further horrors later on. This was especially after Hitler embarked on his road to war in which he conquered more territories and more Jews were captured. To eliminate all Jews in Germany and in the other conquered territories, the "Final Solution" was proposed in 1941. This was the name of the Nazi's horrifying plan to systematically kill all Jews and other undesirable groups of people in the eyes of the Nazis. Jews, gypsies and political prisoners were transported to death camps such as the notorious Auschwitz camp to be gassed to death, worked to death or shot to death. The Jews were also subjected to cruel scientific experiments by German scientists. This terrible period became known as the Holocaust. The Final Solution only ended when Allied armies liberated these camps in late 1944 and 1945. Unfortunately by then, already 6 million Jews had been exterminated in the Holocaust.. The Holocaust is probably the darkest period not only in the 20th century, but in the entire history of humanity. Other Forms Of Oppression Besides the Jews, the Nazis also persecuted other races and minority groups like prostitutes, criminals, homosexuals, beggars, alcoholics and gypsies. Many of these people also died in concentration camps. Even their own Germans were spared. Hitler believed that the purity of the Aryan master race would be corrupted by people with "defects" - such as handicapped people. Handicapped babies and children were injected with poison or starved to death. The mentally handicapped were also gassed to death. 300,000 men and women with hereditary illnesses were also forced to be sterilized. Weakness Of The League Of Nations The League of Nations was setup after World War 1 to preserve peace in the world. However, it was not effective. Why was this so? The League did not possess its own military forces. It was also not supported by the United States , one of the major powers after World War 1. France and Britain , the key members of the League had to maintain world peace on their own but both countries were already reeling from the disastrous consequences of World War 1. Furthermore, Britain was more interested in rebuilding British trade and looking after the British Empire . In 1931, the League failed its first big test when the Japanese invaded Manchuria . The League could do little except to protest. Japan subsequently left the League in 1933 but occupied the whole of Manchuria . In 1935, the ineffectiveness of the League was again revealed when Italy led by Benito Mussolini invaded Abyssinia . Except for a condemnation and some economic sanctions which did not affect Italy much, the League watched passively as Italy completed the conquest of Abyssinia by May 1936. The ineffectiveness of the League was not lost on Hitler Realising that the League was rather weak, Hitler decided in 1935 to defy the Treaty of Versailles by rearming Germany and re-introducing military conscription. Hitler felt that Germany had the right to build up her armed forces as France did. Hitler increased the German army to 600,000, a violation of the Treaty of Versailles. But Britain and France did not stop Hitler. Hitler subsequently managed to negotiate a naval pact with Britain allowing Germany to have a Navy totaling 35 percent of Britain 's fleet, along with a submarine fleet equal in size Re-Occupation Of The Rhineland In March 1936, Hitler ordered German troops to occupy the Rhineland , which is supposed to be a demilitarized zone, under the Treaty of Versailles. No troops or military bases are supposed to be allowed in the demilitarized zone. This was the first major test for Hitler. Hitler knew France was suffering from serious political in-fighting and England was in the grips of an economic depression. He wagered that the two countries, given their internal problems, are unlikely to respond militarily. Hitler was right The French Army, with its one hundred divisions, never budged against the 30,000 lightly armed German soldiers occupying the Rhineland , even though France and Britain were both obligated to preserve the demilitarized zone by the Treaty of Versailles and the Locarno Pact of mutual assistance A few weeks later, on March 29, a nationwide referendum was held in which 99 percent of the registered voters in Germany went to the polls and gave a 98.8 percent "Ja" ("yes") vote approving Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland. The Führer had reached new heights of popularity. After this victory, Hitler once again went back to his mountain retreat at Berchtesgaden to relax and ponder his next move. The first few steps toward Lebensraum (living space) as outlined in his Mein Kampf book occurred in 1935 is proceeding well. Anschluss ( Union ) With Austria Born an Austrian, Hitler had always wanted to unite Germany with Austria as one great German country. To achieve this, in March 1938, he encouraged the Austrian Nazis to stage huge demonstrations and create trouble in Austria . With Austria being torn apart from within by Nazi agitators and also feeling threatened from the outside by Germany 's newfound military strength, the Chancellor of Austria, Dr. Kurt von Schuschnigg met Hitler to discuss Hitler demanded that all Nazis presently jailed in Austria were to be freed. The ban against the Austrian Nazi Party was to be lifted. Austrian lawyer, Dr. Arthur Seyss-Inquart, a staunch Nazi supporter, was to become the new Minister of the Interior with full control of the police. In addition, Nazis were to be appointed as Minister of War and Minister of Finance with preparations made for the assimilation of Austria 's entire economy into the German Reich. The Chancellor wanted to hold a plebiscite (national vote) to decide whether Austria should remain independent. However, due to Hitler's threats of invasion, the plebiscite was cancelled. The Austrian President Miklas, realizing his own position was hopeless, eventually appointed Seyss-Inquart as the new Chancellor of Austria At dawn on Saturday, March 12, 1938 , German soldiers in tanks and armored vehicles roared across the German-Austrian border. They met no resistance and in most places were welcomed like heroes. When news of the invasion reached Britain and France , they reacted just as they had when Hitler occupied the Rhineland two years earlier. They did nothing Hitler ordered a law drafted providing for immediate Anschluss (union) of Austria with Germany . The next day, Sunday, March 13, 1938 the law was approved by the Austrian government led by Seyss. The formal announcement was then made to the world. Austria had ceased to exist. It was now a province of the German Reich The Sudetenland Annexation Encouraged by his successes and emboldened by the League's inaction, Hitler moved on to claim that the Sudetenland was Germany 's and should be returned to her. Although it was true that there were about 3 million Germans living in the mountainous Sudetenland , Hitler was also eyeing the heavy industries and the rich mineral resources there. The Sudetenland also had strategic and military importance as it formed a defensive frontier between Germany and Czechoslovakia . Following lengthy negotiations, and blatant war threats from Hitler, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain went out of his way with French leaders to appease Hitler believing in "Peace in our time", even though Britain had earlier guaranteed the security of Czechoslovakia . Britain and France were unwilling to go to war especially after the devastating World War 1. The Munich Agreement was signed on September 29, 1938 . At this conference in Munich , Britain and France agreed to the German annexation of the Sudetenland (a part of Czechoslovakia ) in exchange for Hitler's assurance that he would not attack the remainder of Czechoslovakia . No representative of Czechoslovakia was present at the meeting. However, Chamberlain was to learn six months later that Hitler had no intention to honour his promises whatsoever. As a result of the annexation, over 120,000 additional Jews came under Nazi control. In March 1939, Hitler broke his promises and invaded the remainder of Czechoslovakia . The Sudetenland offered natural defenses against German invasion and now that it was in German control, the rest of Czechoslovakia fell easily especially when there was internal disunity at home. The invasion of the remainder of Czechoslovakia made Britain and France realize that Hitler was on a path of aggression and his claims of peace and reunification with Germans in foreign territory were just blatant excuses. Britain and France severely criticized Hitler and warned him against invading Poland . This time, Britain and France went beyond mere diplomatic protests. On March 31 1939 Prime Minister Chamberlain issued a solid declaration, with the backing of France , guaranteeing Hitler's next likely victim, Poland , from Nazi aggression The Invasion Of Poland After Czechoslovakia , Hitler's next target was Poland . In order to avoid a two front war with Britain and France in the west and Soviet Union in the east, Hitler signed a non aggression pact with the Soviet Union in August 1939. The agreement provided for Poland to be secretly divided among Germany and Soviet Union . The Soviet Union was also given control of three Baltic states of Lithuania , Latvia and Estonia . After deliberately stirring trouble on the morning of September 1, 1939 , Nazi troops crossed the Polish frontier without a declaration of war. At the same time the Luftwaffe began to bomb Polish cities Hitler did not really expect Britain and France to stop him from his path of aggression. He had referred to Britain and France as "little worms". Hitler also felt that Poland was very far from Britain and France for them to provide effective military help. But Hitler was wrong this time. When the ultimatum given to Hitler to withdraw his troops from Poland expired, Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 rd September 1939 . In the same month, the Soviet Union invaded Poland from the east. World War II had begun - the most costly armed conflict in the history of mankind. Poland quickly fell to the German blitzkrieg or lightning offensive. The world now had the chance to see the awesome speed and power of Nazi arms. The Polish forces collapsed, crushed between the German advance from the west and, two weeks later, the Russian invasion from the east. By the end of the month, after a brave but hopeless resistance, the Poles once again saw their country partitioned between the Germans and the Russians. For some time after Hitler invaded Poland , it was quiet as there was not much fighting as Western Europe had expected. This lull in action came to be referred to as the phony war, or Sitzkrieg. Russia took advantage of the lull to attack Finland in November 1939. After an unexpectedly difficult four-month-long campaign, the immense Soviet Union managed to get Finland to cede 10% of her territory in the Moscow Peace Treaty, on March 12, 1940 The Fall of Mighty France In the spring of 1940 the Nazi High Command launched its attack on Western Europe . In its scope, complexity, and accomplishments it would be one of the most successful military campaigns ever carried out. In April 1940, Nazi forces invaded Norway and Denmark . The Norwegians fought back fiercely for three weeks before being vanquished, while Denmark was taken in even less time. In the second week of May the German armies overran neutral Holland , Belgium , and Luxemburg. After overrunning these countries Germany turned its attention to France . The French was on the defensive - relying on its much vaunted defensive fortifications known as the Maginot Line. However, in a brilliant and unexpected move by the Germans, they penetrated through to France via the Ardennes Forest between the Maginot Line and Belgium . The French and British had not thought the forest was accessible to armoured tanks and trucks. As a result of this, and also the superior German communications, the Battle of France was shorter than the Allied thought could have happened. It lasted six weeks, after which France surrendered. In order to humiliate the proud French people, Hitler arranged for the surrender document to be signed in the same railway coach where the German surrender had been signed in 1918. The fall of France left Britain and its Empire to stand alone. Fortunately for Britain , much of its army escaped capture from the northern French port of Dunkirk . In total, 330,000 troops were pulled off the beaches, of which 230,000 were British Hitler now stared across the English Channel ready to invade Britain . He declared "Where Napoleon failed, I will succeed". The odds against the British were overwhelming

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Ancient Greece, at its peak in the fourth century bce, fostered Homeric ideals of heroism that inspired writers and philosophers of the classical age to portray the human condition against the world’s uncertainties. Greek contributions in science, philosophy, art, literature, religion, and politics thus spread far and wide. European humanists in the fourteenth century revived interest in Greek culture and ideals, which still color contemporary thought. The civilization of ancient Greece twice effected important changes in world cultural balances, first when Alexander of Macedon (Alexander the Great, 356–323 bce) conquered a vast empire in western Asia, Egypt, and northwest India, spreading Greek ideas and customs far and wide, and a second time, beginning about l400 ce, when well-to-do citizens first in Italy and then also in northwestern Europe found that ancient Greek literature provided a useful guide and enrichment for their own lives. What made Greek patterns of civilization so attractive was that for a few generations a handful of Greek cities mobilized intense and widespread popular participation in politics and war, while also combining monumental public art with market economics. They called this unusual mix “freedom,” and the literary expressions of Greek freedom in poetry, history, and philosophy appealed to intellectually restless citizens in other times and places as both admirable and practical. Freedom continues to figure in contemporary politics, so the Greek example still echoes in our public affairs, though less strongly than it did before 1914, when the study of Greek (and Latin) literature dominated the schooling of Europe’s political leaders and many of those who supported them. Revival of the Olympic Games in 1896 was a late example of how ancient Greece continued to offer a model for Europeans to emulate, and by now Olympic competition has become worldwide. How did ancient Greece achieve its distinctive character? For more than a thousand years after 2000 bce, when Greek-speaking invaders began to filter in from the north, changes in Greece closely paralleled what was happening elsewhere. The initial invasions, for example, were part of a general expansion of herdsmen from the grassy steppes of Eurasia that brought Aryans to India, Persians to Iran, Hittites to Anatolia, and Slavs, Germans, Latins, and Celts to other parts of Europe. The newcomers had the advantage of warlike habits arising from the necessity of protecting their flocks and herds from raiders and from attacking neighbors in retaliation. Moreover, these warrior tribesmen had a superior diet, thanks to the milk and milk products they consumed, making them bigger and stronger than the grain farmers they displaced. Dry summers prevail in most of Greece and are bad for grass, so the invaders had to depend more on grain farming and to cut back on herding by sending flocks to high mountain pastures in summer. This brought Greek society into line with the contemporary scene in western Asia, where steppe invaders had overrun somewhat larger populations of farmers and the urban centers they supported. Accordingly, by about 1600 bce, closer encounters with centers of civilization in Crete, Egypt, and western Asia brought familiarity with royal government, bronze weapons and armor, chariots, writing, and monumental stone construction to Greece. Mycenae became the principal seat of wealth and power, where a massive lion gate and large beehive tombs attest to the greatness of the kings for whom they were built. Rural taxpayers, sometimes conscripted for work on such buildings, together with booty from sea raids along the shores of the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean sustained the kings of Mycenae and rulers of a handful of similar fortress-palaces in other parts of Greece. But chariots as well as bronze weapons and armor were scarce and expensive, so fully equipped warriors remained very few. Hence, about 1200 bce, when a second wave of Greek-speaking invaders, known as Dorians, armed with comparatively cheap and abundant iron weapons, advanced from the north, the superior number of their fighting men overwhelmed the old order of society. The newcomers promptly destroyed and abandoned Mycenae and the other palace-fortresses of Greece. With these invasions, a ruder, more egalitarian age dawned. Writing disappeared, so did monumental building. But bards who recited their poems to the sound of a lyre kept memories of the Mycenaean past at least dimly alive, especially among descendants of pre-Dorian Greek-speakers, known as Ionians. Soon after 700 bce Homer gave lasting form to this oral tradition by composing a pair of epic poems. One, the Iliad, described a critical episode during a sea raid that Agamemnon, King of Mycenae, perhaps (even probably), led against the city of Troy; its twin, the Odyssey, recounted the perilous return of Odysseus from Troy to his home in Ithaca. Homer’s poems were soon written down in a new alphabetic script imported (with adjustments) from Phoenicia, and they became fundamental to subsequent Greek assumptions and ideas about how men ought to behave. Homer’s heroes seek and attain glory by risking death in war, knowing ahead of time that sooner or later they will be defeated and die. Moreover, according to Homer, the gods play games with men, favoring some, defeating others whimsically; yet the very fact that the gods were immortal meant that they could not be truly heroic by risking life and limb. Instead, according to Homer, they were often merely spiteful and were ultimately subject to Fate—the nature of things—mysteriously spun out in detail by enigmatic, silent supernatural beings. Oddly, therefore, by risking everything, heroic humans surpassed the gods, at least morally, while sharing with them a common subordination to Fate. The unexamined life is not worth living.Socrates (469–399 bce) This unusual twist diminished the power of priests and conventional religion among the ancient Greeks and opened a path to all sorts of speculation seeking to anatomize Fate and penetrate more deeply into the nature of things, including, ere long, the nature of human society and of morals. No other ancient civilization centered so much on merely human affairs or unleashed human imagination and reasoning from sacred traditions so recklessly. That is why in later times urban populations among whom local versions of sacred doctrine had worn thin from too many encounters with persons of different religious background so often found Greek high culture powerfully attractive. Greek civilization further enhanced its attractiveness when Homeric heroism was transformed from an individual, personal pursuit into collective heroism in defense of small city-states, into which Greece eventually divided. Greek city-states had their own complex development from older migratory and tribal forms of society. Ionian Greeks, fleeing from Dorian invaders across the Aegean to found new settlements on the coast of modern Turkey, led the way. Kinship ties crumbled among haphazard groups of refugees, who consequently had to improvise new ways of keeping peace and order among themselves. Elected magistrates, holding office for a limited time (usually one year) and administering laws agreed upon by an assembly of male citizens, proved maximally effective. When such self-governing communities began to thrive and, after about 750 bce, started to found similar new cities in Sicily, southern Italy, and around the shores of the northern Aegean and Black Sea, an enlarged Greek world began to emerge, held together by shipping and trade, a more or less common language and the distinctive public institutions of the polis, to use the Greek term for a locally sovereign city-state. In Greece proper, the polis supplanted older kinship arrangements much more slowly. In the wake of the Dorian invasions, as people settled down to farm the same fields year after year, local hereditary kings, assisted by councils of noble landowners, began to emerge. They much resembled contemporary local rulers of western Asia. Population growth soon provoked a painful process of differentiation between noble landowners and dependent rent- and tax-paying peasants. This process went unchecked in Asia and quickly led to the emergence of new empires and kingdoms, like the biblical kingdom of David. In Greece, however, for something like three hundred years, a different pattern prevailed. The critical difference hinged on the emergence of phalanx warfare among the Greeks. Beginning about 650 bce, well-armored farmers, trained to keep in line so each man’s shield helped to protect the man next to him, proved superior to disorganized personal combat of the sort Homer had celebrated. When such men, equipped with spears and swords, arrayed themselves six ranks deep to form what the Greeks called a phalanx, their concerted charge easily swept less disciplined and closely packed opponents before it. Once this simple tactic proved uniformly successful, every Greek city had to maintain and if possible increase the size of its phalanx to be able to protect itself against its neighbors. Since fighting farmers had to arm themselves for the phalanx with income from the family farm, radical steps were necessary to prevent them from losing their land by going into debt to richer landowners. In Sparta, a (perhaps mythical) lawgiver named Lycourgos (Lycurgus) was credited with setting up a system of military training that required the “equals,” as Spartan citizens officially called themselves, to live in barracks between the ages of 20 and 30, practicing military skills and eating together. Family life became correspondingly marginal. Conquered helots in neighboring Messenia supplied the equals with the food they consumed, so Spartan citizens, specialized for war, became an unusual kind of upper class by exploiting the helots collectively. Prolonged military training soon made the Spartan phalanx superior to others, and by 490 bce Spartans had compelled most other city-states of southern Greece to become their allies. Athens, the other city whose internal history mattered most in later times, never attained internal stability to compare with Sparta’s under the Lycourgan constitution. In 594 bce, for example, Solon, after being elected chief magistrate with extraordinary powers, set out to check the decay of the Athenian phalanx by canceling debts and prohibiting debt slavery. But Solon’s efforts to invoke justice and “good law” did not make friction between rich and poor disappear. Half a century later a noble usurper, Peisistratus, seized power by force of arms and with popular support, then exiled his rivals so that his sons retained control until 510 bce. Two years after their forcible overthrow, another nobleman, Cleisthenes, instituted a more democratic regime in Athens. Rivalry between democratic Athens and Sparta’s mix of radical equality among a citizen elite and harsh repression of disfranchised helots became overt only after the Persian invasion (490–489 bce), when a precarious alliance of about twenty Greek cities, led by Sparta, managed to defeat the imperial army of perhaps sixty thousand men that Xerxes I, king of Persia and ruler of the largest empire Asia had yet seen, led against them. This surprising victory proved to the historian Herodotus (d. c. 425 bce) that free men, obedient to law, fought willingly and therefore better than unfree Persians subjected to a king. More generally, the victory gave an enormous fillip to Greek self-confidence and inaugurated what in retrospect seemed a golden age of creativity, concentrated especially in Athens. At the time, however, uncertainty and divided councils prevailed and ceaseless warfare continued to disturb civil society. Those who lived through that tumult would surely be surprised to know how reverently later generations looked up to their accomplishments. For in Athens, self-government by elected magistrates and an assembly in which all citizens could vote provoked perpetual dispute, and war mobilization required ever increasing effort. New thoughts and new dilemmas distracted people in private and public life, while sculpture, architecture, drama, history and philosophy all attained what later generations recognized as classical expression. This remarkable efflorescence of Greek, and especially of Athenian, civilization was sustained by an expanding market economy. Greek cities began to mint silver, copper, and even iron coins in small denominations, so everyone could buy and sell items of common consumption. Expanding markets, in turn, allowed specialized producers to achieve new levels of efficiency, thus enriching society at large. The most significant of these was specialized farming of olives (for oil) and of grapes (for wine). Beginning not long before 600 bce, production of wine and oil for sale spread ever more widely through southern and central Greece, wherever climate and soil allowed. That was because olive oil and wine commanded a ready market throughout the Mediterranean and Black Sea coastlands, where barbarian chieftains mobilized local peoples to supply grain, fish, timber, and other raw materials in exchange for the wine and oil they desired. For a long time terms of trade strongly favored the Greeks, so that the yield from an acre of land under vines or olive trees could be exchanged for far more grain than the same land in Greece could produce. As a result, throughout the classical age commercially specialized farming in Greece sustained free and more or less equal citizens far more comfortably (and in larger numbers) than could have been done by raising their own grain locally. In western Asia cities drew grain from their immediate hinterlands in the form of unrequited rents and taxes, but in Greece ships allowed cities to draw grain and other resources from far greater distances, in return for the oil and wine their farmer-citizens brought to market each year. Export of specialized artisan products—decorated Greek vases for example—supplemented this fundamental agricultural and raw-materials pattern of exchange. Artisans, too, specialized and rapidly improved the quality and quantity of their output. Thus, for a few generations, increasing wealth and skill concentrated in a few commercial cities, of which Athens was the most active. Eventually, when farmers in other parts of the Mediterranean learned how to raise olives and vines, Greeks lost their initial advantage. Greek rural prosperity waned correspondingly, and the expansive buoyancy of the classical age, when Greek population and wealth grew steadily, soon faded away. Yet it was political contradictions inherent in polis ideals of heroism and justice that brought an abrupt end to the Greek classical age in 338 bce, when a semibarbarian conqueror, Philip of Macedon, deprived Greek cites of their cherished freedom. Until then, Greek freedom triumphed on every front, restlessly, ruthlessly, amazingly. Immediately after their victory over the Persians, Athens and Sparta went their separate ways. Athens had played a conspicuously heroic part in the Persian War. When Xerxes overran their city, Athenians fled to the island of Salamis nearby and refused to surrender. Athenian triremes (the specialized Greek fighting ship that relied on rams, affixed to the ships’ prows, to sink enemy ships) then helped to defeat the Persian fleet in the straits separating Salamis from the Attic mainland (480 bce), compelling Xerxes to withdraw from Greece with most of his army before the Persian remnant suffered final defeat at Plataea the next year. Thereupon, the Athenians chose to keep their fleet in action and continued the war by sending naval expeditions to liberate Greek cities from Persian rule around the shores of the Aegean and beyond. Peace did not come until 448 bce, by which time Athens had built an empire, first freeing cities from the Persians and then taxing them to help support the Athenian fleet that “liberated” them. Spartans at first held back, fearful of helot revolt at home and dismayed by the sudden surge of Athenian power. Within Athens, the fleet’s annual campaigns swiftly altered internal balances. Citizens whose surplus younger sons lacked enough land to be able to buy armor and serve in the phalanx now had an attractive way to make ends meet by rowing in the fleet for a small wage, supplemented every so often by hauls of booty. In winter, when the fleet went ashore and stayed home, they were free to attend meetings of the assembly, whereas farmers, scattered across Attica, only attended when an unusual crisis arose. This gave a decisive advantage to property-less citizens and assured continuation of the aggressive overseas ventures upon which they had come to depend for a living. For a couple of generations, farmers served contentedly in the phalanx in summer when there was no work to be done in the fields, while a few wealthy aristocrats went along with the democracy, playing their own specialized part by refraining from conspicuous consumption in private life and competing instead for the honor of using their wealth for various public purposes, like equipping a trireme or financing one of the tragic performances that honored the god Dionysos (Dionysus). Despite rapid population growth, Athenian citizens remained comparatively few. War losses were substantial, and about a dozen colonies, dispatched to consolidate their emerging empire, also removed several thousand landless citizens. At the city’s maximum, in 431 bce, adult male citizens numbered somewhere between 35,000 and 50,000, of whom as many as 20,000 drew salaries from the state for rowing in the fleet and for other forms of public service, such as serving on juries in the law courts. The total population of Attica was probably between 250,000 and 350,000 persons, almost half of whom were disfranchised foreigners and slaves. So as in Sparta, many though not all Athenian citizens had become militarized “equals,” disciplined to row and maneuver their triremes more swiftly and accurately than others, just as years of training allowed Spartan soldiers to prevail on land. While the Athenian democracy thus concentrated on warfare, trade and artisan work fell mainly into the hands of resident foreigners. Slaves, too, played an important economic role as miners of newly discovered veins of silver ore in Attica. Silver from those mines financed the two hundred Athenian triremes that fought at Salamis; the mines also supplied silver for the Attic drachmae that soon became a standard currency throughout most of the Mediterranean coastlands. Athens’s combination of economic and military power, based on oil and wine exports, other far-ranging market exchanges, and the personal participation in war by farmer-soldiers in the phalanx and landless rowers in the fleet, was unmatched elsewhere. Athenian polis-wide collaboration always remained somewhat precarious, but under Pericles, who dominated the city’s politics between 445 and 429 bce, the Athenians indeed converted Homeric individual heroism into collective heroism on behalf of their polis. Rich and poor alike pursued honor more than personal gain, and their willing cooperation brought unusual success. Yet that success was profoundly ambiguous, since victorious Athenians became collective tyrants, suppressing the freedom of others. Accordingly, most Greeks (including some Athenians) came to feel that Athenian democratic and imperial policies were profoundly unjust. Invoking the “freedom of the Greeks” against unjust tyrants, whether home grown or coming from abroad, became and remained a heartfelt protest, long after the enlarged scale of war had made the freedom of separate cities unsustainable. Sparta, where collective heroism dated back to Lycourgos, soon took the lead in challenging the emerging Athenian Empire. Two bouts of war ensued. The first, waged on and off between 460 and 445 bce, turned out to be a draw; but the next Peloponnesian War (431–404 bce), as the Athenian historian Thucydides called it, ended in the overthrow of Athenian Empire and democracy. Yet the victorious Spartans were compromised from the start, as they prevailed only after accepting Persian money to finance the creation of the mercenary fleet they needed to defeat the Athenians at sea. The scale and intensity of these struggles altered Greek society very rapidly. Fighting became professionalized and commercialized; both Athens and Sparta hired troops and sailors from outside the polis to supplement armies and navies of citizens. Within Athens, rich and poor parted company when conspirators twice (411 and 404 bce) overthrew the democracy. To be sure, democracy was soon restored in Athens, at least in form; but the solidarity between rich and poor in pursuit of collective greatness never came back. Instead, independent farmer-citizen-soldiers gave way to mercenaries, while Athens, and Greek society everywhere, divided more and more sharply between landowners and dependent tillers of the soil. Simultaneously, commercial prosperity subsided as the Greeks lost their primacy in producing oil and wine for overseas markets. Politics changed to match, allowing larger landed property holders to monopolize what long remained vivacious political struggles among themselves at home and with neighboring cities. After 404 bce, the victorious Spartans quickly became even more unpopular than Athenians had been, before meeting defeat in 371 bce by the Thebans, who were in turn overthrown by Philip of Macedon in 338 bce. To keep the peace, Philip made himself commander-in-chief of a Hellenic league of cities. His son, Alexander, after ruthlessly suppressing a revolt, led a combined Macedonian and Greek army against the Persians in 334 bce. His victories brought the Persian Empire to an end, and after his death in 323 bce, Macedonian generals set up kingdoms of their own in Egypt, Asia, and Macedon. Greek cities nominally regained their freedom but in fact remained bit players in continuing great power struggles until 31 bce, when the Romans unified the entire Mediterranean coastline and its hinterlands in a more lasting empire. Long before 31 bce, Athenian art and literature of the classical age, 480 to 338 bce, had become familiar to wealthy Greeks everywhere. Precisely because the freedom of the polis was slipping away from their grasp, they cherished the Athenian literary heritage for showing how free men ought to conduct their affairs and lead a good life. Later on, Romans, too, shared a similar nostalgia, for their republican liberty was also a casualty of empire. Accordingly, Roman art and literature borrowed themes and ideas from their Greek predecessors, and the resulting amalgam was what, almost fourteen hundred years later, inspired Italian and other European humanists to revive ancient glories by teaching the young to read, admire, and emulate Greek and Roman literature and art. The power and complexity of Greek thought, and its concentration in Athens between 490 and 338 bce, remains amazing. Reason, imagination, doubt, hope, and fear all play their part in classical Greek literary exploration of the human condition. Fate, gods, and men interact, surprisingly, often inscrutably. Above all, classical Greek writers remained in thrall to Homer, portraying human beings heroically confronting the world’s uncertainties. Greek sculptors also portrayed both men and gods in heroic human form, and attained greater visual accuracy than art traditions of Asia or elsewhere had done before. Greek monumental architecture remained simple, featuring columnar façades and straight geometrical rooflines. But subtle curvature and proportion please modern eyes as much as they presumably did when first constructed. In later centuries, classical Greek styles of sculpture and architecture spread widely across Europe and Asia; they still affect many of our public buildings. Yet there was more to the Greek cultural heritage than visual art, civic solidarity, and collective heroism. Rational argument, science, and philosophy burgeoned as well, rivaling traditional religious ritual and belief. This aspect of Greek society reflected the fact that religion in Greece had become a hodgepodge by the time written texts allow us to know anything about it. Ancient and secret fertility cults, like the one at Eleusis, promised eternal life to initiates. Such mysteries fitted awkwardly with Homer’s quarrelsome gods, living on top of Mount Olympus. In addition, Greeks engaged in ecstatic worship of Dionysos, god of wine, sought cures from Aesclapios (Asclepius) through dreams, and inquired about the future from oracles like that at Delphi, where fumes from the earth intoxicated the Pythia, making her babble in ways that priestly experts interpreted for inquiring visitors. The Greeks also honored the gods by stripping themselves naked to compete in athletic contests at Olympia and elsewhere at special festivals. This shocked others, but became a distinctive trait of Hellenism as it spread across western Asia in the wake of Alexander’s armies, rooting itself in new Greek-style cities founded by discharged veterans. Nothing resembling a coherent worldview emerged from such confusion, and when Greeks began to buy and sell overseas, they encountered an even greater confusion of religious ideas and practices in Egypt, Asia, and more northerly lands. Polis magistrates could and did reconcile the irreconcilable in ritual fashion by sustaining traditional rites and in some cases elaborating on them, as happened in Athens with the development of dramatic festivals honoring Dionysos. Athenian playwrights, notably Aeschylus, Euripides, and Sophocles, used drama to explore moral and political issues. Although they advocated civic institutions like justice and moral courage as healthy alternatives to the violent uncertainties of human life, they never came near to making the world as a whole make sense. That was left to a handful of philosophers, who, beginning in Ionia with Thales of Miletus (d. c. 546 bce), took the radical step of disregarding gods and spirits, surmising instead that just as men in the polis regulated their lives by invisible binding laws, nature too perhaps obeyed its own natural laws. Thales for example—perhaps drawing on Mesopotamian creation myths—said that everything came from water by rarification and condensation, with the difference that gods were erased, leaving water and other elements (earth, air, and fire) to behave lawfully. Others pursued this leap in the dark in different directions, proposing some notions that were destined to future significance, like the atomic theory of matter. Mathematics had special attraction for early Greek philosophers since geometrical demonstrations were logically certain and seemed universally true. Here, perhaps, was a model for natural law in general, of which polis law itself was only an instance. Pythagoras of Samos (d. c. 500 bce) carried such ideas to an extreme. He founded a secret brotherhood that was soon forcibly dispersed, and taught that the world was made of numbers and that studying their harmonies might permit human souls to survive death through reincarnation. Only fragments remain from the sayings and writings of Pythagoras and other early Greek philosophers, so modern understanding of their efforts to make the world make sense remain very uncertain and imperfect. Philosophical discussion turned increasingly to human affairs, with the intense controversies surrounding the rise of democracy. Not surprisingly, Athens became the principal center of debate. A school of sophists made their living by preparing young men for political careers, teaching them how to argue a case—any case—convincingly. Some sophists taught that right and wrong were merely human inventions. That in turn provoked others, of whom Socrates (d. 399 bce) was the most influential, to argue that right and wrong, truth, beauty, honor, justice, and all the other ideas that citizens held dear, were unchanging and rooted in the nature of things, though Socrates was more successful in refuting those who disagreed with him than in explaining his own beliefs. Socrates wrote nothing, but his pupil Plato (d. 347 bce) pursued the same effort by writing a long series of dialogues that survive for our inspection and continuing delight. Plato wanted to believe in a world of unchanging immaterial ideas that somehow guaranteed truth; but, to judge by his later dialogues, never entirely convinced himself that such a world existed. Nevertheless, Plato’s dialogues raised questions for subsequent philosophers to examine endlessly. In addition, by founding the Academy, where young men gathered for advanced study and debate, Plato set up a lasting institutional framework for ancient philosophy. His pupil, Aristotle (384–322 bce), codified the rules of logic, and his other writings offered plausible answers to almost everything else his predecessors had argued about. Subsequent Greek and Roman philosophers continued to disagree until the Christian Emperor Justinian forcibly disbanded the Academy in 529 ce. All the same, pagan philosophers’ ideas provided an educated upper class of citizens in Hellenistic and Roman times with ready answers to a wide range of personal and scientific questions, independent of any sort of religious authority. This body of learning—secular, rational, argumentative and complex—rivaled (and also suffused) later religious worldviews. It ranks among the most significant heritages passed on from Greek antiquity, for in later centuries Greek philosophy and natural science took on new life among both Muslims and Christians, and still colors contemporary thought. In sum, science, philosophy, art, literature, war and politics throughout the world are still influenced by our complex and tangled heritage from ancient Greece. We're sorry this article wasn't helpful. Tell us how we can improve.

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History of Winnipeg Winnipeg lies at the confluence of the Assiniboine River and the Red River, known as The Forks, a historic focal point on canoe river routes travelled by Aboriginal peoples for thousands of years. The name Winnipeg is a transcription of a western Cree word meaning "muddy waters"; the general area was populated for thousands of years by First Nations. In prehistory, through oral stories, archaeology, petroglyphs, rock art, and ancient artifacts, it is known that natives would use the area for camps, hunting, fishing, trading, and further north, agriculture. The first farming in Manitoba appeared to be along the Red River, near Lockport, Manitoba, where maize (corn) and other seed crops were planted before contact with Europeans. For thousands of years there have been humans living in this region, and there are many archaeological clues about their ways of life. The rivers provided transportation far and wide and linked many peoples-such as the Assiniboine, Ojibway, Anishinaabe, Mandan, Sioux, Cree, Lakota, and others—for trade and knowledge sharing. Ancient mounds were once made near the waterways, similar to that of the mound builders of the south. Lake Winnipeg was considered to be an inland sea, with important river links to the mountains out west, the Great Lakes to the east, and the Arctic Ocean in the north. The Red River linked ancient northern and southern peoples along the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers. The first maps of some areas were made on birch bark by the Ojibway, which helped fur traders find their way along the rivers and lakes. The first French officer arrived in the area in 1738. Sieur de La Vérendrye built the first fur trading post on the site (Fort Rouge), which was later abandoned. The French traded in the area for several decades before Hudson Bay traders arrived. The first English traders visited the area about the year 1767.Fort Gibraltar was built by the North West Company in 1809, and Fort Douglas was built by the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) in 1812. The two companies fought fiercely over trade in the area, and each destroyed some of the other's forts over the course of several battles. In 1821, the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies ended their long rivalry with a merger. Fort Gibraltar, at the site of present-day Winnipeg, was renamed Fort Garry in 1822 and became the leading post in the region for the Hudson’s Bay Company. A flood destroyed the fort in 1826 flood, and it was not rebuilt until 1835. The fort was the residence of the Governor of the company for many years. It became a part of the first major colony and settlement in western Canada. Beginning in the mid-17th century the Métis, an ethnic group descended from the mixing of French traders and Cree tribes people as well as other First Nations peoples, began settling in the Red River Valley. They were heavily involved in the fur trade as hunters and traders. The first formal settlement in the region, the Red River Colony, was created by Lord Selkirk in 1811. He purchased land from the Hudson's Bay Company and surveyed river lots in the early 19th century. For its part the Red River Colony became an important center for fur trapping. Important British trading posts included Fort Alexander, operated by the Hudson's Bay Company, and Fort Bas-de-la-Rivière, operated by the North West Company. Additionally as settlers from the U.S. established posts in what is now Minnesota, illegal trade routes known as the Red River Trails developed between the Red River Colony and Saint Paul. In 1869–70, Winnipeg was the site of the Red River Rebellion, a conflict between the local provisional government of Métis, led by Louis Riel, and the newcomers from eastern Canada. General Garnet Wolseley was sent to put down the rebellion. This rebellion led directly to Manitoba's entry into the Confederation as Canada's fifth province in 1870, and on November 8, 1873, Winnipeg was incorporated as a city. In 1876, three years after the city's incorporation, the post office officially adopted the name "Winnipeg." The first locomotive in Winnipeg, the Countess of Dufferin, arrived via steamboat in 1877. The Canadian Pacific Railway completed the first direct rail link from eastern Canada in 1881, opening the door to mass immigration and settlement of Winnipeg and the Canadian Prairies. The history of Winnipeg's rail heritage and the Countess of Dufferin may be seen at the Winnipeg Railway Museum. Winnipeg experienced a boom during the 1890s and the first two decades of the 20th century, and the city's population grew from 25,000 in 1891 to more than 179,000 in 1921. The only large city on the prairie in 1891, Winnipeg was until the second decade of the twentieth century the leading commercial center of the prairie provinces. In succeeding decades as other prairie centers such as Calgary, Edmonton, and Regina become centers of trade, Winnipeg's relative role was reduced, although it remained preeminent. As immigration increased during this period, Winnipeg took on its distinctive multicultural character. The Manitoba Legislative Building reflects the optimism of the boom years. Built mainly of Tyndall Stone and opened in 1920, its dome supports a bronze statue finished in gold leaf titled, "Eternal Youth and the Spirit of Enterprise" (commonly known as the "Golden Boy"). The Manitoba Legislature was built in the neoclassical style that is common to many other North American state and provincial legislative buildings of the 19th century and early 20th century. The Legislature was built to accommodate representatives for three million people, which was the expected population of Manitoba at the time. Winnipeg faced financial difficulty when the Panama Canal opened in 1914. The canal reduced reliance on Canada's rail system for international trade, and the increase in ship traffic helped Vancouver surpass Winnipeg to become Canada's third-largest city in the 1960s. Winnipeg General Strike Following World War I, owing to a postwar recession, appalling labour conditions, and the presence of radical union organizers and a large influx of returning soldiers, 35,000 Winnipeggers walked off the job in May 1919 in what came to be known as the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. After many arrests, deportations, and incidents of violence, the strike ended on June 21, 1919, when the Riot Act was read and a group of Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers charged a group of strikers. Two strikers were killed and at least thirty others were injured, resulting in the day's being known as Bloody Saturday; the lasting effect was a polarized population. One of the leaders of the strike, J. S. Woodsworth, went on to found Canada's first major socialist party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), which would later become the New Democratic Party. The Great Depression and World War II The stock market crash of 1929 only hastened an already steep decline in Winnipeg; the Great Depression resulted in massive unemployment, which was worsened by drought and depressed agricultural prices. The Depression ended when World War II started in 1939. The first Canadian to see battle was Winnipegger Selby Roger Henderson who enlisted in the RAF just before the start of the war. He participated in the attack on enemy ships at Wilhelmshaven, Germany on September 4, 1939. The Winnipeg Grenadiers were among the first Canadians to engage in combat against Japan in the Battle of Hong Kong during World War II. Those in the battalion that didn't die in the conflict were captured and brutalized in prisoner of war camps. In Winnipeg, the established armouries of Minto, Tuxedo (Fort Osborne), and McGregor were so crowded that the military had to take over other buildings to increase capacity. In 1942, the Government of Canada's Victory Loan Campaign staged a mock Nazi invasion of Winnipeg to increase awareness of the stakes of the war in Europe. The very realistic invasion included Nazi aircraft and troops overwhelming Canadian forces within the city. Air raid sirens sounded and the city was blacked out. The event was covered by North American media and featured in the film "If Day". Winnipeg played a large part in the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan (BCATP). The mandate of the BCATP was to train flight crews away from the battle zones in Europe. Pilots, navigators, bombardiers, wireless operators, air gunners, and flight engineers all passed through Winnipeg on their way to the various air schools across western Canada; Winnipeg served as a headquarters for Command No. 2. After World War II and the 1950 flood The end of World War II brought a new sense of optimism in Winnipeg. Pent-up demand brought a boom in housing development, but building activity came to a halt due to the 1950 Red River Flood, the largest flood to hit Winnipeg since 1861; the flood held waters above flood stage for 51 days. On May 8, 1950, eight dikes collapsed, four of the city's eleven bridges were destroyed, and nearly 100,000 people had to be evacuated, making it Canada's largest evacuation in history. Premier Douglas Campbell called for federal assistance, and Canadian Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent declared a state of emergency. Soldiers from the Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry regiment staffed the relief effort for the duration of the flood. The federal government estimated damages at over $26-million, although the province insisted it was at least double that. To protect the city from future flood damage, the Red River Basin Investigation recommended a system of flood control measures, including multiple diking systems and a floodway to divert the Red River around Winnipeg; this prompted construction of the Red River Floodway under Premier Dufferin Roblin. Prior to 1972, Winnipeg was the largest of thirteen cities and towns in a metropolitan area around the Red and Assiniboine rivers. Unicity was created on July 27, 1971, and took effect with the first elections in 1972. The City of Winnipeg Act incorporated the current city of Winnipeg; the municipalities of Transcona, St. Boniface, St. Vital, West Kildonan, East Kildonan, Tuxedo, Old Kildonan, North Kildonan, Fort Garry, Charleswood, and the City of St. James, were amalgamated with the Old City of Winnipeg. In 1979, the Eaton's catalogue building was converted into the first downtown mall in the city. It was called Eaton Place, but would change its name to Cityplace following the controversial demolition of the empty Eaton's store in 2002. Immediately following the 1979 energy crisis, Winnipeg experienced a severe economic downturn in advance of the early 1980s recession. Throughout the recession, the city incurred closures of prominent businesses such as the Winnipeg Tribune and the Swift's and Canada Packers meat packing plants. In 1981, Winnipeg was one of the first cities in Canada to sign a tripartite agreement to redevelop its downtown area. The three levels of government—federal, provincial and municipal—have contributed over $271-million to the development needs of downtown Winnipeg over the past 20 years. The funding was instrumental in attracting Portage Place mall, which comprises the headquarters of Investors Group, the offices of Air Canada, and several apartment complexes. In 1993, feeling that their community needs were not being fulfilled, the residents of Headingley seceded from Winnipeg and officially became incorporated as a municipality. The first elections for city government in Winnipeg were held shortly after incorporation in 1873. On January 5, 1874, Francis Evans Cornish, former mayor of London, Ontario, defeated Winnipeg Free Press editor and owner William F. Luxton by a margin of 383 votes to 179. There were only 382 eligible voters in the city at the time, but property owners were allowed to vote in every civic poll in which they owned property. Until 1955, mayors could only serve one term. City government consisted of 13 aldermen and one mayor; this number of elected officials remained constant until 1920. Construction of a new City Hall commenced in 1875. The building proved to be a structural nightmare, and eventually had to be held up by props and beams. The building was eventually demolished so that a new City Hall could be built in 1883. A new City Hall building was constructed in 1886. It was a "gingerbread" building, built in Victorian grandeur, and symbolized Winnipeg's coming of age at the end of the 19th century. The building stood for nearly 80 years. There was a plan to replace it around the World War I era (during the construction of the Manitoba Legislative Building.), but the war delayed that process. In 1958, falling plaster almost hit visitors to the City Hall building. The tower eventually had to be removed, and in 1962, the whole building was torn down. The Winnipeg City Council embraced the idea of a "Civic Centre" as a replacement for the old city hall. The concept originally called for an administrative building and a council building, with a courtyard in between. Eventually, a police headquarters and remand centre (the Public Safety Building) and parkade were added to the plans. The four buildings were completed in 1964 in the brutalist style, at a cost of $8.2 million. The Civic Centre and the Manitoba Centennial Centre were connected by underground tunnels in 1967. Tipis on the prairie near the Red River Colony, 1858 - The Forks. "History". Retrieved 2008-11-04. - The Forks National Historic Site of Canada. "Parks Canada". Retrieved 2007-01-05. - Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter's River, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, &c., &c. performed in the year 1823, by order of the Hon. J.C. Calhoun, secretary of war, under the command of Stephan H. Long, major U.S.T. E. / Author: Colhoun, James Edward. - Risjord (2005), p. 41. - Wilson (2009), p. lx. - Gilman (1979), p. 8, 14. - U Guelph. "U Guelph". Archived from the original on 2007-06-29. Retrieved 2007-10-03. - Gerald, Friesan (1987). The Canadian Praries: A History (Student ed.). Toronto and London: University of Toronto Press. pp. 274–280. ISBN 0-8020-6648-8. "One by one, the city's prairie-wide functions were whittled away; by 1940, though still the first city of the prairies.... It had become merely the capital of a province, the economic and transportation centre of a limited trading area, rather than the metropolis of the entire Western interior." - Planetware. "Winnipeg, Manitoba". Retrieved 2007-10-03. - The Dirty Thirties in Prairie Canada: 11th Western Canada Studies. Western Canadian Studies Conference (11th: 1979: University of Calgary). Edited by R. D. Francis and H. Ganzevoort. Vancouver: Tantalus Research, 1980. ISBN 0-919478-46-8. - Manitoba 125 - A History v.3. Edited by Greg Shilliday. Winnipeg: Great Plains Publications., 1995. ISBN 0-9697804-1-9 - "Canadians in Hong Kong". Veteran Affairs Canada. Retrieved 2009-07-29. - "February 19, 1942: If Day". Manitoba Historical Society. Retrieved 2009-06-07. - "World War II". Canadawiki. Retrieved 2007-05-16. - "Manitoba Royal Commission". American Review of Canadian Studies. Retrieved 2007-07-04. - "Hansard". Manitoba Legislature. Retrieved 2007-08-08. - "Urban Development Agreements". Western Economic Diversification Canada. Archived from the original on 2008-04-17. Retrieved 2008-04-29. - "History". The Forks. Retrieved 2009-05-03. - Gilman, Rhoda R.; Gilman, Carolyn; Miller, Deborah L. (1979). Red River Trails : Oxcart Routes Between St Paul and the Selkirk Settlement 1820-1870. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press. ISBN 978-0-87351-133-9. - Risjord, Norman K. (2005). A Popular History of Minnesota. Saint Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press. ISBN 0-87351-532-3. - Wilson, Maggie (2009). Rainy River Lives. Omaha: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-2062-1.

http://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Winnipeg

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Basic Information and Incidence/Trends What is HIV? What is AIDS? HIV (Human Immunodeficiency Virus) is a virus. You may hear that someone is HIV infected, has HIV infection, or has HIV disease. These are all terms that mean the person has HIV in his or her body and can pass the virus to other people. HIV attacks the body's immune system. The immune system protect the body from infections and disease, but has no clear way to protect it from HIV. Without treatment, most people infected with HIV become less able to fight off the germs that we are exposed to every day. Many of these germs do not usually make a healthy person sick, but they can cause life-threatening infections and cancers in a person whose immune systems has been weakened by HIV. HIV treatments can slow this process and allow people with HIV to live longer, healthier lives. People infected with HIV may have no symptoms for ten or more years. They may not know they are infected. An HIV test is the only way to find out if you have HIV. AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) is a late stage of HIV disease. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), a person with HIV infection has AIDS when he or she: - has a CD4 cell count (a way to measure the strength of the immune system) that falls below 200. A normal CD4 cell count is 500 or higher. OR - develops any of the specific, serious conditions - also called AIDS-defining illnesses - that are linked with HIV infection (see Appendix for a list of these conditions). Who is at risk for getting HIV? A person of any age, sex, race, ethnic group, religion, economic background, or sexual orientation can get HIV. Those who are most at risk are: - people who have "unprotected sex" with someone who has HIV. Unprotected sex means vaginal, anal, or oral sex without using a condom. - people who share needles, syringes, or other equipment to inject drugs, steroids, or even vitamins or medicine with someone who has HIV. - Babies can potentially become infected during their mother's pregnancy, during delivery, or after birth in the immediate postpartum period. They can also become infected through breastfeeding. - Health care and maintenance workers who may be exposed to blood and/or body fluids at work sometimes get infected through on-the-job exposures like needle-stick injuries. Before 1985, some people were infected through blood transfusions or the use of blood products. In May 1985, the United States began screening all blood products for HIV, so the risk of getting HIV from a blood transfusion today is now very low. You can get HIV if infected blood, semen, vaginal fluids, or breast milk gets into your body. How long can people live with HIV or AIDS? Medicines that fight HIV have helped many people with HIV and AIDS live years and even decades longer than was possible in the past, before effective treatment was available. HIV treatments are not a cure, and they do not work equally well for everyone, but they have extended the lives of many people with HIV and AIDS. Without treatment, some people live for just a few years after getting HIV. Others live much longer. Researchers are studying a small number of people with HIV who have not become ill for more than ten years, even without any HIV treatment. However, these people are still infected with HIV and can pass the virus to others. Can I get a vaccine to prevent HIV infection or AIDS? No. There is no vaccine to prevent HIV infection. Researchers are working to develop a vaccine. Vaccines in development are being tested to find out if they work. Is there a cure for HIV or AIDS? No. There is no cure for HIV or AIDS. However, there are medicines that fight HIV and help people with HIV and AIDS live longer, healthier lives. How many people are living with HIV and AIDS? According to the United Nations organization UNAIDS, as of 2003, there were an estimated 40 million persons living with HIV and AIDS worldwide. Of these, 37 million were adults, and 2.5 million were under age 15. The overwhelming majority of persons with HIV live in resource-poor countries. As of December, 2002, 517,000 persons were known to be living with HIV and AIDS in the United States. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that 170,000 more Americans are infected with HIV but do not know it. Additionally, CDC estimates that 501,669 persons had died from AIDS in the U.S. as of December 2002. What is the status of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in New York State? As of December 2007, more than 180,674 persons in New York State had been diagnosed with AIDS; approximately 73,889 of those persons are still living. Of those 73,889 persons living with AIDS: - 44% are African American. - 30% are Hispanic. - 25% are white. - 0.7% are Asian/Pacific Islander. - 0.1% are Native American. - 26% are women. - 5% are under the age of 25. - 15% are over the age of 50. AIDS has been diagnosed in people living in every county of New York State. However, 79% of New Yorkers currently living with AIDS were living in New York City at the time they were diagnosed. In June 2000, New York State began reporting cases of people diagnosed with HIV only (not AIDS) in addition to reporting AIDS cases. Since then, New York State counts and reports HIV cases separately from AIDS cases. As of June 30, 2007, there were 46,040 persons in New York State living with HIV (but not AIDS). Of those persons: - 44% are African American. - 29% are Hispanic. - 24% are white. - 1.3% are Asian/Pacific Islander. - 0.1% are Native American. - 33% are women. - 8% are under the age of 25. - 26% are over the age of 50. Of those New Yorkers who are currently living with HIV (but not AIDS), 77% of them were living in New York City at the time they were diagnosed. The State Department of Health also tracks the "risk factors" identified by people who test positive for HIV. The risk factor is the most likely way a person became infected. Of the persons currently living with AIDS in New York State: - 29% have a risk factor of using intravenous drugs. - 30% are men with a risk factor of having sex with men. - 16% have a risk factor of heterosexual sex. Injection drug use (through sexual contact with an injection drug user or infants infected prenatally) was the direct or indirect cause of infection for 44 percent of the persons in New York State who were living with AIDS as of December 2002. Of all cases with known risk, 52.3 percent are directly or indirectly attributable to injection drug use. Risk factor information is currently unavailable for more than 40% of the people who are living with HIV only. Among the persons for whom risk data have been obtained: - 34% are men with a risk factor of having sex with men. - 17% have a risk factor of heterosexual sex. - 15% have a risk factor of using IV drugs. It is estimated that another 37,500 to 50,000 New Yorkers are infected with HIV but do not know it. As of December 31, 2007, 103,141 New Yorkers had died from AIDS. Where can I find updated statistics on HIV and AIDS? The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) posts statistics about HIV and AIDS in the United States on it's website: www.cdc.gov. The CDC website is also available in Spanish at www.cdc.gov/spanish. Or you can call the CDC toll-free at 1-800-342-2437 (English) or 1-800-344-7432 (Spanish) to request information. Statistics about HIV and AIDS in New York State are listed on the State Department of Health website: www.nyhealth.gov. Or call the New York State HIV/AIDS Hotline to request information: - 1-800-541-2437 (English) - 1-800-233-7432 (Spanish) - TDD information line: 1-800-369-2437 - Voice callers can use the New York Relay System: call 711 or 1-800-421-1220 and ask the operator for 1-800-541-2737.

http://www.health.ny.gov/diseases/aids/facts/questions/basicinformation.htm

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|Themes > Science > Chemistry > Organic Chemistry > Common Definitions and Terms in Organic Chemistry| These definitions are the preferred ones to be used in Organic Chemistry. Note that some terms (such as configuration) have more than one interpretation. acid: an agent able to produce positively charged hydrogen ions (H+). [Since the hydrogen ion is a bare proton, it usually exists in a solvated form (such as H3O+).] achiral: not chiral. A compound (or object) that is superimposible on its mirror image. For example CH4. activation energy: the miminmum energy which reacting species must possess in order to be able to form an 'activated complex', or 'transition state', before proceeding to the products. [The activation energy (Ea) may be derived from the temperature dependence of the reaction rate using the Arrhenius equation.] addition reactions: reactions in which an unsaturated system is saturated or part saturated by the addition of a molecule across the multiple bond.[E.g. the addition of bromine to ethene to form 1,2-dibromoethane] alkaloid: organic substances occurring naturally, which are basic, forming salts with acids. The basic group is usually an amino function. allyl group: a group containing 3 carbon atoms and a double bond [C1=C2-C3, where C3 is called the allyliuc position or allylic carbon atom]. allylic rearrangement: the migration of a double bond in a 3-carbon system from carbon atoms one and two to carbon atoms two and three, e.g. C1=C2-C3-X X-C1-C2=C3 anomers: the specific term used to describe carbohydrate stereoisomers differing only in configuration at the hemi-acetal carbon atom. Example aromatic: an aromatic molecule or ion possesses aromaticity. Aromaticity is the special property of planar (or nearly planar) cyclic, conjugated systems having (4n+2) conjugated pi electrons. The delocalisation of the (4n+2) pi electrons gives them special stability. For benzene, the most common aromatic system (n = 1, therefore 6 pi electrons), the aromaticity confers the characteristic reactivity of electrophilic substitution. association: a term applied to the combination of molecules of a substance with one another to form more complex systems.[ See dissociation and dissociation constant.] asymmetry: a term applied an object or molecule that does not possess symmetry. asymmetric induction: a term applied to the selective synthesis of one diastereomeric form of a compound resulting from the influence of an existing chiral centre adjacent to the developing asymmetric carbon atom. [This usually arises because, for steric reasons, the incoming atom or group does not have equal access to both sides of the molecule.] atomic orbital: the energy levels of electrons in an atom which may be described in terms of the four quantum numbers. Avogadro's constant: the number of particles (atoms or molecules) in one mole of any pure substance. [6.022 x 1023] base: a base is a substance that can combine with a proton. bimolecular reaction: a chemical reaction in which two species (e.g. molecules, ions or radicals) react together to form new chemical species. [The majority of reactions are bimolecular or proceed through a series of bimolecular steps.] bond energy: the energy required to break a particular bond by a homolytic process. buffer solution: a solution of definite pH made up in such a way that the pH alters only gradually with the addition of an acid or a base. canonical structures: any of two or more hypothetical structures of resonance theory which can be written for a molecule simply by rearranging the valence electrons of the molecule. [E.g. the two Kekule structures of benzene. They are sometimes called 'valence bond isomers'] catalyst: a substance that, when added to a reaction mixture, changes (speeds up) the rate of attainment of equilibrum in the system without itself undergoing a permanent chemical change. catalytic cracking: the method for producing gasoline from heavy petroleum distillates. [Generally the catalysts are mixtures of silica and alumina or synthetic conjugates such as the zeolites.] catalytic reforming: the process of improving the octane number of straight-run gasoline by increasing the proportion of aromatic and branched chain alkanes. [Catalysts employed are either molybdenum-aluminium oxides or platinum based.] chain reaction: reactions which proceed by means of a set of repeating cyclical steps, e.g. the free radical addition of hydrogen bromide to an alkene. chirality: a term which may be applied to any asymmetric object or molecule. The property of non-identity of an object with its mirror image. chromatography: A series of related techniques for the separation of a mixture of compounds by their distribution between two phases. In gas-liquid chromatography the distribution is between a gaseous and a liquid phase. In column chromatography the distribution is between a liquid and a solid phase. compound: a term used generally to indicate a definite combination of elements into a more complex structure (a molecule) but it is also applied to systems with non-stoichiometric proportions of elements. configuration: the order and relative spatial arrangement of the atoms in a molecule. Absolute configuration is when the relative 3 dimensional arrangement in space of atoms in a chiral molecule have been correlated with an absolute standard. configurational isomers: a series of compounds which have the same constitution and bonding of atoms but which differ in their atomic spatial arrangement. [E.g. glucose and mannose are configurational isomers. Also called stereoisomers. See also positional or structural isomers.] conformation: the spatial arrangement of a molecule in space at any particular moment in time. [Most molecules can adopt an infinite number of conformations because of the possible rotation about single covalent bonds. Of these possibilities most compounds tend to spend most time in only one or a few conformational states, called the preferred conformations.] conformer: a conformation of a molecule; generally these will be at energy minima. conjugation: a sequence of alternating double (or triple) and single bonds. [E.g. C=C-C=C and C=C-C=O. Conjugation can also be relayed by the participation of lone pairs of electrons or vacant orbitals.] co-ordinate bond: The linkage of two atoms by a pair of electrons both electrons being provided by one of the atoms (the donor). [Coordinate bonds are covalent bonds.] constitution: the number and type of atoms in a molecule. covalent bond: the linkage of two atoms by the sharing of two electrons. delocalization: electron systems in which bonding electrons are not localised between two atoms as for a single bond but are spread (delocalized) over the whole group. [E.g pi-bond electrons, in particular the delocalised pi-electrons associated with aromatic molecules.] dextrorotatory: the phenomenon in which plane polarised light is turned in a clockwise direction. diastereomers (or diastereoisomers): stereoisomeric structures which are not enantiomers (mirror images) of one another. [Often applied to systems which differ only in the configuration at one carbon atom, e.g. meso- and d- or l-tartaric acids are diastereoisomeric.] dihedral angle: the angle between groups attached on adjacent carbon atoms when viewed in a Newman projection. disproportionation: a process in which a compound of one oxidation state changes to compounds two or more oxidation states [E.g. 2Cu+ --> Cu + Cu2+] dissociation: The process whereby a molecule is split into simpler fragments which may be smaller molecules, atoms, free radicals or ions. dissociation constant: the measure of the extent of dissociation, measured by the dissociation constant K. For the process: AB = A + B K = ([A][B])/[AB] double bond: some atoms can share two pairs of electrons to form a double bond (two covalent bonds). Formally the second (double) bond arises from the overlap of p orbitals from two atoms, already united by a sigma bond, to form a pi bond. dyestuffs: intensely coloured compounds applied to a substrate. Colours are due to the absorption of light to give electronic transitions. eclipsed: a conformation in which substituents on two attached saturated carbon atoms overlap when viewed as a Newman projection. electronegativity: the tendency for atoms in a molecule to attract electrons. [Measured in terms of the HOMO and LUMO energy levels.] electronic configuration: the particular order in which electrons are arranged in an atom or molecule. [Used in a distinct and different sense from stereochemical configuration.] electronic transition: in an atom or molecule the electrons have certain allowed energies only (orbitals). If an electron passes from one orbital to another an electronic transition occurs and there is the emission or absorption of energy corresponding to the difference in energy of the two orbitals. electrophile: an atom, molecule or ion able to accept an electron pair. electrophilic substitution: an overall reaction in which an electrophile binds to a substrate with the expulsion of another electrophile. [The most common example is the electrophilic substitution of a proton by another electrophile, such as a nitronium ion, on an aromatic substrate such as benzene. electrovalent (ionic) bond: bonding by electrostatic attraction. element: a substance which cannot be further subdivided by chemical methods. enantiomers: a pair of isomers which are related as mirror images of one another. [E.g. isomers differing only in the configuration about the chiral atoms.] endothermic: a reaction in which heat is absorbed. energy diagram (or reaction energy diagram): a graph of the energy of a reaction against the progress of the reaction. enthalpy: a thermodynamic state function, generally measured in kilojoules per mole. In chemical reactions the enthalpy change (deltaH) is related to changes in the free energy (deltaG) and entropy (deltaS) by the equation: deltaG = deltaH - T.deltaS entropy: a thermodynamic quantity which is a measure of the degree of disorder within any system. [The greater the degree of order the higher the entropy; for an increase in entropy S is positive. Entropy has the units of joules per degree K per mole.] enzyme: a naturally occurring substance able to catalyse a chemical reaction. epimerization: a process in which the configuration about one chiral centre of a compound, containing more than one chiral atom, is inverted to give the opposite configuration. [The term epimers is often used to describe two related compounds which differ only in the configuration about one chiral atom.] epoxidation: the addition of an oxygen bridge across a double bond to give an oxirane. [Achieved by use of a peracid or, in a few cases, by use of a catalyst and oxygen.] equilibrium constant: according to the law of mass action, for any reversible chemical reaction: aA + bB = cC + dD, the equilibrium constant (K)is defined as: K = ([C]c[D]d)/([A]a[B]b) excited state: the state of an atom, molecule or group when it has absorbed energy and become excited to a higher energy state as compared to the normal ground state. The excited state may be electronic, vibrational, rotational, etc. Fischer projection: a convention for drawing carbon chains so that the relative 3-dimensional stereochemistry of the carbon atoms is relatively easy portrayed on a 2-dimensional drawing. Example. free energy (deltaG): a thermodynamic state function; the free energy change (deltaG) in any reaction is related to the enthalpy and entropy: deltaG = deltaH - T.deltaS free radicals: molecules or ions with unpaired electrons and hence generally extremely reactive. ['Stable' free radicals include molecular oxygen, NO, and NO2. Organic free radicals range from those of transient existence only to very long-lived species. Alkyl free radicals tend to be very reactive and short lived.] frontier orbital symmetry: the theory that the site and rates of reaction depend on the geometries, sign of the wave function and relative energies of the highest occupied molecular orbital (HOMO) of one molecule and the lowest unoccupied molecular orbital (LUMO) of the other. gauche: a conformational isomer in which the groups are neither eclipsed nor trans to one another. [Often taken as the conformation where the dihedral angle between the groups is 60o.] geometrical isomerism: a term describing isomerism owing to the presence of restricted rotation about a bond. [The major example is (Z) and (E) isomers of unsymmetrically substituted alkenes.] ground state: the lowest energy state of an atom, molecule or ion. half-life, t1/2: the time taken for the concentration of a substance in a reaction to reduce to half its original value. [Used in first order reactions and as a measure of the rate of radioactive decay.] hard and soft acids and bases: a classification of acids and bases depending on their polarizability. [Hard bases include fluoride ions; soft bases include triphenylphosphine. Hard acids include Na+, whilst an example of a soft, polarisable acid is Pt2+; hard-hard and soft-soft interactions are favoured. Hardness and softness can be described in terms of the HOMO and LUMO interactions.] heat of reaction: the amount of heat absorbed or evolved when specified amounts of compounds react under constant pressure. [Expressed as kilojoules per mole. For exothermic reactions the convention is that the enthalpy change (heat of reaction) is negative.] heterogeneous reaction: a reaction which occurs between substances which are mainly present in different phases. [For example, between a gas and a liquid.] heterolytic reaction: a reaction in which a covalent bond is broken with unequal sharing of the electrons from the bond. HOMO: the highest occupied molecular orbital of a molecule, ion or atom. homolytic reaction: a reaction in which a covalent bond is broken with equal sharing of the electrons from the bond. hybridization: the process whereby atomic orbitals of different type but similar energies are combined to form a set of equivalent hybid orbitals. These hybrid orbitals do not exist in the atoms but only in the formation of molecular orbitals by combining atomic orbitals from different atoms. hydroboration: the cis-addition of B-H bonds across double (or triple) carbon-carbon bonds. hydrogenolysis: the cleaving of a chemical bond by hydrogen. [Generally carried out in the presence of a hydrogenation catalyst.] hydrolysis: the addition of the elements of water to a substance, often with the partition of the substance into two parts, such as in the hydrolysis of an ester to an acid and an alcohol. inductive effect: an electronic effect transmitted through bonds in an organic compound due to the electronegativity of substituents and the permanent polarization thereof. [The substituent either induces charge towards or away from itself with the formation of a dipole.] infrared spectroscopy: the study of the absorption of infrared light by substances. [Since this corresponds to vibrational (and some rotational) changes, infrared spectroscopy provides valuable information about the structure of a substance. Detailed correlation tables exist relating infrared bands (absorbances) to functional groups.] inhibitor: a general term for any compound which will inhibit (slow down) a reaction. [Inhibitors vcan be used to slow down or stop free radical chain reactions.] ion: an atom or group of atoms that has lost or gained one or more electrons to become a charged species. isomers: compounds having the same atomic composition (constitution) but differing in their chemical structure. [They include: structural isomers (chain or positional), tautomeric isomers, and stereoisomers - including geometrical isomers, optical isomers and conformational isomers.] kinetics: the study of the rate of reactions. kinetically controlled product: the product formed as the result of the fastest reaction in a set of competing reaction pathways. laevorotatory: the phenomenon that turns plane polarised light in an anticlockwise direction. LCAO: a method for the calculation of molecular orbitals from a linear combination of atomic orbitals. Lewis acid: an agent capable of accepoting a pair of electrons to form a coordinate bond. Lewis base: an agent capable of donating a pair of electrons to form a coordinate bond. lone pair: a pair of electrons in a molecule which is not shared by two of the constituent atoms. LUMO: the lowest unoccupied molecular orbital in a molecule or ion. Markownikow's rule: in the ionic addition of hydrogen halides to a carbon-carbon double bond the halogen attaches itself to the carbon atom bearing the least number of hydrogen atoms. Example [The rule is useful in the prediction of the major product from such reactions. Free radical reactions proceed in the opposite sense, giving rise to anti-Markownikow addition.] mass spectrometry: a form of spectrometry in which, generally, high energy electrons are bombarded onto a sample and this generates charged fragments of the parent substance; these ions are then focused by electrostatic and magnetic fields to give a spectrum of the charged fragments. mesomerism: = resonance. microwave spectroscopy: the interaction of electromagnetic waves with wavelengths in the range 10-2 to 1 metre. [This energy range corresponds to rotational frequencies and hence microwave spectroscopy is useful in studying the structure of materials (generally gases) and in their characterisation.] molecular orbitals: the electron orbitals belonging to a group of atoms forming a molecule. molecule: the smallest particle of matter that can exist in a free state. In the case of ionic substances, such as sodium chloride, the molecule is considered as a pair of ions, NaCl. Newman projection: a projection obtained by viewing along a carbon-carbon single (double) bond. Example nuclear magnetic resonance (nmr) spectroscopy: a form of spectroscopy which depends on the absorption and emission of energy arising from changes in the spin states of the nucleus of an atom. [For aggregates of atoms, as in molecules, minor variations in these energy changes are caused by the local chemical environment. The energy changes used are in the radiofrequency range of the electromagnetic spectrum and depend upon the magnitude of an applied magnetic field.] nucleophile: a substance which donates a pair of electrons in the reaction considered. nucleophilic substitution: an overall reaction in which a nucleophile reacts with a compound displacing another nucleophile. [Such reactions commonly occur in aliphatic chemistry. If the reaction is unimolecular they are known as SN1 reactions; for reactions which are bimolecular, they are known as SN2 reactions.] optical activity: the property of certain substances to rotate plane polarized light. [It is associated with asymmetry. Compounds that possess a chiral carbon atom of all the same 'handedness' will rotate plane polarized light. Isomers that rotate light in equal but opposite directions are sometimes called 'optical isomers', although the better term to use is 'enantiomers'.] oxidation: a chemical process in which the proportion of electronegative substituents in a compound is increased, or the charge is made more positive, or the oxidation number is increased. photochemical reaction: a chemical reaction brought about by the action of light. polarimeter: an instrument used to measure the amount of rotation of plane polarized light by a compound, generally prepared in a solution. protecting group: a group that is used to protect a functional group from unwanted reactions. After application the protecting group can be removed to reveal the original functional group. racemic mixture, racemate: an equimolar mixture of the two enantiomeric isomers of a compound. [As a consequence of the equal numbers of laevo- and dextro-rotatory molecules present in a racemate, there is no net rotation of plane polarized light.] radical: a term applied to an atom or molecule having one or more free valencies. [See 'free radicals'.] reduction: chemical processes in which the proportion of more electronegative substituents is decreased, or the charge is made more negative, or the oxidation number is lowered. resolution: the separation of a racemate into its two enantiomers by means of some chiral agency. resonance: the representation of a compound by two or more canonical structures in which the valence electrons are rearranged to give structures of similar probability. [The actual structure is considered to be a hybrid or the resonance forms.] reversible process: a process in which the forward reaction can reach an equilibrium with the reverse reaction. rotamers: isomers formed by restricted rotation. [See also conformational isomers.] R,S convention: a formal non-ambiguous, nomenclature system for the assignment of absolute configuration of structure to chiral atoms, using the Cahn, Ingold and Prelog priority rules. saturated: the term given to organic molecules which contain no multiple bonds. sawhorse projection: the sideways projection of a carbon-carbon single bond and the attached substituents. [It gives a clearer representation of stereochemistry than the Fischer projection. See also Newman projection.] spectrometer: an instrument that measures the spectrum of a sample. [For example a mass spectrometer] spectrophotometer: an instrument that measures the degree of absorption (or emission) of electromagnetic radiation by a substance. The measuring system generally includes a photomultiplier. [ U.v., i.r., visible, and microwave regions of the electromagnetic spectrum may be measured in this way.] stability constant: when a complex is formed between a metal ion and an a ligand in solution, the equilibrium may be expressed by a constant which is related to the free energy change for the process: For: M + A = MA : - deltaG = RTlnK stereochemistry: the study of the spatial arrangements of atoms in molecules and complexes. stereoisomer: another name for configurational isomer. stereospecific reactions: reactions in which bonds are broken and made at a particular carbon atom and which lead to a single stereoisomer. If the configuration is altered in the process the reaction is said to involve inversion of configuration; if the configuration remains the same the transformation occurs with retention of configuration. steric hindrance: the phenomenon of physical blockage of a particular site within a molecule by the presence of local atoms or groups of atoms. [As a consequence of steric hindrance, a reaction at a particular site will be impeded.] structural isomerism: isomers which differ in the order of bonding of the constituent atoms. substitution reactions: reactions in which one atom or group of atoms is replaced by another atom or group of atoms. [See electrophilic substitutions and nucleophilic substitutions.] tautomerism: a form of structural isomerism where the two structures are interconvertible by means of the migration of a proton. tosylation: a reaction which introduces the toluene-4-sulphonyl group into a molecule. [Generally by reaction of an alcohol with tosyl chloride to give the tosylate ester.] transition state: the point of highest energy on an energy against reaction coordinate curve. [By definition the transition state is the least stable point (peak) on a reaction path; a reaction path may involve more than one transition states. ultraviolet light: radiation of an energy range than that of visible light but lower than that of ionising radiations such as X-rays. Many substances absorb ultraviolet light, leading to electronic excitation. [This process is useful both as a means for characterising materials and for stimulating chemical reactions (photochemical reactions.)] unsaturated: the term given to an organic compound containing multiple bonds. valence isomerisation: the isomerisation of molecules which involve structural changes resulting only from a relocation of single and double bonds. If a dynamic equilibrium is established between the two isomers it is also referred to as valence tautomerism. An example is the valence tautomerism of cyclo-octa-1,3,5-triene.] valence bond theory: the wave mechanical basis of resonance theory. vinyl group: the ethenyl group, -CH=CH2. Walden inversion: a Walden inversion occurs at a tetrahedral carbon atom during an SN2 reaction when the entry of the reagent and the departure of the leaving group are synchronous. The result is an inversion of configuration at the centre under attack.

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Immigrant Servants Database Origins of Colonial Chesapeake Indentured Servants: American and English Sources By Nathan W. Murphy, AG® [This article was originally published in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly, Vol. 93, No. 1 (Mar 2005): 5-24, and has been reproduced by permission.] Indentured servants were not glamorous or famous figures in colonial America. Nevertheless, family historians are interested in knowing that an ancestor—male or female—may have been indentured. More important, the designation “indentured servant” signifies that the individual immigrated—a fact that surviving colonial sources often do not clarify and one that can open doors to finding the ancestor in European records. Indentured servants can be found among the forebears of most people with southern colonial ancestry. Identifying an ancestor as indentured, however, is a challenge. These men and women created few records while bound and, once they became free, records might not mention their previous status. More daunting is tracing known indentured servants back to their arrival in America and from there to a European port of departure and place of birth. Some original records generated specifically about these servants have been lost, but many sources survive in the United States and Europe that can help researchers identify these ancestors and understand their lives. The term indentured servant arose in the context of a system for financing immigration to North America primarily during the colonial period. Europeans who could not afford passage to America sold themselves to merchants and seamen in exchange for transportation to the colonies. This arrangement was spelled out in a contract—called an indenture—in which the emigrant agreed to work without compensation for a fixed term, typically four or five years. Servants often entered into such contracts freely but sometimes merchants and ship captains, in a practice called “spiriting,” kidnapped impoverished children and youths, forcing them into an indenture. Shiploads of these volunteers and victims disembarked in colonial port towns and along river banks, where ship masters sold them to plantation owners and others who needed workers. These strangers became the servants’ masters and literally owned them for the duration of their contracts. Labor shortages in America’s middle colonies enabled indentured servitude to flourish there for more than 150 years. Increased African slave imports during the eighteenth century triggered its decline. By the early 1800s the system had disappeared among Britons coming to the United States. The origins and destinations of indentured servants varied widely. They embarked from many European countries, including England, Germany, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales. Settlers used them as laborers primarily in the middle, southern, and West Indian colonies but the custom prevailed in Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. Records in the diverse countries of origin and the colonial destinations of these servants vary greatly. This article will focus on servants from England who were imported to the Chesapeake Bay colonies of Maryland and Virginia. Indentured servants resembled other groups of colonial migrants, including African slaves and transported convicts. Indentured servants, in fact, often were called “white slaves.” All three groups experienced mistreatment. The groups also differed. Convict servants were the only group whose emigration and unpaid labor were penalties imposed for criminal behavior. Whether indentured servants were voluntary or forced laborers, their indentures were temporary, unlike the Africans, who were enslaved for life. Table 1 compares some characteristics and privileges of indentured servants with transported convicts and free immigrants. Social historians, who have laid the groundwork for understanding the lives and migrations of indentured servants as a whole, have made broad generalizations concerning the birthplaces of those in Maryland and Virginia. They have had to rely on a narrow sample of servant origins to understand the group. One historian has stated that “the backgrounds of the vast majority [of Chesapeake colonists] are forever lost.” This is not necessarily true. Genealogical methods can be used to trace origins of many more such servants and other colonial settlers of the area and create a better sample from which to understand the social origins and experiences of Chesapeake colonists. Most English servants left the country from three major ports—Bristol, Liverpool, and London—with a minority emigrating from smaller cities, including Bideford, Dartmouth, Exeter, Lyme, Newcastle, Plymouth, Poole, Portsmouth, Southampton, Weymouth, and Whitehaven. The principal ports had differing years of heavy emigration. London served as a key point of departure during the entire colonial period. Bristol rose to prominence during the mid-1600s, followed by Liverpool in the late 1600s to early 1700s. Surviving lists suggest that many indentured servants came into these cities from within a fifty-to sixty-mile radius (figure 3). Consequently, a researcher who knows a servant’s port of departure but not the previous residence might learn the place of origin by studying records from surrounding jurisdictions. Previous Residences of Indentured Servants Departing from Bristol, England for the New World, 1654-1686 Figure 1. Sources: Place-name index in Peter Wilson Coldham, The Bristol Registers of Servants Sent to Foreign Plantations (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1988), 447-458. Map created using GenMap UK software. In the Chesapeake’s early days, indentured servants worked close to rivers and the Atlantic coast, often in tobacco cultivation. In contrast, during the 1700s, many planters preferred African slaves for field labor and sold the servants to backcountry landowners. Notorious “soul drivers,” who treated indentured servants cruelly, transported many of them inland. Personal characteristics and cultural traditions of the English Chesapeake colonists—including speech, person-and place-naming customs, religion, architectural patterns, social graces, and settlement patterns—were similar to many found in southern and western England. Comparative historians have concluded from these parallels that most Chesapeake colonists came from those English regions. In fact, however, the specific roots of the upper classes are better known than those of their servants. In addition, customs characteristic of the upper classes may have trickled down. The precise origins of lower-class indentured servants, which may have affected their contribution to Southern culture, are largely unknown. Historians and genealogists should generate a wider sample of indentured servants’ birthplaces to learn whether they came from the same areas as the aristocrats. Researchers trying to identify English origins of indentured settlers in colonial Maryland and Virginia face several challenges: • Because indentured servants rarely traveled in groups of relatives and neighbors, unlike immigrants who paid cash for their passage, tracing associates to identify their origins seldom succeeds. • Record destruction and the servants’ lower-class status compel researchers to extricate and synthesize fragmented bits of information from a variety of sources. • Researchers need skills in reading old handwriting and interpreting underused records to understand original sources concerning indentured servants. Despite the complex undertaking, family historians can locate the English origins of indentured servants if they know what records are available and can find them on both sides of the ocean. Researchers tracing any immigrant should exhaust American sources before searching abroad. Colonial American records may identify an ancestor as an indentured servant or may provide details of that person’s life, including the port of departure or place of origin. The identification may also rest upon indirect evidence. A remark like “paid freedom dues,” for example, denotes previous indentured servant status. Few statewide indexes name indentured servants. Unless researchers know a county of residence, they will need to undertake painstaking county-by-county searches of a variety of records. American sources identifying indentured servants include church registers, court records, deeds, servant contracts, journals and other personal narratives, land patents, merchant account books, newspapers, passenger lists, and probate records. Pursuant to ordinances passed in 1660, Virginia suppressed all religions except the Church of England, to which most Virginia colonists belonged. Surviving colonial parish registers from the Chesapeake area—primarily from Virginia— contain baptismal, marriage, and burial entries for thousands of colonists. Transcriptions of most of the records have been published and are indexed in the International Genealogical Index (IGI). Because the IGI omits descriptive data, researchers must consult the register to see if an entry contains an occupational title like “servant” appended to a name. Extant colonial Anglican parish burial registers often identify indentured servants by status. For example, seventeenth-century burial records for Christ Church Parish, Middlesex County, Virginia, name dozens of them who died in harsh conditions before completing their terms. Colonial laws forbade the servants to marry during their contracted labor terms without permission. Consequently, few of them appear in marriage registers. Marriage restrictions also decrease chances of finding parents identified as indentured in infants’ christening records, except those for illegitimate children resulting from illicit liaisons. Court cases resulting from misdeeds may identify indentured servants who violated the law. Infractions include conceiving a child out of wedlock, which was not uncommon because the servants were not allowed to marry without permission, and assaulting a master. For example, in 1742, Thomas Webster petitioned the Northumberland County Court concerning his servant, Patrick Martial, “seting forth that the sd servant abused him by words & Blows Contrary to Law, Judgment is granted that the sd Webster against the sd Martial, his servant, for one year’s service for his sd offence after his other time of service expired.” Many indentured servants were undoubtedly abused, as were African slaves. Although relatively few cases concerning the abuse appear on court dockets, researchers nevertheless should check for records. Court records may also document the confiscation or temporary “alienation” of an indentured servant to pay off a master’s debt. For example, according to Kent County, Maryland, court proceedings dated 1655, Henery Carline “(Attorney to Mr. Thomas Hawkines) [did] Assigne ouer [over] all the Right tittle & Intreast of a Certaine seruant [servant] named James Gunsseill, with his Indentures...to John Deare.” Owners could sell their indentured servants. The recording of such sales in deed books is unusual, but researchers should not overlook the possibility of a deed record documenting the sale of an ancestor who was indentured. In Maryland, freed servants received fifty-acre “freedom dues.” For example, on 14 November 1673, “Came Thomas Broxam of Dorchester County and proved Right to fifty acres of Land for his time of Service performed in this Province.” The servants often sold this property quickly, which also created a deed record of their former indentured status. One researcher noted that 5,000 servants entered Maryland each decade in the late 1600s and “between 1669 and 1680 a count in the books shows that 1249 servants proved their rights, each to fifty acres of land as freedom due. Of these, 869 immediately, or very soon after the proof, assigned their rights to others.” Indentured Servant Contracts Because freed indentured servants probably had little incentive to preserve their contracts, which were loose manuscripts, few servant indentures survive in America. (Many exist in England, however. See the discussion, below, under “English Sources.”) In exceptional cases, clerks in the Chesapeake copied indentures into court records. Unlike Pennsylvania clerks, however, they did not compile the servant contracts in book form. Journals and Personal Narratives Most contracted servants arrived in America impoverished and uneducated. Few had the skills to create personal accounts and narratives of their experiences. An exception is John Harrower, an educated Scot who emigrated from England. His journal describes his fall into indentured servitude, the transatlantic passage, mistreatment of fellow servants, on-deck sale of servants in Virginia, “soul drivers,” conditions for obedient servants during the term of indenture, and his attempt to maintain contact with his wife and children in the Shetland Islands. Another man, Richard Frethorne, wrote his parents in England in 1623 and described dismal conditions in Jamestown. Such narratives, although scarce, may be located in archival and historical society collections. Under a headright system, the British crown awarded land to individuals for bringing others to the colonies. Typically ship captains and merchants received fifty acres for each indentured servant they transported. In Virginia, the colonial land office and county courts issued headright certificates. As a form of currency, a certificate might have changed hands several times until an applicant submitted it with a request for a land patent. Records of certificates issued by the land office no longer exist, but those issued by county courts may be found in surviving county court order books. Often the applicant submitted the certificate several years after the passengers arrived in the Chesapeake, so the date of the land patent does not necessarily indicate a recent arrival. Indentured servants and other passengers are named in registers that scrupulously document the crown’s land grants to those who transported immigrants. Indexes to these colonial land patents exist for both Maryland and Virginia. The lists typically provide names only, but researchers may be able to extrapolate additional data. For example, average ages of persons listed in surviving indentured servant contracts indicate that the majority of male servants left England between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four. Extending the typical pattern to those whose ages were not recorded provides their approximate birth years, which may help identify them in English records. Merchant Account Books Colonial merchants maintained ledgers recording business transactions. Some of these account books have survived and contain references to indentured servants. For example, an entry in Edward Dixon’s ledger, dated 22 July 1743, reports “paid Mary Welch for her Freedom Dues.” The books themselves may be found in archives, historical societies, and libraries throughout the country. In some cases, microfilm publications are available. Others are indexed and abstracted in periodicals and books. Figure 2. Runaway Indentured Servant Advertisement. Source: Maryland Gazette, 17 November 1764, MSA SC 2731, Maryland Gazette collection, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis. Alongside notices for masters seeking fugitive slaves, colonial newspapers published advertisements for runaway servants. Many identify the servant’s name, age, and birthplace. For example, when John Cyas ran away in Talbot County, Maryland, in 1768, his master reported his occupation, height, complexion, age, English county of origin, and last residence in England as well as the ship in which Cyas had immigrated and the date it landed. See figure 2. Such advertisements often list the county or region of origin to encourage colonists to be alert to strangers speaking a distinguishing dialect. Many eighteenth-century newspapers have survived. Indexes and finding aids facilitate identifying indentured servants in both Maryland and Virginia newspapers. Colonial newspapers, land patents, and labor contracts may disclose the name of a ship on which servants traveled. Such passengers rarely are identified, however, in the few colonial lists that survive on either side of the Atlantic. Some records differentiate indentured servants from convicts. For example, the scribe on the ship Elizabeth & Ann, which sailed from Liverpool, England, to Yorktown, Virginia, in 1716, distinguished between political rebels transported as indentured servants and those not indentured. Indentured servants may be named in wills because their masters could bequeath them as property. For example, in 1662 “John Neuill [Nevill] of Charles County, Maryland, gentleman,” devised personal property to his son-in-law John Lambert. The property included livestock and “boath the saruants [servants].” Inventories in both testate and intestate proceedings may name indentured servants and assign them a value. One example is the inventory of “Mr. Thomas Haukins” [Hawkins], of Popplers Island, Kent County, Maryland, dated 1656, which lists three servants: Mary Bally, Thomas Simons, and Henery Wharton. The estate’s appraisers noted the length of time remaining on their contracts and valued each servant differently. The reference to contracts indicates that the three were indentured. Even without such a reference, however, researchers should recognize servants in an inventory as indentured because wage-earning household servants could not have been valued like property. Most indentured servants in the Chesapeake originated as lower-class Britons, a population depicted as “a faceless, depersonalized mass, as mere names.” Nevertheless, genealogists may be able to find the English birthplaces and families of American servants in records that give some context to their lives. Available sources include church registers, indentured servant contracts, manor records, parish chests, probate records, surname sources, tax lists, and urban occupational records. In theory, researchers should be able to find a christening record for every English immigrant to colonial America, including indentured servants. Typically, the records provide a baptismal or birth date and name the infant’s parents. Researchers must locate the correct parish, however, from among more than eleven thousand Anglican parishes. Uncounted nonconformist congregations (such as Baptist, Presbyterian, and Quaker) also operated in England in the 1600s and 1700s. Many of the American or British records discussed in this article might identify an indentured servant’s parish of origin, enabling the researcher to find the servant’s christening record with little difficulty. One study, however, suggests that only about half of the servants correctly identified their birthplace. Many named neighboring towns—larger than their actual native villages—when communicating information to registrars. Researchers who do not find the baptismal entry in the indicated parish should search the surrounding countryside. Other possibilities exist. Genealogists who know the port of embarkation but not the parish may find the servant recorded in the registers of a parish near the port. As mentioned previously, many emigrants originated within sixty miles of the port from which they departed. Alternatively, if a researcher has sufficient identifying information or if a servant’s surname is unusual, a parish of origin may be found in national indexes like Boyd’s Marriage Index, British Isles Vital Records Index, Great Card Index, International Genealogical Index, National Burial Index, and Prerogative Court of Canterbury Wills Index. Countywide marriage indexes produced by English genealogical societies also may help place an indentured servant in an English parish. Even when the servant’s home parish is known, a researcher may not find the desired church record. The English civil war and interregnum in the mid-1600s wreaked havoc on record keeping. Registration decreased after the war, perhaps because the new government frightened or replaced experienced parish clerks. Regardless of the cause, many births—including those of future indentured servants—went unrecorded during these turbulent decades. Moreover, even the aforementioned indexes to church records taken together are incomplete for the pertinent time periods. Researchers should search burial and marriage registers as well as the christening records. Negative findings in a burial register can support the identity of presumed ancestors, showing that they neither died in infancy nor remained in the parish longer than expected. Finding a death record might disprove a presumed identity. Uncovering a marriage record, on the other hand, might not necessarily discredit a possible match. Indentured servants sometimes abandoned their English spouses and families to emigrate. Bristol’s mayor in 1662 reported, “Some are husbands that have forsaken their wives, others [are] wives who have abandoned their husbands; some are children and apprentices run away from their parents and masters.” Genealogists, therefore, may find records of spouses and families on both sides of the ocean for one indentured servant. Indentured Servant Contracts To stop the involuntary “spiriting” of children and youth into indentured servitude, the British government required clerks in each port to record servant contracts, which they compiled into registers. In addition to the servant’s name, the records might contain any of the following details: - Name and occupation of the agent to whom the servant was bound - Date of the contract and the term of service - Servant’s birthplace and age - Servant’s father or mother - Servant’s occupation - Person the servant will serve abroad - Witnesses to the contract - Ship’s name and destination Information in the surviving contracts varies greatly, and few report the servant’s birthplace. Others name the port where the servant had lived temporarily as the prior residence, whether it is accurate or not. For example, Alexander Steward, who sailed to Virginia in 1774 as an indentured servant, identified London as his “former” residence. He had lived there less than four months, however, and his place of origin was the Shetland Islands. [Update: Grant, Murphy, and Salerno made important discoveries about tracing the origins of indentured servants listed in English indentured servant registers by searching for these individuals' christenings in Church of England parish registers - they were not always born in the places specified in their contracts. Grant found that 8% of the servants from Devon listed in an early Dartmouth passenger list dated 1634 were born where they ultimately resided. Murphy learned that out of 70 servants leaving Devon in the late 1650s, only 33% were born in the parishes identified as their final residences in Bristol contracts. Salerno sought the christenings of 70 servants from Wiltshire who left during the same decade, and found that approximately 50% born where they had last resided. Genealogists must keep these facts in mind; the places listed in these contracts were not birthplaces, rather final places of residence, or else, villages and towns situated nearby their rural parishes of origin. Grant explained these discrepancies as portrayals of the high rates of geographic mobility among laboring-class English youths during the seventeenth century.] Surviving contracts and registers name only a small percentage of all indentured servants who went from England to the Chesapeake. Relatively few of the volumes have survived but they represent England’s major ports and a range of years. See table 2. The principal extant lists of indentured servant contracts and a master index have been published. Minor collections, some of which have not been published, may exist among parish-level records in the west of England. Abstracts of fifteen thousand contracts concerning servants leaving from London and Bristol are online. Images of the contracts—for servants going to Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Caribbean—are in repositories with Virginia Colonial Records Project microfilms. Between twenty-five thousand and sixty-five thousand manors existed in medieval England. Their boundaries did not coincide with those of the eleven thousand contemporary ecclesiastical parishes, and manors created their own records, which begin several centuries before parish registration. The poor, including families of many future American indentured servants, appear in these records as manorial tenants, participants in local squabbles, and scofflaws. Genealogists must pinpoint a specific location to know which manor’s records to search and must have a working knowledge of scribal abbreviated medieval Latin to interpret them. Most manorial records have not been microfilmed or indexed and must be searched on site. The multi-volume Victoria County History, arranged by county, is a helpful resource for determining the manorial jurisdictions where ancestors might have lived. The Manorial Documents Register identifies repositories that house manorial records. Parish Chest Records Aside from parish registers, which provide primarily birth, marriage, and death information, Anglican parish chest records may give glimpses into the lives of lower-class Britons in the 1600s and 1700s. These documents—including apprenticeship indentures, churchwardens’ accounts, settlement papers, removal orders, overseers of the poor accounts, bastardy bonds, and poor rate books—can reveal biographical and genealogical details about a servant’s life before indenture and emigration. County record offices house most parish chest documents. Microfilms of many manuscripts are available from the Family History Library where they may be catalogued as “Church Records,”“Poorhouses, poor law,”or “Parish Chest Records.” Many English county record offices have generated countywide name indexes to such records, but a nationwide index does not exist. Researchers therefore must know the servant’s county or parish of origin to locate the records. Because servants probably came mainly from lower-class households, their fathers and relatives in England would typically have left fewer wills than better-off folk. At the time indentured servants were emigrating, English probate processes fell under ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Researchers looking for probate records for servants’families must therefore determine the jurisdictions where testators filed their wills. Indentured servants’surnames may help to identify their origins. Most surnames in England are uncommon. Many are rare and often are peculiar to a locality from which the name derives. English families, including those of indentured servants, usually resided for generations near the places where their surnames originated and were clustered, especially before the Industrial Revolution. Several nationwide indexes are helpful in researching indentured servant origins by linking English surnames to locations where they were concentrated in the 1600s and 1700s. Mentioned previously, such resources include the International Genealogical Index, British Isles Vital Records Index, National Burial Index, Prerogative Court of Canterbury Wills Index, Boyd’s Marriage Index, and Great Card Index. Especially valuable for unusual surnames, the compilations provide starting points for research in England. In addition, compendia of Stuart-era location spellings can aid researchers seeking origins connected to specific surnames. The Protestation returns of 1641–42 are lists of males over age eighteen who swore oaths of allegiance to the King, Parliament, and the Church of England. They survive for roughly one-third of the English population and, where they have been published and indexed, provide countywide name indexes. The House of Lords Record Office in London possesses the existing returns, and researchers have created a finding aid for published transcriptions. A commercial computer program enables researchers to manually enter data from the International Genealogical Index to create surname distributions in the 1600s and 1700s. Software can also display distribution maps by county or registration district for all of the surnames found in the 1881 census of England, Scotland, and Wales. The Guild of One-Name Studies, which defines its objective as locating every occurrence of a specific surname and its variants throughout the world, can also be helpful. Many of its members have generated lists of all known British emigrants who carried their surnames and have begun to trace their families. The marriage act tax, collected by the British crown in the middle 1690s to finance King William’s War, serves as a census that names the head of household, spouse, and children in each family in Bristol and most of London. Unfortunately this source does not survive for other cities. The enumeration identifies the specific parish—out of 17 possibilities in Bristol and 110 in greater London—in which a future indentured servant might have lived. The Bristol records for 1696 and the London register for 1695 are indexed. The records are available on microfilm. English citizens paid lay subsidies—a form of tax—from the Middle Ages to the 1600s. Among the taxpayers listed are people who later would become indentured servants. Researchers can find the majority of subsidies in the exchequer records at the British National Archives, which provides an online guide to published and unpublished lay-subsidy holdings by jurisdiction but not a personal name index. Families of prospective indentured servants may also be found in records of a hearth tax taken from 1662 through 1689. The lists name householders with hearths and some of the poor who were exempt. An ongoing project is microfilming, indexing, transcribing, and publishing these rolls. Urban Occupational Records Most indentured servants had become city residents before emigrating from England. Urban occupational sources during the 1700s, when the demand for specialized labor was high, may name prospective indentured servants, especially among apprentices. Uncompleted apprenticeship terms may signify emigration. From 1710 to 1811 the British government charged a nationwide tax on apprentices. The resulting records can help pinpoint immigrant origins. A partial index, covering 1710 through 1774, is available on microfilm. In addition, major port cities maintained records of apprentices, some of whom may have emigrated as indentured servants. Boyd’s “Inhabitants of London” (also called “Citizens of London”) indexes, among others, those learning crafts and trades in the capital during this time. A commercial Web site also provides an index to three hundred thousand London records that typically name apprentices, parents (usually fathers), and masters. The city of Bristol’s records document tradesmen from 1532 forward. Apprenticeship oaths name the father and previous residence of those who came to the city for training. Liverpool also maintained apprenticeship registers. Peter W. Coldham and the late P. William Filby are among the immigration experts who have recognized the need to bring colonial immigration records within easy grasp of genealogists. To that end each has compiled more than twenty volumes. Most of Coldham’s books focus on criminal indentured servants, but five list non-convicts. Filby’s Passenger and Immigration Lists Index dwarfs all other immigration projects. Many individuals indexed in his compilation arrived as indentured servants during the colonial period and, as shown in table 2, these volumes index all known published English labor contracts. A Brigham Young University project is in progress to locate all surviving emigration records created in the British Isles. The initiative, still in its infancy, promises to help family historians find English ancestors, including indentured servants. Similarly, volunteers with the Immigrant Ship Transcriber’s Guild are transcribing all extant immigrant passenger lists to publish online. Some, which date to the colonial period and cover British vessels, include passengers identified as indentured servants. [Addition: since the publication of this article, the Immigrant Servants Database has been launched.] Several authors have published works documenting the English origins of early colonists in Maryland and Virginia. They include numerous references to indentured servants. Many Chesapeake area colonists were indentured servants born in England. Some voluntarily signed contracts agreeing to work without monetary compensation for a fixed number of years in exchange for transatlantic passage. Others were forced into such agreements. Personal motivations aside, eventually—after their liberation—they began new lives in a new country. Countless survivors worked for hire, married, started families, and acquired personal estates—and became ancestors to millions of Americans. Tracing these laborers’ lives and origins will contribute to identifying more ancestors and understanding the geographic and social origins of many American colonists. © Nathan W. Murphy, AG; Opal Court, Block B, 13B; 60 Lancaster Road; Leicester, LE1 7HA, UK; firstname.lastname@example.org. Mr. Murphy, who is accredited in English and southern United States research, has received specialized training in tracing immigrant origins and deciphering early modern English and Latin texts. He recently earned a B.A. in Family History and Genealogy from Brigham Young University, where he was a research assistant in the Immigrant Ancestors Project. He attends the English Local History M.A. Programme at the University of Leicester. - David Hackett Fischer—citing Wesley Frank Craven, White, Red and Black: The Seventeenth Century Virginian (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1971), 5—reports that more than 75 percent of Virginia’s colonists arrived as indentured servants. See David Hackett Fischer, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 227. - Abbot Emerson Smith, Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607–1776 (1947; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1998), 3–25. - Clifford Lindsey Alderman, Colonists for Sale: The Story of Indentured Servants in America (New York: Macmillan, 1975), 28–52. Chapter 3 covers children who were “spirited” (kidnapped) and brought to America as indentured servants. Chapter 4 covers the practice of “snatching” poor people in Ireland and Scotland and forcibly exporting them as white slaves. Alderman’s bibliography identifies additional publications on this topic. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 221–23. - The following works outline the period of American history when indentured servitude was replaced by free and slave labor: Charlotte Erickson, Leaving England: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994); Aaron S. Fogleman, “From Slaves, Convicts, and Servants to Free Passengers: The Transformation of Immigration in the Era of the American Revolution,” Journal of American History 85 (June 1998): 43–76; David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis,” Journal of Economic History 44 (March 1984): 1–26; and Henry A. Gemery, “Markets for Migrants: English Indentured Servitude and Emigration in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Colonialism and Migration: Indentured Labour Before and After Slavery, ed. P. C. Emmer (Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1986) 33–54. - For books and collections regarding indentured servants in Pennsylvania, see Daniel Meaders, Eighteenth-Century White Slaves: Fugitive Notices, vol. 1, Pennsylvania, 1729–1760 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1993); Farley Grubb, Runaway Servants, Convicts, and Apprentices Advertised in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728–1796 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1992); Sharon V. Salinger, “To serve well and faithfully,” Labor and Indentured Servants in Pennsylvania, 1682–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); and County of Chester., Pa., “Chester County Archives: Indentured Servant and Apprenticeship Records, 1700– 1855 (RG 4100.038).” Also, a fee-based Web site provides an index to a colonial Philadelphia newspaper. See Accessible Archives Inc., “Pennsylvania Gazette 1728–1800.” - Louis Ruchames, “The Sources of Racial Thought in Colonial America,” Journal of Negro History 52 (October 1967): 259–60. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 221–23. - James Curtis Ballagh, White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Studies, 1895); David Hackett Fischer and James C. Kelly, Bound Away: Virginia and the Westward Movement (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000); Eugene Irving McCormac, White Servitude in Maryland, 1634–1820 (1904; reprint, Westminster, Md.: Heritage Books, 2003). For an interactive simulation depicting the process of becoming an indentured servant in London and traveling to the new world, see Thinkport, “Exploring Maryland’s Roots: Classroom Resources.” - James Horn, Adapting to a New World: English Society in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 26. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 307–37. The appendix titled “The Number and Distribution of Indentured Servants” tabulates the numbers and origins of indentured servants. For a list of minor English ports operating during the colonial period, see Peter Wilson Coldham, The Complete Book of Emigrants 1700–1750 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1992), vii. For the international trade experience of historic Bristol, Hartlepool, Liverpool, London, and Southampton, see National Maritime Museum, Hartlepool Borough Libraries, Liverpool Libraries and Information Services, Bristol City Council, and Southampton Reference Library, Port Cities U.K. - Paul G. E. Clemens, “The Rise of Liverpool, 1665–1750,” Economic History Review, new series, 29 (May 1976): 211–25. - Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 236–40; and Horn, Adapting to a New World, 39–48, 69–76, 80–81, 420–21. Both scholars draw conclusions from the surviving London and Bristol registers. - Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 347; and Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 256–60. Bailyn generated a map showing the trading circuits of soul drivers in the Virginia backcountry who drove servants as far inland as the Bedford County courthouse. - Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 207–418. - Horn, Adapting to a New World, 22–24. - Fischer and Kelly, Bound Away: Virginia and the Westward Movement, 46–47. - Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, “International Genealogical Index.” To learn which parish register baptisms and marriages for Virginia and Maryland are on the IGI, the year ranges, and the batch numbers, see Hugh Wallis, “IGI Batch Numbers—British Isles and North America.” - National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Virginia, The Parish Register of Christ Church, Middlesex County, Va. from 1653 to 1812 (Richmond: Wm. Ellis Jones, Steam Book and Job Printer, 1897), 7–10, 21–22, 31, 36, 39, 53. Some of those named might have been servants who were paid wages rather than those who were indentured in exchange for transatlantic passage. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 270–74. - Ibid., 104, 130, 231, 243–44, 246–47, 257, 261, 268, 386, and 391, reference court cases concerning indentured servants in Anne Arundel and Baltimore counties, Maryland, and Gloucester, Lancaster, Northumberland, Spotsylvania, and Stafford counties, Virginia. - W. Preston Haynie, Records of Indentured Servants and of Certificates of Land: Northumberland County, Virginia, 1650–1795 (Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1996), 285. This page contains a transcription of Northumberland Co. Order Book 1737–43: 244, County Court, Heathsville, Va. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 233. - J. Hall Pleasants and Louis Dow Scisco, Proceedings of the County Courts of Kent (1648–1676), Talbot (1662–1674), and Somerset (1665–1668) Counties (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1937), 68. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 233. - Abbot Emerson Smith, “The Indentured Servant and Land Speculation in Seventeenth Century Maryland,” The American Historical Review 40 (April 1935): 469–70. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 18, writes in reference to indentured servant term contracts: “For one living the life of a laborer in the plantations it was not always an easy matter to keep possession of these small scraps of paper.” The Virtual Jamestown Web site contains a transcription of the labor contract of Richard Lowther, 1627, found in the Preston Davie papers, Mss1D2856a2, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. See “Richard Lowther Servant Indenture,” Virtual Jamestown. - Pleasants and Scisco, Procedings of the County Courts of Kent (1648–1676), Talbot (1662–1674), and Somerset (1665–1668), 124, 248, 375, and 622, identify four contracts registered in the court proceedings of colonial Maryland. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 225, discusses a Pennsylvania book in which officials registered the terms of indentured servants. See John Gibson and William Fisher, Record of Indentures of Individuals Bound Out as Apprentices, Servants, etc.; and of German and Other Redemptioners in the Office of the Mayor of the City of Philadelphia, October 3, 1771 to October 5, 1773 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1973). - Farley Grubb, “Fatherless and Friendless: Factors Influencing the Flow of English Emigrant Servants,” Journal of Economic History 52 (March 1992): 85–108. - Edward Miles Riley, The Journal of John Harrower: An Indentured Servant in the Colony of Virginia, 1773–1776 (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1963). - Richard Frethorne, “The Experiences of an Indentured Servant,” Virtual Jamestown. - James W. Petty, “Seventeenth Century Virginia County Court Headright Certificates,” Virginia Genealogist 45 (January–March 2001): 3–22; and 45 (April–June 2001): 112–22. - Patent Series of the Maryland Land Office, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis; microfilms 0,013,063–143, Family History Library (FHL), Salt Lake City, Utah. Also, Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 405, writes, “The twenty-six volumes of Land Books in the Land Office, Hall of Records, covering the period from 1633 to 1680, contain the names of more than 21,000 immigrants, nearly all servants, who were registered during that period for the purpose of obtaining headrights.” Also, Patents 1623–1774, 42 vols., Library of Virginia, Richmond; FHL microfilms 0,029,318–59. - For Maryland, see Gust Skordas, The Early Settlers of Maryland: An Index to Names of Immigrants Compiled from Records of Land Patents, 1633–1680, in the Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1968); and Carson Gibb and Gust Skordas, A Supplement to “The Early Settlers of Maryland:” Comprising 8680 Entries Correcting Omissions and Errors in Gust Skordas, “The Early Settlers of Maryland.” (Annapolis: Maryland State Archives, 1997). For Virginia, see Marion Nell Nugent, Denis Hudgins, and Virginia Genealogical Society, Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623– 1776, 7 vols. (Richmond: Virginia Genealogical Society, 1934–99). - Horn, Adapting to a New World,35–37. - Ruth Sparacio and Sam Sparacio, Abstracts of the Account Books of Edward Dixon (Merchant of Port Royal, Virginia), vol. 1, 1743–1747 (McLean, Va.: The Antient Press, 1990), 2. - For example, Records of John Glassford and Company, 1743–1886, Colchester Store, 1758–69; microfilm publication, 71 rolls (Washington: Library of Congress Photoduplication Service, 1984). - Edgar MacDonald, “A Merchant’s Account Book: Hanover County, Virginia, 1743–44,” Magazine of Virginia Genealogy 34 (Summer 1996): 185–87; Richard Slatten, “A Merchant’s Account Book: King and Queen County, Virginia, 1750–1751,” Magazine of Virginia Genealogy 28 (February 1990): 61–64; and Sparacio and Sparacio, Abstracts of the Account Books of Edward Dixon. - Runaway indentured servant advertisement, Maryland Gazette, 17 November 1764, MSA SC 2731, Maryland Gazette collection, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis. - Lester J. Cappon and Virginia F. Duff, Virginia Gazette Index, 1736–1780 (Williamsburg, Va.: Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1950); and The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Past Portal: Colonial Williamsburg’s Portal to American History. Also, Richard J. Cox, “Maryland Runaway Convict Servants,” NGS Quarterly 62 (June 1980): 105–14; 68 (September 1980): 232–33; 68 (December 1980): 299–304; 69 (March 1981): 51–58; 69 (June 1981): 125–32; 69 (September 1981): 205–14; and 69 (December 1981): 293–300. Also, Karen Mauer Green, The Maryland Gazette, 1727–1761: Genealogical and Historical Abstracts (Galveston, Tex.: Frontier Press, 1989). - Doreen M. Hockedy, “Bound for a New World: Emigration of Indentured Servants Via Liverpool to America and the West Indies, 1697–1707,” Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 144 (1995): 115–35. - Immigrant Ships Transcribers Guild, “Ship Elizabeth and Ann.” - Pleasants and Scisco, Proceedings of the County Courts of Kent (1648–1676), Talbot (1662–1674), and Somerset (1665–1668), 329–30. - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 233. - Pleasants and Scisco, Proceedings of the County Courts of Kent (1648–1676), Talbot (1662–1674), and Somerset (1665–1668), 101–2. - David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), viii. - Mark D. Herber, Ancestral Trails: The Complete Guide to British Genealogy and Family History (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1998), 88. - Anthony Salerno, “The Social Background of Seventeenth-Century Emigration to America,” Journal of British Studies 19 (Autumn 1979): 33. - Anthony Salerno, “The Character of Emigration from Wiltshire to the American Colonies, 1630–1660,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1977, 45. - Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 236–40; and Horn, Adapting to a New World, 39–48, 69–76, 80–81, 420–21. - English Origins, “Boyd’s Marriage Index, 1538–1940.” - British Isles Vital Records Index, CD-ROM (Salt Lake City, Utah: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2000). - “Great Card Index, ca. 1100–1900,” Society of Genealogists Library, London, U.K.; FHL microfilms 1,938,196–2,220,319 and 2,220,325, items 1–10. - Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, “International Genealogical Index.” - National Burial Index for England and Wales, CD-ROM (Bury, U.K.: Federation of Family History Societies, 2004). - The National Archives, “About the Wills,” provides a link to search the Prerogative Court of Canterbury wills index covering the years 1384–1858. - For a listing of available countywide marriage indexes accessible through correspondence with English genealogical societies, see Jeremy Gibson and Elizabeth Hampson, Marriage and Census Indexes for Family Historians (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 2001). - Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 82–83. - William Dodgson Bowman, N. Dermott Harding, and R. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, Bristol and America, A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America 1654–1685: Including the Names with Places of Origin of More Than 10,000 Servants to Foreign Plantations Who Sailed from the Port of Bristol to Virginia, Maryland, and Other Parts of the Atlantic Coast, and Also to the West Indies from 1654 to 1685 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1970), viii–ix, 15–16; and Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 71–74. - For Steward’s indentured servant contract, see Weekly Emigration Returns, 1773–1774, piece 47/9/54–57, Various Establishments and other Registers, HM Treasury, The National Archives, Kew, U.K. - Riley, The Journal of John Harrower, 17, 168, 177. - Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 227. - Peter Wilson Coldham, The Bristol Registers of Servants Sent to Foreign Plantations, 1654–1686 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1988); The Complete Book of Emigrants, 1661–1699 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1990); The Complete Book of Emigrants 1700–1750 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1992); The Complete Book of Emigrants, 1751–1776 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1993); and Emigrants from England to the American Colonies, 1773-1776 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1988). Also, Elizabeth French, List of Emigrants to America from Liverpool, 1697-1707 (1913; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1969); and P. William Filby, Passenger and Immigration Lists Index (Detroit: Gale Research, 1981–2004). - Peter Wilson Coldham, e-mail message to author, 20 September 2004. - Virtual Jamestown. - “Quarter Sessions Records: Servants Indentures,” microfilms 567–69, and “Servants to Foreign Plantations,” microfilms 768 and 898, Virginia Colonial Record Project, Library of Virginia, Richmond. See John T. Kneebone et al., A Key to Survey Reports and Microfilm of the Virginia Colonial Records Project (Richmond: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1990), 2: 543–44, 620. - Herber, Ancestral Trails, 497. - The contents of forty-five volumes of this series currently appear on the Internet. See Institute of Historical Research and the History of Parliament Trust, British History Online. - The National Archives, “Manorial Documents Register.” The entire index has not yet been digitized but the card index may be searched at the National Archives in Kew, Surrey. Once a researcher establishes a specific place of origin, it will lead to many sources for tracing English ancestors. - Herber, Ancestral Trails, 285–301. W. E. Tate, The Parish Chest: A Study of the Records of Parochial Administration in England (Chichester: Phillimore, 1983), 84–119, 188–241. - Salerno, “The Character of Emigration from Wiltshire,”56, reports finding the will of an indentured servant’s wealthy father in Wiltshire. - Bryan Sykes and Catherine Irven, “Surnames and the Y Chromosome,”American Journal of Human Genetics 66 (March 2000): 1417–19. - Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, “International Genealogical Index.” - British Isles Vital Records Index. - National Burial Index for England and Wales. - The National Archives, “About the Wills,” provides a link to search the Prerogative Court of Canterbury wills index. - English Origins, “Boyd’s Marriage Index, 1538–1940.” - “Great Card Index, ca. 1100–1900,”Society of Genealogists Library, London, England; FHL microfilms 1,938,196–2,220,319 and 2,220,325, items 1–10. - [Survey of English place-names], 75 vols. (Nottingham, U.K.: English Place-name Society, 1924–98). For individual titles and authors, see English Place-Name Society, “List of Publications.” - Herber, Ancestral Trails, 411; and J. S. W. Gibson and Alan Dell, The Protestation Returns 1641–2 and Other Contemporary Listings: Collections in Aid of Distressed Protestants in Ireland; Subsidies; Poll Tax; Assessment or Grant; Vow and Covenant; Solemn League and Covenant (Birmingham, U.K.: Federation of Family History Societies, 1995). - Steven Archer, Genmap UK, computer software (Dartford, Kent, U.K.: Archer Software, 2002). - Steven Archer, Surname Atlas (Dartford, Kent, U.K.: Archer Software, 2003). - Guild of One-Name Studies. - The 110 London parishes include thirteen outside the city’s walls. The assessments from seventeen London parishes are missing. See David Victor Glass, London Inhabitants Within the Walls, 1695 (Leicester: London Record Society, 1966), xlii. For an attempt to replace the missing data, see “A Supplement to the London Inhabitants List of 1695 Compiled by Staff at Guildhall Library,” Guildhall Studies in London History 2 (April and October 1976). - Elizabeth Ralph and Mary E. Williams, The Inhabitants of Bristol in 1696 (Bristol: Bristol Record Society, 1968); and Glass, London Inhabitants within the Walls, 1695. - For Bristol, see “William and Mary, Tax on Marriages, Births and Burials, and Bachelors and Widowers for War on France and Other Reasons, 1696–1706...,” in Poll Tax and Aid to the Crown, 1662–1834, Record Office, Bristol, England; FHL microfilm 1,749,357, items 8–11. For London, see Assessment Taxes upon Births, Marriages and Burials in Accordance with An Act of Parliament for the Various Parishes, City of London Record Office; FHL microfilms 0,574,646–51. - Salerno, “The Character of Emigration from Wiltshire,” 45, reports finding several indentured servants in Wiltshire subsidies. - The National Archives, “E 179 Database: Records Relating to Lay and Clerical Taxation.” - Ibid. A guide to the extant hearth tax rolls are included in this online resource. - Roehampton University, The Hearth Tax Project. - E. H. Bates Harbin, Quarter Sessions Records for the County of Somerset, vol. 3, Commonwealth 1646–1660 (London: Harrison, 1912), lvii, 358. An apprentice was brought before the Quarter Sessions in 1658 because he and another young man attempted to emigrate to America as indentured servants before completing their apprenticeship terms. After arriving in Bristol, one of the young men changed his mind and returned home, while the other emigrated. - Inland Revenue Office, Apprenticeship Books of Great Britain: Town Registers, October 1711–January 1811 and Country Registers, May 1710–September 1808, and Indexes to Apprentices, 1710–1774 and Indexes to Masters, 1710–1762, London Public Record Office; FHL microfilms 0,477,624–37 (indexes) and 0,824,633–84 (registers). - Percival Boyd, comp., “Pedigrees with Index of London Citizens, abt. 1600–1800,” manuscript, The Society of Genealogists, London; FHL microfilms 0,094,515–645. - British Origins, London Apprenticeship Abstracts 1442–1850. - Apprenticeship Records, 1532–1988, Record Office, Bristol, U.K.; FHL microfilms 1,565,024;1,565,063; 1,565,064, items 1–3; 1,565,065, items 1–5; 1,565,066; 1,565,102, item 1; 1,597,442, items 2–5; 1,597,443; 1,702,212, item 1; and 1,749,551, items 3–4. - Apprentice Enrollment Books, 1707–1881, Record Office, Liverpool, U.K.; FHL microfilm 1,647,413, items 4–7. - Coldham, The Bristol Registers of Servants Sent to Foreign Plantations, 1654–1686; The Complete Book of Emigrants, 1661–1699; The Complete Book of Emigrants 1700–1750; The Complete Book of Emigrants, 1751– 1776; and Emigrants from England to the American Colonies, 1773–1776. - Filby, Passenger and Immigration Lists Index. This index is available online. See Gale Research, Passenger and Immigration Lists Index, 1500s–1900s, MyFamily.com. - Immigrant Ancestors Project, Discover Your Immigrant Ancestors, Center for Family History and Genealogy, Brigham Young University. - Immigrant Ships Transcribers Guild, “Bringing Our Ancestors Home.” - Robert W. Barnes, British Roots of Maryland Families and British Roots of Maryland Families II (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1999–2002); Robert W. Barnes et al., Colonial Families of the Eastern Shore of Maryland (Westminster, Md.: Family Line, 1996–2004); John Frederick Dorman, Adventurers of Purse and Person: Virginia, 1607–1624/5, 3 vols. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 2004–); and Elise Greenup Jourdan, Early Families of Southern Maryland (Westminster, Md.: Family Line Publications, 1992–2004).

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The reefs surrounding the Gilbert Islands (Republic of Kiribati, Central Pacific), like many other island locations throughout the world, have undergone rapid and intensive environmental changes over the past 100 years. One such change has been the reduction of the number of shark species present in their waters, even though sharks play an important part in the economy and culture of the Gilbertese. Detail of FMNH 99071 showing the teeth of Carcharhinus obscurus attached using braided cord. (Credit: Drew J, Philipp C, Westneat MW Two species of sharks previously unreported in both the historic records or contemporary studies were discovered in a new analysis of weapons made from shark teeth used by 19th century islanders. The find was reported in a study published in the open access journal PLOS ONE by Joshua Drew from Columbia University and colleagues from the Field Museum of Natural History. Using the novel data source of shark tooth weapons of the Gilbertese Islanders housed in natural history museums, they were able to show that two species of shark, the Spot-tail (Carcharhinus sorrah) and the Dusky (C. obscurus), were both present in the islands during the last half of the 19th century but not reported in any historical literature or contemporary ichthyological surveys of the region.Analysed 120 weapons For the current study, the researchers analysed a collection of 120 of these weapons from the Field Museum of Natural History, including some that resemble clubs, daggers, lances, spears and swords. They identified eight species of sharks based on the teeth used in these weapons, two of which have never been reported from these waters, in either historical surveys or contemporary analysis. Both these species are currently common in other areas, so while it is possible that they may still be living undiscovered in the GIlberts, it is more likely that the local populations have been driven to extinction.Gilbertese shark tooth weapon (FMNH 99071). (Credit: Drew J, Philipp C, Westneat MW (2013) Given the importance of these species to the ecology of the Gilbert Island reefs and to the culture of the Gilbertese people, documenting the shifts in fauna represents an important step toward restoring the ecological and cultural diversity of the area. The combined data from weapons, literature, and museum collections shows how an increase in the diversity of sampling allows us to better explore the oceans.Carcharhinus obscurus , via Wikimedia Commons Source: PLOSoneMore Information - Drew J, Philipp C, Westneat MW (2013) Shark Tooth Weapons from the 19th Century Reflect Shifting Baselines in Central Pacific Predator Assemblies. PLoS ONE 8(4): e59855. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0059855 PLOSone. Shark tooth weapons reveal lost species. Past Horizons. April 05 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/04/2013/shark-tooth-weapons-reveal-lost-species For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases PAPA International offers a brief history of aerial photography, from the first time a camera took flight, until it developed into a business, with very practical applications. The first known aerial photograph was taken in 1858 by French photographer and balloonist, Gaspar Felix Tournachon, known as “Nadar”. In 1855 he had patented the idea of using aerial photographs in mapmaking and surveying, but it took him 3 years of experimenting before he successfully produced the very first aerial photograph. It was a view of the French village of Petit-Becetre taken from a tethered hot-air balloon, 80 meters above the ground. This was no mean feat, given the complexity of the early collodion photographic process, which required a complete darkroom to be carried in the basket of the balloon! Unfortunately, Nadar’s earliest photographs no longer survive, and the oldest aerial photograph known to be still in existence is James Wallace Black’s image of Boston from a hot-air balloon, taken in 1860. Following the development of the dry-plate process, it was no longer necessary carry so much equipment, and the first free flight balloon photo mission was carried out by Triboulet over Paris in 1879. PAPA International, The Professional Aerial Photographers’ Association, is a professional trade organization, whose members are aerial photographers throughout the world.Read on and learn about what happened next – papainternational.org Friday 5 April 2013, marks the 90th anniversary of the death of the Egyptologist Lord Canarvon and the start of the mysterious curse of Tutankhamen, but author and University of Manchester Egyptologist Dr Joyce Tyldesley points out the real story is far from sinister. She argues that an exclusive media deal coupled with the subsequent reliance on non-expert comment helped fuel rumours of a curse. Although she also notes that the curse of Tutankhamen is now far more famous than both the original Egyptian king and the men who first unearthed his treasure laden tomb. It was in November 1922 when the Egyptologist Howard Carter and his team, including Lord Carnarvon, first entered the tomb of Tutankhamen. Their discovery received worldwide media attention, but an exclusive deal with The Times left scores of journalists sitting in the dust outside with nothing to see and no one to interview. Consequently newspapers turned to all sorts of “experts” to comment on the tomb, including popular fiction authors like Arthur Conan Doyle. Most prominent of all was the popular novelist Marie Corelli, whose comments regarding the health of Lord Carnarvon helped to ignite rumours of a curse.The curse begins George Herbert, 5th Earl of Carnarvon, at Howard Carter’s home on the Theban west bank [Public domain], via Wikimedia CommonsIn a report in The Express on 24 March 1923 about Lord Carnarvon’s health Marie Corelli wrote: “I cannot but think that some risks are run by breaking into the last rest of a king of Egypt whose tomb is specially and solemnly guarded, and robbing him of possessions. This is why I ask: was it a mosquito bite that has so seriously infected Lord Canarvon?” When, just a few days later Lord Carnarvon succumbed to his illness, Marie Corelli was hailed as a clairvoyant and a legend was born. Dr Tyldesley remarks: “Finally the world’s press had a story they could publish without deferring to The Times; a human tragedy far more compelling than the disappointingly slow-moving events at the tomb. As with all celebrity deaths, the story rapidly gathered its own momentum and soon there were reports of sinister goings on. At the very moment of Carnarvon’s death all the lights in Cairo had been mysteriously extinguished and at his English home Carnarvon’s dog, Susie, let out a great howl and died.” However, as Dr Tyldesley makes clear in her book, ‘Tutankhamen’s Curse: The Developing History of an Egyptian king’, a power cut in Cairo is far from unusual and given the time differences rather than dying simultaneously, Susie actually died four hours after her master. But never letting the facts get in the way of a good story the press continued with the line that Carnarvon had succumbed to an ancient curse. It was Marie Corelli again who brought this to life with her phrase “death comes on wings to he who enters the tomb of a Pharaoh” and it was soon accepted that this or a slight variation was carved either over the entrance to Tutankhamen’s tomb or somewhere inside it. However no evidence of this inscription has ever been found and Dr Tyldesley says it’s highly unlikely Tutankhamen would have felt the need to have one inscribed on his tomb. “In a land where only about 5% of the population was literate it seems unlikely that those tempted to rob could actually read any warning. Instead it was widely accepted that the dead had the power to interfere with the living.”Not letting facts get in the way of a good story But the absence of any concrete proof did nothing to quell the rumours. As the years went on more deaths were attributed to the curse including Prince Ali Kemal Fahmy Bey who had visited the tomb – he was shot by his wife in 1923, Georges Bénédite the Head of the Department of Antiquities at the Louvre Museum who died in 1926 after seeing the tomb and in 1934 Albert Lythgoe the Egyptologist at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York who had seen the open sarcophagus of Tutankhamen a decade before. Right up until the 1970s deaths were being ascribed to the curse including among the flight crew that brought Tutankhamen’s 1972 exhibition to London. However, Howard Carter himself found it necessary time and time again to report that Tutankhamen’s tomb contained no biological booby traps, poisons or curse. In fact, of those who had first crept into the Burial Chamber, only Lord Canarvon had died prematurely. It’s widely believed that Lord Canarvon died from blood poisoning after accidently cutting a mosquito bite whilst shaving. He was after all 57 years old at a time when the average male life expectancy at birth in the UK was just that. His health had also been severely weakened by a near-fatal car crash in Germany in 1901. Other popular theories include the suggestion that Carnarvon might have been infected by a bite from a mosquito which had itself been contaminated by drinking Tutankhamen’s embalming fluids. This was first put forward by the Daily Mail and gained in popularity when the mummy’s autopsy revealed the scar on Tutankhamen’s face which was widely accepted as a mosquito bite linking Tutankhamen to Carnarvon. Unfortunately this theory doesn’t stand up as there were no mosquitoes in the dry Valley of the Kings before the Aswan dam was built in the 1960s. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle was the first to suggest that poisonous spores may have been included in the tomb. But this seems extremely unlikely given that ancient Egyptian medicine did not understand the causes of illnesses and sicknesses were attributed to malevolent spirits. A suggestion he could have been poisoned by inhaling ancient and toxic bat guano that was heaped on the tomb floor can be ruled out as no bats had penetrated the sealed tomb. And finally, the idea that Carnarvon might have been killed by radiation within the tombs has become increasingly popular. However, there is no evidence to support this theory. So why has the concept of Tutankhamen’s curse persisted? Dr Tyldesley concludes: “It’s a testament to the popularity of the occult that the modern legend of Tutankhamen’s curse continues to be believed even today. However, it’s not really surprising that this aspect of the story has lasted. Given the choice between focussing on the pretty average life of King Tut, a tomb they weren’t allowed to see and a relatively uneventful death, journalists can’t be blamed for wanting to write about a mysterious ancient curse; no matter how unlikely its existence really is.” Deaths popularly attributed to Tutankhamun’s ‘curse’: - Lord Carnarvon, financial backer of the excavation team who was present at the tomb’s opening, died on April 5, 1923 after a mosquito bite became infected; he died 4 months, and 7 days after the opening of the tomb. - George Jay Gould I, a visitor to the tomb, died in the French Riviera on May 16, 1923 after he developed a fever following his visit. - Egypt’s Prince Ali Kamel Fahmy Bey died July 10, 1923: shot dead by his wife. - Colonel The Hon. Aubrey Herbert, MP, Carnarvon’s half-brother, became completely blind and died 26 September 1923 from blood poisoning related to a dental procedure intended to restore his eyesight. - Woolf Joel, a South African millionaire and visitor to the tomb, died November 13, 1923: shot dead in Johannesburg by blackmailer Baron Kurt von Veltheim whose real name was Karl Frederic Moritz Kurtze. - Sir Archibald Douglas-Reid, a radiologist who x-rayed Tutankhamun’s mummy, died January 15, 1924 from a mysterious illness. - Sir Lee Stack, Governor-General of Sudan, died November 19, 1924: assassinated while driving through Cairo. - A. C. Mace, a member of Carter’s excavation team, died in 1928 from arsenic poisoning - The Hon. Mervyn Herbert, Carnarvon’s half brother and the aforementioned Aubrey Herbert’s full brother, died May 26, 1929, reportedly from “malarial pneumonia”. - Captain The Hon. Richard Bethell, Carter’s personal secretary, died November 15, 1929: found smothered in his bed. - Richard Luttrell Pilkington Bethell, 3rd Baron Westbury, father of the above, died February 20, 1930; he supposedly threw himself off his seventh floor apartment. - Howard Carter opened the tomb on February 16, 1923, and died well over a decade later on March 2, 1939; however, some have still attributed his death to the ‘curse’. Source: University of Manchester - “The Mummy’s Curse: Mummymania in the English-speaking World”, Jasmine Day, 2006, Routledge - Egyptology Online @ Manchester University of Manchester. Curse of Tutankhamen – 90 years on. Past Horizons. April 05, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/04/2013/curse-of-tutankhamen-90-years-on For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases Archaeologists digging near a spa in southern Israel have uncovered Byzantine-era remains that include a large wine-press and a unique clay lantern decorated with crosses looking like a miniature church The stone remnants of what must have been a significant wine-making apparatus include compartments for storing grapes, a treading floor, and pits for collecting liquid, all spread over an area of more than 100 yards. It would have been in use about 1,500 years ago, the Israel Antiquities Authority said in a statement Thursday.Read more on www.timesofisrael.com Indigenous people that lived in southeastern Brazil in the late 1800s shared some genetic sequences with Polynesians, an analysis of their remains shows. The finding offers some support for the possibility that Pacific islanders traded with South America thousands of years ago, but researchers say that the distinctive DNA sequences, or haplogroups, may have entered the genomes of the native Brazilians through the slave trade during the nineteenth century. Most scientists agree that humans arrived in the Americas between 15,000 and 20,000 years ago, probably via the Bering land bridge linking northeastern Asia with what is now Alaska. But the precise timing and the number of ‘migration waves’ is unclear, owing largely to variations in early Americans’ physical features, says Sérgio Pena, a molecular geneticist at the Federal University of Minas Gerais in Belo Horizonte, Brazil.Read the full article on nature.com By Fernando Contreras Rodrigo and Cristina Bravo Asensio The archaeological site of Sanisera is located on the northern coast of Menorca, three kilometres south of the Cape of Cavalleria, in the port of Sanitja and within the territory of Santa Teresa.Aerial view of the port of Sanitja and location of archaeological site. Image: The Sanisera Field School Ongoing archaeological excavations have shown that Roman Sanisera was occupied in the Late Republican period and throughout the Early Empire period. Its population prospered from the 4th century AD and especially during the Vandal occupation and beginning of Byzantine rule. Later, from the 7th century AD Sanisera gradually decayed until it became de-populated around the beginning of the 9th century AD. In the early Eighties excavations were carried out in the central part of the city and during this time, several burials and the remains of an Early Christian basilica were found. In the mid nineties several systematic surveys identified six necropolii containing cist tombs, which surround the perimeter of the city and may date from between the 4th to the 6th centuries AD. The most recent excavations took place between 2008 and 2012 in an area to the west of the Port of Sanitja and very close to the shoreline, successfully locating two previously unknown buildings (10 & 11). Building 10 is a rectilinear structure with a total floor space of approximately 600 m². It is made up of 18 rooms, including two kitchens (with a preserved hearth and in situ millstone as well as three cisterns), a metal foundry (with a small circular furnace and several pits), bedrooms (with small corner hearths) and even a latrine. This building seems to have been built and occupied during the Late Empire period as an extension of the urban planning of Sanisera towards its northern limits.Incense burner of Tanit – Enamelled Belt buckle – Sestertius of Empress Sabina Some interesting finds from the land levelling layer includes a Punic-Ebussitan incense burner which represents the goddess Tanit and from the latest period of occupation, Islamic green glaze ceramics and two silver coins (dírhams) dating to 812 and 825.Ivory sheet with a central cross design – Silver dirham (AD 825) The second structure (Building 11), located at the south eastern portion of the excavated area has a semicircular apse on its western end, giving it a basilica like layout. Both the stratigraphic sequence along with the artefacts found within the structure shows an occupation span very similar to that of Building 10. However, it appears that this structure, unlike Building 10, has been remodelled six times over several centuries and has had various uses. The phases that have been analysed in depth are its last three; those dating from the middle of the 3rd century AD until the end of the port of Sanitja’s occupation in the 9th century AD. In its fourth phase in the Late Empire period (middle of the 3rd century AD and during most of the 4th century AD) this structure seems to have functioned as a house and had incorporated part of the earlier walls into its design. In its final pre- Islamic phase as the city was losing its importance (between the early 7th until 9th century AD) it also functioned as a dwelling. However, it is its penultimate phase that is the most interesting.Early Christian basilica of Sanisera (5th and 6th centuries AD) Religious function The building undertook a major transformation during Sanitja’s period of prosperity (during the Vandal occupation and beginning of Byzantine rule in Menorca) and took on a basilical layout. The stratigraphic sequence revealed pottery and 32 Vandal coins, all of which helped establish occupation from the mid 5th to mid 6th century AD. Its re-modelling involved the construction of some new walls and blocking up of old entrances. However, it also incorporated parts of the pre-existing structure and was transformed into a basilica composed of five separate rooms which related to a flagstone paved central nave and an apse at the west end (Room 10), two side naves that shared similar dimensions (Rooms11&12) and two other spaces (Rooms 13&14) to the east. The usual layout for a Christian basilica places the apse at the eastern end, but more unusually this one is on the west. However, there are many examples that do not follow the standard model, including the Spanish basilicas of Begastri, San Vicente Martir (Córdoba) or Marialba (Léon), all of them following a north-south orientation.A baptistry Room 11 of the basilica contains some interesting features which indicate that it performed a special function. Its entrance way is monumental (the largest in the whole building) and is made up of large squared sandstone blocks of a higher quality than anywhere else in the structure. The wall on its northern side contains painted wall plaster in red and yellow ochre hues and along with further evidence of paint work in Room 13, this is the only decoration that has been found. The third important feature of this room is a centrally located rectangular pit that follows a north-south orientation and is crossed by a second shorter pit oriented east-west. This feature is considered to be the baptismal font.Baptismal font located in the centre of Room 11 – (sketch of layout) Ecclesiastical complex The initial hypothesis is that both buildings belonged to the same ecclesiastical complex and consisted of a building for religious worship along with an associated ecclesiastical community house and pilgrim’s refuge. It is also thought that there is a connection with the funerary complex (Necropolis 04), located just 65 metres to the west, but outside the city limits. In 2012 excavations began at this site and so far a total of 15 tombs have been studied, all of them containing an average of 4 – 5 individuals. The Early Christian basilica that was excavated in the eighties and the six Late Roman necropolii which surround the port city are also interesting elements that highlight the “sacred” nature of Sanitja in times when pilgrimage routes could have existed to the island of Menorca. Ecclesiastical complexes proliferated in different areas of the Mediterranean between the 5th and 6th centuries AD, and many of them show clear similarities to the one at the port of Sanitja. After the Fall of Rome the church was becoming increasingly powerful and pilgrimage started to play an important function in Early Christian life. Source: Sanisera Field SchoolBibliography - ALCAIDE, S. 2011: Arquitectura Cristiana Balear en la Antigüedad Tardía (Tesis Doctoral). Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica. Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Tarragona. - ALONSO, A.1983: “Las Estancias Absidiadas en las Villae Romanas de Extremadura”, Nora: Revista de arte, geografía e historia, 4, 199-206. - CASANOVAS, M. A. 2005: Historia de Menorca. Palma de Mallorca. - CABALLERO, L.; ULBERT, T.1975: La Basílica Paleocristiana de Casa Herrera en las cercanías de Mérida (Badajoz), Madrid. - CHAVARRÍA, A. 2007: El final de las Villae en Hispania. (Siglos IV-VII d.C.), Bibliothèque de l’Antiquité Tardive, Turnhout. - MAROT, T. 1997: “Aproximación a la circulación monetaria en la península ibérica y las islas baleares durante los siglos V y VI: la incidencia de las emisiones vándalas y bizantinas”, Revue Numismatique, Volumen 6, Número 152, 157 – 190. - SÁNCHEZ, I. 2009: “Arquitectura sacra de época tardía en Hispalis. Algunas reflexiones”, Archivo Español de Arqueología, Vol. 28, 255-274. - VIZCAÍNO, J. 2009: La Presencia Bizantina en Hispania (Siglos VI-VII). La Documentación Arqueológica, Murcia. - Archaeology Digs 2013. The Sanisera Field School offers 16 different courses in Europe focusing on the survey and excavation of the Roman city of Sanisera, bioarchaeology and maritime archaeology. Students gain fieldwork experience in both archaeology and biological anthropology. Sanisera Field School. Excavating an Early Christian basilica at Sanisera. Past Horizons. April 04, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/04/2013/Excavating an Early Christian basilica at Sanisera For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases David Lentz from the University of Cincinnati focuses on Cerén, a farming village that was smothered under several metres of volcanic ash in the late sixth century. Lentz will present his research, “The Lost World of the Zapotitan Valley: Cerén and its Paleoecological Context,” at the 78th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, held on 3-7 April 2013 in Honolulu. More than 3,000 scientists from around the world attend the event to learn about research covering a broad range of topics and time periods. Cerén, now a UNESCO World Heritage Site known as Joya de Cerén, was discovered in El Salvador in the late 1970s when a governmental construction project unearthed what turned out to be ancient ceramic pottery and other clay structures. The initial archaeological excavation was directed by Payson Sheets, a faculty member at the University of Colorado and a friend of Lentz.Ridged and furrowed land, believed to be a maize field. Photo provided by David Lentz, University of Cincinnati. Remarkably well preserved Cerén is sometimes called “the Pompeii of Central America,” and much like that doomed ancient Roman city, the wreckage of Cerén was remarkably well preserved by its volcanic burial shroud. “What this meant for me, is this site had all these plant remains lying on the ground,” Lentz says. “Not only do we find these plant remains well preserved, but we find them where the people left them more than a thousand years ago, and that is really extraordinary.” Lentz specializes in paleoethnobotany and often in his work – including at other Maya sites – he’s left to interpret complex meaning from splinters of charred wood and hard nut fragments. The Mayas’ tropical environment, which isn’t conducive to preserving plant remains, doesn’t make things any easier. But the situation was different at Cerén. The village’s sudden and complete ruin sealed it under layers of preservative ash. So Lentz’s research there is still challenging but in an unfamiliar way. “It was tricky because we kept encountering things we’d never encountered before at a Maya site,” Lentz says. “They were just invisible because of the lack of preservation.” A few examples of what Lentz and his team have discovered at Cerén: - Large quantities of a root crop (malanga, a relative of taro) that previously had not been associated with Maya agriculture. They found another “invisible” crop of manioc alongside the more anticipated fields of maize, and they found grasses no longer in existence on the modern-day El Salvador landscape. - The first discovery of a Maya kitchen, complete with intensively planted household garden. “We could tell what was planted around the houses,” Lentz says. “This is fabulous because people have long debated how the Maya did all this. Now we have a real example.” - A household with more than 70 ceramic pots, many used to store beans, peppers and other plant matter. Having that many vessels in one home was an unusual discovery for what is thought to be a small, farming village. - Large plots of neatly rowed land, evidence of ridge and furrow agriculture. Lentz also posits that the people of Cerén surrounded their homes with orchard trees. These discoveries seemingly debunk the common theory that the Maya employed a slash-and-burn agriculture method. - A raised, paved pathway called a “sacbe,” which was used by the Maya for ceremonial and commercial purposes. Lentz plans additional research on the sacbe to see what other significant discoveries could be made by following the path. From these new discoveries come many lessons, a lot of them ecological. Lentz has studied how the Mayas effectively implemented systems of agriculture and arboriculture. He is intrigued by what made these methods successful, considering the Maya population was much denser than what exists on the modern landscape.What is thought to be a Maya shaman’s house at Cerén. Photo provided by David Lentz, University of Cincinnati. His findings at Cerén give him new pieces to plug into the Maya puzzle. Furthermore, they help us understand how humankind affects the natural world. “Cerén is regarded internationally as one of the treasures of the world,” Lentz says. “What’s been found there gives you a real idea of what things were like in the past and how humans have modified things. I think what we’re learning there is revolutionising our concept of the ancient past in Mesoamerica.” Source: The University of CincinnatiMore Information The University of Cincinnati. Volcanic burial ground allows detailed insight into Maya crops. Past Horizons. April 03, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/04/2013/volcanic-burial-ground-allows-detailed-insight-into-maya-crops For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases In the middle of the Bronze Age, around 1000 BCE, the quantity of metal artefacts traded in the Baltic Sea region increased dramatically. Around that same time, a new type of monument appeared along the coasts; stones set on edge and arranged in the form of ships, built by the maritime culture involved in that same metal trade.A wide maritime network These Bronze Age maritime groups were part of a network that extended across large parts of northern Europe and with links further to the south: a network maintained due to the increasing dependence on bronze and other important raw materials as a means of social status and cultural dependency. Archaeologists have long assumed that bronze was imported to Scandinavia from the south, and recent analyses has now confirmed this hypothesis. However, the people who conducted the trade and formed the networks are rarely addressed, not to mention the locations of where they met. ‘One reason why the meeting places of the Bronze Age are not discussed very often is that we have been unable to find them. Which is in contrast to the trading centres of the [later] Viking Age, which have been easy to locate due to the wealth of archaeological material that was left behind,’ says the author of the thesis Joakim Wehlin from the University of Gothenburg and Gotland University. In his thesis, Wehlin analysed the entirety of archaeological material from the stone ships and also the placement of these monuments within the landscape of Gotland. The thesis offers a new and extensive account of the stone ships and suggests that the importance of the Baltic Sea during the Scandinavian Bronze Age, not least as a waterway, has been underestimated in previous research. The stone ships can be found across the whole Baltic Sea region; especially on the larger islands with a significant cluster on Gotland. The ships have long been thought to have served as graves and for this reason they have been viewed as vessels intended to take the deceased into the afterlife.Skeppssättning (Stone ship), Gnisvärd, Gotland Image: Roine Johansson (Flickr, used under a CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) The site as a meeting place ‘My study shows a different picture,“ says Wehlin “It seems the whole body was typically not buried within the ship, and a significant percentage of stone ships have no graves within them at all. Instead, they sometimes show remains of other types of activities. So with the absence of the dead, the traces of the living begin to appear.’ Wehlin suggests that the stone ships and the activities that may have taken place around them point to a people who were focused on maritime trade and connections. Details in the ship monuments indicate that they were built not so much as spectral ships, but as representations of real vessels. Wehlin feels that the stone ships can even give clues about the ship-building techniques and structural dimensions and this provides further insight into the ships that sailed the Baltic Sea during the Bronze Age. This period in prehistory shows the ship as a dominant element of the visual culture; carved in stone, decorated on bronze artefacts or built as stone constructions. The ships visualised in different media seem to refer to factual ships and the variety could indicate different functional ships.Early trading ports Using terrain analysis, Wehlin has located what he feels are a number of potential meeting places – which could even be described as early trading ports. In one part of the study area in the north-east of Gotland the water system consists of the Hörsne River which later becomes the Gothem River (the largest river in Gotland). The river runs north-east through the wetlands of Lina bog, and continues to its mouth at Åminne and the Bay of Vitviken into the Baltic Sea. The Lina bog was – prior to the draining campaign in 1947 – the largest on Gotland. This area appears as a maritime landscape with a large inland wetland, bogs, river-systems, river-mouth, coast and sea situated within a rich Bronze Age landscape. The area might well have been important as a communication hub between the east and west coast one that continued into historic times. Wehlin believes that it is no coincidence that one of the largest clusters of ship settings, almost 15 % of the total number of such monuments, appears in this region. He suggests that people who were part of a maritime institution; boat builders, seafarers, people with knowledge and skills required for overseas journeys, such as navigation, trade etc., might have had a special place in the society. If so, they may be connected to the ship setting tradition. These features can be seen as a primary instrument for collective identification, akin to the rock-carving sites in Bohuslän. The burials that are present near these sites become secondary activities related to the power of place. Source: University of GothenburgMore Information - Approaching the Gotlandic Bronze Age from Sea. Future possibilities from a maritime perspective by Joakim Wehlin, - Published in: Martinsson-Wallin, H. (2010). Baltic Prehistoric Interactions and Transformations: The Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Gotland University Press 5. s. 89-109. Bronze Age Gotland University of Gothenburg. Investigating Bronze Age stone ships on Gotland. Past Horizons. April 01, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/04/2013/investigating-bronze-age-stone-ships-on-gotland For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases The monastery attracted so many students and monks from around greater India that its administration built an annex to house the seekers of enlightenment coming to meditate there, archaeologists at Quaid-e-Azam University (QAU) have discovered. Another notable finding was that the main compound of the monastery, located in present-day Badal Pur, is at least 300 years older than archaeologists previously estimated. The main compound, which consists of 55 “monk cells”, was excavated between 2005 and 2012. See on tribune.com.pk Initial funding has been secured for an ambitious archaeological project to uncover a lost 17th century town in Northern Ireland. The site beside Dunluce Castle (above) on the scenic Causeway Coast has been hailed as potentially the region’s own “little Pompeii”. The Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF) has now provided more than £300,000 for an excavation project and signalled the potential for a total package of £4 million. The ruins of the castle have stood on the rocky coastal outcrop near Bushmills in north Antrim for centuries but it was only four years ago that archaeologists re-discovered a lost settlement beside the landmark. Established in 1608 by the first Earl of Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, the town was destroyed in the uprising of 1641 and was eventually abandoned in 1680.Read more about this fascinating project on belfasttelegraph.co.uk Preservation of a body is an interesting phenomenon, whether it be the evanescent embalming at a funeral home to prevent the body from decaying at the wake, or preservation for hundreds of years as is the case with Rosalia Lombardo in the Palermo catacombs. Embalming is a three-fold process of sanitation, presentation and presentation. While the process has ancient roots and is found throughout the world, the modern technique was not possible until the Civil War, when the high number of bodies needing to be shipped over distances necessitated research and led to Dr. Thomas Holmes discovering a method of arterial preservation. This was later improved in 1867, the August Wilhelm von Hofmann discovered formaldehyde. Primarily it involves the replacement of fluids and blood with chemicals to prevent putrefaction. Displaying the Famous Political Dead – Katy MeyersRead the full article on bonesdontlie.wordpress.com The Sasanian Persian siege that destroyed Roman-held Dura-Europos, Syria, ca. 256 C.E. left some of the best evidence ever recovered for the nature and practices of ancient warfare. Perhaps the most dramatic of the archaeological deposits, excavated in the early 1930s, were those resulting from the mining duel around Tower 19 on the city’s western wall, during which at least 19 Roman soldiers and one Sasanian became entombed. Recent reanalysis of the excavation archive suggested that the mine evidence still held one unrecognized deadly secret: the Roman soldiers who perished there had not, as Robert du Mesnil du Buisson (the original excavator) believed, died by the sword or by fire but had been deliberately gassed by the Sasanian attackers. This article discusses the implications of this conclusion for our understanding of early Sasanian military capabilities and reviews the question of possible re-excavation in search of the casualties of Tower 19, whose remains were neither studied nor retained. | American Journal of ArchaeologyRead the full free article from 2011 here on www.ajaonline.org Learn more about this site; Cambridge Archaeological Unit is leading an excavation at the site being developed for a new Cambridge University campus. The archaeologists have uncovered a remarkable landscape including five separate cemeteries, two funerary monuments, two Roman roads, Bronze Age ring-ditch ‘circles’ and thousands of finds including some 30 cremation urns, 25 skeletons, a spearhead and an array of brooches.Excavation of a 1st/2nd century Roman cremation. © C.A.U. Photos by Dave Webb The layers of time They believe the site was first occupied 3,500 years ago and while pockets of Iron Age settlement have been identified (c. 600BC–AD50), most evident is the Middle Bronze Age. Remains from this period date to between 1500–1200 BC and aside from sub-rectangular ditched enclosures, the excavations have uncovered a series of ring-ditches. Associated with cremation burials, these relate to marking the land with monuments to the ancestors. It is probable that the area saw activity in earlier periods, but the Middle Bronze Age would have seen the first substantive settlement when presumably tree-cover was cleared (which will be established through the study of pollen evidence). The vast archaeological exposure of the gravel ridge, flanked by heavy claylands, runs up through the north west Cambridge lands.Aerial view of the excavation site. © C.A.U. Photo by Paul Bailey, SkyHIgh The full extent of the excavated area will stretch across a swathe of both geographic location and human/archaeological time. Its southeastern end coincides with the Traveller’s Rest Pit Quarry, where in the early years of the last century Burkitt and Marr, both of the University of Cambridge, studied the gravel beds and collected quantities of Palaeolithic flint implements. Nineteenth century quarrying in adjacent fields also yielded a number of rich Roman funerary remains.A large number of burial grounds The excavation’s northwestern end will lie opposite Girton College, where in the late 19th and early 20th centuries a major Anglo-Saxon cemetery had been uncovered and excavated. Relevant to the current site-work, the cemetery included Roman burials and sculptural fragments, including a lion’s head recovered from a pit. It is believed that the dig will uncover a landscape larger than Roman Cambridge itself and will reveal a complex network of communities and road alignments that will provide insights into the nature of the landscape. Archaeologists believe the countryside was lattice-like, criss-crossed with roads and trackways that linked up its many farms and settlements. Christopher Evans, head of the archaeological unit leading the dig said: “This scale and scope of excavation work has not been attempted before [in this area]. For more than a millennium, the landscape of the site has been uninterrupted farmland. “We have discovered that vibrant prehistoric settlements inhabited the land and settlements grew with complexity in the Roman age.” Pushing the time-frame nearer the present, at the northern end of the site-area the team found, entirely unexpectedly, the zigzagging lines of WWII military practice trenches. When examining Luftwaffe aerial photographs it was clear that the Germans were well aware of the existence of the trenches as they have been clearly marked on the 1940s images. 120,000 cubic metres of topsoil have been moved so far and the excavation area covers 14 of the 150-hectare development site for north west Cambridge, it is clear there is still much to find and more to learn in this landmark project.Gallery of the excavation so far. Cambridge Archaeological Unit. Cite this article Cambridge Archaeological Unit. Layers of time uncovered: Bronze Age to World War II. Past Horizons. March 26, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/03/2013/layers-of-time-uncovered-bronze-age-to-world-war-ii) For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases The advent of social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter have made us all more connected, but long-distance social networks existed long before the Internet. An article published this week in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences sheds light on the transformation of social networks in the late pre-Hispanic American Southwest and shows that people of that period were able to maintain surprisingly long-distance relationships with nothing more than their feet to connect them. Led by University of Arizona anthropologist Barbara Mills, the study is based on analysis of more than 800,000 painted ceramic and more than 4,800 obsidian artefacts dating from A.D. 1200-1450, uncovered from more than 700 sites in the western Southwest, in what is now Arizona and western New Mexico. Barbara Mills, director, UA School of Anthropology Social network analysis With funding from the National Science Foundation, Mills, director of the UA School of Anthropology, worked with collaborators at Archeology Southwest in Tucson to compile a database of more than 4.3 million ceramic artefacts and more than 4,800 obsidian artefacts, from which they drew for the study. They then applied formal social network analysis to see what material culture could teach them about how social networks shifted and evolved during a period that saw large-scale demographic changes, including long-distance migration and coalescence of populations into large villages.Dramatic changes Their findings illustrate dramatic changes in social networks in the Southwest over the 250-year period between A.D. 1200 and 1450. They found, for example, that while a large social network in the southern part of the Southwest grew very large and then collapsed, networks in the northern part of the Southwest became more fragmented but persisted over time. “Network scientists often talk about how increasingly connected networks become, or the ‘small world’ effect, but our study shows that this isn’t always the case,” said Mills, who led the study with co-principal investigator and UA alumnus Jeffery Clark, of Archaeology Southwest. “Our long-term study shows that there are cycles of growth and collapse in social networks when we look at them over centuries,” Mills said. “Highly connected worlds can become highly fragmented.”Maintaining relationships Another important finding was that early social networks do not appear to have been as restricted as expected by settlements’ physical distance from one another. Researchers found that similar types of painted pottery were being created and used in villages as far as 250 kilometres apart, suggesting people were maintaining relationships across relatively large geographic expanses, despite the only mode of transportation being walking. “They were making, using and discarding very similar kinds of assemblages over these very large spaces, which means that a lot of their daily practices were the same,” Mills said. “That doesn’t come about by chance; it has to come about by interaction – the kind of interaction where it’s not just a simple exchange but where people are learning how to make and how to use and ultimately discard different kinds of pottery.” “That really shocked us, this idea that you can have such long distance connections. In the pre-Hispanic Southwest they had no real vehicles, they had no beasts of burden, so they had to share information by walking,” she said. The application of formal social network analysis – which focuses on the relationships among nodes, such as individuals, household or settlements – is relatively new in the field of archaeology, which has traditionally focused more on specific attributes of those nodes, such as their size or function. The UA study shows how social network analysis can be applied to a database of material culture to illustrate changes in network structures over time. “We already knew about demographic changes – where people were living and where migration was happening – but what we didn’t know was how that changed social networks,” Mills said. “We’re so used to looking traditionally at distributions of pottery and other objects based on their occurrence in space, but to see how social relationships are created out of these distributions is what network analysis can help with.”Important implications One of Mills’s collaborators on the project was Ronald Breiger, renowned network analysis expert and a UA professor of sociology, with affiliations in statistics and government and public policy, who says being able to apply network analysis to archaeology has important implications for his field. “Barbara (Mills) and her group are pioneers in bringing the social network perspective to archaeology and into ancient societies,” said Breiger, who worked with Mills along with collaborators from the UA School of Anthropology; Archaeology Southwest; the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; Hendrix College; the University of Colorado, Boulder; the Santa Fe Institute; and Archaeological XRF Laboratory in Albuquerque, N.M. “What archaeology has to offer for a study of networks is a focus on very long-term dynamics and applications to societies that aren’t necessarily Western, so that’s broadening to the community of social network researchers,” Breiger said. “The coming together of social network and spatial analysis and the use of material objects to talk about culture is very much at the forefront of where I see the field of social network analysis moving.” Going forward, Mills hopes to use the same types of analyses to study even older social networks. “We have a basis for building on, and we’re hoping to get even greater time depth. We’d like to extend it back in time 400 years earlier,” she said. “The implications are we can see things at a spatial scale that we’ve never been able to look at before in a systematic way. It changes our picture of the Southwest.” Source: University of Arizona - Barbara J. Mills et al, Transformation of social networks in the late pre-Hispanic US Southwest, PNAS March 25, 2013 201219966 University of Arizona. Study traces cycles of growth and collapse in social networks. Past Horizons. March 27, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/03/2013/study-traces-cycles-of-growth-and-collapse-in-social-networks For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases Restoration workers discover nine secret crypts hidden under the ruins of Coventry’s bombed cathedral. Work has been taking place after a crack appeared in part of the 14th Century ruins, in September 2011. It was already known there were two crypts, but Dr Jonathan Foyle, the chief executive of the World Monuments Fund, which is overseeing the work, said it was like finding a “subterranean wonderland”. It is thought the crypts were originally used as burial places for the nobility. Some contain human bones, which are thought to have been cleared from the cemetery which was built on for the new cathedral.Read more on www.bbc.co.uk Three ball game courts, two terraced buildings and even a 1,000 year old residential area have all been revealed in the El Tajín archaeological zone in Veracruz, Mexico. Archaeologists from the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) have used the latest remote sensing technology to investigate pre-Hispanic sites for the first in time in the country. In addition to locating these remains that were hidden by vegetation, the use of this new technology will help determine the condition of the site as a whole.Lidar image showing approach to ball court. Image: INAH Years of exploration Dr. Guadalupe Zetina Gutiérrez, the principal researcher at El Tajín and a remote sensing and geographic information systems (GIS) specialist, reported that two years of exploration using this technology has resulted in these exciting new finds, which now require archaeological excavation. The addition of the three newly discovered ball game courts increases the number of this type of structure in El Tajin from 17 to 20. “This number could increase even more” he remarked, “as we are working on the digital model of each sector of the site in turn, this discovery represents only those detected in the southern and northern sectors.” All the ball courts so far located on the site vary both in dimension and characteristics; and in the case of the three new examples this is also true. With an accuracy of up to 5cm technology, LiDAR can create an accurate digital model of the site that can then be analysed using GIS software. Zetina Gutierrez explained that they were also able to locate two terraces consisting of platforms of around 10 to 12 metres in height, in the upper part of the old city, from where there would have been a panoramic view of El Tajín.Comparison between the pyramid of the niches and one of the Terraces. Image: INAH New era for technology The archaeologist is extremely excited at the discovery of a new residential area in the western part of the nucleus of El Tajín and commented that previously searching for new elements of architecture such as this was a huge investment of time, labour and materials. The INAH specialists also used a total of 60,000 thermographic images to identify cracks and structural problems on the monuments but no major damage was found.LiDAR image of Terrace. Image: INAH New technology has not only served to make a three-dimensional survey of El Tajín and an inventory of the structures that exist, but has also supplied new data to inform the direction of conservation. Zetina Gutiérrez concluded that this was a new era for archaeology in Mexico. Source: National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) El Tajín is open to the public and became a World Heritage Site in 1992.More Information - El Tajín, Abode of the Dead ( Archaeology Magazine) - El Tajin, Pre-Hispanic City (UNESCO) - Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH). New technology reveals El Tajin’s hidden ball courts. Past Horizons. March 26, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/03/2013/new-technology-reveals-el-tajins-many-hidden-buildings For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases New research into Thonis-Heracleion, a sunken port-city that served as the gateway to Egypt in the first millennium BC, was examined at a recent international conference at the University of Oxford. The port city, situated 6.5 kilometres off today’s coastline, was one of the biggest commercial hubs in the Mediterranean before the founding of Alexandria. The Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the University of Oxford is collaborating on the project with the European Institute for Underwater Archaeology (IEASM) in cooperation with Egypt’s Ministry of State for Antiquities.An archaeologist measures the feet of a colossal red granite statue at the site of Thonis-Heracleion in Aboukir Bay.©Franck Goddio/Hilti Foundation, photo: Christoph Gerigk Port of entry This obligatory port of entry, known as ‘Thonis’ by the Egyptians and ‘Heracleion’ by the Greeks, was where seagoing ships are thought to have unloaded their cargoes to have them assessed by temple officials and taxes extracted before transferring them to Egyptian ships that went upriver. In the ports of the city, divers and researchers are currently examining 64 Egyptian ships, dating between the eighth and second centuries BC, many of which appear to have been deliberately sunk. Researchers say the ships were found beautifully preserved, in the mud of the sea-bed. With 700 examples of different types of ancient anchor, the researchers believe this represents the largest nautical collection from the ancient world. “The survey has revealed an enormous submerged landscape with the remains of at least two major ancient settlements within a part of the Nile delta that was criss-crossed with natural and artificial waterways,” said Dr Damian Robinson, Director of the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the University of Oxford. Dr Robinson, who is overseeing the excavation of one of the submerged ships known as Ship 43, has discovered that the Egyptians had a unique shipbuilding style. He is also examining why the boats appear to have been deliberately sunk close to the port.Several ship graveyards “One of the key questions is why several ship graveyards were created about one mile from the mouth of the River Nile. Ship 43 appears to be part of a large cluster of at least ten other vessels in a large ship graveyard,” explained Dr Robinson. “This might not have been simple abandonment, but a means of blocking enemy ships from gaining entrance to the port-city. Seductive as this interpretation is, however, we must also consider whether these boats were sunk simply to use them for land reclamation purposes.”The stele of Thonis-Heracleion (1.90m) had been ordered by Pharaoh Nectanebo I (378-362 BC) and is almost identical to the stele of Naukratis in the Egyptian Museum of Cairo. The place where it was supposed to be erected is explicitly mentioned: Thonis-Heracleion.©Franck Goddio/Hilti Foundation, photo: Christoph Gerigk Maritime trade in the ancient world The port and its harbour basins also contain a collection of customs decrees, trading weights, and evidence of coin production. The material culture, for example, coin weights, was also discussed at the conference, placing this into the wider narrative of how maritime trade worked in the ancient world. Elsbeth van der Wilt, from the University of Oxford, said: “Thonis-Heracleion played an important role in the network of long-distance trade in the Eastern Mediterranean, since the city would have been the first stop for foreign merchants at the Egyptian border. Excavations in the harbour basins yielded an interesting group of lead weights, likely to have been used by both temple officials and merchants in the payment of taxes and the purchasing of goods. Amongst these are an important group of Athenian weights. They are a significant archaeological find because it is the first time that weights like these have been identified during excavations in Egypt.”300 statuettes and amulets Another Oxford researcher, Sanda Heinz, is analysing more than 300 statuettes and amulets from the Late and Ptolemaic Periods, including Egyptian and Greek subjects. The majority depict Egyptian deities such as Osiris, Isis, and their son Horus. “The statuettes and amulets are generally in excellent condition,” she said. “The statuettes allow us to examine their belief system and at the same time have wider economic implications. These figures were mass-produced at a scale hitherto unmatched in previous periods. Our findings suggest they were made primarily for Egyptians; however, there is evidence to show that some foreigners also bought them and dedicated them in temples abroad.” Franck Goddio, Director of the European Institute of Underwater Archaeology and Visiting Senior Lecturer in Maritime Archaeology at the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, commented: “The discoveries we have made in Thonis-Heracleion since 2000 thanks to the work of a multidisciplinary team and the support of the Hilti Foundation are encouraging. Charts of the city’s monuments, ports and channels are taking shape more clearly and further crucial information is gathered each year.” Source: University of Oxford - The Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology - European Institute of Underwater Archaeology - Hilti Foundation University of Oxford. Research sheds light on ancient Egyptian port and ship graveyard. March 26, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/03/2013/research-sheds-light-on-ancient-egyptian-port-and-ship-graveyard For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases Recent years have seen the emergence of scholarship on the history of archaeology and receptions of the classical past. Neither of these trends has fully engaged with the visual evidence, particularly that of photography, or with the material form of the archive itself. Using archival photographs taken at the site of Dura-Europos from 1928 to 1937, this article explores how the study of archaeological photographs and archaeological archives can contribute to our understanding of the history and epistemology of archaeology.Read and download the whole free article here on ajaonline.org Descriptions of the preparation of ancient Egyptian mummies that appear in both scientific and popular literature are derived largely from accounts by the Greek historians Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus.A different story to the ancient texts Egyptian mummy in the Vatican Museum. Image: Joshua Sherurcij via Wikimedia Commons According to the 5th century BCE Greek historian Herodotus, the ancient Egyptians used cedar oil enemas to remove the stomach and intestines of poorer individuals, with only the elite affording manual evisceration. However, an investigation by researchers from the University of Western Ontario suggests a very different reality to the process. This new research, based on a detailed examination of 150 ancient mummies from the 5th Dynasty (2494 BCE ) to the Roman and Coptic periods of the first centuries CE, has been published in the February issue of HOMO – Journal of Comparative Human Biology.Three modes Herodotus described three modes of embalming ranging from: - the rich were eviscerated via a slit through the side of the abdomen with an obsidian blade, through which organs were removed. - the less well off had their insides removed with cedar oil that was pumped into the body cavity. - the poorest clients had their intestines flushed out with an enema. In addition, Herodotus claimed the brain was always removed during the embalming process and other accounts suggest the heart was always left in place within the body.Comparing empirical data to historical record Using published descriptions in the literature for 150 mummies and 3D reconstructions from computed tomography data for 7 mummies, this study compares empirical data with classical descriptions of evisceration, organ treatment and body cavity treatment. The researchers realised that although there is a rich quantity of data available from these sources, there is a tendency to focus on modern and classical stereotypes of the mummification process. If the classical and contemporary accounts by Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus were correct, then the above three modes for different classes of people should be adhered to. In addition, the heart should be present in the overwhelming majority of eviscerated mummies, at least in the Late and Ptolemaic periods within which these authors wrote.A different story The team found that rich and poor alike most commonly had the transabdominal slit performed, although for the elites evisceration was sometimes performed through a slit in the anus. Given the proportions of elite to common mummification, they also found a very low indication that cedar oil enemas were used. The removal of the heart seems also to coincide only with a transitional period when the middle classes gained access to mummification, so getting to keep the heart may have become a status symbol after that point as only a quarter of the mummies examined had the heart left in place. And, whereas Herodotus had suggested mummies underwent brain removal, the researchers found that a fifth of the brains were actually left inside the skull. Almost all the others had been pulled out through the nose.CT scan and reconstruction of Lady Hudson, showing (A) the pelvic packing and damaged thorax (note the coffin boards visible beneath the thoracic cavity); and (B) the linen packing in the pelvis with the small pool of resin on it hinting at a transabdominal evisceration. Greater variety of practice over time and geographic location In spite of the lack of detail present in descriptions of mummies throughout much of the literature, there is substantial evidence for a largely unappreciated variability in the mummification tradition and indeed for much of the study, there is a direct contradiction from the classical descriptions. To be fair to Herodotus and Diodorus, it is possible that they reported on what they saw at a particular mummification workshop and at a particular point in time and therefore could not have appreciated the full range of variation in the practice throughout Egypt over the course of three millennia. Source: HOMO – Journal of Comparative Human BiologyMore Information - A.D. Wade, A.J. Nelson Radiological evaluation of the evisceration tradition in ancient Egyptian mummies HOMO – Journal of Comparative Human Biology, Volume 64, Issue 1, February 2013, Pages 1–28 - Egyptian Way of Mummification According to Herodotus HOMO – Journal of Comparative Human Biology. Our Title. Past Horizons. March 25, 2013, from http://www.pasthorizonspr.com/index.php/archives/03/2013/how-to-eviscerate-an-egyptian-mummy-the-truth-revealed For Archaeology News – Archaeology Research – Archaeology Press Releases Maize was key in early Andean civilisation Police return smuggled Neolithic artefacts to Kosovo Stone Circle begins to reveal secrets in Scotland Please note that now your favourite podcast – along with a great deal of additional features – is available also as an app for iPhone, iPad and iPod Touch on iTunes Store. Stone Pages with BAJR and Past Horizons presents the long running archaeology based podcast with the latest archaeology news, mainly related to prehistory, megalithic monuments and discoveries. - CBA History - Support Us

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Introduction to Sociology/Economy Economy refers to the ways people use their environment to meet their material needs. It is the realized economic system of a country or other area. It includes the production, exchange, distribution, and consumption of goods and services of that area. A given economy is the end result of a process that involves its technological evolution, history and social organization, as well as its geography, natural resource endowment, and ecology, among other factors. These factors give context, content, and set the conditions and parameters in which an economy functions. As long as someone has been making and distributing goods or services, there has been some sort of economy; economies grew larger as societies grew and became more complex. The ancient economy was mainly based on subsistence farming. According to Herodotus, and most modern scholars, the Lydians were the first people to introduce the use of gold and silver coin. It is thought that these first stamped coins were minted around 650-600 BC. For most people the exchange of goods occurred through social relationships. There were also traders who bartered in the marketplaces. The Babylonians and their city state neighbors developed economic ideas comparable to those employed today. They developed the first known codified legal and administrative systems, complete with courts, jails, and government records. Several centuries after the invention of cuneiform, the use of writing expanded beyond debt/payment certificates and inventory lists to be applied for the first time, about 2600 BC, to messages and mail delivery, history, legend, mathematics, and astronomical records. Ways to divide private property, when it is contended, amounts of interest on debt, rules as to property and monetary compensation concerning property damage or physical damage to a person, fines for 'wrong doing', and compensation in money for various infractions of formalized law were standardized for the first time in history. In Medieval times, what we now call economy was not far from the subsistence level. Most exchange occurred within social groups. On top of this, the great conquerors raised venture capital to finance their land captures. The capital investment would be returned to the investor when goods from the newly discovered or captured lands were returned by the conquerors. The discoveries of Marco Polo (1254-1324), Christopher Columbus (1451-1506) and Vasco de Gama (1469-1524) set the foundations for a global economy. The first enterprises were trading establishments. In 1513 the first stock exchange was founded in Antwerpen. The European captures became branches of the European states, the so-called "colonies". The rising nation-states Spain, Portugal, France, Great Britain, and the Netherlands tried to control the trade through custom duties and taxes in order to protect their national economy. Mercantilism was a first approach to intermediate between private wealth and public interest. The first economist in the true meaning of the word was the Scotsman Adam Smith (1723-1790). He defined the elements of a national economy: products are offered at a natural price generated by the use of competition - supply and demand - and the division of labour. He maintained that the basic motive for free trade is human self interest. In Europe, capitalism (see below) started to replace the system of mercantilism and led to economic growth. The period today is called the industrial revolution because the system of production and division of labour enabled the mass production of goods. Capitalism is an economic and social system in which capital and the non-labor factors of production or the means of production are privately controlled; labor, goods and capital are traded in markets; profits are taken by owners or invested in technologies and industries; and wages are paid to labor. Capitalism as a system developed incrementally from the 16th century on in Europe, although capitalist-like organizations existed in the ancient world, and early aspects of merchant capitalism flourished during the Late Middle Ages. Capitalism gradually spread throughout Europe and other parts of the world. In the 19th and 20th centuries, it provided the main means of industrialization throughout much of the world. The origins of modern markets can be traced back to the Roman Empire and the Islamic Golden Age and Muslim Agricultural Revolution where the first market economy and earliest forms of merchant capitalism took root between the 8th–12th centuries. A vigorous monetary economy was created by Muslims on the basis of the expanding levels of circulation of a stable high-value currency and the integration of monetary areas that were previously independent. Innovative new business techniques and forms of business organisation were introduced by economists, merchants and traders during this time. Such innovations included the earliest trading companies, big businesses, contracts, bills of exchange, long-distance international trade, the first forms of partnerships, and the earliest forms of credit, debt, profit, loss, capital, capital accumulation, circulating capital, capital expenditure, revenue, cheques, promissory notes, trusts, startup companies, savings accounts, pawning, loaning, exchange rates, bankers, money changers, deposits, the w:double-entry bookkeeping system, and lawsuits. Organizational enterprises similar to corporations independent from the state also existed in the medieval Islamic world. Many of these early capitalist concepts were adopted and further advanced in medieval Europe from the 13th century onwards. The economic system employed between the 16th and 18th centuries is commonly described as mercantilism. This period was associated with geographic discoveries by merchant overseas traders, especially from England, and the rapid growth in overseas trade. Mercantilism was a system of trade for profit, although commodities were still largely produced by non-capitalist production methods. While some scholars see mercantilism as the earliest stage of modern capitalism, others argue that modern capitalism did not emerge until later. For example, Karl Polanyi, noted that "mercantilism, with all its tendency toward commercialization, never attacked the safeguards which protected [the] two basic elements of production - labor and land - from becoming the elements of commerce"; thus mercantilist attitudes towards economic regulation were closer to feudalist attitudes, "they disagreed only on the methods of regulation." Moreover Polanyi argued that the hallmark of capitalism is the establishment of generalized markets for what he referred to as the "fictitious commodities": land, labor, and money. Accordingly, "not until 1834 was a competitive labor market established in England, hence industrial capitalism as a social system cannot be said to have existed before that date." The commercial stage of capitalism begin with the founding of the British East India Company and the Dutch East India Company. During this era, merchants, who had traded under the previous stage of mercantilism, invested capital in the East India Companies and other colonies, seeking a return on investment, setting the stage for capitalism. During the Industrial Revolution, the industrialist replaced the merchant as a dominant actor in the capitalist system and effected the decline of the traditional handicraft skills of artisans, guilds, and journeymen. Also during this period, the surplus generated by the rise of commercial agriculture encouraged increased mechanization of agriculture. Industrial capitalism marked the development of the factory system of manufacturing, characterized by a complex division of labor between and within the work process and the routinization of work tasks. In the late 19th century, the control and direction of large areas of industry came into the hands of trusts, financiers and holding companies. This period was dominated by an increasing number of oligopolistic firms earning supernormal profits. Major characteristics of capitalism in this period included the establishment of large industrial monopolies; the ownership and management of industry by financiers divorced from the production process; and the development of a complex system of banking, an equity market, and corporate holdings of capital through stock ownership. Inside these corporations, a division of labor separates shareholders, owners, managers, and actual laborers. By the last quarter of the 19th century, the emergence of large industrial trusts had provoked legislation in the US to reduce the monopolistic tendencies of the period. Gradually, during this era, the US government played a larger and larger role in passing antitrust laws and regulation of industrial standards for key industries of special public concern. By the end of the 19th century, economic depressions and boom and bust business cycles had become a recurring problem. In particular, the Long Depression of the 1870s and 1880s and the Great Depression of the 1930s affected almost the entire capitalist world, and generated discussion about capitalism’s long-term survival prospects. During the 1930s, Marxist commentators often posited the possibility of capitalism's decline or demise, often in contrast to the ability of the Soviet Union to avoid suffering the effects of the global depression. In his book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904-1905), Max Weber sought to trace how a particular form of religious spirit, infused into traditional modes of economic activity, was a condition of possibility of modern western capitalism. For Weber, the 'spirit of capitalism' was, in general, that of ascetic Protestantism; this ideology was able to motivate extreme rationalization of daily life, a propensity to accumulate capital by a religious ethic to advance economically, and thus also the propensity to reinvest capital: this was sufficient, then, to create "self-mediating capital" as conceived by Marx. This is pictured in Proverbs 22:29, “Seest thou a man diligent in his calling? He shall stand before kings” and in Colossians 3:23, "Whatever you do, do your work heartily, as for the Lord rather than for men." In the Protestant Ethic, Weber further stated that “moneymaking – provided it is done legally – is, within the modern economic order, the result and the expression of diligence in one’s calling…” And, "If God show you a way in which you may lawfully get more than in another way (without wrong to your soul or to any other), if you refuse this, and choose the less gainful way, you cross one of the ends of your calling, and you refuse to be God's steward, and to accept His gifts and use them for him when He requierth it: you may labour to be rich for God, though not for the flesh and sin" (p. 108). How capitalism works The economics of capitalism developed out of the interactions of the following five items: 1. Commodities: There are two types of commodities: capital goods and consumer goods. Capital goods are products not produced for immediate consumption (i.e. land, raw materials, tools machines and factories), but serve as the raw materials for consumer goods (i.e. televisions, cars, computers, houses) to be sold to others. 2. Money: Money is primarily a standardized means of exchange which serves to reduce all goods and commodities to a standard value. It eliminates the cumbersome system of barter by separating the transactions involved in the exchange of products, thus greatly facilitating specialization and trade through encouraging the exchange of commodities. 3. Labour power: Labour includes all mental and physical human resources, including entrepreneurial capacity and management skills, which are needed to transform one type of commodity into another. 4. Means of production: All manufacturing aids to production such as tools, machinery, and buildings. Individuals engage in the economy as consumers, labourers, and investors, providing both money and labour power. For example, as consumers, individuals influence production patterns through their purchase decisions, as producers will change production to produce what consumers want to buy. As labourers, individuals may decide which jobs to prepare for and in which markets to look for work. As investors they decide how much of their income to save and how to invest their savings. These savings, which become investments, provide much of the money that businesses need to grow. Business firms decide what to produce and where this production should occur. They also purchase capital goods to convert them into consumer goods. Businesses try to influence consumer purchase decisions through marketing as well as the creation of new and improved products. What drives the capitalist economy is the constant search for profits (revenues minus expenses). This need for profits, known as the profit motive, ensures that companies produce the goods and services that consumers desire and are able to buy. In order to be successful, firms must sell a certain quantity of their products at a price high enough to yield a profit. A business may consequently lose money if sales fall too low or costs are incurred that are too high. The profit motive also encourages firms to operate efficiently by using their resources in the most productive manner. By using less materials, labour or capital, a firm can cut its production costs which can lead to increased profits. Following Adam Smith, Karl Marx distinguished the use value of commodities from their exchange value in the market. Capital, according to Marx, is created with the purchase of commodities for the purpose of creating new commodities with an exchange value higher than the sum of the original purchases. For Marx, the use of labor power had itself become a commodity under capitalism; the exchange value of labor power, as reflected in the wage, is less than the value it produces for the capitalist. This difference in values, he argues, constitutes surplus value, which the capitalists extract and accumulate. The extraction of surplus value from workers is called exploitation. In his book Capital, Marx argues that the capitalist mode of production is distinguished by how the owners of capital extract this surplus from workers: all prior class societies had extracted surplus labor, but capitalism was new in doing so via the sale-value of produced commodities. Marx argues that a core requirement of a capitalist society is that a large portion of the population must not possess sources of self-sustenance that would allow them to be independent, and must instead be compelled, in order to survive, to sell their labor for a living wage. In conjunction with his criticism of capitalism was Marx's belief that exploited labor would be the driving force behind a revolution to a socialist-style economy. For Marx, this cycle of the extraction of the surplus value by the owners of capital or the bourgeoisie becomes the basis of class struggle. This argument is intertwined with Marx's version of the labor theory of value asserting that labor is the source of all value, and thus of profit. How capitalists generate profit is illustrated in the figure below. The market is a term used by economists to describe a central exchange through which people are able to buy and sell goods and services. In a capitalist economy, the prices of goods and services are controlled mainly through supply and demand and competition. Supply is the amount of a good or service produced by a firm and available for sale. Demand is the amount that people are willing to buy at a specific price. Prices tend to rise when demand exceeds supply and fall when supply exceeds demand, so that the market is able to coordinate itself through pricing until a new equilibrium price and quantity is reached. Competition arises when many producers are trying to sell the same or similar kinds of products to the same buyers. Competition is important in capitalist economies because it leads to innovation and more reasonable prices as firms that charge lower prices or improve the quality of their product can take buyers away from competitors (i.e., increase market share. Furthermore, without competition, a monopoly or cartel may develop. A monopoly occurs when a firm supplies the total output in the market. When this occurs, the firm can limit output and raise prices because it has no fear of competition. A cartel is a group of firms that act together in a monopolistic manner to control output and raise prices. Many countries have competition and anti-trust laws that prohibit monopolies and cartels from forming. In many capitalist nations, public utilities (communications, gas, electricity, etc), are able to operate as a monopoly under government regulation due to high economies of scale. Income in a capitalist economy depends primarily on what skills are in demand and what skills are currently being supplied. People who have skills that are in scarce supply are worth a lot more in the market and can attract higher incomes. Competition among employers for workers and among workers for jobs, helps determine wage rates. Firms need to pay high enough wages to attract the appropriate workers; however, when jobs are scarce workers may accept lower wages than when jobs are plentiful. Labour unions and the government also influence wages in capitalist nations. Unions act to represent labourers in negotiations with employers over such things as wage rates and acceptable working conditions. Most countries have an established minimum wage and other government agencies work to establish safety standards. Unemployment is a necessary component of a capitalist economy to insure an excessive pool of laborers. Without unemployed individuals in a capitalist economy, capitalists would be unable to exploit their workers because workers could demand to be paid what they are worth. What's more, when people leave the employed workforce and experience a period of unemployment, the longer they stay out of the workforce, the longer it takes to find work and the lower their returning salaries will be when they return to the workforce. Thus, not only do the unemployed help drive down the wages of those who are employed, they also suffer financially when they do return to the paid workforce. In capitalist nations, the government allows for private property and individuals are allowed to work where they please. The government also generally permits firms to determine what wages they will pay and what prices they will charge for their products. The government also carries out a number of important economic functions. For instance, it issues money, supervises public utilities and enforces private contracts. Laws, such as policy competition, protect against competition and prohibit unfair business practices. Government agencies regulate the standards of service in many industries, such as airlines and broadcasting, as well as financing a wide range of programs. In addition, the government regulates the flow of capital and uses things such as the interest rate to control factors such as inflation and unemployment. Criticisms of Capitalism Critics argue that capitalism is associated with the unfair distribution of wealth and power; a tendency toward market monopoly or oligopoly (and government by oligarchy); imperialism, counter-revolutionary wars and various forms of economic and cultural exploitation; repression of workers and trade unionists, and phenomena such as social alienation, economic inequality, unemployment, and economic instability. Critics have argued that there is an inherent tendency towards oligopolistic structures when laissez-faire laws are combined with capitalist private property. Capitalism is regarded by many socialists to be irrational in that production and the direction of the economy are unplanned, creating inconsistencies and internal contradictions and thus should be controlled through public policy. In the early 20th century, Vladimir Lenin argued that state use of military power to defend capitalist interests abroad was an inevitable corollary of monopoly capitalism. Economist Branko Horvat states, "it is now well known that capitalist development leads to the concentration of capital, employment and power. It is somewhat less known that it leads to the almost complete destruction of economic freedom." Ravi Batra argues that excessive income and wealth inequalities are a fundamental cause of financial crisis and economic depression, which will lead to the collapse of capitalism and the emergence of a new social order. Environmentalists have argued that capitalism requires continual economic growth, and will inevitably deplete the finite natural resources of the earth, and other broadly utilized resources. Murray Bookchin has argued that capitalist production externalizes environmental costs to all of society, and is unable to adequately mitigate its impact upon ecosystems and the biosphere at large. Labor historians and scholars, such as Immanuel Wallerstein have argued that unfree labor — by slaves, w:indentured servants, prisoners, and other coerced persons — is compatible with capitalist relations. A common response to the criticism that capitalism leads to inequality is the argument that capitalism also leads to economic growth and generally improved standards of living. Capitalism's does promote economic growth, as measured by Gross Domestic Product or GDP), capacity utilization or standard of living. This argument was central, for example, to Adam Smith's advocacy of letting a free market control production and price, and allocate resources. Many theorists have noted that this increase in global GDP over time coincides with the emergence of the modern world capitalist system. While the measurements are not identical, proponents argue that increasing GDP (per capita) is empirically shown to bring about improved standards of living, such as better availability of food, housing, clothing, and health care. Socialism refers to various theories of economic organization advocating public or direct worker ownership and administration of the means of production and allocation of resources, and a society characterized by equal access to resources for all individuals with a method of compensation based on the amount of labor expended. Most socialists share the view that capitalism unfairly concentrates power and wealth among a small segment of society that controls capital and derives its wealth through w:exploitation, creates an unequal society, does not provide equal opportunities for everyone to maximise their potentialities and does not utilise technology and resources to their maximum potential nor in the interests of the public. In one example of socialism, the Soviet Union, state ownership was combined with central planning. In this scenario, the government determined which goods and services were produced, how they were to be produced, the quantities, and the sale prices. Centralized planning is an alternative to allowing the market (supply and demand) to determine prices and production. In the West, neoclassical liberal economists such as Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman said that socialist planned economies would fail because planners could not have the business information inherent to a market economy (cf. economic calculation problem), nor could managers in Soviet-style socialist economies match the motivation of profit. Consequent to Soviet economic stagnation in the 1970s and 1980s, socialists began to accept parts of these critiques. Polish economist Oskar Lange, an early proponent of market socialism, proposed a central planning board establishing prices and controls of investment. The prices of producer goods would be determined through trial and error. The prices of consumer goods would be determined by supply and demand, with the supply coming from state-owned firms that would set their prices equal to the marginal cost, as in perfectly competitive markets. The central planning board would distribute a "social dividend" to ensure reasonable income equality. In western Europe, particularly in the period after World War II, many socialist parties in government implemented what became known as mixed economies. In the biography of the 1945 UK Labour Party Prime Minister Clement Attlee, Francis Beckett states: "the government... wanted what would become known as a mixed economy". Beckett also states that "Everyone called the 1945 government 'socialist'." These governments nationalised major and economically vital industries while permitting a free market to continue in the rest. These were most often monopolistic or infrastructural industries like mail, railways, power and other utilities. In some instances a number of small, competing and often relatively poorly financed companies in the same sector were nationalised to form one government monopoly for the purpose of competent management, of economic rescue (in the UK, British Leyland, Rolls Royce), or of competing on the world market. Typically, this was achieved through compulsory purchase of the industry (i.e. with compensation). In the UK, the nationalisation of the coal mines in 1947 created a coal board charged with running the coal industry commercially so as to be able to meet the interest payable on the bonds which the former mine owners' shares had been converted into. Marxist and non-Marxist social theorists agree that socialism developed in reaction to modern industrial capitalism, but disagree on the nature of their relationship. Émile Durkheim posits that socialism is rooted in the desire to bring the state closer to the realm of individual activity, in countering the anomie of a capitalist society. In socialism, Max Weber saw acceleration of the rationalisation started in capitalism. As a critic of socialism, he warned that placing the economy entirely in the state's bureaucratic control would result in an "iron cage of future bondage". The Marxist conception of socialism is that of a specific historical phase that will displace capitalism and be a precursor to communism. The major characteristics of socialism are that the proletariat will control the means of production through a workers' state erected by the workers in their interests. Economic activity is still organised through the use of incentive systems and social classes would still exist but to a lesser and diminishing extent than under capitalism. For orthodox Marxists, socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his contribution" while upper stage communism is based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need"; the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services. Socialism is not a concrete philosophy of fixed doctrine and program; its branches advocate a degree of social interventionism and economic rationalisation (usually in the form of economic planning), sometimes opposing each other. Some socialists advocate complete nationalisation of the means of production, distribution, and exchange; others advocate state control of capital within the framework of a market economy. Socialists inspired by the Soviet model of economic development have advocated the creation of centrally planned economies directed by a state that owns all the means of production. Others, including Yugoslavian, Hungarian, German and Chinese Communists in the 1970s and 1980s, instituted various forms of market socialism, combining co-operative and state ownership models with the free market exchange and free price system (but not free prices for the means of production). Social democrats propose selective nationalisation of key national industries in mixed economies, while maintaining private ownership of capital and private business enterprise. Social democrats also promote tax-funded welfare programs and regulation of markets. Many social democrats, particularly in European welfare states, refer to themselves as socialists, introducing a degree of ambiguity to the understanding of what the term means. Modern socialism originated in the late 18th-century intellectual and working class political movement that criticised the effects of industrialisation and private ownership on society. The utopian socialists, including w:Robert Owen (1771–1858), tried to found self-sustaining communes by secession from a capitalist society. Henri de Saint Simon (1760–1825), the first individual to coin the term socialisme, was the original thinker who advocated technocracy and industrial planning. The first socialists predicted a world improved by harnessing technology and better social organisation; many contemporary socialists share this belief. Early socialist thinkers tended to favour an authentic meritocracy combined with rational social planning. The Financial crisis of 2007–2009 led to mainstream discussions as to whether "Marx was right". Time magazine ran an article titled "Rethinking Marx" and put Karl Marx on the cover of its 28th of January 2009 European edition. While the mainstream media tended to conclude that Marx was wrong, this was not the view of socialists and left-leaning commentators. Examples of Socialism The People's Republic of China, North Korea, Laos and Vietnam are Asian states remaining from the first wave of socialism in the 20th century. States with socialist economies have largely moved away from centralised economic planning in the 21st century, placing a greater emphasis on markets, as in the case of the Chinese Socialist market economy and Vietnamese Socialist-oriented market economy. In China, the Chinese Communist Party has led a transition from the command economy of the Mao period to an economic program called the socialist market economy or "socialism with Chinese characteristics." Under Deng Xiaoping, the leadership of China embarked upon a program of market-based reform that was more sweeping than had been Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika program of the late 1980s. Deng's program, however, maintained state ownership rights over land, state or cooperative ownership of much of the heavy industrial and manufacturing sectors and state influence in the banking and financial sectors. Elsewhere in Asia, some elected socialist parties and communist parties remain prominent, particularly in India and Nepal. The Communist Party of Nepal in particular calls for multi-party democracy, social equality, and economic prosperity. In Singapore, a majority of the GDP is still generated from the state sector comprised of government-linked companies. In Japan, there has been a resurgent interest in the Japanese Communist Party among workers and youth. In Europe, the Left Party in Germany has grown in popularity, becoming the fourth biggest party in parliament in the general election on 27 September 2009. Communist candidate Dimitris Christofias won a crucial presidential runoff in w:Cyprus, defeating his conservative rival with a majority of 53% of the vote. In Greece, in the general election on 4 October 2009, the Communist KKE got 7.5% of the votes and the new Socialist grouping, Syriza or "Coalition of the Radical Left", won 4.6% or 361,000 votes. In Ireland, in the 2009 European election, Joe Higgins of the Socialist Party took one of four seats in the capital Dublin European constituency. In Denmark, the Socialist People's Party more than doubled its parliamentary representation to 23 seats from 11, making it the fourth largest party. In France, the Revolutionary Communist League candidate in the 2007 presidential election, Olivier Besancenot, received 1,498,581 votes, 4.08%, double that of the Communist candidate. The LCR abolished itself in 2009 to initiate a broad anti-capitalist party, the New Anticapitalist Party, whose stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century". Latin America In some Latin American countries, socialism has re-emerged in recent years, with an anti-imperialist stance, the rejection of the policies of neoliberalism, and the nationalisation or part nationalisation of oil production, land and other assets. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, Bolivian President Evo Morales, and Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa for instance, refer to their political programs as socialist. United States An April 2009 Rasmussen Reports poll conducted during the Financial crisis of 2007–2009 suggested there had been a growth of support for socialism in the United States. The poll results stated that 53% of American adults thought capitalism was better than socialism, and that "Adults under 30 are essentially evenly divided: 37% prefer capitalism, 33% socialism, and 30% are undecided". The question posed by Rasmussen Reports did not define either capitalism or socialism. Criticisms of Socialism Criticisms of socialism range from claims that socialist economic and political models are inefficient or incompatible with civil liberties to condemnation of specific socialist states. In the economic calculation debate, classical liberal Friedrich Hayek argued that a socialist command economy could not adequately transmit information about prices and productive quotas due to the lack of a price mechanism, and as a result it could not make rational economic decisions. Ludwig von Mises argued that a socialist economy was not possible at all, because of the impossibility of rational pricing of capital goods in a socialist economy since the state is the only owner of the capital goods. Hayek further argued that the social control over distribution of wealth and private property advocated by socialists cannot be achieved without reduced prosperity for the general populace, and a loss of political and economic freedoms. Economic measures There are a number of ways to measure economic activity of a nation. These methods of measuring economic activity include: - Consumer spending - Exchange Rate - Gross domestic product - GDP per capita - GNP or Gross National Product - Stock Market - Interest Rate - National Debt - Rate of Inflation - Balance of Trade The Gross Domestic Product or GDP of a country is a measure of the size of its economy. While often useful, it should be noted that GDP only includes economic activity for which money is exchanged. GDP and GDP per capita are widely used indicators of a country's wealth. The map below shows GDP per capita of countries around the world: Informal economy An informal economy is economic activity that is neither taxed nor monitored by a government and is contrasted with the formal economy as described above. The informal economy is thus not included in a government's Gross National Product or GNP. 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Estimating World GDP, One Million B.C. – Present. http://www.j-bradford-delong.net/TCEH/1998_Draft/World_GDP/Estimating_World_GDP.html Accessed: 2008-02-26 - Nardinelli, Clark. Industrial Revolution and the Standard of Living. http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/IndustrialRevolutionandtheStandardofLiving.html Accessed: 2008-02-26 - Newman, Michael. 2005. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-280431-6 - Socialism, (2009), in Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved October 14, 2009, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism, "Main" summary: "Socialists complain that capitalism necessarily leads to unfair and exploitative concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of the relative few who emerge victorious from free-market competition—people who then use their wealth and power to reinforce their dominance in society." - Marx and Engels Selected Works, Lawrence and Wishart, 1968, p. 40. Capitalist property relations put a "fetter" on the productive forces. - John Barkley Rosser and Marina V. Rosser, Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy (Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press, 2004). - Beckett, Francis, Clem Attlee, (2007) Politico's. - Socialist Party of Great Britain. 1985. The Strike Weapon: Lessons of the Miners’ Strike. Socialist Party of Great Britain. London. http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/pdf/ms.pdf - Hardcastle, Edgar. 1947. The Nationalisation of the Railways Socialist Standard. 43:1 http://www.marxists.org/archive/hardcastle/1947/02/railways.htm - Schaff, Kory. 2001. Philosophy and the problems of work: a reader. Rowman & Littlefield. Lanham, MD. ISBN 0-7425-0795-5 - Walicki, Andrzej. 1995. Marxism and the leap to the kingdom of freedom: the rise and fall of the Communist utopia. Stanford University Press. Stanford, CA. ISBAN 0-8047-2384-2 - "Market socialism," Dictionary of the Social Sciences. Craig Calhoun, ed. Oxford University Press 2002 - "Market socialism" The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003 - Stiglitz, Joseph. "Whither Socialism?" Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995 - Karl Marx: did he get it all right?, The Times (UK), October 21, 2008, http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article4981065.ece - Capitalism has proven Karl Marx right again, The Herald (Scotland), 17 Sep 2008, http://www.heraldscotland.com/capitalism-has-proven-karl-marx-right-again-1.889708 - Gumbell, Peter. Rethinking Marx, Time magazine, 28 January 2009, http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1873191_1873190_1873188,00.html - Capitalist crisis - Karl Marx was right Editorial, The Socialist, 17 Sep 2008, www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/6395 - Cox, David. Marx is being proved right. The Guardian, 29 January 2007, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/jan/29/marxisbeingprovedright - Communist Party of Nepal' - [http://www.countryrisk.com/editorials/archives/cat_singapore.html CountryRisk Maintaining Singapore's Miracle - Japan's young turn to Communist Party as they decide capitalism has let them down - Daily Telegraph October 18, 2008 - "Communism on rise in recession-hit Japan", BBC, May 4, 2009 - Germany’s Left Party woos the SPD' - Germany: Left makes big gains in poll http://www.greenleft.org.au/2009/813/41841 - Christofias wins Cyprus presidency' - Danish centre-right wins election http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7091941.stm - Has France moved to the right? http://www.socialismtoday.org/110/france.html - Le Nouveau parti anticapitaliste d'Olivier Besancenot est lancé Agence France-Presse, June 29, 2008 - Rasmussen Reports http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/general_politics/april_2009/just_53_say_capitalism_better_than_socialism , accessed October 23, 2009. - Hayek, Friedrich. 1994. The Road to Serfdom. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-32061-8 - Hoppe, Hans-Hermann A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism. Kluwer Academic Publishers. page 46 in PDF. This page also draws heavily on the following Wikipedia articles:

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Once students have participated in the experiment, you should get them involved in the class discussion as much as possible. Participating in the experiment will have given them an opportunity to really think about the public goods problem (though this term has not yet been introduced) and therefore the role of the discussion period should be to help them summarize what they have learned and put it into economic terms. To facilitate this, the "lecture" is presented as a series of questions that you can ask your students, with suggestions for summarizing their answers and leading them through the material associated with the public goods problem. First ask, "Will someone who turned in a red card explain why they did so?" Typical answers include: - I wanted to encourage other people to turn in red cards so I did so at first. - Everyone would earn more money if people turned in red cards. - If I kept both red cards I would only earn $8, but if everyone turned in both red cards, everyone would have earned $40. (This would be the type of answer one would get in a class with 20 people: 20 people x 2 red cards = 40 red cards turned in.) Next, ask "These are all good reasons for turning in a red card, so will someone who did NOT turn in any red cards explain why they didn't do so?" (Sometimes no one wants to admit that they didn't turn in a red card, so if no one answers this question, you can rephrase this as a hypothetical question: "OK, will someone try to explain why someone MIGHT NOT want to turn in a red card?") Typical answers include: - Because I can make more money if I keep my red cards. - I earned money from the cards everyone turned in AND money from cards that I kept, so I earned more by keeping my red cards. At this point, it's helpful to summarize the discussion so far: If we're thinking of the group, everyone can do better by turning in their red cards; but each individual can earn more money by keeping their red cards and still earning money from the red cards others turn in. Once students understand this, you can introduce the term "public good" and its two defining characteristics: non-rivalry (one person's enjoyment of the good does not diminish others' ability to enjoy it) and non-excludability (everyone enjoys the benefits of a public good, even those who don't contribute to it). Ask your students how turning in a red card represents making a contribution to a public good. As they answer, make sure that they understand that EVERYONE receives a dollar from the public good, whether there are 10 people in the class or 200 people in the class: the more people there are, the greater the benefits that can be enjoyed. They should also point out that everyone receives a dollar, even those that don't contribute to it. Next, ask your students what it is about the characteristics of a public good that give people an incentive to free-ride. If they have trouble answering this question, have them relate their answer to the previous discussion about turning in red cards: everyone received $1 for each red-card that was turned in, even if they didn't contribute. More people may have contributed if receiving the benefit ($1 per card) had been limited to only those who contributed. After you have covered this much, I find it helpful to start framing the discussion in terms of economic terminology. As students what the marginal cost is of turning in a red card in the game. They may give you a specific answer ($4 in the first rounds of the experiment, $2 in later rounds of the experiment) or a more general answer (how much you earned if you kept the red card). Make sure that you eventually get the specific answer, and write it on the board: marginal cost of contributing = $4. Next, ask for the marginal benefit to the INDIVIDUAL (not the group) of turning in a red card. Someone should point out that it is $1 - the amount the individual contributing the card receives if he or she turns it in. Write this on the board: Individual's marginal benefit of contributing = $1. Finally, ask for the marginal benefit to the group of turning in a red card. Students will need to know the number of people in the class to answer this. If there are 30 people in your class, this will be $1 x 30 = $30 earned for each red card that is turned in. Write this on the board also: Group's marginal benefit of contributing = $30. Remind students (or have them tell you) the economic rule: that you should produce where MB = MC. In this case, they are not equal, so students need to think about how to handle the inequality. First, address this from the perspective of the individual. If the MB of a contribution is $1 and the MC = $4, what should the individual do? Most students will realize that this means that they should not contribute to the public good since the cost exceeds the benefit. Next, address this from the perspective of the group: MB = $30 and MC = $4, so from the group's standpoint, all should contribute to the public good. Point out that this is the basic tension in the public goods problem: what is best for the group is not best for the individual; so if individual's act in their own self-interest the public good may not be provided. Some students will have trouble understanding this, so it may help to use a specific example from the classroom game. Have students take a minute to calculate earnings for each of the following outcomes: - Earnings for each person if no one contributes to the public good. Answer: Money is only earned from cards kept, since nothing is turned in. So earnings are $4 x 2 red cards kept = $8. - Earnings for each person if everyone turns in both red cards (no cards are kept by anyone). Answer (assume for this example there are 30 people in the class): Money is only earned from cards turned in, since none are kept. Since each person has 2 cards, 30 x 2 = 60 cards are turned in, which earn $1 each to every person. So each person earns 60 x $1 = $60. - Earnings for a person if he or she keeps both red cards but everyone else turns in both red cards. Answer (assume for this example there are 30 people in the class). In this case, the person earns $4 x 2 = $8 for the two red cards kept. If the other 29 people turn in both red cards, there are 29x2 = 58 red cards turned in. So everyone earns 58 x $1 = $58 from red cards turned in. So the person who keeps both red cards earns $8 + $58 = $66 (and the others in the class only earn $58). When students see these numbers they have a concrete example of why everyone is better off if all turn in their red cards, but also why an individual has an incentive to keep both red cards. Summarize this by pointing out to students that economic theory, which typically assumes that individuals act to maximize their own earnings, would predict that no one would turn in any red cards in our classroom exercise. You can now turn to what happened in the classroom game to see what happened. In almost all classes, some red cards are turned in, with the number turned in decreasing over time. You can point out that economic theory was a little too pessimistic - some red cards were provided; but also, voluntary contributions fell far-short of the optimal contribution (from the group's perspective). In other words, the public goods problem does exist, even in the class. At this point, you can turn the discussion to remedies for the public goods problem and why the government provides many public goods: even if some level of these goods may be provided through voluntary means, one might want the government to step in and provide them (funded by tax revenues) to ensure that an adequate level of provision is achieved. For example, one would not want to leave the level of national defense to the amount that could be provided through voluntary contributions. If desired, you might also point out that some things that are typically thought of as "public goods" because they are provided by the government may not fit the textbook definition of a public good. For example, it is possible to exclude people from national parks by putting up fences and making people pay to enter the park. (It is also the case that parks may not be non-rival if too many people visit them; if you go to a wilderness area your enjoyment may be diminished if there are too many others there also.) Another good example if fire-protection. People tend to think of this as a public good, but in fact, fire-protection services could be excludable. Many communities (historically and even in current-times) offer fire protection on a subscription-basis: only those who pay a subscription fee are protected in the event of a fire. Additional Suggestions for Upper-Level Courses The lecture material provided above is most suitable for an introductory level course. If you are teaching upper-level courses (for example, intermediate micro, public finance, or game-theory) you can supplement it with additional material outlined below. Students should try to solve for the Nash equilibrium of a one-shot game with the payoffs used in the initial rounds of the classroom experiment ($4 for each red card kept and $1 for every red card turned in by anyone). They should realize that keeping both red cards is a dominant strategy Nash equilibrium in a one-shot game. Next, students can think about the equilibrium of this game if it were repeated for a fixed (and known) number of rounds. For example, if students knew that they would make a contribution decision in each of 5 rounds. In this way, the concept of backward induction can be introduced. After this, students should solve for the Nash equilibrium in a one-shot game in which the value of a red-card kept is reduced to $2. In this case, there is still a dominant strategy to keep both red cards. Typically, the number of red cards turned in is significantly higher when the value of a red card kept is reduced from $4 to $2 (at least in the initial rounds). This can spur discussion of why behavior changed when the theoretic prediction is that there should be no red cards turned in as long as the value of a red-card kept exceeds $1 (the value to the individual of turning one in). Finally, the discussion can turn to "trigger-strategies" and what can cause them to work or fail. Typically during the experiment-discussion period, people suggest trigger-strategies (without using this terminology). In almost all discussion periods, one or more students suggest that everyone turn in both red cards, but that if it is apparent (from the number turned in) that someone didn't that no one will turn in any red cards after this. Not all groups come to an agreement to try this strategy, but many do; in almost all cases one or more people do not turn in both red cards and the strategy fails. In fact, it is often the case that the person who suggested the trigger strategy is one of the people who does not turn in both red cards.

http://www.econport.org/content/teaching/modules/PublicGoods/Lecture.html

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The Iran Hostage Crisis [Download a printer-friendly version] Author:Kenneth J. Bechtel, Anne Arundel County Public Schools Duration:1 class period The Iran Hostage Crisis lasted from 1979-1981, but its aftereffects changed the political and diplomatic landscape between the United States and Iran for decades to come. On November 4, 1979 Iranian student demonstrators stormed the U.S. embassy in Tehran and took 52 Americans hostage. The hostages would be released only when the Shah came back to Iran to stand trial for crimes committed against the Iranian people. The former leader of Iran, the Shah had been voted out of office in 1950, but was reinstated after a U.S. lead coup in 1953. He became a close ally of the U.S., but was wholly unpopular in Iran and was eventually overthrown in 1979. The situation was only expected to last a short time, but it dragged on for 444 days. The Carter administration was seen as inept and ineffective in handling the crisis. A botched rescue attempt in 1980 only reinforced these views and Carter was not reelected in the 1980 presidential race. The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, the same day Ronald Reagan was sworn into office. In this lesson, students will examine primary source documents from throughout the crisis in an attempt to reconstruct the event. They will in essence be working backwards, trying to decipher what documents are more important than others as they construct a debriefing of the event. The instructor will then share the actual details of the crisis and students will be able to see how their close their interpretations were to what actually happened. Related National History Standards Era 10: Contemporary United States (1968 to the present)Standard 2: Economic, social, and cultural developments in contemporary United States Historical Thinking Standards Standard 3: Historical Analysis and Interpretation A. Identify the author or source of the historical document or narrative.Standard 5: Historical Issues-Analysis and Decision-Making B. Compare and contrast differing sets of ideas, values, personalities, behaviors, and institutions. D. Consider multiple perspectives. E. Analyze cause-and-effect relationships and multiple causation, including the importance of the individual, the influence of ideas, and the role of chance. A. Identify issues and problems in the past. · Students will analyze how Iran Hostage Crisis impacted an entire presidency of Jimmy Carter. The Iran Hostage Crisis, which lasted from 1979 to 1981, was the first time the United States dealt with Islamic terrorism. The United States supported the Shah, or leader of Iran, who was an ally of the United States from 1953 to 1979, despite his harsh treatment, including arbitrary arrest and excessive punishments of the Iranian people, including. Iranian students responded after years of abuse by following the words of a Muslim religious fundamentalist leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini, to take back Iran and place him in power. The students took action by taking the United States embassy, which they saw as both a symbolic and tangible source of support for the shah’s authoritarian regime. The Americans in the embassy were taken hostage and this ad hoc action morphed into a much longer drama that lasted for 444 days and would not end until President Carter was removed from office. Overall, the Iran Hostage Crisis was an event that changed political and diplomatic relations between the United States and Iran for decades to come. Iranian resentment of United States can be traced back into the 1950s. Since the beginning of the Cold War the United States began to support any regime that was not communist, no matter how unpopular they were with the people of their country. Under these circumstances Iran became an anti-communist country and the shah became an ally of the United States. 1 In 1950 the shah fled Iran when Mohammed Mossadegh was elected Prime Minister. Mohammed Mossadegh had long resented the British controlled oil industry in Iran and tapped into the anti-British resentment in his country get elected and then expel the foreign influence over Iran’s economy. After Prime Minister Mossadegh was elected he exerted his power and nationalized the oil-industry in the country, ridding Iran of British influence over their most precious commodity, oil. 2 This event triggered fear in the United States. The state department felt that communists could exploit this chaos and have the Middle East, especially Iran, turn against democracy and the United States. The Shah, who has been in exile, contacted the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) put together Operation AJAX to drive Mossadegh from Iran and put the shah back in power. 3 After the coup which brought him to power in 1953 the Shah became a close U.S. ally, often consulting with U.S. diplomats. 4 Over time his close ties to the U.S. became a source of unpopularity with the Iranian people, who opposed his growing repression and sympathized with the Khomeini’s charge that reliance on the U.S. diminished Iran’s independence. Between 1953 and the early 1970s the U.S. supported the Shah’s ambitious plans for economic development and regional leadership using the country’s enormous oil wealth- and the Shah reciprocated by purchasing billions of dollars in high-tech U.S. weaponry. The shah felt it was necessary to purchase weapons for his security, because U.S. diplomats told him he was in danger, and spent billions of dollars in oil-money to buy the weapons solely from the United States. The shah also took the advice of the United States and started a special police force called the SAVAK. The SAVAK was trained by the CIA and was very cruel towards the Iranian people. The SAVAK was a police unit but it also was a spying unit, gathering information on Iranian citizens. It was stated that the SAVAK was so ruthless that it had female members spying on their husbands, arbitrary arrest, imprisonment, and execution on a massive scale. 6 The shah was losing status in his own country and the United States wondered how long it could support such an unpopular leader. Starting In 1978, there were demonstrations month after month against the shah.7 In 1979 the shah was overthrown by mass demonstrations inspired by the exiled Ayatollah Khomeini, a charismatic Shia Muslim religious scolar who preached a conservative (later called fundamentalist) variant of Islam and built support in part by stroking Iranian resentment against U.S. support for the Shah’s regime.8 In this time of pandemonium in Iran the shah was diagnosed with cancer and President Carter allowed the long time ally of the United States to come to New York to receive treatment. 9 November 4, 1979 at ten o’clock in the morning, Iranian time, student demonstrators that were assembled in the streets outside the United States embassy in Tehran stormed the walls and came into the twenty-seven acre complex. Americans marines inside the embassy compound sounded an alarm and the embassy went into a lock-down mode. Ten men were assigned the task of disposing of sensitive documents that the embassy had in storage. The embassy had directions from the federal government to only keep as many documents as could be incinerated in thirty minutes, but the incinerator broke as they began to destroy the documents. 10 The men did the next best thing and began to shred the documents. After a few hours the sixty-six Americans in the embassy could not hold out any longer and room by room they were captured. The hostages were told that they would be released when the shah came back to Iran to face trial for the crimes he had committed against the people of Iran.11 The hostages thought the crisis would be over quickly but it dragged on for months. President Carter decided that since diplomacy was not working he would use force to get the American hostages out of Iran. A Delta Force of ninety-seven soldiers and eight helicopters was assembled for a mission on the morning of April 25, 1980 to take control of the embassy and free the hostages. Problems with the rescue mission started to occur once the team landed in Iran. Two helicopters malfunctioned before reaching Iran and one helicopter blew a hydraulic pump while in Iran and was unusable in the mission. When the Delta Force was down to only five helicopters it was decided that the rescue mission should be aborted. The disastrous mission did not end there. The Delta Force loaded into the remaining helicopters to return to base when they were caught in a sandstorm. Two helicopters collided and eight of the Delta Force soldiers were killed in the crash. President Carter had to address that nation that night and disclose the failure of the rescue mission. The American peoples’ response was not favorable towards the president. Most Americans felt that Carter was incompetent as a leader, in general, as well as in the crisis situation. 12 After the failed rescue mission the Carter administration and the American public realized that the hostage crisis was going to last longer than anyone expected. Every night news stations broadcast how long the hostages had been held, pointing out how incapable Carter was as a president. 13 Carter began to speak with advisors to try to see what could be done to bring an end to the situation. Four events unfolded that brought an end to the hostage crisis. First, Ronald Reagan won the election of 1980 and promised to end the Iranian Hostage Crisis by any means necessary. This pledge surely made the Iranian militants question how long it would be before another squad of Delta Force soldiers were on their way to the embassy. 14 Second, the Ayatollah Khomeini’s supporters were elected to the Iranian parliament. This meant that there was no reason to hold the hostages to force any illegal political changes in Iran. Third, Iraq and Iran became involved in a war. Iranian assets had been frozen in the United States and they now needed access to the money or they risked losing their entire country. Finally, the shah died in July 1980 in Egypt where he was living. Now, what the students of Iran truly wanted, the shah stand trial in exchange for the hostages, was impossible. The Iranian Hostage Crisis did bring a downfall to President Carter’s administration. The hostage situation was a major campaign issue that cost President Carter millions of votes. Many Americans viewed Carter as a president that was unfit in times of crisis. Others stated that he did not exhibit strength in the situation and made the United States look weak on a world stage. A deal was struck between the United States and the Iranian terrorists holding the hostages. The United States would unfreeze Iranian assets in the United States in the hostages were freed. Finally, on January 20, 1981 after 444 days in captivity the American hostages were freed, the day before Ronald Reagan took office. 15 As Americans were trying to forget the loss of the Vietnam War, cope with the stagflation of the 1970s, and deal with left wing revolutionaries in Africa and Central America, the episode in Iran conveyed the inability of the United States to decisively shape world affairs. The United States has tried to stay ahead of militant and terrorist groups around the world, not just those in the Middle East, with varying degrees of success. But, since the Iran Hostage Crisis it has been evident that the Unites States has to work with other countries, rather than control them. Can the United States truly make this change from dominance to cooperation still remains to be seen, for if the country and its leaders cannot, more acts of aggression and terrorism seem eminent. 1Thomas G. Paterson, J. Garry Clifford, Shane J. Maddock, Deborah Kisatsky, Kenneth J. Hagan, eds., A History: American Foreign Relations Since 1895, 6th ed. (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2005), 409. 2William J. Daugherty, In The Shadow Of The Ayatollah: A CIA Hostage In Iran. (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 2001), 29-30; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 3Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 4David Farber, Taken Hostage: The Iran Hostage Crisis and America’s First Encounter With Radical Islam. (Princeton, New Jersey: University of Princeton Press, 2005), 103; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 5Daugherty, In The Shadow Of The Ayatollah, 32; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 410. 6David Harris, The Crisis: The President, the Profit, and the Shah- 1979 and the Coming of Militant Islam (New York: Little, Brown, and Company, 2004), 28; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 7Daugherty, In The Shadow Of The Ayatollah, 83. 8Steven M. Gillon, The American Paradox: A History of the United States Since 1945. (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2003), 327. 9Daugherty, In The Shadow Of The Ayatollah, 94; Gillon, The American Paradox, 327; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 10Farber, Taken Hostage, 409; Harris, The Crisis, 28; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409. 11Daugherty, In The Shadow Of The Ayatollah, 104-110; Harris, The Crisis, 104; Gillon, The American Paradox, 327; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 409-410. 12Farber, Taken Hostage, 174; Harris, The Crisis, 352-361; Gillon, The American Paradox, 377; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 412. 13Gillon, The American Paradox, 327. 14Farber, Taken Hostage, 181; Harris, The Crisis, 328; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 412. 15Farber, Taken Hostage, 175; Harris, The Crisis, 406; Gillon, The American Paradox, 327; Patterson, American Foreign Relations, 412-413. Jimmy Carter- 39th President of the United States. Iran- a republic in Southwest Asia, the capital is Teheran, formerly, until 1935, was Persia. Iran Hostage Crisis- On November 4, 1979, Iranian militants stormed the United States Embassy in Tehran and took approximately seventy Americans captive. This terrorist act triggered the most profound crisis of the Carter presidency and began a personal ordeal for Jimmy Carter and the American people that lasted 444 days. Ayatollah Khomeini- Iranian political and religious leader who lived from 1902 until 1989. Robert C. Ode- was one of the fifty-two American citizens taken hostage by Iranian students in November 1979 at the American embassy in Tehran. They were held for a total of 444 days and finally released, after lengthy negotiations, on January 20, 1981. Motivation: Class Discussion of the following Lead Questions: What is the United States official stance towards terrorists? Has this position changed over time? What could force a change in how the United States deals with terrorism?Procedures: 1. Avoid a class discussion of the Iran Hostage Crisis of 1979 before using this Primary Document Packet. 2. The Instructor will distribute “The Deciphering an Event” worksheet and the document packet to students. RS #1 is “The Deciphering an Event” and RS #2-8 are the primary documents students will be analyzing to figure out which are the most important. This Activity works best if RS #1-8 are printed as packets for each student. a. Students will be going back and forth between this graphic organizer and the primary documents. b. Allow students time to decide which documents are more important than others. c. Have students write a “Debriefing to the CIA” (second page of RS #1) using only the documents they decided were the most significant. RS # 1- Graphic Organizer “The Deciphering an Event” RS #2- Shredded CIA Cable reporting on information provided by an Iranian RS #3- A picture of the Ayatollah Khomeini escorted by military officers upon his return to Iran. RS #4- Farsi Survival Guide from the 1980 Iran Hostage Rescue Mission RS #5- The Hostages and the Casualties RS #6- Letter from Jimmy Carter to Ayatollah Khomeini RS #7- Executive Summary of the Failed Mission to Rescue the Iranian RS #8- Robert C. Ode Diary 3. After the students have completed their debriefing the teacher will read the Content Narrative and/or discuss the Iran Hostage Crisis. 4. Ask students to discuss with another student or the class how close their interpretation of the events of the Iran Hostage Crisis was to the actual event. Discuss with the class how the Iran Hostage Crisis affected the view of the American military. Also ask the class how this event affected the election of 1980. Finally, ask the class to draw parallels between this act of terrorism and more recent acts of terrorism. Ask them how terrorism has changed since this crisis.Assessment: Students could be asked to research one of the hostages from the document that lists the names and where the hostages were from. Try and find out what happened to these brave men and women after the ordeal was over. Start the next class with brief presentations of where these former hostages are today.Extension Activities: 1. Students could be asked to incorporate the documents they excluded from their Debriefing to the CIA. Ask the students how their debriefings would change if they were allowed to use some of the excluded documents. Primary Source Annotaions Shredded CIA Cable reporting on information provided by an Iranian contacthttp://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB21/04-01.htm When the United States embassy was overtaken by Iranian militants the employees of the embassy tried to destroy as much information as possible, usually by shredding. After the embassy was taken the Iranians put back together most of the shredded documents which contained names and important information given to the CIA by Iranian informants. This is just one example of what the Iranians put back together. Students may not know what this document is at first but it can be pulled into their narratives if teachers explain what it is after students have started the activityA picture of the Ayatollah Khomeini escorted by military officers upon his return to Iran. This picture was taken when the Ayatollah returned to Iran with his Islamic fundamentalists and overthrew the shah’s doctoral regime. The shah was not in Iran at the time. He was in the United States receiving treatment for cancer. This picture should give students insight into the fact that this man is important because he is surrounded by so many people. Farsi Survival Guide from the 1980 Iran Hostage Rescue Missionhttp://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/DOCUMENT/DOC-PIC/930728_1.gif This was part of the survival kit given to Delta Force commandos during the failed rescue mission in April 1980. The statements were to be used to try to bring compassion to the commandos if they were captured or their helicopter was downed and they were trying to get out of Iran safely. Students should realize the importance of such a document to someone who would be lost in a foreign country and not know the common language. The Hostages and the Casualtieshttp://www.jimmycarterlibrary.org/documents/list_of_hostages.phtml This document is a list of all the hostages, released hostages, and Special Forces members who were involved directly in the Iranian Hostage Crisis. This document shows that these people were real, had families, and lets students understand that this tragedy could happen to anyone. Letter from Jimmy Carter to Ayatollah Khomeinihttp://arcweb.archives.gov/arc/digital_detail.jsp?&pg=1&rn=1&tn=595328&st=b&rp=details&nh=1 President Carter tried a diplomatic approach before signing off on the rescue mission that would eventually fail in April 1980. This letter is what he sent to the Ayatollah to try to end the hostage crisis but the Ayatollah did not give in and the hostages were not freed. This document should show students that proper communication lines were open between the countries during the crisis but even with this communication the hostages were not released.Executive Summary of the Failed Mission to Rescue the Iranian Hostageshttp://arcweb.archives.gov/arc/servlet/arc.ControllerServlet?&pg=n&rn=1&nw=n&nh=1&st=b&rp=summary&si=0 This is a summary of the planned mission to rescue the hostages from Iran. The summary gives timeframes of when the mission was planned and when it was to be conducted. The document also gives reasons for why the mission failed and best of all gives recommendations on how the United States should handle counter-terrorism actions in the future. Robert C. Ode Diaryhttp://www.jimmycarterlibrary.org/documents/r_ode/ Robert C. Ode was the oldest of the hostages and actually retired form diplomatic service. He took a job to travel to Iran and only expected to be in Iran for a few months. He was allowed to keep a diary by his captors and this is a rare look into the mind of someone who lived through the ordeal.

http://www.umbc.edu/che/tahlessons/lessondisplay.php?lesson=70

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History of the United States Constitution This article discusses the history of the United States Constitution. Table of contents Articles of Confederation The way to the Constitution was neither straight nor easy. A draft document emerged in 1787, but only after intense debate and six years of experience with an earlier federal union. The 13 British colonies in America declared their independence from their motherland in 1776. A year before, war had broken out between the colonies and Britain, a war for independence that lasted for six bitter years. While still at war, the colonies now calling themselves the United States of America drafted a compact that bound them together as a nation. The compact, designated the "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," was adopted by a congress of the states in 1777 and formally signed in July 1778. The Articles became binding when they were ratified by the thirteenth state, Maryland, in March 1781. The Articles of Confederation devised a loose association among the states and set up a federal government with very limited powers. In such critical matters as defense, public finance, and trade, the federal government was at the mercy of the state legislatures. It was not an arrangement conducive to stability or strength. Within a short time the weakness of the confederation was apparent to many, though others still viewed it as a viable form of government. Politically and economically, the new nation was close to chaos. In the words of George Washington, who would become the first President of the United States in 1789, the thirteen states were united only "by a rope of sand." On February 21, 1787, Congress resolved: "It is expedient that on the second Monday in May next a Convention of delegates who shall have been appointed by the several States be held at Philadelphia for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation." On the appointed day, May 14, few representatives were present. The Convention only obtained a quorum—delegates of seven states—on May 25. The fifty-five delegates who drafted the Constitution included most of the outstanding leaders, or Founding Fathers, of the new nation. They represented a wide range of interests, backgrounds, and stations in life, although they shared a common background; the vast majority of them were wealthy landowners, and all were white males. All agreed, however, on the central objectives expressed in the preamble to the Constitution: We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. The primary aim of the Constitution was to create a strong elected government that was responsive to the will of the people, although there is some controversy over this. Many of the Founding Fathers believed that the new government needed to be insulated from the will of the people; hence the design of such features as the U.S. Electoral College or the election of Senators by the state legislatures. The concept of self-government did not originate with the Americans; indeed, a measure of self-government existed in the United Kingdom at the time. But the degree to which the Constitution committed the United States to rule by the people was unique, even revolutionary, in comparison with other governments around the world. By the time the Constitution was adopted, Americans had considerable expertise in the art of self-government. Long before independence was declared, the colonies were functioning governmental units controlled by the people. After the Revolution had begun between January 1, 1776, and April 20, 1777, ten of the thirteen states had adopted their own constitutions. Most states had a governor elected by the state legislature. The legislature itself was elected by popular vote. The Articles of Confederation had tried to unite these self-governing states. The Constitution, by contrast, established a strong central, or federal, government with broad powers to regulate relations between the states and with sole responsibility in such areas as foreign affairs and defense. Centralization proved difficult for many people to accept. America had been settled in large part by Europeans who had left their homelands to escape religious or political oppression, as well as the rigid economic patterns of the Old World that locked individuals into a particular station in life regardless of their skill or energy. These settlers highly prized personal freedom, and they were wary of any power especially that of government that might curtail individual liberties. The diversity of the new nation was also a formidable obstacle to unity. The people who were empowered by the Constitution in the 18th century to elect and control their central government represented different origins, beliefs, and interests. Most had come from Britain, but Sweden, Norway, France, the Netherlands, Prussia, Poland, and many other countries also sent immigrants to the New World. Their religious beliefs were varied and, in most cases, strongly held. There were Anglicans, Roman Catholics, Calvinists, Huguenots, Lutherans, Quakers, Jews, and many more. Economically and socially, Americans ranged from the land-owning aristocracy to slaves from Africa and indentured servants working off debts. Most Americans fell somewhere in between these two extremes. Americans then, as now, had widely differing opinions on virtually all issues, including the wisdom of breaking free of the British Crown. During the American Revolution a large number of British Loyalists known as Tories had fled the country, settling mostly in eastern Canada. Those who stayed behind formed a substantial opposition bloc, although they differed among themselves on the reasons for opposing the Revolution and on what accommodation should be made with the new American republic. It was the continuing job of the Constitution and the government it had created to draw these disparate interests together, to create a common ground and, at the same time, to protect the fundamental rights of all the people. Compared with the complexities of contemporary government, the problems of governing 4 million people in much less developed economic conditions seem small indeed. But the authors of the Constitution were building for the future as well as the present. They were keenly aware of the need for a structure of government that would work not only in their lifetime but for generations to come. Hence, they included in the Constitution a provision for amending the document when social, economic, or political conditions demanded it. Twenty-seven amendments have been passed since ratification, and the flexibility of the Constitution has proven to be one of its greatest strengths. Without such flexibility, it is inconceivable that a document drafted more than 200 years ago could effectively serve the needs of 290 million people and thousands of governmental units at all levels in the United States today. Nor could it have applied with equal force and precision to the problems of small towns and large cities. Drafting the Constitution The period between the adoption of the Articles of Confederation in 1781 and the drafting of the Constitution in 1787 was one of weakness, dissension, and turmoil. Under the Articles of Confederation, no provisions were made for an executive branch to enforce the laws or for a national court system to interpret them. A legislative congress was the sole organ of the national government, but it had no power to force the states to do anything against their will. It could theoretically declare war and raise an army, but it could not force any state to meet its assigned quota for troops or for the arms and equipment needed to support them. It looked to the states for the income needed to finance its activities, but it could not punish a state for not contributing its share of the federal budget. Control of taxation and tariffs was left to the states, and each state could issue its own currency. In disputes between states--and there were many unsettled quarrels over state boundaries--Congress played the role of mediator and judge but could not require states to accept its decisions. The result was virtual chaos. Without the power to collect taxes, the federal government plunged into debt. Seven of the 13 states printed large quantities of paper money high in face value but low in real purchasing power in order to pay Revolutionary War veterans and a variety of creditors and to settle debts between small farmers and large plantation owners. By contrast, the Massachusetts legislature imposed a tightly limited currency and high taxes, triggering the formation of a small army of farmers led by Daniel Shays, a former Revolutionary War army captain. In a bid to take over the Massachusetts statehouse, Shays and others demanded that foreclosures (seizure of land by banks as payment for debts) and unfair mortgages be dropped. Troops were called out to suppress the rebellion, but the federal government took notice. Absence of a uniform, stable currency also disrupted trade among the states and with other countries. Not only did the value of paper currency vary from state to state, but some states (like New York and Virginia) levied duties on products entering their ports from other states, thereby provoking retaliatory actions. The states could say, as had the federal superintendent of finance, that "our public credit is gone." To compound their problems, these newly independent states, having separated violently from Britain, no longer received favored treatment at British ports. When U.S. Ambassador John Adams tried to negotiate a commercial treaty in 1785, the British refused on the grounds that the individual states would not be bound by it. A weak central government, without the power to back its policies with military strength, was inevitably handicapped in foreign affairs as well. The British refused to withdraw their troops from the forts and trading posts in the new nation's Northwest Territory, as they had agreed to do in the peace treaty of 1783 that marked the end of the Revolutionary War. To make matters worse, British officers on the northern boundaries and Spanish officers to the south supplied arms to various American Indian tribes and encouraged them to attack American settlers. The Spanish, who controlled Florida and Louisiana as well as all territory west of the Mississippi River, also refused to allow western farmers to use the port of New Orleans to ship their produce. Although there were signs of returning prosperity in some areas of the fledgling nation, domestic and foreign problems continued to grow. It became increasingly clear that the confederation's central government was not strong enough to establish a sound financial system, to regulate trade, to enforce treaties, or to exert military force against foreign antagonists when needed. Internal divisions between farmers and merchants, debtors and creditors, and among the states themselves were growing more severe. With Shays' Rebellion of desperate farmers in 1786 vividly in mind, George Washington warned: "There are combustibles in every state which a spark might set fire to." This sense of potential disaster and the need for drastic change pervaded the Constitutional Convention that began its deliberations on May 25, 1787. All of the delegates were convinced that an effective central government with a wide range of enforceable powers must replace the weaker congress established by the Articles of Confederation. Early in the proceedings the delegates agreed that the new government would be composed of three separate branches: legislative, judicial, and executive, each with distinct powers to balance those of the other two branches. It was also agreed that the legislative branch, like the British Parliament, should consist of two houses. Beyond this point, however, there were sharp differences of opinion that threatened at times to disrupt the convention and cut short its proceedings before a constitution was drafted. The larger states argued in favor of proportional representation in the legislature--that is, each state should have voting power according to its population. The smaller states, fearing domination by the larger ones, insisted on equal representation for all states. The issue was settled by the "Great Compromise," a measure giving every state equal representation in one house of Congress and proportional representation in the other. In the Senate, every state would have two seats. In the House of Representatives, the number of seats would depend on population. Because it was considered more responsive to majority sentiment, the House of Representatives was given the power to originate all legislation dealing with the federal budget and revenues/taxation. The Great Compromise ended the rift between the large and small states, but throughout the summer the delegates worked out numerous other compromises. Some delegates, fearful of giving too much power to the people, argued for indirect election of all federal officials; others wanted as broad an electoral base as possible. Some wanted to exclude the western territories from eventual statehood; others saw the future strength of the nation in the virgin lands beyond the Appalachian Mountains. There were sectional interests to be balanced; differing views to be reconciled on the term, powers, and method of selection of the president; and conflicting ideas on the role of the federal judiciary. The high quality of the delegates to the convention eased the way to compromise. Only a few of the great leaders of the American Revolution were absent: Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, both future presidents, were serving as America's envoys to France and Britain, respectively; John Jay was busy as secretary of foreign affairs of the confederation. A handful of others, including Samuel Adams, Thomas Paine, and Patrick Henry, chose not to participate, believing that the existing governmental structure was sound. Of those in attendance, the best known by far was George Washington, commander of American troops and hero of the Revolution, who presided over the convention. Benjamin Franklin, the scientist, scholar, and diplomat, was also there. So, too, were such outstanding men as James Madison of Virginia, Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania, and Alexander Hamilton, the brilliant young lawyer from New York. Even the youngest delegates, still in their twenties and thirties, had already displayed political and intellectual gifts. As Thomas Jefferson in Paris wrote to John Adams in London, "It really is an assembly of demigods." Some of the ideas embodied in the Constitution were new, but many were drawn from Classical Antiquity and the British governmental tradition of mixed government which was in practice among 12 of the 13 states and were advocated by the writings of Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu. The Declaration of Independence was an important guide, keeping the minds of the delegates fixed on the ideas of self-government and preservation of fundamental human rights. The writings of such European political philosophers as Montesquieu and John Locke were also influential. What they sought to create was a balanced government of checks and balances. In late July the convention appointed a committee to draft a document based on the agreements that had been reached. After another month of discussion and refinement, a second committee, headed by Gouverneur Morris, produced the final version, which was submitted for signing on September 17. Not all the delegates were pleased with the results; some left before the ceremony, and three of those remaining refused to sign: Edmund Randolph and George Mason of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. Of the 39 who did sign, probably no one was completely satisfied, and their views were ably summed up by Benjamin Franklin, who said, "There are several parts of this Constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them." He would accept the Constitution, however, "because I expect no better and because I am not sure that it is not the best." The way was now set for the arduous process of ratification, that is, acceptance of the Constitution by specially constituted conventions, in at least nine states. The need for only nine states was a controversial decision at the time, since the Articles of Confederation could only be amended by unanimous vote of all the states. Delaware was the first to ratify, followed swiftly by Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Georgia. Of these four states the vote for ratification was unanimous in the three least populous states (i.e. excluding Pennsylanvia). After a further ratification by a large majority in Connecticut, a bitter debate occurred in Massachusetts. That state finally ratified by a narrow majority with a strong recommendation that a bill of rights guaranteeing certain fundamental rights be appended to the Constitution. The rights held to require such explicit protection included freedom of religion, speech, press, and assembly; the right to trial by jury; and the prohibition of unreasonable searches or arrests. A number of other states added similar provisos, and the result of this pressure--along with support from Thomas Jefferson--was incorporation in the Constitution of the first ten amendments drafted by James Madison, now known as the Bill of Rights (see below), in 1791. By late June 1788, Maryland, South Carolina, and New Hampshire had given their assent, satisfying the requirement for ratification by nine states. Legally, the Constitution was in force. But two powerful and pivotal states, New York and Virginia, remained undecided, as did the two smaller states of North Carolina and Rhode Island. It was clear that without the consent of New York and Virginia, the Constitution would stand on shaky ground. Virginia was sharply divided, but the influence of James Madison and Governor Edmund Randolph, arguing for ratification, carried the state legislature by a narrow margin on June 26, 1788. Although George Washington was not present at the Virginia convention, his support for the Constitution also influenced the final vote. Opposing ratification in the Richmond, Virginia convention were both George Mason, who had originally supported the Virginia Plan in Philadelphia, and Patrick Henry. The New York convention narrowly voted for approval on July 26, due largely to Hamilton's forensic abilities and his reaching a few key compromises with moderate "antifederalists" led by Melanton Smith. Opposition to ratification was led by Governor George Clinton. In New York, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay combined to produce a remarkable series of written arguments for the Constitution, The Federalist Papers that were influential in both the Virginia and New York ratification debates. The Federalist Papers are still widely read, discussed, and cited in legal circles and in colleges across the nation. In November 1789, North Carolina added its approval. Rhode Island held out until 1790, when its position as a small and weak state hedged in by a large and powerful republic became untenable. The process of organizing the government began soon after ratification by Virginia and New York. On September 13, 1788, Congress fixed the city of New York as the seat of the new government. (The capital was moved to Philadelphia in 1790 and to Washington D.C., in 1800.) It set the first Wednesday in January 1789 as the day for choosing presidential electors, the first Wednesday of February for the meeting of the electors to select a president, and the first Wednesday of March for the opening session of the new Congress. Under the Constitution, each state legislature had the power to decide how presidential electors, as well as representatives and senators, would be chosen. Some states opted for direct elections by the people, others for election by the legislature, and a few for a combination of the two. Rivalries were intense; delays in setting up the first elections under the new Constitution were inevitable. New Jersey, for example, chose direct elections but neglected to set a time for closing the polls, which stayed open for three weeks. The full and final implementation of the Constitution was set for March 4, 1789. But by that time, only 13 of the 59 representatives and 8 of the 22 senators had arrived in New York City. (Seats allotted to North Carolina and Rhode Island were not filled until those states ratified the Constitution.) A quorum was finally attained in the House on April 1 and in the Senate on April 6. The two houses then met jointly to count the electoral vote. To no one's surprise, George Washington was unanimously elected the first president, and John Adams of Massachusetts, the vice president. Adams arrived in New York on April 21, and Washington on April 23. They were sworn into office on April 30, 1789. The business of setting up the new government was completed. Bill of Rights The Constitution has been amended 27 times since 1789, and it is likely to be further revised in the future. The most sweeping changes occurred within two years of its adoption. In that period, the first ten amendments, known collectively as the Bill of Rights, were added. Congress approved these amendments as a block in September 1789, and 11 states had ratified them by the end of 1791. Much of the initial resistance to the Constitution came not from those opposed to strengthening the federal union but from statesmen who felt that the rights of individuals must be specifically spelled out. One of these was George Mason, author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which was a forerunner of the Bill of Rights. As a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, Mason refused to sign the document because he felt it did not protect individual rights sufficiently. Indeed, Mason's opposition nearly blocked ratification by Virginia. Because of similar feelings in Massachusetts, that state conditioned its ratification on the addition of specific guarantees of individual rights. By the time the First Congress convened, sentiment for adoption of such amendments was nearly unanimous, and the Congress lost little time in drafting them. See also: United States Bill of Rights Since the Bill of Rights Amendments to the Constitution subsequent to the Bill of Rights cover a wide range of subjects. One of the most far-reaching is the fourteenth, ratified in 1868, which establishes a clear and simple definition of citizenship and guarantees equal treatment under the law. In essence, the Fourteenth Amendment required the states to abide by the protections of the Bill of Rights. Other amendments have limited the judicial power of the national government; changed the method of electing the president; forbidden slavery; protected the right to vote against denial because of race, color, sex, or previous condition of servitude; extended the congressional power to levy taxes to individual incomes; and instituted the election of U.S. senators by popular vote. The most recent amendments include the twenty-second, limiting the president to two terms in office; the twenty-third, granting citizens of the District of Columbia the right to vote; the twenty-fourth, giving citizens the right to vote regardless of failure to pay a poll tax; the twenty-fifth, providing for filling the office of vice president when it becomes vacant in midterm; the twenty-sixth, lowering the voting age to 18; and the twenty-seventh, concerning the compensation of U.S. senators and representatives. |United States Constitution| |Preamble | Article 1 | Article 2 | Article 3 | Article 4 | Article 5 | Article 6 | Article 7| |Bill of Rights: 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10| |Other amendments: 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27| |History of the Constitution| |Federalist Papers | Proposed amendments | Signatories | Unsuccessful amendments| |Interpretation of the Constitution| |Congressional power of enforcement | Dormant Commerce Clause | Incorporation of the Bill of Rights| |Specific clauses in the Constitution| |Commerce Clause | Due Process Clause | Equal Protection Clause | Full Faith and Credit Clause | Supremacy Clause|

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on October 26, 2012 at 3:35 PM, updated October 26, 2012 at 3:36 PM NASA UAVSAR image of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, collected June 23, 2010. The oil appears much darker than the surrounding seawater in the greyscale image. This is because the oil smoothes the sea surface and reduces its electrical conductivity, causing less radar energy to bounce back to the UAVSAR antenna. Additional processing of the data by the UAVSAR team produced the two inset color images, which reveal the variability of the oil spill's characteristics, from thicker, concentrated emulsions (shown in reds and yellows) to minimal oil contamination (shown in greens and blues). Dark blues correspond to areas of clear seawater bordering the oil slick. (NASA/JPL-Caltech) PASADENA, California -- When oil is spreading over the sea from an accident such as 2010's BP Deepwater Horizon blowout, a key to quick cleanup is classifying the spill. Is it thick enough to threaten the environment now, or is it a thin sheen that means resources can be deployed somewhere else first? Today, oil spills are classified visually by trained observers, but the effectiveness of that method is limited by the skill of those observers and their availability. If the experts aren't on-site, or the spill is too widespread, valuable time can be lost. NASA says researchers in California have developed a method to use specialized 3-D imaging radar to do those classifications quickly. And because the radar can be mounted on a plane, it can be deployed quickly and stay in place over the spill longer. Researchers at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory and California Institute of Technology proved their theory by using three radar deployments over the Deepwater Horizon spill on June 21-22, 2010. The radar, developed at JPL, was mounted beneath a NASA C-20 piloted plane, a version of the Gulfstream III business jet. How sophisticated is the radar? It can tell the difference between a sheen of oil (0.005 millimeters to 0.05 millimeters thick) to an emulsion (1 millimeter thick). The thicker emulsions stay on the surface longer and can do much more environmental damage. How does the radar, known as Uninhabited Aerial Vehicle Synthetic Aperture Radar (UAVSAR), actually work? It detects variations in the roughness and electrical conductivity of the ocean's surface. "Just as an airport runway looks smooth compared to surrounding fields," NASA said in a press release, "UAVSAR 'sees'an oil spill at sea as a smoother (radar-dark) area against the rougher (radar-bright) ocean surface because most of the radar energy that hits the smoother surface is deflected away from the radar antenna." "Our research demonstrates the tremendous potential of UAVSAR to automate the classification of oil in a slick and mitigate the effects of future oil spill tragedies,"said JPL researcher Cathleen Jones. "Such information can help spill incidence response commanders direct cleanup operations, such as the mechanical recovery of oil, to the areas of thick oil that would have the most damaging environmental impacts." "We studied an unprecedented event using data collected by a sophisticated instrument and were able to show that there was a lot more information contained in the data than was apparent when we began," said Caltech graduate student Brent Minchew."This is a good example of how the tools of science could be used to help mitigate disasters in real time."

http://blog.al.com/breaking/2012/10/nasa_says_new_radar_images_wil.html

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Wage slavery refers to a situation where a person is dependent for a livelihood on the wages earned, especially if the dependency is total and immediate. The term is used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor. Some uses of the term may refer only to an "[un]equal bargaining situation between labor and capital," particularly where workers are paid unreasonably low wages (e.g. sweatshops). More controversially, others equate it with a lack of workers' self-management or point to similarities between owning and employing a person, and extend the term to cover a wide range of employment relationships in a hierarchical social environment with limited job-related choices (e.g. working for a wage under threat of starvation, poverty or social stigma). Similarities between wage labor and slavery were noted at least as early as Cicero and Aristotle. With the advent of the industrial revolution, thinkers such as Proudhon and Marx elaborated these comparisons in the context of a critique of property not intended for active personal use. Before the American Civil War, Southern defenders of African American slavery also invoked the concept of wage slavery to favorably compare the condition of their slaves to workers in the North. The introduction of wage labor in 18th century Britain was met with resistance – giving rise to the principles of syndicalism. The use of the term wage slave by labor organizations may originate from the labor protests of the Lowell Mill Girls in 1836. The imagery of wage slavery was widely used by labor organizations during the mid-19th century to object to the lack of workers' self-management. However, it was gradually replaced by the more pragmatic term "wage work" towards the end of the 19th century, as labor organizations shifted their focus to raising wages. The view that wage work has substantial similarities with chattel slavery was actively put forward in the late 18th and 19th centuries by defenders of chattel slavery (most notably in the Southern states of the US), and by opponents of capitalism (who were also critics of chattel slavery). The slave was precious to his master because of the money he had cost him… They were worth at least as much as they could be sold for in the market… It is the impossibility of living by any other means that compels our farm labourers to till the soil whose fruits they will not eat… It is want that compels them to go down on their knees to the rich man in order to get from him permission to enrich him… what effective gain [has] the suppression of slavery brought [him ?] He is free, you say. Ah! That is his misfortune… These men… [have] the most terrible, the most imperious of masters, that is, need. … They must therefore find someone to hire them, or die of hunger. Is that to be free? Some defenders of slavery, mainly from the Southern slave states argued that workers were "free but in name – the slaves of endless toil," and that their slaves were better off. This contention has been partly corroborated by some modern studies that indicate slaves' material conditions in the 19th century were "better than what was typically available to free urban laborers at the time." The description of wage workers as wage slaves was not without controversy. Many abolitionists in the U.S. including northern capitalists, regarded the analogy to be spurious. They believed that wage workers were "neither wronged nor oppressed". The abolitionist and former slave Frederick Douglass declared "Now I am my own master" when he took a paying job. Abraham Lincoln and the republicans "did not challenge the notion that those who spend their entire lives as wage laborers were comparable to slaves", though they argued that the condition was different, as laborers were likely to have the opportunity to work for themselves in the future, achieving self-employment. However, self-employment became less common as the artisan tradition slowly disappeared in the later part of the 19th century. In 1869 The New York Times described the system of wage labor as "a system of slavery as absolute if not as degrading as that which lately prevailed at the South". E. P. Thompson notes that for British workers at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries, the "gap in status between a 'servant,' a hired wage-laborer subject to the orders and discipline of the master, and an artisan, who might 'come and go' as he pleased, was wide enough for men to shed blood rather than allow themselves to be pushed from one side to the other. And, in the value system of the community, those who resisted degradation were in the right." A "Member of the Builders' Union" in the 1830s argued that the trade unions "will not only strike for less work, and more wages, but will ultimately abolish wages, become their own masters and work for each other; labor and capital will no longer be separate but will be indissolubly joined together in the hands of workmen and work-women." This perspective inspired the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union of 1834 which had the "two-fold purpose of syndicalist unions – the protection of the workers under the existing system and the formation of the nuclei of the future society" when the unions "take over the whole industry of the country." "Research has shown", summarises William Lazonick, "that the 'free-born Englishman' of the eighteenth century – even those who, by force of circumstance, had to submit to agricultural wage labour – tenaciously resisted entry into the capitalist workshop." Karl Marx described Capitalist society as infringing on individual autonomy, by basing it on a materialistic and commodified concept of the body and its liberty (i.e. as something that is sold, rented or alienated in a class society). According to Marx: The slave is sold once and for all; the proletarian must sell himself daily and hourly. The individual slave, property of one master, is assured an existence, however miserable it may be, because of the master's interest. The individual proletarian, property as it were of the entire bourgeois class which buys his labor only when someone has need of it, has no secure existence. Proponents of the viewpoint that the condition of wage workers has substantial similarities (as well as some advantages and disadvantages) vis a vis chattel slavery, argued that: 1. Since the chattel slave is property, the chattel slave's value to an owner is in some ways higher than that of a worker who may quit, be fired or replaced. The chattel slave's owner has made a greater investment in terms of the money he paid for the slave. For this reason, in times of recession, chattel slaves could not be fired like wage laborers. A "wage slave" could also be harmed at no (or less) cost. American chattel slaves in the 19th century had improved their standard of living from the 18th century and, as historians Fogel and Engerman's reported, slaves' material conditions in the 19th century were "better than what was typically available to free urban laborers at the time." This was partially due to slave psychological strategies under an economic system different from capitalist wage slavery. According to Mark Michael Smith of the Economic History Society: Although intrusive and oppressive, paternalism, the way masters employed it, and the methods slaves used to manipulate it, rendered slaveholders' attempts to institute capitalistic work regimens on their plantation ineffective and so allowed slaves to carve out a degree of autonomy. Similarly, various strategies and struggles adopted by wage laborers contributed to the creation of labor unions and welfare institutions, etc. that can constrain the perceived inequity of wage slavery. 2. Unlike a chattel slave, a wage laborer can oftentimes choose an employer, but he cannot choose not to have one, while attempts to implement workers' control on employers' businesses may be met with violence or other unpleasant consequences. The wage laborer's starkest choice is to work for an employer or face poverty or starvation. If a chattel slave refuses to work, a number of punishments are also available; from beatings to food deprivation—although economically rational slave owners practiced positive reinforcement to achieve best results and before losing their investment (or even friendship) by killing an expensive slave. 3. Historically, the range of occupations and status positions held by chattel slaves has been nearly as broad as that held by free persons, indicating some similarities between chattel slavery and wage slavery as well. 4. Arguably, wage slavery, like chattel slavery, does not stem from some immutable "human nature," but represents a "specific response to material and historical conditions" that "reproduce[s] the inhabitants, the social relations… the ideas… [and] the social form of daily life." The similarities between chattel and wage slavery were noticed by the workers themselves. For example, the 19th century Lowell Mill Girls, who, without any knowledge of European radicalism, condemned the "degradation and subordination" of the newly emerging industrial system, and the "new spirit of the age: gain wealth, forgetting all but self", maintaining that "those who work in the mills should own them." They expressed their concerns in a protest song during their 1836 strike: The term 'wage slavery' was widely used by labor organizations during the mid-19th century, but the structural changes associated with the later stages of industrial capitalism, including "increased centralization of production... declining wages... [an] expanding... labor pool... intensifying competition, and... [t]he loss of competence and independence experienced by skilled labor" meant that "a critique that referred to all [wage] work as slavery and avoided demands for wage concessions in favor of supporting the creation of the producerist republic (by diverting strike funds towards funding... co-operatives, for example) was far less compelling than one that identified the specific conditions of slavery as low wages..." Thus, "wage slavery" was gradually replaced by the more pragmatic term "wage work" towards the end of the 19th century. Some supporters of wage and chattel slavery have linked the subjection of man to man with the subjection of man to nature; arguing that hierarchy and their preferred system's particular relations of production represent human nature and are no more coercive than the reality of life itself. According to this narrative, any well-intentioned attempt to fundamentally change the status quo is naively utopian and will result in more oppressive conditions. Bosses in both of these long-lasting systems argued that their system created a lot of wealth and prosperity. Both did, in some sense create jobs and their investment entailed risk. For example, slave owners might have risked losing money by buying expensive slaves who later became ill or died; or might have used those slaves to make products that didn't sell well on the market. Marginally, both chattel and wage slaves may become bosses; sometimes by working hard. It may be the "rags to riches" story which occasionally occurs in capitalism, or the "slave to master" story that occurred in places like colonial Brazil, where slaves could buy their own freedom and become business owners, self-employed, or slave owners themselves. Social mobility, or the hard work and risk that it may entail, are thus not considered to be a redeeming factor by critics of the concept of wage slavery. Anthropologist David Graeber has noted that, historically, the first wage labor contracts we know about—whether in ancient Greece or Rome, or in the Malay or Swahili city states in the Indian ocean—were in fact contracts for the rental of chattel slaves (usually the owner would receive a share of the money, and the slave, another, with which to maintain his or her living expenses.) Such arrangements were quite common in New World slavery as well, whether in the United States or Brazil. C. L. R. James made a famous argument that most of the techniques of human organization employed on factory workers during the industrial revolution were first developed on slave plantations. In 19th century discussions of labor relations, it was normally assumed that the threat of starvation forced those without property to work for wages. Proponents of the view that modern forms of employment constitute wage slavery, even when workers appear to have a range of available alternatives, have attributed its perpetuation to a variety of social factors that maintain the hegemony of the employer class. In the 21st century Dubai, employers pay low wages to many workers—often less than £120 ($178.83) a month, for a 60-hour work week. Often 'employment contracts', if they are given, "are not worth the paper they are written on," and collective bargaining and trade unions are illegal in Dubai. It all starts in their home countries, often India or Bangladesh, where local recruitment agents promise them high salaries and generous overtime payments. In these workers' home countries they are charged a "visa" or "transit" fee, averaging 200,000 taka, or £2,000 ($2,980), which in these home countries is supposed to be illegal. The workers pay the fee because they believe the figures they've been promised of future wages. However in most cases, it will take them the entire two-to-three year contract for them just to pay back that fee and break even. In another contemporary case unions representing teachers in Louisiana have filed a complaint with state authorities alleging that a Los Angeles recruiting firm broke the law by holding more than 350 Filipino teachers in 'virtual servitude' in order to hold onto their jobs in five Louisiana parish school systems, including New Orleans' Recovery School District. In his book, Disciplined Minds, Jeff Schmidt points out that professionals are trusted to run organizations in the interests of their employers. Because employers cannot be on hand to manage every decision, professionals are trained to “ensure that each and every detail of their work favors the right interests–or skewers the disfavored ones” in the absence of overt control: The resulting professional is an obedient thinker, an intellectual property whom employers can trust to experiment, theorize, innovate and create safely within the confines of an assigned ideology. The term 'wage slavery' or 'wage slave' has been used to describe the condition of workers in various economic systems, including communist states, but given the prevalence of modern capitalism, it is sometimes described as a lack of rights in the market system; especially in the absence of non-market structures stemming from some degree of democratic input (welfare system, retirement income, health insurance, etc.). The concept seeks to point out how the only rights workers have are those they gain in the labor market. Workers face starvation when unable or unwilling to rent themselves to those who own the capital and means of production. Capitalists, landowners, or sometimes a state elite, own the means of production (land, industry etc) and gain profit or power simply from granting permission to use them. This they do in exchange for wages. The 19th century economist Henry George argued that the market economy could be reformed by making land common property. In his view, people should own the productive results of their efforts, but that everything found in nature, most importantly land, should belong equally to everyone in society. Though most opponents of wage slavery favor possessions for active personal use, they oppose the "freedom" to use property for the exploitation of others (non-labor income e.g. rent, interest etc); claiming that private ownership of the means of production is theft, and that the finite nature of the earth imposes moral restrictions on the right to acquire unlimited property. Given that workers are the majority, they believe that the elite maintain wage slavery and a divided working class through their influence over the media and entertainment industry, educational institutions, unjust laws, nationalist and corporate propaganda, pressures and incentives to internalize values serviceable to the power structure, state violence, fear of unemployment and a historical legacy of exploitation and profit accumulation/transfer under prior systems, which shaped the development of economic theory: The notion that "[b]asic supply and demand theory would indicate that those economic theories which have utility to others would be provided by economists," entails that "[i]n a system with inequalities of wealth, effective demand is skewed in favor of the wealthy." Therefore, wage slavery-apologetics and omissions are the main motor behind the "unscientific" nature and "unrealistic assumptions" of modern economic theory, and many of the "irrelevant...mathematical models" which attempt to legitimize it, particularly by ignoring "power disparities" in the market and workplace, while "concentrating upon the 'subjective' evaluations of individuals...[who] are abstracted away from real economic activity (i.e. production) so the source of profits and power... [namely] exploitation of labour...interest and rent can be ignored...[in favor of] exchanges in the market...[and concepts such as] abstinence or waiting by the capitalist, the productivity of capital, 'time-preference,' entrepreneurialism and so forth." Allegedly, "[t]hese rationales have developed over time, usually in response to socialist and anarchist criticism of capitalism and its economics (starting in response to the so-called Ricardian Socialists who predated Proudhon and Marx and who first made such an analysis commonplace)." Preceding these thinkers, however, was Adam Smith, who while offering an argument for markets based on the notion that under conditions of perfect liberty markets would lead to perfect equality, stated that the value created by workers in production must exceed the wages paid, and articulated in The Wealth of Nations some factors in the development of wage slavery: The interest of the dealers... in any particular branch of trade or manufactures, is always in some respects different from, and even opposite to, that of the public… [They] have generally an interest to deceive and even to oppress the public… We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labor above their actual rate… It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must, upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dispute, and force the other into a compliance with their terms. Wage slavery as a concept can be a general criticism of capitalism, defined as a condition in which a capitalist class (a minority of the population) controls all of the necessary non-human components of production (capital, land, industry, etc.) that workers use to produce goods. This sort of criticism is generally associated with socialist and anarchist criticisms of capitalism, and could conceivably be traced back to pre-capitalist figures like Gerrard Winstanley from the radical Christian Diggers movement in England, who wrote in his 1649 pamphlet, The New Law of Righteousness, that there "shall be no buying or selling, no fairs nor markets, but the whole earth shall be a common treasury for every man," and "there shall be none Lord over others, but every one shall be a Lord of himself." Aristotle made the statement "[a]ll paid jobs absorb and degrade the mind". Cicero wrote in 44 BC that "…vulgar are the means of livelihood of all hired workmen whom we pay for mere manual labour, not for artistic skill; for in their case the very wage they receive is a pledge of their slavery." Somewhat similar criticisms have also been expressed by some proponents of liberalism, like Henry George, Silvio Gesell and Thomas Paine, as well as the Distributist school of thought within the Roman Catholic Church. Criticism of capitalism on these grounds, however, might not always be connected to the belief that one should have freedom to work without a boss. To Marx and anarchist thinkers like Bakunin and Kropotkin their concept of wage slavery was as a class condition in place due to the existence of private property and the state. This class situation rested primarily on and secondarily on Though stock ownership remains highly concentrated in capitalist societies, some workers complement their wage earnings with stock market investments. This can create a conflict of interest when stock profits require outsourcing of jobs or lowering of wages and other benefits. While movements labeled as communist (or economically nationalist and socialist) have, partly in reaction to poverty, arisen more pervasively in the 3rd world, there is arguably as much variety (e.g. in economic policies, popular participation, atrocity levels etc) among states termed "communist" as there is among states termed "capitalist"-- in spite of the lack of distinctions (as well as propagandistic labeling) that have been applied due to elite ideological influence in the wage systems of the US and the USSR. These two states preserved and expanded the institutions of wage slavery by simultaneously identifying Soviet state brutality and destruction of workers' councils with socialism and communism in order to either vilify them, or exploit the aura of their ideals (esp. opposition to wage slavery). Fascism was more discriminating of trade unions than modern economies like Spain or the United States. Fascist economic policies were widely accepted in the 1920s and 30s and foreign (especially US) corporate investment in Italy and Germany increased after the fascist take over. In Germany, this foreign investment, in conjunction with Hitler's economic policies, led to economic growth and an increase in the standard of living of some Germans, though critics do not believe that such improvements justify fascism nor wage slavery. Focusing largely on US support for the Latin American "National Security States," Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman argue that U.S. corporations support (and in many instances create) fascist (or "sub" and "neo"-fascist) terror states in order to create a favorable investment climate. Fascism has been perceived by some notable critics, like Buenaventura Durruti, to be a last resort weapon of the privileged to ensure the maintenance of wage slavery: Analysis of the psychological implications of wage slavery goes back to the Enlightenment era. In his 1791 book On the Limits of State Action, classical liberal thinker Wilhelm von Humboldt explained how "whatever does not spring from a man's free choice, or is only the result of instruction and guidance, does not enter into his very nature; he does not perform it with truly human energies, but merely with mechanical exactness"— and so when the laborer works under external control, "we may admire what he does, but we despise what he is." Investigative journalist Robert Kuttner in Everything for Sale, analyzes the work of public-Health scholars Jeffrey Johnson and Ellen Hall about modern conditions of work, and concludes that "to be in a life situation where one experiences relentless demands by others, over which one has relatively little control, is to be at risk of poor health, physically as well as mentally." Under wage labor, "a relatively small elite demands and gets empowerment, self-actualization, autonomy, and other work satisfaction that partially compensate for long hours" while "epidemiological data confirm that lower-paid, lower-status workers are more likely to experience the most clinically damaging forms of stress, in part because they have less control over their work." Wage slavery, and the educational system that precedes it "implies power held by the leader. Without power the leader is inept. The possession of power inevitably leads to corruption… in spite of… good intentions … [Leadership means] power of initiative, this sense of responsibility, the self-respect which comes from expressed manhood, is taken from the men, and consolidated in the leader. The sum of their initiative, their responsibility, their self-respect becomes his … [and the] order and system he maintains is based upon the suppression of the men, from being independent thinkers into being 'the men' … In a word, he is compelled to become an autocrat and a foe to democracy." For the "leader", such marginalisation can be beneficial, for a leader "sees no need for any high level of intelligence in the rank and file, except to applaud his actions. Indeed such intelligence from his point of view, by breeding criticism and opposition, is an obstacle and causes confusion." Wage slavery "implies erosion of the human personality… [because] some men submit to the will of others, arousing in these instincts which predispose them to cruelty and indifference in the face of the suffering of their fellows." Erich Fromm noted that if a person perceives himself as being what he owns, then when that person loses (or even thinks of losing) what he "owns" (e.g. the good looks or sharp mind that allow him to sell his labor for high wages), then, a fear of loss may create anxiety and authoritarian tendencies because that person's sense of identity is threatened. In contrast, when a person's sense of self is based on what he experiences in a state of being (creativity, ego or loss of ego, love, sadness, taste, sight etc) with a less materialistic regard for what he once had and lost, or may lose, then less authoritarian tendencies prevail. The state of being, in his view, flourishes under a worker-managed workplace and economy, whereas self-ownership entails a materialistic notion of self, created to rationalize the lack of worker control that would allow for a state of being. Due to this lack of control, the exploited worker, according to Marx, "puts his life into the object... [and thus] the greater his activity...the less he possesses...[H]is labour becomes an object...[and] the life which he has given to the object sets itself against him as an alien and hostile force" And since the worker could be working for wages or saving money instead of enjoying life or having fun, (which in a capitalist society often costs money), "all passions and all activity is submerged in avarice...[and] the less you are, the less you express your own life, the more you have, i.e., the greater is your alienated life." Some criticize wage slavery on strictly contractual grounds, e.g. David Ellerman and Carole Pateman, arguing that the employment contract is a legal fiction in that it treats human beings juridically as mere tools or inputs by abdicating responsibility and self-determination, which the critics argue are inalienable. As Ellerman points out, "[t]he employee is legally transformed from being a co-responsible partner to being only an input supplier sharing no legal responsibility for either the input liabilities [costs] or the produced outputs [revenue, profits] of the employer’s business." Such contracts are inherently invalid "since the person remain[s] a de facto fully capacitated adult person with only the contractual role of a non-person . . ." as it is impossible to physically transfer self-determination. As Pateman argues: "The contractarian argument is unassailable all the time it is accepted that abilities can ‘acquire’ an external relation to an individual, and can be treated as if they were property. To treat abilities in this manner is also implicitly to accept that the ‘exchange’ between employer and worker is like any other exchange of material property . . . The answer to the question of how property in the person can be contracted out is that no such procedure is possible. Labour power, capacities or services, cannot be separated from the person of the worker like pieces of property." Critics of the employment contract advocate consistently applying "the principle behind every trial," i.e., "legal responsibility should be imputed in accordance with de facto responsibility," implying a workplace run jointly by the people who actually work in the firm. The people who actually work in a firm are de facto responsible for the actions of said firm and thus have a legal claim to its outputs, as the contractarian critics argue. "Responsible human action, net value-adding or net value-subtracting, is not de facto transferable." Suppliers (including shareholders), on the other hand, having no de facto responsibility, have no legal claim to the outputs. While a person may still voluntarily decide to contractually rent himself, just as today he may voluntarily decide to contractually sell himself, in a society where "the principle behind every trial" is consistently applied, neither contract would be legally enforceable, and the rented/sold individual would maintain at all times de jure responsibility for her/his actions, including legal claim to the fruits of their labor. In a modern liberal-capitalist society, the employment contract is enforced while the enslavement contract is not; the former being considered valid because of its consensual/non-coercive nature, and the later being considered inherently invalid, consensual or not. The noted economist Paul Samuelson described this discrepancy. "Since slavery was abolished, human earning power is forbidden by law to be capitalized. A man is not even free to sell himself; he must rent himself at a wage." Some advocates of laissez-faire capitalism, among them Robert Nozick, address this inconsistency in modern societies, arguing that a consistently libertarian society would allow and regard as valid consensual/non-coercive enslavement contracts, rejecting the notion of inalienable rights. "The comparable question about an individual is whether a free system will allow him to sell himself into slavery. I believe that it would." "[I]f A has agreed to work for life for B in exchange for 10,000 grams of gold, he will have to return the proportionate amount of property if he terminates the arrangement and ceases to work." Part of a series on Some social activists objecting to the market system or price system of wage working, historically have considered syndicalism, worker cooperatives, workers' self-management and workers' control as possible alternatives to the current wage system. The American philosopher John Dewey believed that until "industrial feudalism" is replaced by "industrial democracy," politics will be "the shadow cast on society by big business". Thomas Ferguson has postulated in his investment theory of party competition that the undemocratic nature of economic institutions under capitalism causes elections to become occasions when blocs of investors coalesce and compete to control the state. “Modern political theory stresses Madison's belief that "in a just and a free government the rights both of property and of persons ought to be effectually guarded." But in this case too it is useful to look at the doctrine more carefully. There are no rights of property, only rights to property that is, rights of persons with property,... ""[In] [r]epresentative democracy, as in, say, the United States or Great Britain… there is a monopoly of power centralized in the state, and secondly– and critically– […] the representative democracy is limited to the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic sphere... 'That is, as long as individuals are compelled to rent themselves on the market to those who are willing to hire them, as long as their role in production is simply that of ancillary tools, then there are striking elements of coercion and oppression that make talk of democracy very limited, if even meaningful…” In this regard Chomsky has used Bakunin's theories about an "instinct for freedom", the militant history of labor movements, Kropotkin's mutual aid evolutionary principle of survival and Marc Hauser's theories supporting an innate and universal moral faculty, to explain the incompatibility of oppression with certain aspects of human nature. Loyola University professor John Clark and Murray Bookchin have criticized the system of wage labor, arguing that a self-managed industrial society would reduce environmental destruction. They, like other anarchists, attribute much of the industrial revolution's pollution to the "hierarchical" and "competitive" economic relations accompanying it. According to Eric Foner, most abolitionists in the U.S. regarded the analogy of wage earners to slaves, symbolized by the term "wage slavery," as spurious. Abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison stated that the use of the term "wage slavery" (in a time when chattel slavery was still common) was an "abuse of language." Most abolitionists believed that wage workers were "neither wronged nor oppressed". Former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass described his elation when he took a paying job, declaring that "Now I am my own master." According to Douglass, wage labor did not represent oppression but fair exchange and former slaves for the first time receiving the fruits of their labor. Philosopher Gary Young has argued that the same basic reasoning that considers the individual to be forced to sell his labor to a capitalist in order to survive, also applies to the capitalist in that he is forced to hire a worker to survive otherwise his capital will be exhausted through consumption, leaving him nothing to purchase the necessities of life. In this sense, the capitalists depend on the workers as the workers depend on the capitalists. In mainstream economic philosophy, wage labor is seen as the voluntary sale of one's own time and efforts, just like a carpenter would sell a chair, or a farmer would sell wheat. It is considered neither an antagonistic nor abusive relationship, and carries no particular moral implications. From this perspective, the problem of poverty comes from an unequal distribution of income and can be addressed by government programs like social security and progressive taxation, and does not reflect a fundamental flaw in the capitalist system. The Austrian school of economics expresses that what is exchanged between individuals is irrelevant for the result. In the context of Austrian economics, the concept of compensation would extend to cover everything received by workers from employers for their labor. For consistency then compensation in forms other than wages should also be condemned by those who consider capitalist production wage slavery. That is to say, anything other than a revolutionary restructuring of the labor-employer relation leaves the original condition, the one advocated by the school in question, largely untouched. Further, utilizing the Misesian analytics of individual action, human beings must always engage in production in order to consume and survive. Thus, man would be enslaved to nature itself. If man is always enslaved in some form or another, according to this view, the concept of slavery is of little use in order to draw distinctions between what is a coercive interpersonal relationship and what is not, thereby defeating the analytical purpose of "wage slavery theory". Wage slavery is also in contradiction to the classical liberal and libertarian notion of self-ownership. Under this view, a person is not free unless he can sell himself, because if a person does not own themself, they must be owned by either another individual or a group of individuals. The ability for anyone to consent to an activity or action would then be placed in the hands of a third party. Further, the third-party's ownership would also be in the hands of yet another individual or group. This regression of ownership would transfer ad infinitum and leave no one with the ability to coordinate their own actions or those of anyone else. The conclusion is therefore that if under wage slavery, self-ownership is not legitimate, there is no right for anyone then to claim enslavement to wages in the first place.

http://www.thefullwiki.org/Wage_slave

17

This unit explores the connections between percentages, decimals, and fractions. It focuses on strategies for solving problems involving percentages and applies these strategies to real life contexts. use double number lines, ratio tables, and converting to equivalent fractions to solve percentage problems use a calculator to solve problems with percentages Percentages are commonly used in real life. Many of these applications involve money. So here we look at percentages applied to sales’ discounts and to investment. This unit gives practice in using percentages in a range of situations but it also shows the link between percentages, decimals and fractions. So before using this unit it would be good to make sure that the class is familiar with decimals and fractions. Percentages relate numbers to 100. So that 50% actually means 50 out of 100. This means that 50% of a quantity (say, 40) can be calculated by multiplying the quantity by 50/100 (say, 40 x 50/100). In this situation, 50% is already being represented as a fraction, 50/100. So there is clearly a direct link between percentages and fractions. On the other hand, fractions can be written as decimals. After all, 50/100 is the same as 0.5. So 0.5 can be used in calculations with percentages as easily as the fraction 50/100 can. Whether you use a fraction or a decimal to represent a percentage is entirely up to you. Your choice might be made on the grounds of what is most convenient. In a given problem would you rather multiply by 50/100 or 0.5 or 1/2? Perhaps the advantage of keeping the 100 there, at least initially, is to remind you where percentage concept comes from. Today we explore the relationship between percentages and fractions. - Ask the students what 50% means. Many of them will know that it is equivalent to one-half. Ask them what they think the % sign means. Point out, if necessary, that the sign is derived from the symbol /, meaning "out of", and the two zeros from one hundred. - Get the students to fold a one-hundred (10 x 10) square in half and check that the area of one-half of the square is 50 out of 100. Represent this on a double number line and in a place value table: - Tell the students that they are going to fold the same square into quarters. Ask them to predict what one-quarter and three-quarters will be as percentages. Have them fold the paper and then open it up to check the areas take up by these fractions. Add these to the number line and place value table: - Write the following fractions on the board and ask the students to express each of them as percentages. Suggest that they can use any representation (100 square, double number line, place value table) that they think will help them. 1/5 3/5 3/2 (1 1/2) 9/4 (2 1/4) 1/10 1/8 After a suitable period of time discuss their solutions. Highlight strategies such as: - use of equivalent fractions, like: 1/5 = 2/10 = 20/100 = 20%; - use of double number lines as below: As a result we can see, for instance, that 3/2 = 150%. - Use of ratio tables: So from this we can see that 1/8 = 12 1/2 %. - To consolidate the students’ ability to convert from fractions to percentages and vice versa give them the following percentages to convert to fractions: 60% 90% 37.5% 175% 250% 387.5% Students may use any of the previous strategies to solve these problems: Today we solve percentage problems using a range of strategies which we encourage the students to share. - Give the students this problem to solve: Cecil has a job at the golf course collecting lost golf balls among the trees and water-traps. He is allowed to keep 25 % of the balls he finds. One day Cecil finds 48 golf balls. How many is he allowed to keep? - Let the students solve the problem in small co-operative groups and gather the class together to share strategies. Key strategies are: - use fractional equivalents to simplify the problem: 25% is equivalent to 1/4 so the problem becomes 1/4 x 48. Note that x means "of’’ in this case, as in "one-quarter of forty-eight"; - use the double number line or ratio table to model the problem: - Set up the following puzzles using coloured cubes and opaque plastic jars. Tell the students that they need to work out how many cubes of each colour are in the jars. Stress the need to record their solutions: Jar A: 30 cubes, 50% yellow, 20% green, 30% blue (15 yellow, 6 green, 9 blue) Jar B: 36 cubes, 25% red, 75% blue (9 red, 27 blue) Jar C 20 cubes, 20% black, 5% blue, 50% green, 25% yellow (4 black, 1 blue, 10 green, 5 yellow) Jar D: 16 cubes, 12.5% white, 37.5% red, 50% orange (2 white, 6 red, 8 orange) Jar E: 60 cubes, 10% yellow, 20% blue, 30% green, 40% red (6 yellow, 12 blue, 18 green, 24 red) - Challenge the students to make up their own percentage jar problems for others to solve. In this lesson we use the percentage key on the calculator to solve problems. We encourage the students to justify the reasonableness of the answers that they get. - Ask the students if they know how to work out 25% of 28 using a calculator. If possible use a projected calculator so everyone can see and key in 28 x 25%. Challenge them to find 40% of 35 by first estimating and then performing the operation on the calculator (35 ´ 40%.) - Pose this problem: "Is 50% of 25 more, less, or the same as, 25% of 50?" Tell the students that you want them to explain their answers. Discuss the models students use to solve the problem: Examples might include: - use of equivalent fractions: 50% is 1/2, so 50% of 25 is one-half of 25; 25% is 1/4, so 25% of 50 is one-quarter of 50; Since 50 is twice as much as 25, and one-quarter is half of one-half, the answers must be equal; - use of operational order: 50 x 25% gives the same result as 25 x 50% as only the order of the factors is changed. - use of matching double number lines: - use of equivalent fractions: - Pose problems like those below. Tell the students that they can use a calculator if they wish but suggest that thinking about each problem may be a more beneficial first step. 25% of what number is 12? (25% x ? = 12) (Answer: 25% of 48) 40% of what number is 14? (40% x ? = 14) (Answer: 40% of 35) What percentage of 28 is 21? (? % x 28 = 21)(Answer: 75% of 28) What percentage of 18 is 6? (? %x 18 = 6) (Answer: 33.33%of 18) - Share the strategies that students use to solve these problems. Continue to describe them using common language like, "Change to equivalent fractions", "Use double number lines", and "Use tidy or unit fractions". An example of using tidy fractions is to solve, "40% of what number is 14", using the fact that 20% or one-fifth must be 7. - Students might enjoy making up problems of these types for others to solve. Today we apply our knowledge of percentages to shopping problems. - Tell the students that they now have enough tools to attempt some problems that occur in real life and involve percentages. Point out the many shops identify the amount of discount in a sale in terms of percentage off. Consider the example of a 25% off sale: Ask the students which arrow they think matches what you would pay in a 25% off sale. Look for explanations like, "You would pay 75%of the price since 100%- 25%= 75%". - Move to specific examples from a 25% off sale. Use examples from sales brochures where possible, though you may wish to round the prices for easier calculation at this stage. Get the students to work out their solutions in any way they wish and share their strategies with the whole class. Here is the example of an article costing $34 at normal price: - Provide the students with some advertising brochures from shops and tell them that they can choose five articles to purchase from the brochure they receive. Tell them that the store is having a 30% off sale and they must work out what the discounted price will be. Before beginning, ask them if they can think of a way to estimate the sale price easily. Some may suggest that 30% is close to one-third and that an easy estimate is to take one-third off the price. An article that normally cost $18 would now cost about one-third ($6) less, that is, $12. - When the students have had sufficient time to work on these problems, put them in pairs to check each other’s calculations. You may wish to show them how the problems can be solved on a calculator. For example, the price of a $72 article could be worked out by keying in 72 x 30% (50.4). Be sure to ask for the interpretation of 50.4 in terms of the context ($50.40). - To conclude the session, pose this problem. "Suppose you have $1000. You want to buy as many computer games as you can. Normally they cost $100 each. How many can you buy with no discount, 10% discount, 20% discount, 30% discount, etc? What do you notice about the number of games you can buy as the discount gets greater?" Suggest to the students that they may want to use a table or graph to record their findings. Students may notice that the impact of discount is not linear. For example, a purchaser gets twice as many of an article at 70% discount as they do at 40% discount. In today’s session we explore the use of percentages through banking problems. - Explore investing money with the students. Tell them that they have $1 000 000 to invest and they must leave the money invested for ten years. There are four investment options for them: SafeBank will pay you $100 000 every year for the whole ten years your money is with them RegularBank will pay you 6% compound interest at the end of every year. That means the 6% you earned in the year before will also earn interest. StepBank will pay you 1% compound interest at the end of the first year, 2% at the end of the second year, 3% at the end of the third year, and so on until they pay 10% at the end of the tenth year. FiveYearBank will pay you 50% compound interest on your money but only every five years. Which bank will give you the most money at the end of ten years? - Students may wish to use a computer spreadsheet if this is available. Using formulae and the fill down function can save time and effort. If only calculators are available encourage them to organise their calculations in a table to help them see patterns: - Ask the students to explain why they think some investment schemes offered better returns than others. The effect of compound interest can be demonstrated by getting them to graph the returns of each investment by year. - Students might wish to investigate different investment deals that are available from local banks. These might include fixed and flexible interest rates.

http://nzmaths.co.nz/resource/getting-percentible

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|Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute||Home| Lois Van Wagner Most students when confronted with a well-formed quartz crystal, or a purple fluorite, or a polished geode, literally jump about demanding to know “Who made this?” and “How did they make this?”. And the subject of diamonds and other gems is avariciously attended to with wide eyes and listening ears. Since the actual atomic structure can be drawn and modeled in a wide variety of mediums even the more humdrum aspects can be made inviting. And the chemical concoctions that can result in some homemade crystals bring out the white-coat scientist in even the most reluctant student. Many of the students own small personal calculators that are solar-powered, or have seen the advertisements in discount store circulars for solar powered exterior lighting. These objects provide a good jump-off point for discussions about crystals and technology. My unit on crystals will be divided into three categories covering three areas of study. The first area will deal with the actual structure of crystals beginning with a look at the atom, some simple atomic drawings (Bohr models) of elements, and a study of the periodic table of the elements. Next we will look at compounds and their bonds. This will lead to the understanding of how crystals “look” and the shapes they can take. Within this section we will draw and construct in three dimensions paper models of six of the basic crystal shapes. We will also grow some of our own crystals in the laboratory. The second major heading in my unit will focus on minerals. We will learn about the characteristics of a mineral: the chemical composition, mineral color, luster, cleavage, hardness (and how this property is related to crystal structure), and specific gravity. The characteristics of minerals lend themselves nicely to a mineral identification lab., and a lab. on specific gravity of minerals and selected rock samples. Some of the other topics in this section will include a study of the various forms of quartz; gems, especially diamonds; the formation of mineral crystals—by igneous, sedimentary, and metamorphic processes; and some stories of famous (or infamous) gems. The final section of this unit will delve into the uses for crystals which modern technology has fostered, specifically solar cells, transistors, and liquid crystals. The unit is designed for the middle school age level, specifically for the eighth grade Earth Science curriculum. In the two years that I have used this curriculum unit with my eighth grade classes I have amplified or omitted sections depending on the interest and abilities of the various classes. In this way I have been able to use the unit with students that range in ability from very high to very low. Throughout this paper I am indebted to the teaching and guidance of Dr. Werner Wolf and to the following books and sources: On the topic of crystal growth and structure: Alan Holden and Phylis Morrison, Crystals and Crystal Growing; and Elizabeth Woods, Crystals—A Handbook for School Teachers. On the topic of quartz and related minerals: Cornelius Hurlbut, Minerals and Man. On the topic of gemstones, natural and man made: Cornelius Hurlbut, Minerals and Man; Joel Arem, Man-made Crystals; and Paul O’Neil, Gemstones. On the topic of liquid crystals: Frederick Kahn in Physics Today; and Glenn Brown and Peter Crocker in C&EN. On the topic of solar cells and semi-conductors: Bruce Chalmers in Scientific American; and Christopher Swan, Suncell; Energy, Economy, and Photovoltaics. Figure 1 illustrates a specific labelling technique that is quite easy to use with children and facilitates accuracy. Since the shells fill using definite laws and patterns involving energy, they are predictable. Beyond the element calcium, however, the laws become quite complex and need extensive explanation and understanding of subshells, It is wise, therefore, to limit the Bohr model drawing to that point at this grade level. Some periodic tables give the number of electrons in the energy levels as part of the information in the block for each element. By looking at this data, some of the students might come up with partial explanations for the building of these shells. In the absence of such data it is sufficient to declare the numbers 2 and 8 “magic numbers” and let them build the smaller atoms. Two activities which can be used with the students are to be found in Appendix 1 listed within Activity 2. The first is a simple introduction to the various crystal shapes by drawing them and identifying their title. The second activity applicable to crystal shapes using the diagrams given there. In doing so, the student can in very concrete terms understand the variety of angles and lengths involved. - 1. Isometric or cubic — three edges of equal length and at right angles to one another. - 2. Tetragonal — three edges at right angles but only two edges of equal length. - 3. Orthorhombic — three edges at right angles but all edges of different lengths. - 4. Monoclinic — two edges at right angle, the other angle not; and all edges of different lengths. - 5. Triclinic — all three edges of different lengths and all angles not at right angles. - 6. Hexagonal — two edges are equal and make angles of 60 to 120 degrees with each other. The third edge is at right angles to them and of different length. Since most of their crystals will be formed by solution the student needs to add the words solute, solvent, and solution to his vocabulary. The solute is the substance being dissolved and the solvent is the substance doing the dissolving. A solvent can hold in solution just so much of the solute. At this point we say the solution is saturated. If there is less solute in the solution than it would ideally hold we would then say it is an unsaturated solution. And in some cases such as when we heat the solvent we can continue to add solute and it will dissolve. When the heat source is removed and the solution’s temperature falls the extra solute may remain in solution. This fragile situation is called supersaturation and is the basis for our crystal growth experiments. Solubility, or the amount of solute which can be dissolved in the solvent, is affected by a number of factors, one of which it the temperature of the solvent. Generally speaking we increase solubility of solid solute when we increase the temperature of the solvent. (This is not true of the solubility of gases in a solvent as is witnessed by anyone who has sipped a glass of warm, flat soda.) In Appendix 2 there are some solubility figures which the student can use to set up graphs of solubility curves. Crystal growth is a very orderly and regulated process. A crystal grows from the southside with the atoms of the compound being added according to a very specific pattern. If there is not enough space for the crystal to grow unhindered it will increase only until it meets something which gets in its way and then stop. Often many small crystals begin forming at the same time, and they grow until their edges meet at varying angles. They do not join to form a single large crystal but rather remain a jumble of small individual crystals forming a polycrystalline mass. The adjoining faces of the crystals are called the grain boundaries. These boundaries are particularly evident in metals which have formed by fairly rapid cooling of the molten form. During the cooling process innumerable small crystals form and grow until they bump into a neighboring crystal. Crystals can form from the cooling or evaporation of solutions, or form the cooling of molten solid, or the cooling of vaporized substances. In Appendix 3 you will find a number of experimental techniques for demonstrating crystal growth and for student participation in crystal growing. Many crystals in nature demonstrate this mixed crystal condition in the replacement of aluminum by chromium or sometimes iron. Rubies are a good example of this, being composed of aluminum oxide with chromium replacing some of the aluminum, and also sapphires which replace the aluminum with titanium and iron. In some cases a slightly different atomic substance can enter a crystal but only in small quantities. This is called a substitutional impurity. A most relevant example of this is substitution of phosphorus or boron atoms in silicon crystals. These “impure” compounds are used to make transistors for electronic instruments. Sometimes a different kind of impurity enters a crystal. These foreign atoms may be very small compared to the host substance and fit in between the orderly arranged host atoms. If the host substance has a generous size pattern the invading atoms could be as large as the host atoms themselves. The additional atoms are called interstitial impurities. A well known example of this is carbon and iron, which makes steel. A third kind of defect could be called a vacancy. This results from very rapid crystal growth during which some of the atomic sites are simply not filled. The milky or veiled appearance of home-grown crystals, however, is caused by very large openings called voids. It generally occurs when the evaporation of solvent proceeds too rapidly and incomplete crystallization happens. The white coloration is caused by the presence of a liquid solution that is trapped in the open spaces of the crystal. Vacancies on the other hand are far too small to be visible. Minerals are natural substances that are inorganic and not the result of any living process, therefore ruling out coal, oil, or pearls. It must also have a specific chemical formula, made up of atoms in a definite ratio. In addition the atoms must have a definite and specific arrangement in space. It is because of these characteristics that minerals have unique properties which can be used to differentiate them form one another. Many minerals are made up primarily of elements which impart no strong color of their own and only minute amounts of a coloring agent can have striking results. Some color guidelines are: red may indicate the presence of chromium or hematite, green can indicate chlorite or chromium, and blue an indicate the presence of titanium or titanium and iron. The presence of copper ions can result in shades of green or blue and manganese can result in shades of red. It is sometimes helpful to determine the color of a mineral’s streak by rubbing the sample on an unglazed porcelain streak plate. This powdered residue is often more accurate in indicating true color and many mineral identification handbooks include a list of streak colors. Hardness of a mineral is shown by its resistance to being scratched. This is related to the crystal structure in that the more tightly bonded the atoms the harder the surface resistance to being etched will be. Diamond is the hardest mineral but is not readily available for student experimentation. corundum is the next step down and it inexpensively available. In 1812 Friedrich Mohs devised a rough scale of hardness that is invaluable in mineral identification. Diamond at number 10 is the hardest, and talc at number 1 is the softest. The intervals between the numbers are not equal, however, and the difference between corundum at 9 and diamond at 10 is greater than the entire range of 1 to 9! Mohs Scale of Mineral Hardness Cleavage is a reflection of the electrical forces acting between the atoms which result in the crystal breaking along atomic planes that are parallel to crystal faces. The children are asked to look for these flat faces and simply to indicate whether the mineral has “good” cleavage or instead breaks with rather raggedy edges and is therefore declared to be fractured. Or if the student has already looked at crystal shape pictures and constructed paper models of them, they can try naming the crystal system it belongs to. - 1. Talc - 2. Gypsum - 3. Calcite - 4. Fluorite - 5. Apatite - 6. Feldspar - 7. Quartz - 8. Topaz - 9. Corundum - 10. Diamond Another means of identifying minerals is specific gravity. This measurement can be the most helpful identifying characteristic of all as it is apt to be the most reliable. The students can have a very interesting lab built around this property. Directions for this lab are in Appendix 1, Activity 4. The story of Archimedes and his quest for a way to determine the value of the king’s crown is a sure-fire attention-getter to start the lesson. According to the legend, in about 250 B.C. Archimedes was given the task of determining if a crown belonging to King Hiero was pure gold or only an alloy of gold and silver. It is said that upon easing into his tub the bath water spilled over the edge and it came to him that the volume of water lost was the same as the volume of his body, and he could use the same technique to determine the volume of the crown. Since it was known that gold and silver have different densities, the only thing that would remain would be to take an accurate measure of the weight of the crown and divide this by the volume of the crown. The resulting density figure could be compared with the density of gold, and the truth would be known. It is said that with this revelation, Archimedes leaped from his bath and ran, forgetting the state of his undress, through the streets of Syracuse in Sicily exclaiming, “Eureka! — I have found it!” on his way to the palace! A sad footnote to the story is that the crown was indeed not the pure gold it had been portrayed as, and the unfortunate merchant met an uncomfortable end. Or so they say. Carried one step further, the concept of specific gravity is based on the physical law that an object immersed in water loses as much weight as an equivalent volume of water would weigh. With a spring balance and a water pan the students can determine the specific gravity of a variety of minerals. Experience has shown that fairly large specimens will give the best results. See Appendix 1 for directions for labs on this and related topics; Activities 4, 5, and 6. In 1880 the Curies discovered another peculiar property of quartz while studying the electrical conductivity of crystalline bodies. They discovered that pressure on plates of quartz caused a deflection of the needle on a sensitive electrometer. This is called the piezoelectric effect. It occurs when the crystal is squeezed slightly out of shape and then springs back. This shape change actually affects the crystal at the atomic level causing a movement of ions, with their attendant electric charges. This motion of the electrically charged particles constitutes flow of electrons, or electricity. This particular characteristic is now used to control and stabilize the frequency of a radio transmitter or to regulate watches.4 Another form of quartz known and valued for its beauty is amethyst. This mineral is almost pure SiO2 with only a trace of iron. As the amount of iron increases, so does the intensity of the violet color, so it is believed to be the coloring agent. According to folklore the amethyst gives its wearer great power, increased intelligence, and strength. Smoky quartz does not differ from clear quartz in chemical composition. In fact when it is heated to very high temperatures the “smoky” color vanishes, and it looks identical to clear crystalline quartz. The color can be restored by treating the crystal with a beam of x-ray radiation. Scientists believe that the color of smoky quartz is a result of natural radiation in the earth. Agate is a common form of quartz which does not have any external evidence of its crystal nature. The extremely tiny crystalline particles are so intergrown that they appear smoothly mixed. Agate is used decoratively and as jewelry, especially in the onyx form.5 A form of quartz that is unique and appears to be most “un-quartz like” is the opal. It contains a rather large percentage of water, ranging from four to twenty percent. And a complex internal structure if microscopic silica fitted together in a lattice-pattern results in diffraction of the light hitting it, forming rainbows of brilliant color as the gem is rotated. Opal is a low-pressure and low-temperature mineral and is formed at the earth’s surface by deposition from ground water or by the evaporation of hydrothermal, or hot water, springs as they rise to the surface and cool leaving opal mineral behind. Because of the rather large amount of water present in opal, it tends to be relatively soft (5.5 to 6.5) and low in specific gravity. These qualities limit its use as a gem, and it is usually found mounted in pendants and pins where the stone is relatively protected.6 Man is not at a total loss in this field. Currently we are producing some 44,000 pounds for industrial use annually by a process developed by H. Tracy Hall for the General Electric Research Labs in the early 1950s. His process involved a mixture of graphite powder and an iron compound placed in a hydraulic press. This press was able to generate a force of more than 1.5 million pounds per square inch! To that was added an electrical current which heated the mix to over 4,800 degrees Fahrenheit. From this was produced low quality diamond grit used widely for industrial purposes as an abrasive. Gem quality diamonds are another story. Instead of the less expensive carbon sources which are used in the manufacture of industrial diamonds, the feed material for gem quality diamonds is the industrial grit, and the pressure and temperatures must be maintained for long periods of time, up to a week. From this we can obtain gem quality diamonds of up to one carat, but unfortunately the cost of manufacture is higher than the present cost of mining the natural stones.7 Natural diamonds are thought to be formed deep within the earth, probably 90 to 120 miles down within the upper regions of the mantle. Here pressures of 975,000 pounds per square inch and temperatures of at least 2,700 degrees Fahrenheit may cause carbon atoms to crystallize into tetrahedral shapes of great strength. Diamond is more resistant to scratching than any other mineral, only another diamond can mark it. It is resistant to acids and alkalis. It is brilliant and has very high dispersive qualities which result in the flashes of light reflecting from the cut stone. Dispersion is the ability of a substance to separate white light into its component colors just as a prism or water droplets forming a rainbow. It also has a relatively high specific gravity, 3.5, which results in it being found in placer deposits, those areas in stream beds where heavy and often valuable particles settle out and collect in quantity. Diamonds were first found in India and for thousands of years this was the only source. They were not mined but rather found in stream gravel and alluvial deposits. Some famous stones from India with fascinating histories are the Koh-i-nor and the Great Mogul. In the early 1700s diamonds were discovered in Brazil. Men panning for gold found clear pebbles that were later recognized as diamonds! Many of these South American gems were shipped to India to be sold in their markets to Europeans. As India’s sources began to dry up, Brazil became more acceptable in the world’s eyes as a diamond source. And so for a while Brazil was the principal producer of diamonds. Even today many fine gemstones come from there. The most extraordinary diamond finds have occurred only within the last one hundred years or so. In 1866 a Boer farmer’s son found a shiny pebble on a river bank in South Africa. It turned out to be a 21.5 carat diamond! Adventurers from all over the world descended on the site turning it into a free-for-all not unlike the American gold rush, Diamonds were recovered from the river bank, the surface soil, deeper “yellow ground,” and finally at depths of fifty to sixty feet, the “blue ground.” This rock is the original matrix which the diamonds formed in more than 15 million years ago. Diamonds have also been found beneath the beach sand at the mouth of the Orange River and now mining is being done in the Atlantic Ocean in that area.8 Very few diamonds have been found elsewhere in the world. An occasional gem has been found in the American midwest in glacial deposits or in dunes. And in Arkansas some have been found in their rock matrix similar to the blue ground of South Africa. They have also been found in the Soviet Union, but not much is known about these. Sedimentary formations may contain gems with two separate histories. Some of the sedimentary rocks hold crystals that were formed elsewhere and then were moved by erosional forces to sediment basins where they became part of the deposit. Other gems were formed when groundwater seeped down through the volcanic ash or other sediments dissolving minerals and moving them into pockets. Opal and turquoise are examples of this type of gem. When tectonic processes, volcanic activity, or deep burial subject rock to great heat and pressure, metamorphic forms may result. The partial melting of the parent rock allows specific minerals to escape and move to areas where they concentrate into gems. Examples are garnets, which can be found here in Connecticut, and the famous Burmese rubies and sapphires. Displaying geodes to the students is an extremely valuable tool as it is obvious to the group that the individual perfectly formed crystals could not have been carved out by man. This idea of the human manufacture of crystals, especially the particularly beautiful quartz or pyrite crystals, is quite common among students at this grade level. When photons strike the solar cell, bonded electrons are bounced right out of their positions creating many more conduction n-electrons and holes on both sides of the junction. Since there are already so many electrons on the n-type side and so many holes on the p-type side, the additional new ones are only a tiny proportion; but by making new holes on the n-type side and new conduction electrons on the p-type side, the solar cell is unbalanced. The electrons from the p-type side move across the junction creating a flow of electrons, or electricity! This flow moves electrons out through the n-type layer onto a conductive wire grid which is connected to a circuit that is completed by an attachment to the p-type layer.12 Read more about this fascinating but complex topic in Chalmers’ article or Swan’s book. The simplest or first generation display capability with a single electrical lead connected to a single picture element forms the seven-segment number displays as seen on clocks and watches. Second generation displays attaches four picture elements to one electrical lead and displays the seven segment numbers and also star-burst shapes which can form letters or numbers, useful for pocket calculators.15 More complex wiring and liquid crystals with helical (spiral) axis positions can display 5-32 elements per electrical lead and are used for personal computers. The newest experimental versions are capable of producing TV picture displays on a flat substrate. Liquid crystals are true liquids but also have some solid properties. Their internal order is very delicate and can be changes by a weak electrical field, magnetism, or even temperature variations. Noticeable optical effects are the result of re-arrangement of the molecules and the resulting changes in refraction (light-bending), reflection, absorption, scattering, or coloring of the visible light from their surface. Liquid crystals modify the ambient light rather than emit their own light and therefore require minimal amounts of power. A typical LCD (liquid crystal device) uses one microwatt per square centimeter of display area.16 A very simplified diagram below shows the effect of an electric current on liquid crystal molecules. This change is visible due to its effect on light waves. Although liquid crystal technology has only recently been exploited by man for diagnostic tools, displays, new materials such as kevlar, and oil-recovery technology; nature has used these peculiar molecules in living systems right along. The structure of cell membranes and some tissues are liquid crystals. Hardening of the arteries is a result of the deposition of liquid crystals of cholesterol, cells involved in sickle cell anemia have liquid crystal structure, and on a brighter note, it may soon be possible to change the solid form of a gall stone into a liquid crystal form that can be flushed from the body.19 For further information see the Brown or Kahn articles. The technological development of crystals has taken off in this generation from semiconductors to transistors to integrated circuits to microchips. Always getting smaller but with vastly increased information handling abilities. They are the mainstay of the space and military industries, making possible the impossible in distant space travel, satellite technology, and weapons’ accuracy. Solar cells are becoming more efficient and more common, and as our energy problems increase, student interest in solar technology has also increased. And the liquid crystals in our students’ watches and pocket calculators are just one more bit of technology waiting to be explained to our students. There are many very helpful books and articles which can aid the reader in his or her understanding of these interesting, complex topics. Many of these have been listed in the bibliography, but I would like to specifically recommend the Holden book, The Nature of Solids, and the Chalmers article, “Photovoltaic Generation of Electricity,” as two excellent readings with which to begin. They will provide you with the information you will want to feel confident about teaching about crystal technology. All of the books and articles that are specifically referred to in the text of this unit are available in book or reprint form at the Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute office on Wall Street, New Haven. Objective: to observe the properties of two substances with different kinds of bonds. three metal teaspoons 2 cm table salt 2 cm table sugar folded paper towel hot pad Record all of your data in the chart below as you do each test. - 1. Rub a few grains of the salt and then the sugar between your fingers. Which one feels the sharpest or the roughest? - 2. Examine with the magnifying glass a few grains of both salt and sugar. Describe the grain shape of each. - 3. Put some of the salt in a spoon. Crush it with the other spoon. Do the same with some of the sugar. Which is the most difficult to crush? - 4. Light a match or a candle. Hold the teaspoon of salt over the flame for ten seconds. Does it melt? Do the same with a teaspoon of sugar. Which substance appears to have the higher melting temperature? |Characteristics||Table Salt||Table Sugar| - 1. Use your book to find out what kind of bonds salt and sugar have. - 2. Which of these two substances appears to have the stronger bonds? Objective: to familiarize students with the shapes of crystals in their three dimensional forms. crystal model outline sheets,1 and 2 - 1. Look at drawings of the six basic crystal shapes. Draw and label each one on drawing paper. - 2. Using the outline sheet cut out each crystal pattern. Fold along the dotted lines and tape the edges. Identify each shape using your drawings done in part 1. Objective: to demonstrate in concrete fashion the relationship between atomic arrangement and crystal shape. 12 one inch size styrofoam balls 12 one-half inch size styrofoam balls green crayons or paint - 1. Color the large styrofoam balls green to represent chlorine atoms. The smaller size balls will represent sodium atoms. - 2. Break a toothpick in half, push one end into the chlorine and the other end into the sodium. Do this to all the “atoms” you have. Now you have sodium chloride molecules. - 3. Using the toothpick halves join one NaCl (sodium chloride) molecule to another, matching up sodium to chlorine each time, and at right angles to one another. They should be placed as tightly together as possible. Look at the diagram to get an idea of how it should look. - 4. Sprinkle some of the salt grains on a dark surface and inspect them with the magnifying glass. What shape are they? What is the chemical name for this compound? - 1. What shape is the salt crystal? - 2. What shape does the styrofoam ball model of the atoms have? - 3. Is there a relationship between the answers to questions 1 and 2? Why? Objective: to understand the meaning of specific gravity by determining the specific gravities of several mineral samples experimentally. thread or string 250 ml beaker - 1. Tie a twelve inch length of thread to the first sample, then tie the other end to the spring scale. Record the mass on the chart. - 2. Fill the beaker about two-thirds full with the water. Submerge the sample in the water being careful not to allow the mineral to touch the bottom or sides of the beaker. Record the mass on the chart. - 3. Subtract the mass in water from the mass in air. This is the “loss of mass in water.” Record this on the chart. - 4. The “loss of mass in water” amount is the same as the mass of water displaced. Enter this on the chart. - 5. Use the formula below to calculate the specific gravity of your mineral. - ____Specific gravity = mass of the mineral in air / mass of the water displaced by the mineral - 6. Repeat steps 1-5 for each of the samples available. |DATA CHART||Pyrite||Quartzite||Galena||Unknown Sample| mass in water loss of mass mass of water - 1. Pyrite is called fool’s gold. How can you tell it from real gold? - 2. What is an alloy and how can you differentiate it from a pure sample? - 3. Use the Handbook of Physics and Chemistry to find the material with the highest and lowest specific gravity. Objective: to determine density of solids using the direct measurement of the volume of the solid. assortment of blocks: balance beam scale - 1. Carefully measure the length, width, and thickness of the block using the metric ruler. Fill in the table below with your results. - 2. Calculate the volume by multiplying the three numbers and enter the results in the designated space. - 3. Use the balance beam scale to determine the mass of the block in grams. Enter the result in the designated space. - 4. Calculate the density and record your answer. - ____Density = mass volume - 5. Repeat the above procedure for all of the blocks and carefully record all of the measurements and results of calculations. - 1. What is the definition of density? - 2. Could you use this technique to determine the density of a toy soldier? Why? - 3. Could you use this density formula to find the density of a steel ball? How? Objective: to determine the density of an irregularly-shaped solid using the displacement method. balsa wood block balance beam scale 250 ml. beaker of water Directions: We have measured the density directly by using a ruler to find the volume of a regularly-shaped object. We can determine the density of an irregularly-shaped object using the displacement method. We will weigh the object on the scale to find mass; then we will use the graduated cylinder to find out how much water is displaced by the object when it is submerged. The amount of water displaced is the same as the volume of the object. Then we have only to put the numbers in our formula: Density = mass / volume one milliliter = one cubic centimeter 1 ml = 1 cm3 - 1. Weigh the three objects. Record the data on the chart below. - 2. Fill the graduated cylinder to the 50 ml. line with water from your beaker. - 3. Securely tie each object with a 30 cm. length of thread. - 4. Submerge one of the objects in the graduated cylinder. Record the new water level on the chart below. Repeat for each object. - 5. Subtract the first reading (50 ml.) from the second reading. This is the volume displaced, or the volume of the object. - 6. Divide the mass by the volume to find the density. Remember 1 ml. = 1 cm.3 |balsa wood||metal plate||stone| water and object Objective: to develop skills in mineral identification using some characteristics of minerals. - mineral samples - steel nail - hardened file - streak plate - paper towels - lemon juice or dilute hydrochloric acid (Use acid only on samples kept at demonstration table — do not contaminate your samples at your desk.) - 1. Read each mineral identification characteristic and use the suggested term or property to describe the mineral you are examining. Repeat for each mineral. - 2. Characteristics: Color: apparent external color: black, brown, gray-white, brownish-white, etc. Luster: describes the shine or light-reflection from a mineral: metallic, pearly, greasy, glassy, silky. Hardness: describes the resistance to scratching and is measured by the Mohs scale of hardness, #1 to #10, softest to hardest. To test hardness, scratch your sample with the following items in order. When a visible scratch is made (a dent in the rock), that is the hardness. 2.5 — fingernail 3 — penny 4-5 — steel file 6 — hardened file over 7 — may scratch a streak plate but leaves no color Streak: Describes the color of the powdered mineral. The streak can have a different color from the external apparent color. It is determined by rubbing the sample firmly over the plate, the color on the plate is the streak. A mineral of hardness 7 or over will have no streak, but may scratch the plate instead. Magnetism: minerals that are magnetic will cause a compass needle to spin. Crystal structure: Use your paper crystal models to determine the crystal shape of your sample. Acid test: put one or two drops of a weak acid on your sample (be sure to use the samples on the demonstration table). If the mineral bubbles and fizzes it contains carbonate. The gas being released is carbon dioxide. Heft: refers to the weight per volume or size. Terms that could be used would be “heavy,” “medium,” or “light.” These are only relative and imprecise terms but useful for comparing with specific gravity. |(degrees Celsius)||(grams/100 cc. water)| |(degrees Celsius)||(grams/100cc. water)| |(degrees Celsius)||(grams/100cc. water)| |(degrees Celsius)||(grams/100cc. water)| |(degrees Celsius)||(grams/100cc. water)| 2. What is the solubility of potassium chloride at 90 degrees Celsius? 3. What is the solubility of sodium sulfate at 50 degrees Celsius? 4. What is the solubility of sodium nitrate at 30 degrees Celsius? To grow crystals from an alum solution dissolve 4 teaspoons of alum powder in a half cup of hot water. Stir until all of the powder dissolves. Cover the beaker with paper or cloth to keep the dust out and slow evaporation. Crystals will begin to form on the bottom of the container. It is important to keep your solution free from drafts or temperature changes. If your room has a widely varying temperature range, set the beaker in a large bucket of water, being careful not to get extra water in the beaker. The water will help prevent any rapid temperature changes. When some good size crystals have formed, pour off and save the solution and carefully pick out the best crystals with tweezers. Dry the crystals and the tweezers well. Now pour the solution back into the beaker with the remaining crystal masses and gently reheat and redissolve the solute. The next step is a real test of your dexterity! You must fasten the crystal to a thread, either by means of a slip knot or with a minuscule spot of glue (Duco cement is good). Suspend your hanging crystal “seed” in the cooled solution and cover the top. It is important to be sure there are no extraneous crystal grains on the sides of your crystal seed, on the thread, or in the container. Growth of your seed will be impeded by them. Again place the beaker in the water bath to control temperature during the growing time. This process would result in a single, large, well-formed crystal.20 Other substances which can form nice crystals are borax, salt, sugar, copper sulfate, and Epsom salts. The amount of solute will vary, but you can determine the appropriate amount by trial and error or by checking one of the books given above. To grow crystals from a melt, obtain some salol (phenyl salicylate, HOC6H4COOC6H5) from a drugstore. Put a small amount on a glass slide or sheet of aluminum pie plate, and heat it with a candle. Since it melts at 42 degrees Celsius, you will not need much flame. As it cools, put a tiny grain of salol powder on the melted salol; this will act as a seed for the crystal to grow around.21 To grow crystals from a vapor, obtain some naphthalene (moth-flakes, C10H8). CAUTION — NAPHTHALENE IS VERY FLAMMABLE AND MUST NOT BE HEATED NEAR AN OPEN FLAME! Woods suggests placing a few flakes in a tall glass jar and placing a loose cover (aluminum foil) on top. Place the base of the jar on a lighted 100 watt bulb, and soon you will see the rising vapor sublimating (changing from vapor to solid) onto the top sides of the container. This experiment should be done in a very well ventilated room, preferably within a vented hood.22 ———. Rocks and Minerals. New York: Bantam Books, 1973. A well-illustrated paperback handbook with descriptions of atoms, bonds, and crystal structures. The minerals are grouped by chemical composition and are beautifully illustrated. Brown, G. and Crooker, P. “Liquid Crystals.” C&EN (January 31, 1983), pp.24-38. Hard to read, but complete discussion of liquid crystals. Cady, W. “Crystals and Electricity.” Scientific American (December, 1949), pp.46-51. An understandable, concise discussion of piezoelectricity, its uses, and how it works. Highly recommended. Chalmers, B. “Photovoltaic Generation of Electricity.” Scientific American (Oct. 1976): 34-43. An excellent discussion of p, n-type silicon, the p-n junction, and the solar cell circuit. It also covers problems and economics of solar technology. An outstanding reference written in understandable language. Dana, E. Minerals and How to Study Them. Revised by C. Hurlbut. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1949. Old but very complete guide to minerals. Crystallography discussed in detail and it has a convenient compact size and is easy to understand. Desautels, P. Rocks and Minerals. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1974. Outstanding demonstration photos—double page size, 16” x 12”. with a brief description of photo subjects and related varieties. English, G. Getting Acquainted with Minerals. New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1958. Textbook of mineralogy with an identification key based on hardness and luster. Hewitt, P. Conceptual Physics. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1985. General college-level physics text. Hittinger, W. “Metal Oxide Semi-Conductor Technology.” Scientific American (August 1973). Advanced level discussion of semi-conductors (bipolar and unipolar) and integrated circuits. Holden, A. The Nature of Solids. New York: Columbia University Press, 1965. A basic, comprehensive guide to the physics and chemistry of crystals. It is a good introductory book for a study of crystallography. Holden, A., and Morrison, P. Crystals and Crystal Growing. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982. A well-written guide to crystals, covering everything from the physics and chemistry of crystals, structures, and uses to the actual growing techniques. Enjoyable reading and my first choice recommendation. Hurlbut, C. Dana’s Manual of Mineralogy. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1959. A detailed text book, but has an excellent key to identify minerals, and several useful pages of tables. ———. Minerals and Man. New York: Random House, 1970. This book is a masterpiece of information and color photographs which reads like a novel. 304 pages of detailed information and stories which will certainly hold your interest and attention. Highly recommended. Kahn, F. “The Molecular Physics of Liquid-Crystal Devices.” Physics Today (May 1982), pp.66-74. A very technical discussion of liquid crystals with helpful diagrams. Kirkaldy, J.F. Minerals and Rocks. Poole, England: Blandford Press, 1963. Handbook format with many color photos and some descriptive geology. An important feature is the extensive glossary of terms. McGavack, J. and LaSalle, D. Crystals, Insects, and Unknown Objects. New York: The John Day Company, 1971. A book written by a former Science Supervisor and Assistant Superintendent of Schools in New Haven, focuses on hands-on learning techniques and incorporates a unit on crystal growing and its creative approach to learning. O’Neil, P. Gemstones. Alexandria, VA.: Time-Life Books, 1983. A richly illustrated, well written book that covers the formation, the composition, and the history of gems. Highly recommended, enjoyable. Pearl, R. Gem, Minerals, Crystals, and Ores. New York: Odyssey Press, 1964. Interesting discussion of gem cutting. Outstanding glossary of mineral terms, crystal terms, mineral name origins, mining and geology terms, as well as multitudes of listed minerals and ores. Ransom, J. The Rock Hunter’s Range Guide. New York: Harper and Row, 1964. Good for beginning rock collectors. Explains the use of geologic maps and where to get them, how to prospect new locations, and listings of mineral sites for each state. ———. A Range Guide to Mines and Minerals. New York: Harper and Row, 1964. A more comprehensive guide to mineral collecting with lists of abandons mines in the United States. Read, P.G. Dictionary of Gemmology. London: Butterworth Scientific, 1982. Comprehensive dictionary whose recent publication date makes it useful. Swan, C. SunCell: Energy, Economy, Photovoltaics. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1986. A comprehensive guide to solar energy dealing with everything from the physics of the cells, the practical uses, the future uses, to the politics and economics of solar energy. White, J. Color Underground. New York: Charles Scribner Sons, 1971. Beautifully illustrated picturebook of crystals. Large pictures good for displaying with each crystal described and explained. Good for student or teacher use. Woods, E. Crystals—A Handbook for School Teachers. The International Union of Crystallography, 1972. A small but very useful book giving step-by-step directions for growing a wide variety of crystals plus an assortment of things to do with the crystals you grow. Highly recommended. Contents of 1989 Volume VI | Directory of Volumes | Index | Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute

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Sean D. Pitman M.D. © December, 2006 Most scientists today believe that various places on this planet, such as Greenland, the Antarctic, and many other places, have some very old ice. The ice in these areas appears to be layered in a very distinctive annual pattern. In fact, this pattern is both visually and chemically recognizable and extends downward some 4,000 to 5,000 meters. What happens is that as the snow from a previous year is buried under a new layer of snow, it is compacted over time with the weight of each additional layer of snow above it. This compacted snow is called the “firn” layer. After several meters this layers snowy firn turns into layers of solid ice (note that 30cm of compacted snow compresses further into about 10cm of ice). These layers are much thinner on the Antarctic ice cap as compared to the Greenland ice cap since Antarctica averages only 5cm of "water equivalent" per year while Greenland averages over 50cm of water equivalent. 1,2 since these layers get even thinner as they are buried under more and more snow and ice, due to compression and lateral flow (see diagram), the thinner layers of the Antarctic ice cap become much harder to count than those of the Greenland ice cap at an equivalent depth. So, scientists feel that most accurate historical information comes from Greenland, although much older ice comes from other drier places. Still, the ice cores drilled in the Greenland ice cap, such as the American Greenland Ice Sheet Project (GISP2) and the European Greenland Ice Core Project (GRIP), are felt to be very old indeed - upwards of 160,000 years old. (Back to Top) The Visual Method But how, exactly, are these layers counted? Obviously, at the surface the layers are easy to count visually – and in Greenland the layers are fairly easily distinguished at depths as great as 1,500 to 2,000m (see picture). Even here though, there might be a few problems. How does one distinguish between a yearly layer and a sub-yearly layer of ice? For instance, it is not only possible but also likely for various large snowstorms and/or snowdrifts to lay down “Fundamentally, in counting any annual marker, we must ask whether it is absolutely unequivocal, or whether nonannual events could mimic or obscure a year. For the visible strata (and, we believe, for any other annual indicator at accumulation rates representative of central Greenland), it is almost certain that variability exists at the subseasonal or storm level, at the annual level, and for various longer periodicities (2-year, sunspot, etc.). We certainly must entertain the possibility of misidentifying the deposit of a large storm or a snow dune as an entire year or missing a weak indication of a summer and thus picking a 2-year interval as 1 year.” 7 Good examples of this phenomenon can be found in areas of very high precipitation, such as the more coastal regions of Greenland. It was in this area, 17 miles off the east coast of Greenland, that Bob Cardin and other members of his squadron had to ditch their six P-38’s and two B-17’s when they ran out of gas in 1942 - the height of WWII. Many years later, in 1981, several members of this original squad decided to see if they could recover their aircraft. They flew back to the spot in Greenland where they thought they would find their planes buried under a few feet of snow. To their surprise, there was nothing there. Not even metal detectors found anything. After many years of searching, with better detection equipment, they finally found the airplanes in 1988 three miles from their original location and under approximately 260 feet of ice! They went on to actually recovered one of them (“Glacier Girl” – a P38), which was eventually restored to her former glory.20 What is most interesting about this story, at least for the purposes of this discussion, is the depth at which the planes were found (as well as the speed which the glacier moved). It took only 46 years to bury the planes in over 260 feet (~80 meters) of ice and move them some 3 miles from their original location. This translates into a little over 5 ½ feet (~1.7 meters) of ice or around 17 feet (~5 meters) of compact snow per year and about 100 meters of movement per year. In a telephone interview, Bob Cardin was asked how many layers of ice were above the recovered airplane. He responded by saying, “Oh, there were many hundreds of layers of ice above the airplane.” When told that each layer was supposed to represent one year of time, Bob said, “That is impossible! Each of those layers is a different warm spell – warm, cold, warm, cold, warm, cold.” 21 Also, the planes did not sink in the ice over time as some have suggested. Their density was less than the ice or snow since they were not filled with the snow, but remained hollow. They were in fact buried by the annual snowfall over the course of almost 50 years. Now obviously, this example does not reflect the actual climate of central Greenland or of central Antarctica. As a coastal region, it is exposed to a great deal more storms and other sub-annual events that produce the 17 feet of annual snow per year. However, even now, large snowstorms also drift over central Greenland. And, in the fairly recent warm Hipsithermal period (~4 degrees warmer than today) the precipitation over central Greenland, and even Antarctica, was most likely much greater than it is today. So, how do scientists distinguish between annual layers and sub-annual layers? Visual methods, by themselves, seem rather limited – especially as the ice layers get thinner and thinner as one progresses down the column of ice. (Back to Top) Oxygen and Other Isotopes Well, there are many other methods that scientists use to help them identify annual layers. One such method is based on the oxygen isotope variation between 16O and 18O (and 17O) as they relate to changes in temperature. For instance, water (H2O), with the heavier 18O isotope, evaporates less rapidly and condenses more readily than water molecules that incorporate the lighter 16O isotope. Since the 18O requires more energy (warmer weather) to be evaporated and transported in the atmosphere, more 18O is deposited in the ice sheets in the summer than in the winter. Obviously then, the changing ratios of these oxygen isotopes would clearly distinguish the annual cycles of summer and winter as well as longer periods of warm and cold (such as the ice age) – right? Not quite. One major drawback with this method is that these oxygen isotopes do not stay put. They diffuse over time. This is especially true in the “firn layer” of compacted snow before it turns into ice. So, from the earliest formation of these ice layers, the ratios of oxygen isotopes as well as other isotopes are altered by gravitational diffusion and so cannot be used as reliable markers of annual layers as one moves down the ice core column. One of the evidences given for the reality of this phenomenon is the significant oxygen isotope enrichment (verses present day atmospheric oxygen ratios) found in 2,000 year-old-ice from Camp Century, Greenland.3 Interestingly enough, this property of isotope diffusion has long been recognized as a problem. Consider the following comment made by Fred Hall back in 1989: “The accumulating firn [ice-snow granules] acts like a giant columnar sieve through which the gravitational enrichment can be maintained by molecular diffusion. At a given borehole, the time between the fresh fall of new snow and its conversion to nascent ice is roughly the height of the firn layers in [meters] divided by the annual accumulation of new ice in meters per year. This results in conversion times of centuries for firn layers just inside the Arctic and Antarctic circles, and millennia for those well inside [the] same. Which is to say--during these long spans of time, a continuing gas-filtering process is going on, eliminating any possibility of using the presence of such gases to count annual layers over thousands of years.” 4 Lorius et al., in a 1985 Nature article, agreed commenting that, “Further detailed isotope studies showed that seasonal delta 18O variations are rapidly smoothed by diffusion indicating that reliable dating cannot be obtained from isotope stratigraphy”.29 Jaworowski (work discussed further below in "Biased Data" section) also notes the following: The short-term peaks of d18O in the ice sheets have been ascribed to annual summer/winter layering of snow formed at higher and lower air temperatures. These peaks have been used for dating the glacier ice, assuming that the sample increments of ice cores represent the original mean isotopic composition of precipitation, and that the increments are in a steady-state closed system. Experimental evidence, however, suggests that this assumption is not valid, because of dramatic metamorphosis of snow and ice in the ice sheets as a result of changing temperature and pressure. At very cold Antarctic sites, the temperature gradients were found to reach 500°C/m, because of subsurface absorption of Sun radiation. Radiational subsurface melting is common in Antarctica at locations with summer temperatures below -20°C, leading to formation of ponds of liquid water, at a depth of about 1 m below the surface. Other mechanisms are responsible for the existence of liquid water deep in the cold Antarctic ice, which leads to the presence of vast sub-sheet lakes of liquid water, covering an area of about 8,000 square kilometers in inland eastern Antarctica and near Vostok Station, at near basal temperatures of -4 to -26.2°C. The sub-surface recrystallization, sublimation, and formation of liquid water and vapor disturb the original isotopic composition of snow and ice. . . Important isotopic changes were found experimentally in firn (partially compacted granular snow that forms the glacier surface) exposed to even 10 times lower thermal gradients. Such changes, which may occur several times a year, reflecting sunny and overcast periods, would lead to false age estimates of ice. It is not possible to synchronize the events in the Northern and Southern Hemispheres, such as, for example, CO2 concentrations in Antarctic and Greenland ice. This is, in part the result of ascribing short-term stable isotope peaks of hydrogen and oxygen to annual summer/winter layering of ice. and using them for dating. . . In the air from firn and ice at Summit, Greenland, deposited during the past ~200 years, the CO2 concentration ranged from 243.3 ppmv to 641.4 ppmv. Such a wide range reflects artifacts caused by sampling or natural processes in the ice sheet, rather than the variations of CO2 concentration in the atmosphere. Similar or greater range was observed in other studies of greenhouse gases in polar ice.50 (Back to Top) Contaminated and Biased Data According to Prof. Zbigniew Jaworowski, Chairman of the Scientific Council of the Central Laboratory for Radiological Protection in Warsaw, Poland, the ice core data is not only contaminated by procedural problems, it is also manipulated in order to fit popular theories of the day. Jaworowski first argues that ice cores do not fulfill the essential criteria of a closed system. For example, there is liquid water in ice, which can dramatically change the chemical composition of the air bubbles trapped between ice crystals. "Even the coldest Antarctic ice (down to -73°C) contains liquid water. More than 20 physicochemical processes, mostly related to the presence of liquid water, contribute to the alteration of the original chemical composition of the air inclusions in polar ice. . . Even the composition of air from near-surface snow in Antarctica is different from that of the atmosphere; the surface snow air was found to be depleted in CO2 by 20 to 50 percent . . ."50 Beyond this, there is the problem of fractionation of gases as the "result of various solubilities in water (CH4 is 2.8 times more soluble than N2 in water at O°C; N2O, 55 times; and CO2, 73 times), starts from the formation of snowflakes, which are covered with a film of supercooled liquid."50 "[Another] one of these processes is formation of gas hydrates or clathrates. In the highly compressed deep ice all air bubbles disappear, as under the influence of pressure the gases change into the solid clathrates, which are tiny crystals formed by interaction of gas with water molecules. Drilling decompresses cores excavated from deep ice, and contaminates them with the drilling fluid filling the borehole. Decompression leads to dense horizontal cracking of cores [see illustration], by a well known sheeting process. After decompression of the ice cores, the solid clathrates decompose into a gas form, exploding in the process as if they were microscopic grenades. In the bubble-free ice the explosions form a new gas cavities and new cracks. Through these cracks, and cracks formed by sheeting, a part of gas escapes first into the drilling liquid which fills the borehole, and then at the surface to the atmospheric air. Particular gases, CO2, O2 and N2 trapped in the deep cold ice start to form clathrates, and leave the air bubbles, at different pressures and depth. At the ice temperature of –15°C dissociation pressure for N2 is about 100 bars, for O2 75 bars, and for CO2 5 bars. Formation of CO2 clathrates starts in the ice sheets at about 200 meter depth, and that of O2 and N2 at 600 to 1000 meters. This leads to depletion of CO2 in the gas trapped in the ice sheets. This is why the records of CO2 concentration in the gas inclusions from deep polar ice show the values lower than in the contemporary atmosphere, even for the epochs when the global surface temperature was higher than now."50 No study has yet demonstrated that the content of greenhouse trace gases in old ice, or even in the interstitial air from recent snow, represents the atmospheric composition. The ice core data from various polar sites are not consistent with each other, and there is a discrepancy between these data and geological climatic evidence. One such example is the discrepancy between the classic Antarctic Byrd and the Vostok ice cores, where an important decrease in the CO2 content in the air bubbles occurred at the same depth of about 500 meters, but at which the ice age difference by about 16,000 years. In approximately 14,000-year-old part of the Byrd core, a drop in the CO2 concentration of 50 ppmv was observed, but in similarly old ice from the Vostok core, an increase of 60 ppmv was found. In about 6,000-year-old ice from Camp Century, Greenland, the CO2 concentration in air bubbles was 420 ppmv, but was 270 ppmv in similarly old ice from Byrd Antarctica . . . One can also note that the CO2 concentration in the air bubbles decreases with the depth of the ice for the entire period between the years 1891 and 1661, not because of any changes in the atmosphere, but along the increasing pressure gradient, which is probably the result of clathrate formation, and the fact that the solubility of CO2 increases with depth. If this isn't already bad enough, Jaworowski proceeds to argue that the data, as contaminated as it is, has been manipulated to fit popular theories of the day. Until 1985, the published CO2 readings from the air bubbles in the pre-industrial ice ranged from 160 to about 700 ppmv, and occasionally even up to 2,450 ppmv. After 1985, high readings disappeared from the publications!50 Another problem is the notion that lead levels in ice cores correlate with the increased use of lead by various more and more modern civilizations such as the Greeks and Romans and then during European and American industrialization. A potential problem with this notion is Jaworowski's claim to have "demonstrated that in pre-industrial period the total flux of lead into the global atmosphere was higher than in the 20th century, that the atmospheric content of lead is dominated by natural sources, and that the lead level in humans in Medieval Ages was 10 to 100 times higher than in the 20th century."50 Beyond this potential problem, there is also the problem of heavy metal contamination of the ice cores during the drilling process. Numerous studies on radial distribution of metals in the cores reveal an excessive contamination of their internal parts by metals present in the drilling fluid. In these parts of cores from the deep Antarctic, ice concentrations of zinc and lead were higher by a factor of tens or hundreds of thousands, than in the contemporary snow at the surface of the ice sheet. This demonstrates that the ice cores are not a closed system; the heavy metals from the drilling fluid penetrate into the cores via micro- and macro-cracks during the drilling and the transportation of the cores to the surface.50 Professor Jaworowski summarizes with a most interesting statement: It is astonishing how credulously the scientific community and the public have accepted the clearly flawed interpretations of glacier studies as evidence of anthropogenic increase of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Further historians can use this case as a warning about how politics can negatively influence science.50 While this statement is most certainly a scathing rebuke of the scientific community as it stands, I would argue that Jaworowski doesn't go far enough. He doesn't consider that the problems he so carefully points as the basis for his own doubts concerning the basis of global warming may also pose significant problems for the validity of using ice cores for reliably assuming the passage of vast spans of time, supposedly recording in the layers of large ice sheets. (Back to Top) So, it seems as though isotope ratios are severely limited if not entirely worthless as yearly markers for ice core dating beyond a very short period of time. However, there are several other dating methods, such as the correlation of impurities in the layers of ice to known historical events – such as known volcanic eruptions. After a volcano erupts, the ash and other elements from the eruption fall out and are washed out of the atmosphere by precipitation. This fallout leaves “tephra” (microscopic shards of glass from the ash fallout – see picture), sulfuric acid, and other chemicals in the snow and subsequent ice from that year. Sometimes the tephra fallout can be specifically matched via physical and chemical analysis to a known historical eruption. This analysis begins when electrical conductivity measurements (ECM) are made along the entire length of the ice core. Increases in electrical conductivity indicate the presence of increased acid content. When a volcano erupts, it spews out a great deal of sulfur-rich gases. These are converted in the atmosphere to sulfuric acid aerosols, which end up in the layers of ice and increase the ECM readings. The higher the acidity, the better the conduction. Sections of ice from a region with an acidic spike are then melted and filtered through a capillary-pore membrane filter. An automated scanning electron microscope (SEM), equipped for x-ray microanalysis, is used to determine the size, shape and elemental composition of hundreds of particles on the filter. Cluster analysis, using a multivariate statistical routine that measures the elemental compositions of sodium, magnesium, aluminum, silicon, potassium, calcium, titanium and iron, is done to identify the volcanic “signature” of the tephra particles in the sample. Representative tephra particles are re-located for photomicrography and more detailed chemical analysis. Then tephra is collected from near the volcanic eruption that may have produced the fallout in the core and is ground into a fine powder, dispersed in liquid, and filtered through a capillary-pore membrane. Then automated SEM and chemical analysis is used on this known tephra sample to find its chemical signature and compare it with the unknown sample found in the ice core - to see if there is a match.22 Tephra from several well-known historical volcanoes have been analyzed in this way. For example, Crater Lake in Oregon was once a much larger mountain (Mt. Mazama) before it blew up as a volcano. In the mid-1960s scientists dated this massive explosion, with the use of radiocarbon dating methods, at between 6,500 and 7,000 years before present (BP). Then, in 1979, Scientific American published an article about a pair of sagebrush bark sandals that were found just under the Mazama tephra at Fort Rock Cave. These sandals were carbon-14 dated to around 9,000 years BP. Even thought this date was several thousand years older than expected, the article went on to say that the bulk of the evidence still put the most likely eruption date of Mt. Mazama at around 7,000 years BP. 23,24 Later, a “direct count” of the layers in the ice core obtained from Camp Century Greenland put the date of the Mazama tephra at 6,400±110 years BP.23,25 Then, at the 16th INQUA conference held June 2003, in Reno Nevada (attended by over 1,000 scientists studying the Quaternary period), Kevin M. Scott noted in an abstract that the Mazama Park eruptive period had been “newly dated at 5,600-5,900 14C yrs BP.” Scott went on to note that this new date “includes collapses and eruptions previously dated throughout a range of 4,300 to 6,700 14C yrs BP.” 26 At this point it should also be noted that the carbon-14 dating method is being calibrated by the Greenland ice cores, so it is circular to argue that the Greenland ice core dates have been validated by carbon-14 analysis.26 Another famous volcano, the Mediterranean volcano Thera, was so large that it effectively destroyed the Minoan (Santorini) civilization. This is thought to have happened in the year 1628 B.C. since tree rings from that region showed a significant disruption matching that date. Of course, such an anomaly was looked for in the ice cores. As predicted, layers in the "Dye 3" Greenland ice core showed such a major eruption in 1645, plus or minus 20 years. This match was used to confirm or calibrate the ice core data as recently as 2003. Interestingly enough though, the scientists did not have the budget at the time to a systematic search throughout the whole ice core for such large anomalies that would also match a Thera-sized eruption. Now that such detailed searches have been done, many such sulfuric acid peaks have been found at numerous dates within the 18th, 17th, 16th, 15th, and 14th centuries B.C. 35 Beyond this, tephra analyzed from the "1620s" ice core layers did not match the volcanic material from the Thera volcano. The investigators concluded: "Although we cannot completely rule out the possibility that two nearly coincident eruptions, including the Santorini eruption, are responsible for the 1623 BC signal in the GISP ice core, these results very much suggest that the Santorini eruption is not responsible for this signal. We believe that another eruption led not only to the 1623 BC ice core signal but also, by correlation, to the tree-ring signals at 1628/1627 BC." 36 Then, as recently as March of 2004, Pearce et al published a paper declaring that another volcano, the Aniakchak Volcano in Alaska, was the true source of the tephra found in the GRIP ice core at the "1645 ± 4 BC layer." These researchers went on to say that, "The age of the Minoan eruption of Santorini, however, remains unresolved." 37 So, here we have a clearly erroneous match between a volcanic eruption and both tree rings and ice core signals. What is most curious, however, is that many scientists still declare that ice cores are solidly confirmed by such means. Beyond this, as flexible as the dating here seems to be, the Mt. Mazama and Thera eruptions are still about the oldest eruptions that can be identified in the Greenland ice cores. There are two reasons for this. One reason is that below 10,000 layers or so in the ice core the ice becomes too alkaline to reliably identify the acid spikes associated with volcanic eruptions.5 Another reason is that the great majority of volcanic eruptions throughout history were not able to get very much tephra into the Greenland ice sheet. So, the great majority of volcanic signals are detected via their acid signal alone. This presents a problem. A review of four eruption chronologies constructed since 1970 illustrate this problem quite nicely. In 1970, Lamb published an eruption chronology for the years 1500 to 1969. The work recorded 380 known historical eruptions. Ten years later, Hirschboek published a revised eruption chronology that recorded 4,796 eruptions for the same period – a very significant increase from Lamb’s figure. One year later, in 1981, Simkin et al. raised the figure to 7,664 eruptions and Newhall et al. increased the number further a year later to 7,713. It is also interesting to note that Simkin et al. recorded 3,018 eruptions between 1900 and 1969, but only 11 eruptions were recorded from between 1 and 100 AD. So obviously, as one goes back through recent history, the number of known volcanic eruptions drops off dramatically, though they were most certainly still occurring – just without documentation. Based on current rates of volcanic activity, an expected eruption rate for the past several thousand years comes to around 30,000 eruptions per 1,000 years.25 With such a high rate of volcanic activity, to include many rather large volcanoes, how are scientists so certain that a given acid spike on ECM is so clearly representative of any particular volcano – especially when the volcanic eruption in question happened more than one or two thousand years ago? The odds that at least one volcanic signal will be found in an ice core within a very small “range of error” around any supposed historical eruption are extremely good - even for large volcanoes. Really, is this all too far from a self-fulfilling prophecy? How then can the claim be made that historical eruptions validate the dating of ice cores to any significant degree? “The desire to link such phenomena [volcanic eruptions] and the stretching of the dating frameworks involved is an attractive but questionable practice. All such attempts to link (and hence infer associations between) historic eruptions and environmental phenomena and human "impacts", rely on the accurate and precise association in time of the two events. . . A more general investigation of eruption chronologies constructed since 1970 suggest that such associations are frequently unreliable when based on eruption data gathered earlier than the twentieth century.” 25 (Back to Top) So, if volcanic markers are generally unreliable and completely useless beyond a few thousand years, how are scientists so sure that their ice core dating methods are meaningful? Well, one of the most popular methods used to distinguish annual layers is one that measures the fluctuations in ice core dust. Dust is alkaline and shows up as a low ECM reading. During the dry northern summer, dust particles from Arctic Canada and the coastal regions of Greenland are carried by wind currents and are deposited on the Greenland ice sheet. During the winter, this area is not so dusty, so less dust is deposited during the winter as compared to the summer. This annual fluctuation of dust is thought to be the most reliable of all the methods for the marking of the annual cycle - especially as the layers start to get thinner and thinner as one moves down the column of ice.27 And, it certainly would be one of the most reliable methods if it were not for one little problem known as “post-depositional particle migration”. Zdanowicz et al., from the University of New Hampshire, did real time studies of modern atmospheric dust deposition in the 1990’s on the Penny Ice Cap, Baffin Island, Arctic Canada. Their findings are most interesting indeed: “After the snow deposition on polar ice sheets, not all the chemical species preserve the original concentration values in the ice. In order to obtain reliable past-environmental information by firn and ice cores, it is important to understand how post-depositional effects can alter the chemical composition of the ice. These effects can happen both in the most superficial layers and in the deep ice. In the snow surface, post-depositional effects are mainly due to re-emission in the atmosphere and we show here that chloride, nitrate, methane-sulphonic acid (MSA) and H2O2 [hydrogen peroxide] are greatly affected by this process; moreover, we show how the mean annual snow accumulation rate influences the re-emission extent. In the deep ice, post-depositional effects are mainly due to movement of acidic species and it is interesting to note the behavior of some substances (e.g. chloride and nitrate) in acidic (high concentrations of volcanic acid gases) and alkaline (high dust content) ice layers . . . We failed to identify any consistent relationship between dust concentration or size distribution, and ionic chemistry or snowpack stratigraphy.” 28 This study goes on to reveal that each yearly cycle is marked not by one distinct annual dust concentration as is normally assumed when counting ice core layers, but by two distinct dust concentration peaks – one in late winter-spring and another one in the late summer-fall. So, each year is initially marked by “two seasonal maxima of dust deposition.” By itself, this finding cuts in half those ice core dates that assume that each year is marked by only one distinct deposition of dust. This would still be a salvageable problem if the dust actually stayed put once it was deposited in the snow. But, it does not stay put – it moves! “While some dust peaks are found to be associated with ice layers or Na [sodium] enhancements, others are not. Similarly, variations of the NMD [number mean diameter – a parameter for quantifying relative changes in particle size] and beta cannot be systematically correlated to stratigraphic features of the snowpack. This lack of consistency indicates that microparticles are remobilized by meltwater in such a way that seasonal (and stratigraphic) differences are obscured.” 28 This remobilization of the microparticles of dust in the snow was found to affect both fine and coarse particles in an uneven way. The resulting “dust profiles” displayed “considerable structure and variability with multiple well-defined peaks” for any given yearly deposit of snow. The authors hypothesized that this variability was most likely caused by a combination of factors to include “variations of snow accumulation or summer melt and numerous ice layers acting as physical obstacles against particle migration in the snow.” The authors suggest that this migration of dust and other elements limits the resolution of these methods to “multiannual to decadal averages”.28 Another interesting thing about the dust found in the layers of ice is that those layers representing the last “ice age” contain a whole lot of dust – up to 100 times more dust than is deposited on average today.19 The question is, how does one explain a hundred times as much Ice Age dust in the Greenland icecap with gradualistic, wet conditions? There simply are no unique dust sources on Earth to account for 100 times more dust during the 100,000 years of the Ice Age, particularly when this Ice Age was thought to be associated with a large amount of precipitation/rain – which would only cleanse the atmosphere more effectively. How can high levels of precipitation be associated with an extremely dusty atmosphere for such a long period of time? Isn’t this a contradiction from a uniformitarian perspective? Perhaps a more recent catastrophic model has greater explanatory value? Other dating methods, such as 14C, 36Cl and other radiometric dating methods are subject to this same problem of post-depositional diffusion as well as contamination – especially when the summer melt sends water percolating through the tens and hundreds of layers found in the snowy firn before the snow turns to ice. Then, even after the snow turns to ice, diffusion is still a big problem for these molecules. They simply do not stay put. More recent publications by Rempel et al., in Nature (May, 2001),32 also quoted by J.W. Wettlaufer (University of Washington) in a paper entitled, "Premelting and anomalous diffusion in ancient ice",31 suggest that chemicals that have been trapped in ancient glacial or polar ice can move substantial distances within the ice (up to 50cm even in deeper ice where layers get as thin as 3 or 4 millimeters). Such mobility is felt by these scientists to be "large enough to offset the resolution at which the core was examined and alter the interpretation of the ice-core record." What happens is that, "Substances that are climate signatures - from sea salt to sulfuric acid - travel through the frozen mass along microscopic channels of liquid water between individual ice crystals, away from the ice on which they were deposited. The movement becomes more pronounced over time as the flow of ice carries the substances deeper within the ice sheet, where it is warmer and there is more liquid water between ice crystals. . . The Vostok core from Antarctica, which goes back 450,000 years, contains even greater displacement [as compared to the Greenland ice cores] because of the greater depth." That means that past analyses of historic climate changes gleaned from ice core samples might not be all that accurate. Wettlaufer specifically notes that, "The point of the paper is to suggest that the ice core community go back and redo the chemistry."31,32 Of course these scientists do not think that such problems are significant enough to destroy the usefulness of ice cores as a fairly reliable means of determining historical climate changes. But, it does make one start to wonder how much confidence one can actually have in the popular interpretations of what ancient ice really means. (Back to Top) To add to the problems inherent in ice core dating is the significant amount evidence that the world was a much warmer place just a few thousand years ago. These higher temperatures of the Middle Holocene or Hypsithermal period are said to have begun about 9,000 years ago and then started to fade about 4,000 years ago.8,53 So, how "warm" was this warm period? Various studies suggest sustained temperatures of northerly regions, such as the Canadian Northwest Territories, of 3-4°C warmer than today. Studies on sedimentary cores carried out in the North Atlantic between Hudson Strait and Cape Hatteras indicate ocean temperatures of 18°C (verses about 8°C today in this region).54 However, not all regions experienced the same increase in temperature and the overall average global temperature is thought to have been about 2°C warmer than it is today.55 also seems that in the fairly recent past the vegetation zones were much closer to the poles than they are today. The remains of some plant species can be found as far as 1,000 km farther north than they are found today. Forests once extended right up to the Barents Coast and the White Sea. The European tundra zones were non-existent. In northern Asia, peat-moss was discovered on Novaya Zemlya. And, this was no short-term aberration in the weather. This warming trend seems to have lasted for quite a while.56 Consider also the very interesting suggestion of Prof. Borisov, a long time meteorology and climatology professor at Leningrad State University: “During the last 18,000 years, the warming was particularly appreciable during the Middle Holocene. This covered the time period of 9,000 to 2,500 years ago and culminated about 6,000 to 4,000 years ago, i.e., when the first pyramids were already being built in Egypt . . . The most perturbing questions of the stage under consideration are: Was the Arctic Basin iceless during the culmination of the optimum?”8 Professor Borisov asks a very interesting question. What would happen to the ice sheets during several thousand years of a “hypsithermal” warming if it really was some 2°C warmer than it is today? If the Arctic region around the entire globe, to include the Arctic Ocean, was ice free during just a few thousand years, even episodically during the summer months, what would have happened to the ice sheet on Greenland? Consider what would happen if the entire Arctic Ocean went without ice during the summer months owing to a warmer and therefore longer spring, summer, and fall. Certainly there would be more snowfall, but this would not be enough to prevent the warm rainfall from removing the snow cover and the ice itself from Greenland’s ice sheet. A marine climate would create a more temperate environment because water vapor over the Arctic region would act as a greenhouse gas, holding the day’s heat within the atmosphere. Borisov goes on to point out that a 1°C increase in average global temperature results in a more dramatic increase in temperature at the poles and extreme latitudes than it does at the equator and more tropical zones. For example, between the years 1890 and 1940, there was a 1°C degree increase in the average global temperature. During this same time the mean annual temperature in the Arctic basin rose 7°C. This change was reflected more in warmer winters than in warmer summers. For instance, the December temperature rose almost 17°C while the summer temperature changed hardly at all. Likewise, the average winter temperature for Spitsbergen and Greenland rose between 6 to 13°C during this time. 8 Along these same lines, an interesting article published in the journal Nature 30-years ago by R. L. Newson showed that, without the Arctic ice cap, the winters of the Arctic Ocean would rise 20-40ºC and 10-20ºC over northern Siberia and Alaska - all other factors being equal11 M. Warshaw and R. Rapp published similar results in the Journal of Applied Meteorology - using a different circulation model.12 Of course, the real question here is, would a 2°C increase in average global temperature, over today's "global warming" temperatures, melt the ice sheets of Greenland or even Antarctica? Borisov argued that this idea is not all that far-fetched. He notes that measurements carried out on Greenland’s northeastern glaciers as far back as the early 1950’s showed that they were loosing ice far faster than it was being formed. 8 The northeastern glaciers were in fact in “ablation” as a result of just a 1°C rise in average global temperature. What would be expected from another 2°C rise? - over the course of several thousand years? Since that time research done by Carl Boggild of the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS), involving data from a network of 10 automatic monitoring stations, showed that the large portions of the Greenland ice sheet are melting up to 10 times faster that earlier research had indicated. In 2000, research indicated that the Greenland ice was melting at a conservative estimate of just over 50 cubic kilometers of ice per year. However, studies done by a team from the University of Texas over 18 months from 2005 to 2006 with the use of gravity data collected by satellites, suggests that the "ice cap may be melting three times faster than indicated by previous measurements" from 1997 to 2003. Currently, the ice is melting at 239 cubic kilometers per year (measured from April 2002 to November 2005).52 Greenland covers 2,175,590 square kilometers with about 85% of that area covered by ice of about 2 km thick. That's about 4,351,180 cubic kilometers of ice. At current rates of melting, it would take about 18,000 years to melt all the ice on Greenland. Of course, 18,000 years seems well outside the range of the Hypsithermal period. However, even at current temperatures, the melt rate of the Earth's glaciers, to include those of Greenland, is accelerating dramatically - and we still have another 2°C to go. Towns in Greenland are already beginning to sink because of the melting permafrost. Even potatoes are starting to grow in Greenland. This has never happened before in the memory of those who have lived there all their lives. In April of 2000, Lars Smedsrud and Tore Furevik wrote in an article in the Cicerone magazine, published by the Norwegian Climate Research Centre (CICERO) that , "If the melting of the ice, both in thickness and surface area, does not slow, then it is an established fact that the arctic ice will disappear during this century." This is based on the fact that the Arctic ice has thinned by some 40% between the years 1980 and 2000. This past summer, December 2006, explorers Lonnie Dupre and Eric Larsen made a very dangerous and most interesting trek to the North Pole. As they approached the Pole they found open water, a lot of icy slush, and ice so thin it wouldn't support their weight. "We expected to see the ice get better, get flatter, as we got closer to the pole. But the ice was busted up," Dupre said. "As we got closer to the pole, we had to paddle our canoes more and more."51 Walt Meier, a researcher at the U.S. National Snow and Ice Data Center in Boulder, Colorado commented on these interesting findings noting that the melting of the Arctic ice cap in summer - is progressing more rapidly than satellite images alone have shown. Given resent data such as this, climate researchers at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in California predict the complete absence of summer ice on the Arctic Ocean by 2030 or sooner.51 That prediction is dramatically different than what scientists were predicting just a few years ago - that the ice would still be there by the end of the century. Consider how a complete loss of Arctic ice and with an average temperature increase over the Arctic Ocean upwards of 20-40ºC would affect the temperature of surrounding regions - like Greenland. Could Greenland long retain its ice without the Arctic polar ice? If this is not convincing enough, consider that since the year 2000, glaciers around the world have continued melting at greater and greater rates - exponentially greater rates. Alaska's glaciers are receding at twice the rate previously thought, according to a new study published in July 19, 2002 Science journal. Around the globe, sea level is about 6 inches higher than it was just 100 years ago, and the rate of rise is increasing quite dramatically. Leading glaciologist, Dr. Mark Meier, remarked in February of 2002 that the accepted estimates of sea level rise were underestimated, due to the rapid retreat of mountain glaciers.44 The next year, at the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) meeting in San Francisco on February 25, 2001, Professor Lonnie Thompson, from Ohio State University's Department of Geological Sciences, presented a paper entitled, "Disappearing Glaciers - Evidence of a Rapidly Changing Earth." Dr. Thompson has completed 37 expeditions since 1978 to collect and study perhaps the world's largest archive of glacial ice cored from the Himalayas, Mount Kilimanjaro in Africa, the Andes in South America, the Antarctic and Greenland. Prof. Thompson reported to AAAS that at least one-third of the massive ice field on top of Tanzania's Mount Kilimanjaro has melted in only the past twelve years. Further, since the first mapping of the mountain's ice in 1912, the ice field has shrunk by 82%. By 2015, there will be no more "snows of Kilimanjaro." In Peru, the Quelccaya ice cap in the Southern Andes Mountains is at least 20% smaller than it was in 1963. One of the main glaciers there, Qori Kalis, has been melting at the astonishing rate of 1.3 feet per day. Back in 1963, the glacier covered 56 square kilometers. By 2000, it was down to less than 44 square kilometers and now there is a new ten acre lake. It's melt rate has been increasing exponentially and at its current rate will be entirely gone between 2010 and 2015, the same time that Kilimanjaro dries. The exponential nature of this worldwide melt is dramatically illustrated by aerial photographs taken of various glaciers. A series of photographs of the Qori Kalis glacier in Peru are available from 1963. Between 1963 and 1978 the rate of melt was 4.9 meters per year. Between 1978 and 1983 was 8 meters per year. This increased to 14 meters per year by 1993 and to 30 meters per year by 1995, to 49 meters per year by 1998 and to a shocking 155 meters per year by 2000. By 2001 it was up to about 200 meters per year. That's almost 2 feet per day. Dr. Thompson exclaimed, "You can literally sit there and watch it retreat." Then, in 2001, NASA scientists published a major study, based on satellite and aircraft observations, showing that large portions of the Greenland ice sheet, especially around its margins, were thinning at a rate of roughly 1 meter per year. Other scientists, such as Carl Boggild and his team, have recorded thinning Greenland glaciers at rates as fast a 10 or even 12 meters per year. It is quite a shock to scientists to realize that the data from satellite images shows that various Greenland glaciers are thinning and retreating in an exponential manner - by an "astounding" 150 meters in thickness in just the last 15 years.43 In both 2002 and 2003, the Northern Hemisphere registered record low ocean ice cover. NASA's satellite data show the Arctic region warmed more during the 1990s than during the 1980s, with Arctic Sea ice now melting by up to 15 percent per decade. Satellite images show the ice cap covering the Northern pole has been shrinking by 10 percent per decade over the past 25 years.45 On the opposite end of the globe, sea ice floating near Antarctica has shrunk by some 20 percent since 1950. One of the world's largest icebergs, named B-15, that measured near 10,000 square kilometers (4,000 square miles) or half the size of New Jersey, calved off the Ross Ice Shelf in March 2000. The Larsen Ice Shelf has largely disintegrated within the last decade, shrinking to 40 percent of its previously stable size.45 Then, in 2002, the Larsen B ice shelf collapsed. Almost immediately after, researchers observed that nearby glaciers started flowing a whole lot faster - up to 8 times faster! This marked increase in glacial flow also resulted in dramatic drops in glacial elevations, lowering them by as much as 38 meters (124 feet) in just 6 months.48 Scientists monitoring a glacier in Greenland, the Kangerdlugssuaq glacier, have found that it is moving into the sea 3 times faster than just 10 years ago. Measurements taken in 1988 and in 1996 show the glacier was moving at a rate of between 3.1 and 3.7 miles per year. The latest measurements, taken the summer of 2005, showed that it is now moving at 8.7 miles a year. Satellite measurements of the Kangerdlugssuaq glacier show that, as well as moving more rapidly, the glacier's boundary is shrinking dramatically. Kangerdlugssuaq is about 1,000 meters (3,280ft) thick, about 4.5 miles wide, extends for more than 20 miles into the ice sheet and drains about 4 per cent of the ice from the Greenland ice sheet. The realization of the rapid melting of such a massive glacier, which was fairly stable until quite recently, came as quite a shock to the scientific community. Professor Hamilton expressed this general surprise in the following comment: "This is a dramatic discovery. There is concern that the acceleration of this and similar glaciers and the associated discharge of ice is not described in current ice-sheet models of the effects of climate change. These new results suggest the loss of ice from the Greenland ice sheet, unless balanced by an equivalent increase in snowfall, could be larger and faster than previously estimated. As the warming trend migrates north, glaciers at higher latitudes in Greenland might also respond in the same way as Kangerdlugssuaq glacier. In turn, that could have serious implications for the rate of sea-level rise."46 The exponential increase in glacial speed is now thought to be due to increased surface melting. The liquid water formed on the surface during summer melts collects into large lakes. The water pressure generated by these surface lakes forces water down through the icy layers all the way to the underlying bedrock. It then spreads out, lifting up the glacier off the bedrock on a lubricating film of liquid water. Obviously, with such lubrication, the glacier can then flow at a much faster rate - exponentially faster. This increase in speed also makes for a thinner glacier since the glacier becomes more stretched out.46 For example the giant Jakobshavn glacier - at four miles wide and 1,000 feet thick the biggest on the landmass of Greenland - is now moving towards the sea at a rate of 113 feet a year; the "normal" annual speed of a glacier is just one foot. Until now, scientists believed the ice sheet would take 1,000 years to melt entirely, but Ian Howat, who is working with Professor Tulaczyk, says the new developments could "easily" cut this time "in half". 49 Again, this is well within the range of what would have been melted during Hypsithermal warming many times over. It seems that no one predicted this. No one thought it possible and scientists are quite shocked by these facts. The amazingly fast rate of glacial retreat simply goes against the all prevailing models of glacial development and change, change which generally involve many thousands of years. Who would have thought that such changes could happen in mere decades? Beyond this, there are many other evidences of a much warmer climate in Greenland and the Arctic basin in the fairly recent past. For example, when Greenland’s seas were 10 meters higher than they are today (during the last hipsithermal), warm water mollusks can be found that live over 500 to 750 miles farther south today. Also, the remains of land vertebrates, such as various reptiles, are found in Denmark and Scandinavia, when they live only in Mediterranean areas today.13 “Additional evidence is given by...peats and relics in Greenland--the northern limits may have been displaced northward through several degrees of latitude...and [by] other plants in Novaya Zemlya, and by peat and ripe fruit stones [fruit pits]...in Spitsbergen that no longer ripen in these northern lands. Various plants were more generally distributed in Ellesmere [Island and] birch grew more widely in Iceland....” 13 The point is that these types of plants and these types of large trees should never be able to grow on islands north of the Arctic Circle. Back in 1962 Ivan T. Sanderson noted that , “Pieces of large tree trunks of the types [found] . . . do not and cannot live at those latitudes today for purely biological reasons. The same goes for huge areas of Siberia.”14 Also, as previously noted, fruit does not ripen during short autumns at these high latitudes. Therefore, the spring and summer seasons had to be much longer for any seeds from these temperate trees to germinate and grow. Likewise, the peats that have been found on Greenland require temperate, humid climates to form. Peat formation requires climates that allow for the partial decomposition of vegetable remains under conditions of deficient drainage.13 Also, peat formations require at least 40 inches of rainfall a year and a mean temperature above 32°F. 15 In addition, there were temperate forests on the Seward Peninsula, in Alaska, and the Tuktoyaktuk Peninsula, in Canada’s frigid Inuvik Region, facing the Beaufort Sea and the Arctic Ocean and at Dubawnt Lake, in Canada’s frozen Keewatin Region, west of the Hudson Bay.16 And yet, somehow, it is believed that Greenland’s icecap survived several thousand years in such a recently temperate climate, but how? What we have are temperate forests and warm waters near and within the Arctic Circle and Ocean all across the northern boundary from Siberia to Norway and from Alaska to the Hudson Bay. These temperate conditions existed for thousands of years both east and west of Greenland and at all the Greenland latitudes around the world - and these conditions had not yet ended by the time the Egyptians were building their pyramids! This, of course, would explain why mammoths and other large animals were able to live, during this period, throughout these northerly regions. (Back to Top) Mammoths are especially interesting since millions of them recently lived (within the last 10-20 thousand years according to mainstream science) well within the Arctic Circle. Although popularly portrayed as living in cold barren environments and occasionally dying in local events, such as mudslides or entrapment in soft riverbanks, the evidence may actually paint a very different picture if studied at from a different perspective. The well preserved "mummified" remains of many mammoths have been found along with those of many other types of warmer weather animals such as the horse, lion, tiger, leopard, bear, antelope, camel, reindeer, giant beaver, musk sheep, musk ox, donkey, ibex, badger, fox, wolverine, voles, squirrels, bison, rabbit and lynx as well as a host of temperate plants are still being found all jumbled together within the Artic Circle - along the same latitudes as Greenland all around the globe.39 The problem with the popular belief that millions of mammoths lived in very northerly regions around the entire globe, with estimates of up to 5 million living along a 600 mile stretch of Siberian coastline alone,39 is that these mammoths were still living in these regions within the past 10,000 to 20,000 years. Carbon 14 dating of Siberian mammoths has returned dates as early as 9670± 40 years before present (BP).41 An even more recent study (1995) carried out on mammoth remains located on Wrangel Island (on the border of the East-Siberian and Chukchi Seas) showed that woolly mammoths persisted on Wrangel Island in the mid-Holocene, from 7390-3730 years ago (i.e., till about ~2,000 B.C.)57 So, why is this a problem? Contrary to popular imagination, these creatures were not surrounded by the extremely cold, harsh environments that exist in these northerly regions today. Rather, they lived in rather lush steppe-type conditions to include evidence of large fruit bearing trees, abundant grasslands, and the very large numbers and types of grazing animals already mentioned only to be quickly and collectively annihilated over huge areas by rapid weather changes. Clearly, the present is far far different than even the relatively recent past must have been. Sound too far fetched? Consider that the last meal of the famous Berezovka mammoth (see picture above), found north of the Artic Circle, consisted of "twenty-four pounds of undigested vegetation" 39 to include over 40 types of plants; many no longer found in such northerly regions.43 The enormous quantities of food it takes to feed an elephant of this size (~300kg per day) is, by itself, very good evidence for a much different climate in these regions than exists today.39 Consider the following comment by Zazula et. al. published the June 2003 issue of Nature: "This vegetation [Beringia: Includes an area between Siberia and Alaska as well as the Yukon Territory of Canada] was unlike that found in modern Arctic tundra, which can sustain relatively few mammals, but was instead a productive ecosystem of dry grassland that resembled extant subarctic steppe communities . . . Abundant sage (Artemisia frigida) leaves, flowers from Artemisia sp., and seeds of bluegrass (Poa), wild-rye grass (Elymus), sedge (Carex) and rushes (Juncus/Luzula) . . . Seeds of cinquefoil (Potentilla), goosefoot (Chenopodium), buttercup (Ranunculus), mustard (Draba), poppy (Papaver), fairy-candelabra (Androsace septentrionalis), chickweed (Cerastium) and campion (Silene) are indicative of diverse forbs growing on dry, open, disturbed ground, possibly among predominantly arid steppe vegetation. Such an assemblage has no modern analogue in Arctic tundra. Local habitat diversity is indicated by sedge and moss peat from deposits that were formed in low-lying wet areas . . . [This region] must have been covered with vegetation even during the coldest part of the most recent ice age (some 24,000 years ago) because it supported large populations of woolly mammoth, horses, bison and other mammals during a time of extensive Northern Hemisphere glaciation." 42 Now, does it really make sense for this region to be so warm, all year round, while the same latitudes on other parts of the globe where covered with extensive glaciers? Siberia, Alaska and Northern Europe and parts of northwestern Canada were all toasty warm while much of the remaining North American Continent and Greenland were covered with huge glaciers? Really? Beyond this, consider that the mammoths didn't have hair erector muscles that enable an animal's fur to be "fluffed-up", creating insulating air pockets. They also lacked oil glands to protect against wetness and increased heat loss in extremely cold and damp environments. Animals currently living in Arctic regions have both oil glands and erector muscles. Of course, the mammoth did have a certain number of cold weather adaptations compared to its living cousins, the elephants; such as smaller ears, trunk and tail, fine woolly under-fur and long outer "protective" hair, and a thick layer of insulating fat,39 but these would by no means be enough to survive in the extremes of cold, ice and snow found in these same regions today - not to mention the lack of an adequate food supply. It seems very much as Sir Henry Howorth concluded back in the late 19th century: "The instances of the soft parts of the great pachyderms being preserved are not mere local and sporadic ones, but they form a long chain of examples along the whole length of Siberia, from the Urals to the land of the Chukchis [the Bering Strait], so that we have to do here with a condition of things which prevails, and with meteorological conditions that extend over a continent. When we find such a series ranging so widely preserved in the same perfect way, and all evidencing a sudden change of climate from a comparatively temperate one to one of great rigour, we cannot help concluding that they all bear witness to a common event. We cannot postulate a separate climate cataclysm for each individual case and each individual locality, but we are forced to the conclusion that the now permanently frozen zone in Asia became frozen at the same time from the same cause."40 Actually, northern portions of Asia, Europe, and North America contain the remains of extinct species of the elephant [mammoth] and rhinoceros, together with those of horses, oxen, deer, and other large quadrupeds.39 Even though the evidence speaks against the "instant" catastrophic event freeze that some have suggested,39 the weather change was still a real and relatively sudden change to a much colder and much harsher environment compared to the relatively temperate and abundant conditions that once existed in these northerly regions around much of the globe. Is it not then a least reasonable to hypothesize that Greenland also had such a temperate climate in the resent past, loosing its icecap completely and growing lush vegetation? If not, how was the Greenland ice sheet able to be so resistant to the temperate climate surrounding it on all sides for hundreds much less thousands of years? (Back to Top) A Recently Green Greenland? Interestingly enough, crushed plant parts have been found in the ice sheets of northeastern Greenland – from a dike ridge of a glacier. This silty plant material was said to give off a powerful odor, like that of decaying organic matter.17 This material was examined for fossils by Esa Hyyppa of the Geological Survey of Finland, who noted the following: “The silt examined contained two whole leaves, several leaf fragments and two fruits of Dryas octopetala; [also] a small, partly decayed leaf of a shrub species not definitely determinable . . . and an abundance of much decayed, small fragments of plant tissues, mostly leaf veins and root hairs . . . " 17 It is most Interesting that scientists think that this plant material must have originated from some superficial deposit in a distant valley floor of Greenland and that this material was squeezed up from the base of the ice. Some scientists have even suggested that, “The modern aspect of the flora precludes a preglacial time of origin for it.” 17 Note also that the northeastern corner of Greenland is actually its coldest region. It has a “continental climate that is remote from the influence of the sea.” 18 The ocean dramatically affects climate. That is why regions like the north central portions of the United States have such long, cold winters when compared to equal latitudes along the eastern seaboard. Northeastern Greenland, therefore, would have the coldest climate of the entire island. Also, consider that just this past July of 2004, plant material consisting of probable grass or pine needles and bark was discovered at the bottom of the Greenland ice sheet under about 10,400 feet of ice. Although thought to be several million years old, Dorthe Dahl-Jensen, a professor at the University of Copenhagen's Niels Bohr Institute and NGRIP project leader noted that the such plant material found under about 10,400 feet of ice indicates the Greenland Ice Sheet "formed very fast."38 Beyond the obvious fact that such types of organic material suggest an extremely rapid climactic change and burial by ice, the question is, Why hasn't such organic material been stripped completely off Greenland by now by the flowing ice sheets? For instance, we know how fast these ice sheets move - up to 100 meters per year in central regions and up to 10 miles per year for several of Greenland's major glaciers. Given several hundred thousand to over a few million years of such scrubbing by moving ice sheets, how could significant amounts of such organic material remain on the surface of Greenland? In just the last 100 years Glacier National Park has gone from having over 150 glaciers to just 35 today. And, those that remain have already lost over 90% of the volume that they had 100 years ago. "For instance, the Qori Kalis Glacier in Peru is shrinking at a rate of 200 meters per year, 40 times as fast as in 1978 when the rate was only 5 meters per year. And, it's just one of the hundreds of glaciers that are vanishing. Ice is also disappearing from the Arctic Ocean and Greenland at an astounding rate that has taken scientists completely off guard. More than a hundred species of animals have been spotted moving to more northerly regions than they usually occupy. Many kinds of temperate plants are also growing much farther north and at higher elevations. Given all of these surprising rapid turn of events, even mainstream scientists are presenting some rather interesting scenarios as to what will happen to massive ice sheets like that found on Greenland in the near future. In some scenarios, the ice on Greenland eventually melts, causing sea levels to rise some 18 feet (~6 meters). Melt just the West Antarctic ice sheet as well, and sea levels jump another 18 feet.34 The speed of glacial demise is only recently being appreciated by scientists who are "stunned" to realize that glaciers all around the world, like those of Mt. Kilimanjaro, the Himalayas just beneath Mt. Everest, the high Andes, Swiss Alps, and even Iceland, will be completely gone within just 30 years.33 The same thing happened to the Langjokull Ice Cap, in Iceland, during the Hypsithermal based on benthic diatom data. "Langjokull must have disappeared in the early Holocene for such a diverse, benthic dominated diatom assemblage to flourish."58 It's about to happen again. Of course, this begs the question as to how the ice sheets on Greenland and elsewhere, which are currently melting much faster than they are forming with just a 1°C rise in global temperature, could have survived for several thousand years during the very recent Hypsithermal period when global temperatures were another 2°C degrees warmer than today and temperatures within the Arctic Circle were between 20 and 40ºC warmer? (Back to Top) First glance intuition is often very helpful in coming up with a good hypothesis to explain a given phenomenon, such as the hundreds of thousands of layers of ice found in places like Greenland and Antarctica. It seems down right intuitive that each layer found in these ice sheets should represent an annual cycle. After all, this seems to fit the uniformitarian paradigm so well. However, a closer inspection of the data seems to favor a much more recent and catastrophic model of ice sheet formation. Violent weather disturbances with large storms, a sudden cold snap, and high precipitation rates could very reasonably give rise to all the layers, dust bands, and isotope variations etc. that we find in the various ice sheets today. So, which hypothesis carries more predictive power? Is there more evidence for a much warmer climate all around Greenland in the recent past or for the survival of the Greenland Ice sheet, without melting, for hundreds of thousands to millions of years? Both positions cannot be right. One of them has to be wrong. Can all the frozen temperate plants and animals within the Arctic Circle trump interpretation of ocean core sediments, coral dating, radiometric dating, sedimentation rate extrapolations, isotope matches between ocean and ice cores and Milankovitch cycles? Most scientists don't think so. Personally, I don't see why not? For me, the evidence of warm-weather animals and plants living all around Greenland around the entire Arctic Circle, is especially overwhelming. (Back to Top) D.A., Gow, A.J., Alley, R.B., Zielinski, G.A., Grootes, P.M., Ram, K., Taylor, K.C., Mayewski, P.A. and Bolzan, J.F., “The Greenland Ice Sheet Project 2 depth-age scale: Methods and results”, Journal of Geophysical Research Craig H., Horibe Y., Sowers T., “Gravitational Separation of Gases and Isotopes in Polar Ice Caps”, Science, 242(4885), 1675-1678, Dec. 23, 1988. Hall, Fred. “Ice Cores Not That Simple”, AEON II: 1, 1989:199 P.M. and Stuiver, M., Oxygen 18/16 variability in Greenland snow and ice with 10-3 to 105 – year time resolution. Journal of Geophysical Research R.B. et al., Visual-stratigraphic dating of the GISP2 ice core: Basis, reproducibility, and application. Journal of Geophysical Research Borisov P., Can Man Change the Climate?, trans. V. Levinson (Moscow, U. S. S. 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Barbara Stenni, Valerie Masson-Delmotte, Sigfus Johnsen, Jean Jouzel, Antonio Longinelli, Eric Monnin, Regine Ro¨thlisberger, Enrico Selmo, “An Oceanic Cold Reversal During the Last Deglaciation”, Nature 280:644, 1979. Wettlaufer, J.W., Premelting and anomalous diffusion in ancient ice, FOCUS session, March 16, 2001. Rempel, A., Wettlaufer, J., Waddington E., Worster, G., "Chemicals in ancient ice move, affecting ice cores", Nature, May 31, 2001. (http://unisci.com/stories/20012/0531012.htm) (http://www.washington.edu/newsroom/news/2001archive/05-01archive/k053001.html) The Olympian, "National Park's Famous Glaciers Rapidly Disappearing", Sunday, November 24, 2002. (http://www.theolympian.com/home/news/20021124/northwest/14207.shtml) John Carey, Global Warming - Special Report, BusinessWeek, August 16, 2004, pp 60-69. 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( http://www.answersingenesis.org/Home/Area/Magazines/tj/docs/tj14_3-mo_mammoth.pdf ) Henry H. Howorth, The Mammoth and the Flood (London: Samson Low, Marston, Searle, and Rivington, 1887), pp. 96 Mol, Y. Coppens, A.N. Tikhonov, L.D. Agenbroad, R.D.E. Macphee, C. Flemming, A. Greenwood, B Buigues, C. De Marliave, B. van Geel, G.B.A. van Reenen, J.P. Pals, D.C. Fisher, D. Fox, "The Jarkov Mammoth: 20,000-Year-Old carcass of Siberian woolly mammoth Mammuthus Primigenius" (Blumenbach, 1799), The World of Elephants - International Congress, Rome 2001 ( http://www.cq.rm.cnr.it/elephants2001/pdf/305_309.pdf ) Grant D. Zazula, Duane G. Froese, Charles E. Schweger, Rolf W. Mathewes, Alwynne B. Beaudoin, Alice M. Telka, C. Richard Harington, John A Westgate, "Palaeobotany: Ice-age steppe vegetation in east Beringia", Nature 423, 603 (05 June 2003) ( http://www.sfu.ca/~qgrc/zazula_2003b.pdf ) Shukman, David, Greenland Ice-Melt 'Speeding Up', BBC News, UK Edition, 28 July, 2004. ( http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3922579.stm ) Gary Braasch, Glaciers and Glacial Warming, Receding Glaciers, 2005. ( http://www.worldviewofglobalwarming.org/pages/glaciers.html ) Jerome Bernard, Polar Ice Cap Melting at Alarming Rate, COOLSCIENCE, Oct. 24, 2003 ( http://cooltech.iafrica.com/science/280851.htm ) Steve Connor, Melting Greenland Glacier May Hasten Rise in Sea Level, Independent - Common Dreams News Center, July 25, 2005 ( http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/0725-02.htm ) Animation of Eastern Alp Glacial Retreat, Institut für Fernerkundung und Photogrammetrie Technische Universität Graz, Last accessed, September, 2005 ( Play Video ) Lynn Jenner, Glaciers Surge When Ice Shelf Breaks Up, National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), September 21, 2004. ( Link ) Geoffrey Lean, The Big Thaw, Znet, accessed 2/06 (Link) Zbigniew Jaworowski, Another Global Warming Fraud Exposed: Ice Core Data Show No Carbon Dioxide Increase, 21st Century, Spring 1997. ( Link ) and in a Statement written for a Hearing before the US Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, Climate Change: Incorrect information on pre-industrial CO2, March 19, 2004 ( Link ) Don Behm, Into the spotlight: Leno, scientists alike want to hear explorer's findings, Journal Sentinel, July 21, 2006 ( Link ) Kelly Young, Greenland ice cap may be melting at triple speed, NewScientist.com News Service, August 10, 2006 ( Link ) L. D. Keigwin, J. P. Sachs, Y. Rosenthal, and E. A. Boyle, The 8200 year B.P. event in the slope water system, western subpolar North Atlantic, Paleoceanography, Vol. 20, PA2003, doi:10.1029/2004PA001074, 2005 ( Link ) Nicole Petit-Maire, Philippe Bouysse, and others, Geological records of the recent past, a key to thenear future world environments, Episodes, Vol. 23, no. 4, December 2000 ( Link ) Harvey Nichols, Open Arctic Ocean Commentary, Climate Science: Roger Pielke Sr. Research Group Weblog, July 12, 2006 ( Link ) Vartanyan S.L., Kh. A. Arslanov, T.V. Tertychnaya, and S.B. Chernov, Radiocarbon Dating Evidence for Mammoths on Wrangel Island, Arctic Ocean, until 2000 BC, Radiocarbon Volume 37, Number 1, 1995, pp. 1-6. ( Link ) Black, J.L., Miller, G.H., and Geirsdottir, A., Diatoms as Proxies for a Fluctuating Ice Cap Margin, Hvitarvatn, Iceland, AGU Meeting - abstract, 2005 ( Link ) The following is from an E-mail exchange with C. Leroy Ellenberger, best known as a one-time advocate, but now a prolific critic of controversial writer/catastrophist Immanuel Velikovsky. My response follows: July 26, 2007: Talbott STILL does not GET IT concerning the ability of the ice at high altitude at the summit of the Greenland ice cap to have survived the global warming that occurred during the Hypsithermal period. Just because it was six or so degrees warmer at sea level during that time DOES NOT AUTOMATICALLY mean that it was six degrees warmer at the high altitude at Greenland's summit, due to adiabatic cooling; or even if it were six degrees warmer at the summit does not mean that the summer temperature necessarily got above freezing. AS I said in July 1994, we can ski Hawaii and Chile even while the folks at sea level are basking almost naked in the sun. And besides, the cores contain NO INDICATION that such wholesale melting, draining away untold number of annual layers, has even happened at the summit of Greenland in the past 110,000 years. Period. As Paul Simon sez in "The Boxer": "The man hears what he wants to hear and disregards the rest." That is Dave Talbott, "clueless in the mythosphere". I would also like to point out what Robert Grumbine told me earlier today: if, say, 10,000 annual layers were melted, as Talbott would like to believe, then it would have been impossible for Bob Bass to get the high correlation he did between the signals in ice core profiles and Milankovitch cycles. LeroyHigh altitude doesn't seem to be a helpful argument when it comes to explaining the preservation of Greenland Ice sheets during the thousands of years (6-7kyr) of Hypsithermal (Middle Holocene) warming. Why? Because what supports the high altitude of the ice in Greenland? Obviously, it is the ice itself.I mean really, note that the altitude of the ice sheet in Greenland is about 2,135 meters. Now, consider that about 2,000 meters of this altitude is made up of the thickness of the ice itself. If you warm up this region so that the lower altitudes start to melt, the edges are going to start receding at a rate that is faster than the replacement of the total ice lost. In short, the total volume of the ice will decrease and the ice sheet will become thinner as it flows peripherally. This will reduce the altitude of the ice sheet and increase the total amount of surface area exposed to the warmer temperatures. This cycle will only increase over the time of increased warmness.Consider this in the light of what is happening to the ice sheet in Greenland today with only a one degree increase in the average global temperature over the past 100 years or so. Currently, the ice is melting at 239 cubic kilometers per year (measured from April 2002 to November 2005). And, we aren't yet close to the average global warmness thought to have been sustained during the Hypsithermal (another 3 to 5 degrees warmer). If that's not a problem I don't know what is? But, as you pointed out, "A man hears what he wants to hear and disregards the rest." - but I suppose you are immune to this sort of human bias?As far as Milankovitch Cycles and the fine degree of correlation achieved, ever hear of "tuning"? If not, perhaps it might be interesting to look into just a bit. Milankovitch cycles seem, to me at least, to have a few other rather significant problems as well.Sean Pitman Sean . . . While your logic is unassailable, it is based on a false premise concerning how much warming occurred during the mid-Holocene Hypsithermal period. (1) Contrary to what you and Charles Ginenthal claim (coincidentally or not), there was no ca. 5 degree rise in average global temperature during the Hypsithermal, more generally known as the Atlantic period, from ca. 6000 B.C. to 3000 B.C. This 5 degrees is a figure that was derived for the rise in temperature in Europe, according to the source cited by Ginenthal. The consensus among climatologists is that the average global rise in temperature in the Hypsithermal/Atlantic period was about one degree, which we are seeing now. (2) However, regardless what the temperature rise might have been, another line of evidence contradicts your and Ginenthal's position. The hundreds of sediment cores extracted from the bottom of the Arctic Ocean indicate that during the past 70,000 years the Arctic Ocean has never been ice free and therefore never warm enough for all the melting you, Ginenthal, and Talbott claim allegedly happened. I urge you to read Mewhinney's Part 2 of "Minds in Ablation" and see if your dissertation on ancient ice does not need some revision or dismantling. It would appear that Dave Talbott's gloating in his email to this list at Thu, 26 Jul 3007 20:20:19-0400 (EDT), was not only premature, but totally unjustified. Richard Alley [author of The Two Mile Time Machine] received my email while he was en route to Greenland, but he took the time to send the following reply, for which I am most grateful and which is above my request: "Modelers such as P. Huybrechts have looked into this. In the models, there exist solutions in which somewhat smaller and steeper ice sheets are stable; warming causes melting back of the margins but not enough melting across the cold top of the ice sheet to generate abundant meltwater runoff. Averaged over the last few decades, iceberg calving has removed about half of the snow accumulation on Greenland, and melting the other half. Warming causing retreat would pull the ice largely or completely out of the ocean, thus reducing or eliminating the loss by calving; without losing icebergs, less snowfall is required to maintain the ice sheet, so stability is possible with more melting. Too much warming and the ice sheet no longer has a steady solution. The model results shown in our review paper are relevant." - Alley, R.B., P.U. Clark, P. Huybrechts and I. Joughin. Ice-sheet and sea-level changes. Science 310: 456-460 (2005). On 7/26/07 8:17 PM, "Leroy Ellenberger" I appreciate your response. It seems to me though that you are now simply throwing out anything that comes to mind to see if it will fly. First you argue that the altitude of Greenland would preserve the ice sheet in a warm environment for thousands of years. But, now that you see that this argument is untenable, you have now decided that it must not have been that warm during the Hypsithermal? I've read through Mewhinney's "Minds in Ablation" several times now in my consideration of this topic. To be frank, I don't see where Mewhinney convincingly deals with the topic of the Hypsithermal warm period. For example, you argue that there was only a significant rise in temperature (relative to today) in Europe. Beyond this, you suggest that the overall average global temperature during the Hypsithermal was about the same as the average global temperature today. Well, it seems to me like there are at least a few potential problems here. The first problem is that even at current global temperatures, the Greenland Ice sheet is in ablation at a rate that would easily melt it well within the time frame of the Hypsithermal period - several times over. Also, the notion that only Europe experienced significantly increased temperatures doesn't seem to gel quite right with the available facts. Harvey Nichols, back in the late 60s, published a study of the history of the "Canadian Boreal forest-tundra ecotone". This study "suggested that the arctic tree-line had moved northwards 350 to 400 km beyond its modern position (extending soils evidence collected by Irving and Larsen, in Bryson et al. 1965, ref. 6) during the mid-Holocene warm period, the Hypsithermal. The climatic control of the modern arctic tree-line indicated that prolonged summer temperature anomalies of ~ + 3 to 4 C were necessary for this gigantic northward shift of the tree-line, thus fulfilling Budyko's temperature requirement for the melting of Arctic Ocean summer ice pack. A more extensive peat stratigraphic and palynological study (Nichols, 1975, ref. 7) confirmed and extended the study throughout much of the Canadian Northwest Territories of Keewatin and Mackenzie, with a paleo-temperature graph based on fossil pollen and peat and timber macrofossil analyses. This solidified the concept of a +3.5 to 4 degree (+/- 0.5) C summer warming, compared to modern values, for the Hypsithermal episode 3500 BP back at least to 7000 before present, again suggesting that by Budyko's (1966) calculations there should have been widespread summer loss of Arctic Ocean pack ice. By this time J.C. Ritchie and F. K. Hare (1971, ref.8) had also reported timber macrofossils from the far northwest of Canada's tundra from even earlier in the Hypsithermal." Harvey Nichols (1967a) "The post-glacial history of vegetation and climate at Ennadai Lake, Keewatin, and Lynn Lake, Manitoba (Canada)", Eiszeitalter und Gegenwart, vol. 18, pp. 176 - 197. H. Nichols (1967b) "Pollen diagrams from sub-arctic central Canada", Science 155, 1665 - 1668. These "warm" features are not limited to Canada or Europe, but can be seen around the entire Arctic Circle. Large trees as well as fruit bearing trees and peat bogs, all of which have been dated as being no older than a few tens of thousands of years, are found along the northern most coasts of Russia, Canada, and Europe - often well within the boundaries of the Arctic Circle. Millions of Wholly Mammoth along with horse, lion, tiger, leopard, bear, antelope, camel, reindeer, giant beaver, musk sheep, musk ox, donkey, ibex, badger, fox, wolverine, voles, squirrels, bison, rabbit and lynx as well as a host of temperate plants are still being found all jumbled together within the Artic Circle - along the same latitudes as Greenland all around the globe. Again, the remains of many of these plants and animals date within a few tens of thousands of years ago. Yet, their presence required much warmer conditions within the Arctic Circle than exist today - as explained by Nichols above. And, this problem isn't limited to the Hypsithermal period. Speaking of the area between Siberia and Alaska as well as the Yukon Territory of Canada Zazula et al said, "[This region] must have been covered with vegetation even during the coldest part of the most recent ice age (some 24,000 years ago) because it supported large populations of woolly mammoth, horses, bison and other mammals during a time of extensive Northern Hemisphere glaciation." Grant D. Zazula, Duane G. Froese, Charles E. Schweger, Rolf W. Mathewes, Alwynne B. Beaudoin, Alice M. Telka, C. Richard Harington, John A Westgate, "Palaeobotany: Ice-age steppe vegetation in east Beringia", Nature 423, 603 (05 June 2003) ( http://www.sfu.ca/~qgrc/zazula I don't get it? Was it much warmer than today all the way around the Arctic Circle, everywhere, and still cold in Greenland? How is such a feat achieved? As far as your "other lines of evidence" they all seem shaky to me in comparison to the overwhelming evidence of warm-weather plants and animals living within the Arctic Circle within the last 20kyr or so. The patterns of sedimentary cores are, by the way, subject to the very subjective process of "tuning" - as noted in my essay on Milankovitch Theory. Richard Alley's argument that smaller "steeper" ice sheets are more stable during warm periods doesn't make any sense to me. Ice sheets flow. They don't remain "steep" or all humped up like Half-Dome. To significantly increase the "steepness" or "slope" of the Greenland ice sheet, the overall size of the sheet would have to be reduced from over 2,000,000 square kilometers to just a few thousand to make a significant difference in the overall "steepness" of the Greenland ice sheet. Even today the Greenland ice is melting quite rapidly across most of "the top" as well as the sides. It is also melting in such a way that the surface meltwater percolates down through the entire ice sheet to create vast lakes at the bottom - lubricating the ice sheet and making it flow even faster. Just because it doesn't reach the ocean before it melts and turns into water doesn't mean that less ice is melting than before - i.e., just because it is flowing as liquid water instead of "calving" into the ocean. No, I'm afraid you, Mewhinney, and Alley have a long way to go to explain some of these interesting problems - at least to my own satisfaction. It seems like you all accept certain interpretations based on a limited data set while failing to seriously consider a significant amount of evidence that seems to fundamentally counter your position in a very convincing manner. Thanks again for your thoughts. I did find them very interesting. You raise a many points here in your rejoinder, some of which distort what I wrote. I have neither the resources nor the time to explore all the points you raise, if indeed they need to be explored considering Jim Oberg's remark to Warner Sizemore in a late 1978 letter about not needing to chase every hare Velikovsky set loose to know that Worlds in Collision is bogus. And for all the points you raise, many of them interesting about exotic Arctic conditions and so forth, you do not, as I see it, come to grips with the testimony from the Arctic Ocean sediment cores which indicate that body of water has never been ice free in the past 70,000 years, as would be the case if climate were as warm as you claim. This has to be a boundary condition on your speculations despite all the botanical and faunal activity in the Arctic during that time. Sure, the Pleistocene and early Holocene were interesting environments whose conditions we have difficulty understanding and doubly so as we project our own experiences on that extinct epoch. AS an example of a distortion of what I wrote, I did not claim Europe was the only area that warmed five degrees during the Hypsithermal, merely that it was the area mentioned in the source Ginenthal used to justify his claim of a global warming that large. As for the demise of the Pleistocene megafauna that seems to interest you so much, I can do no better that R. Dale Guthrie's Frozen Fauna of the Mammoth Steppe (U. Chi. Press, 1990) and William White's three part critique in Kronos XI: 1-3 which focusses on the extragant claims made over the years about the catastrophic demise and preservation of the frozen mammoths. White was rebutting my defense of the Sanderson-Velikovsky school of mammoth extinction earlier in Kronos. Oh yes, and do not forget William R. Farrand's 1961 classic "Frozen Mammoths and Modern Geology", SCIENCE 133, 729-35. I leave you with the closing quote of my previous email: "Mundus vult decipi ergo decipiatur". Sincerely, C. Leroy Ellenberger Dear Leroy,If you aren't interested in seriously considering some of the main points I've raised, that's up to you. It is just that so far I haven't seen anyone present any significantly cogent arguments against the evidence for a very warm and iceless Arctic Circle and Ocean in the recent past.You say I've not considered the evidence of the ocean cores, but I have considered this evidence. It is just that your interpretation of the ocean sediment cores seems to fly in the face of the overwhelming interpretation of the existence of warm-weather animal and plant life within the entire Arctic Circle in the recent past. Both interpretations simply can't be right. One has to win out over the other. It all boils down to which perspective carries with it the greatest degree of predictive power. Consider this in the light of the following interpretation of ocean cores take from the Barents Sea ( i.e., part of the Arctic Ocean):"Marine sediment cores [taken in the Barents Sea] representing the entire Holocene yielded foraminifera which showed that a temperature optimum (the early Hypsithermal) developed between 7800 and 6800 BP, registering prolonged seasonal (summer) ice free conditions, and progressing to 3700 BP with temperatures similar to those of today, after which a relatively abrupt cooling occurred." [emphasis mine]J-C Duplessy, E. Ivanova, I. Murdmaa, M. Paterne, and L. Labeyrie, ( 2001): "Holocene paleoceanography of the northern Barents Sea and variations of the northward heat transport by the Atlantic Ocean" in "Boreas" vol. 30, # 1, pp. 2 - 16.So, there you have it. How then can you argue that ocean core sediments conclusively support your contention that the Arctic Ocean has "never been ice free for the past 70,000 years"? Now, is that really true? - given the above reference?Also, I don't see that it matters what killed off the mammoths for the purposes of this discussion - catastrophic or otherwise. That has nothing to do with the fact that these creatures and many others lived in lush warm environments for a long period of time above and around the significant majority of the Arctic Circle in the recent past. This is an overwhelming fact with an equally overwhelming conclusion that makes it very hard to imagine how Greenland could have remained frozen the whole time.If you have something as far as real evidence or a reasonable explanation, I'd be quite interested. Otherwise, I'm not into a discussion that is mostly about who can list off the most pejoratives. That might be fun, but I'm really not up for that sort of thing . . .Sean Pitman Pulling a couple of points out of Pitman's latest 2 notes. And the ultimate argument -- it doesn't make sense to Pitman. Yet even though he quotes Alley's argument, he doesn't see the effect. Half the ice that is lost from Greenland today is lost by calving of iceberge. Icebergs aren't meltwater. Meltwater is the other half of the mass loss. The size of the ice sheet depends on the balance between income (accumulation) and outgo (melting, iceberg calving). No iceberg calving halves the outgo, letting the income side win out until the ice sheet gets so large that it starts calving again. Ice sheets do indeed flow. What Pitman has missed is covered well in the Paterson reference I made earlier. Namely, the flow rate depends on the temperture of the ice. Colder ice doesn't flow as fast as warm. A second feature he missed is that ice is an excellent insulater. It takes time for warmer conditions at the surface to warm the temperatures in the interior of the ice sheet. Enough time that parts of the Greenland ice sheet still 'remember' glacial maximum temperatures. Much more of the sheet would have remembered the glacial maximum conditions several kya than currently do so, and the ice would have been correspondingly stiffer, leading to more steeply-sloped sides. All the preceding, though, is aside. The real point is that in talking about the Greenland ice sheets' melting away during the hypisthermal, Pitman is making a _prediction_, not an observation. Yet he and some others are taking his prediction as observed fact. The preceding merely sheds a little light on what quality of prediction he made. More to the point is that if he were engaging in science, the thing he'd do following his prediction of the obliteration of the Greenland ice sheet is look for evidence that it had actually happened. Forests and mammoths don't show obliteration of ice sheets, so all that is irrelevant except as clues to what motivated the prediction. One good way of determining that Greenland had melted away is to find those extra 6 meters of sea level that it represents. Yet, in fact, the sea levels are higher now than any time in the last ~100 ky, including during the hypsithermal. In the second note: The Barents sea today is ice-free in the summer, yet there is a perennial Arctic sea ice pack. It was also ice free -- in summer -- during the 'little ice age'. The Barents sea is marginal for sea ice packs, so doesn't carry a perennial ice cover. William Chapman, at the University of Illinois, has a nice web site on sea ice conditions called 'the cryosphere today'. The National Snow and Ice Data Center carries more data, some Scandanavian records back several centuries included. Robert,Thank you for your thoughts. However, they still don't seem to solve the problem - as I understand it anyway.You present the seemingly obvious argument that the total ice lost from the Greenland ice sheet is the result of half melting and half calving. Obviously then, if the ice melts to a point where there is no more calving, half the loss is removed and the accumulation rate can keep up.Superficially this seems like an obvious conclusion. The problem here is that this argument does not take into account the etiology of calving - i.e., the flow of ice all the way to the ocean. If the ice sheet melts to such an extent that it no longer reaches the ocean, the ice sheet itself would have to be quite thin. Thick ice creates a lot of pressure on itself and flows over time at a rate that is fast enough to reach the ocean before it melts. The ice isn't going to be cold enough to make it "stiff" enough so that it doesn't flow at at least its current rate of flow (contrary to your suggestion). Also, the flow rate is only going to be increased over the current rate with increased areas of surface melting. This is due to the increased lubrication of the ice sheet from the percolation of liquid water from the surface to the base of the ice sheet.Also, the ice sheet isn't going to get much "steeper" than it already is. Why not? Because the thickness of the Greenland ice sheet is about 2 km, but around 1500 x 1500 km (2,175,590 sq km) in surface area. How does one create a relatively "steep" ice sheet unless the ice sheet one is thinking about is less than a few tens of km in maximum diameter?In short, it seems to me that it is the flow rate that is key, not the calving rate. Ice is lost at the flow rate regardless of the calving rate. Therefore, if the melting of the ice is so great that the flow rate cannot keep up in a way that allows calving into the ocean, this does not indicate a "halving" of the rate at which ice is lost from the sheet at all. It simply indicates that the flow rate cannot keep up with the increased melt rate. At this point the ice sheet would have become so thin that a much greater surface area would be exposed to summer melt - dramatically increasing the average yearly loss of ice as well as the flow rate (due to the lubrication effect).This sort of thing is already happening today. In the illustration below, note the significant increase in the area of summer melt in Greenland between 1992 and 2005, contributing to about 240 cubic kilometers of ice lost, per year, by 2005. This feature will only be enhanced as the Arctic region continues to warm - still well shy of the warmth experienced in this region during the thousands of years of the Hypsithermal. Pretty soon the entire sheet will be subject to summer melting. I'm sorry, but this increased melt rate over the entire sheet isn't going to be overcome by a decline in calving rate. That just doesn't happen. There simply is no example of such a thing as far as I am aware. But, I'd be very interested in any reference of such an observation or model to the contrary.Also, the notion that the Arctic Ocean was covered with ice during the Hypsithermal is significantly undermined by current melt rates of the Arctic Ocean ice. At current rates the ice will be pretty much gone well within 50 years (see figure below). In fact, some, like Walt Meier, a researcher at the U.S. National Snow and Ice Data Center in Boulder, Colorado, commented on these interesting findings notes that the melting of the Arctic ice cap in summer is progressing more rapidly than satellite images alone have shown. Given recent data such as this, climate researchers at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in California predict the complete absence of summer ice on the Arctic Ocean by 2030 or sooner.Don Behm, Into the spotlight: Leno, scientists alike want to hear explorer's findings, Journal Sentinel, July 21, 2006 ( Link )That's only about 20 years away. And you think all the evidence that the Hypsithermal was even warmer within the entire Arctic region isn't enough to suspect that the Arctic Ocean was probably ice free then as well as it is going to be in very short order today? It stretches one's credulity to think otherwise - does it not? Yet, you argue that forests, mammoths, peat bogs, and warm-water forams are "irrelevant" to this question - even when they appear within the Arctic Circle? Really?Thanks for your efforts though. But, I must say . . . I for one still don't "get it".Sean PitmanConsider also that fairly recent evidence has come to light that mammoths survived on Wrangel Island (located on the border of the East-Siberian and Chukchi Seas) until 2,000 B.C. That's right. This is no joke. Robert Grumbine presented an interesting challenge: "One good way of determining that Greenland had melted away is to find those extra 6 meters of sea level that it represents. Yet, in fact, the sea levels are higher now than any time in the last ~100 ky, including during the hypsithermal." Well, as it turns out, this observation has been made and reported by several scientists, to include NguyÔn V¨n B¸ch, Ph¹m ViÖt Nga of the institute of Oceanography, NCNST. These authors report the following findings: The study results of depositional environments provide with informations to reconstruct the sea-level positions in the last 6,000 years. Here, it must be admitted that in the time of 6,000 years or so before present in Trêng Sa region, the sea-level was higher than the present by 5 - 6m. That's why several coral reefs have the top surfaces of 5m in height. Nowadays, the most of scientific works touching upon Holocene sea-level changes support the conclusion that the sea-level was at +5m dated 6,000 years BP [1, 6]. Thus, in Trêng Sa Sea for the last 6,000 years BP sea-level has moved up and down 4 times (Fig.6) in a drop trend. The curve in Fig.6 is deduced from the study results of sedimentary sequence and stratigraphic, pollen-spores, chemical analysis and sedimentary basin analysis. NguyÔn V¨n B¸ch, Ph¹m ViÖt Nga, Holocene sea-level changes in Trêng Sa archipelago area, Institute of Oceanography, NCNST, Hoµng Quèc ViÖt, CÇu GiÊy, Hµ Néi, July 9, 2001 ( Link ) Robert Grumbine responds: Obliterating Greenland is a matter of global sea level, not merely local, so let's see [whether] the paper is about global sea level: . . . Worse, w.r.t. Pitman's cherry-picking, is that the same paper does include global sea level curves which do show that global sea level has not been several meters greater than present any time in the past 10ky (one stops there, the one that goes farther back shows no such higher sea level for the past 125 ky -- its limit). Not content to cherry-pick only a single local curve, it also turns out that he cherry-picked _which_ local curve. Figure 3 shows (and labels it so) Regional Sea Level curve, one curve for 'data scattered along the Vietnamese coast', and one for the Hoang So area. The latter accord with the global curve and aren't mentioned by Pitman. Fig 4 shows a curve for the Malaysia peninsula, which shows less sea level change than the scattered Vietnamese stations (4 m peak, vs the 5-6 Pitman quotes for the Vietnamese -- someone unknowledgeable but curious about the science would wonder why there were such very large differences over such small areas 0, 4, 5 meters in three nearby areas). The authors, even in translation, are clear about what they were doing and what they found. They found some interesting features in their local area. What they did not do, or attempt, or challenge, was to construct a global sea level curve. What's interesting, for their work, is that while global sea level was flat the last 6 ky, their area has been oscillating up and down. Robert,And that's the whole point. "Global" sea level curves for the Holocene seem to be extrapolations from regional sea level curves - curves that can vary widely with all kinds of theories as to the reasons for the regional differences. Some argue that:"The probability is strong that mid-Holocene eustatic sea level was briefly a meter or two higher than the present sea level, although separating isostatic and eustatic effects remains an impediment to conclusively demonstrating how much global ice volume was reduced. . .In summary, when relative sea-level records are reconstructed from paleoclimatological methods, all coastlines exemplify to one degree or another the complex processes confronting inhabitants of coastlines of Scandinavia, Chesapeake Bay, and Louisiana. Multiple processes can cause observed sea-level changes along any and all coastlines and uncertainty remains when attributing cause to reconstructed sea-level trends. Only through additional relative sea-level records (including sorely needed records from the LGM and early deglaciation), better glaciological budgets, and improved geophysical and glacial models will the many factors that control sea-level change be fully decoupled."Also note the Fairbridge curve with it's multiple Holocene blips several meters above today's "global" levels (Fig. 2):This hardly sounds to me like conclusive science - something upon which one can make very definitive negative or positive statements concerning the likely melt or non-melt of Greenland's ice. There's just not sufficient positive or negative predictive power. In short, its seems rather difficult to use such evidence, "cherry pick" if you will, and pretty much ignore the very strong evidence for a much warmer Arctic in the recent past than exists today - and the implications of this evidence for the survival of the Greenland ice sheet for thousands of years.Sean Pitman Current concepts of late Pleistocene sea level history, generally referred to the 14C time scale, differ considerably1. Some authors2,3 assume that the sea level at about 30,000 BP was comparable with that of the present and others4,5 assume a considerably lower sea level at that time. We have now obtained 14C dates from in situ roots and peat which indicate that the sea level was lowered eustaticly to at least 40−60 m below the present level between 36,000 and 10,000 BP. The sea level rose from -13 m to about +5 m from 8,000 to 4,000 BP and then approached its present level. [emphasis added] M. A. GEYH*, H. STREIF* & H.-R. KUDRASS, Sea-level changes during the late Pleistocene and Holocene in the Strait of Malacca, Nature 278, 441 - 443 (29 March 1979); doi:10.1038/278441a0 ( Link ) . Home Page . Truth, the Scientific Method, and Evolution . Maquiziliducks - The Language of Evolution . Defining Evolution . DNA Mutation Rates . Donkeys, Horses, Mules and Evolution . Amino Acid Racemization Dating . The Steppingstone Problem . Harlen Bretz . Milankovitch Cycles . Kenneth Miller's Best Arguments Since June 1, 2002

http://www.detectingdesign.com/ancientice.html

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USGS Multimedia Gallery This text will be replaced To embed this video, click "menu" on the video player toolbar. If no transcript and/or closed-caption is available, please notify us. Narrator: The earth has undergone dramatic change over its geologic history. As the earth has cooled and warmed, ice fields have advanced and receded. During warming periods, ice melts and water expands, causing sea-level rise. Scientists are studying how sea-level rise may affect coastal wetlands. A key study site is The Mississippi River Delta, which is experiencing high rates of relative sea-level rise due to rapid land subsidence. What is subsidence and how does it relate to sea-level rise? Narrator: Subsidence is the process of sinking to a lower level. Sediment deposited by the river undergoes subsidence due to compaction and dewatering. As water and gases are squeezed out of spaces between soil particles, soft sediment compacts. As the sediment compacts, subsidence occurs and the land gradually sinks. Buildings and other structures also sink along with the soil surface. The other process contributing to land loss is sea-level rise. As global temperatures rise and land based ice melts, oceans expand. As ocean volume expands, sea level rises globally. This is known as eustatic sea-level rise. Relative sea-level rise is the combination of eustatic rise in sea level and land movement and is unique for each location. The combination of the two processes determines the rate of submergence in each coastal area. Why is the Mississippi River Delta subsiding? Narrator: The Louisiana coast is a dynamic system, built in part by the action of the Mississippi River. To understand how subsidence affects the Mississippi River Delta and its wetlands, we first have to go back a few thousand years. Because glaciers were melting 8,000 years ago, sea levels were higher at that time, so much of the present day coast was under water. Where New Orleans is located today was also under the sea. Sea level continued rising forming a bay that would ultimately become Lake Pontchartrain. Sea-level rise then slowed and the river began building up sediments along the coast. Scientists call these deposits, delta lobes. Additional delta lobes were formed as the river switched from east to west and back again. When the river switched to a new course, the abandoned lobe began to deteriorate-a process that caused formation of barrier islands. The last area to form is what is now the modern delta. This cycle of land building followed by deterioration and rebuilding is a natural part of the delta cycle, which has created a vast expanse of marshes, swamps, and barrier islands. The river periodically overflowed its banks each spring delivering sediments to the coastal marshes and swamps. Then, Europeans arrived on the scene and established New Orleans in a bend of the Mississippi River. To prevent flooding of New Orleans, levees were built. And these were extended as the city grew. Then in the 1920s, there were catastrophic floods such as the great flood of 1927. Disastrous flooding prompted the construction of levees, which eventually extended the entire length of the lower part of the river. Levees prevented natural sediment delivery to wetlands in the delta. Instead, sediment was shunted offshore into deep water and the wetlands, sitting atop compacting sediment, began deteriorating. What other factors have caused wetland loss? Narrator: Scientists attribute a portion of wetland loss to direct and indirect effects of canals, which were built for navigation as well as for access to oil and gas wells. Material was dredged from the wetland and deposited in spoil banks along the canals. These spoil banks acted like levees blocking natural tides and currents and generally altered the hydrology, increasing the depth and duration of flooding. How does flooding affect wetland plants? Narrator: Wetland plants must tolerate periodic flooding. When a plant establishes in a well-drained soil, the pore spaces between soil particles are filled with oxygen. Upon flooding, however, soil pores become filled with water, and respiration of microorganisms uses up oxygen faster than it can be replaced. Thus, flooded soils have little or no oxygen. Plants tolerate such low-oxygen conditions by developing special air-space tissue inside the roots called aerenchyma, which creates an internal aeration pathway that allows oxygen in the atmosphere to reach the roots. This is one mechanism that allows plants to survive flooding. Although wetland plants are adapted for growth in flooded soils, excessive flooding causes stress and lowered productivity. Over time, the vegetation thins and dies out, leaving ponds that coalesce forming open water behind the spoil banks, which ultimately subside and disappear. Don't hurricanes destroy wetlands? Narrator: Storms and hurricanes can also damage wetlands, causing shoreline erosion, burial with wrack, which smothers vegetation, and other impacts. However, hurricanes may also deliver nourishing sediment that counterbalances subsidence. Hurricane Katrina, for example, delivered several centimeters of sediment to coastal marshes, raising soil elevations and re-invigorating marshes. Evidence of sedimentation from prehistoric hurricanes can be seen in cores collected from coastal marshes, indicating that storm sediments have also contributed to accretion in the past. What about saltwater intrusion? Narrator: Rising sea level can also bring saltwater farther inland. A common misconception, however, is that all wetland plants are harmed by saltwater. In fact several coastal plant species are tolerant of sea-strength salinity due to special morphological and physiological adaptations. For example, the extensive salt marshes in the coastal zone are dominated by a plant, which grows well in saltwater, called smooth cordgrass. Another species common to the coastal fringe is the black mangrove. These species have salt glands in their leaves, which excrete salts onto the leaf surface where they crystallize. This is just one of several special mechanisms allowing such species, known as halophytes, to thrive in saltwater. Other species common to coastal marshes have lower tolerances of saltwater-these are found in intermediate and brackish habitats where they grow well under low to moderate salinity levels. The most sensitive plants are found in freshwater wetlands. The species here can be killed by sudden pulses of saltwater. However, depending on the duration of exposure and other factors, the community may recover from seeds contained in the seed bank. What, then, is the cause of wetland loss? Narrator: The causes of wetland loss are complex and not the result of a single factor. Instead, wetland loss is the consequence of multiple interacting natural and human-induced factors such as subsidence associated with the deltaic cycle and the leveeing of the Mississippi River, in combination with regional and global changes such as sea-level rise and climate change. One thing is certain. The Mississippi River Delta is a dynamic system that has undergone dramatic changes over its geologic history and will likely continue to change in the future. Title: Sea-Level Rise, Subsidence, and Wetland Loss This video describes causes of wetland loss in the Mississippi River Delta. Rapid land subsidence due to sediment compaction and dewatering increases the rate of submergence in this deltaic system. The construction of levees along the lower Mississippi River also has reduced delivery of sediments to coastal wetlands, which have been deteriorating as soil surfaces sink and wetland plants are subjected to excessive flooding. Other factors that have contributed to land loss include construction of canals and periodic hurricanes. Sea-level rise can lead to movement of saltwater inland, but coastal plants tolerate salinity through several morphological and physiological mechanisms. The causes of wetland loss are complex and not the result of any single factor. Natural and anthropogenic factors have combined with global processes such as sea level rise to cause wetland loss in the Mississippi River Delta. Location: Mississippi River Delta, MA, USA Date Taken: 9/1/2010 Video Producer: Karen McKee , U.S. Geological Survey Note: This video has been released into the public domain by the U.S. Geological Survey for use in its entirety. Some videos may contain pieces of copyrighted material. If you wish to use a portion of the video for any purpose, other than for resharing/reposting the video in its entirety, please contact the Video Producer/Videographer listed with this video. Please refer to the USGS Copyright section for how to credit this video. Read the Global Change Impacts on Mangrove Ecosystems USGS fact sheet for more information. Suggest an update to the information/tags? * DOI and USGS link and privacy policies apply.

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The IMF, Money, International Trade and Cooperation (Activities: Cornerstones of the IMF and Trading Around the World) Themes: Trade, Cooperation, Money and the International Monetary Fund - Students will enhance their comprehension of international trade and the role of the IMF. - Students will raise their awareness about the benefits of cooperation. - Students will be able to participate in a collaborative learning environment where the students teach and learn from each other. Rationale: In a world that is increasingly interconnected by trade, technology and travel, it is important for people to promote and practice cooperation. The mission of the IMF is to work with countries from around the world to help foster economic growth. - ADVANCED ORGANIZER - Visit lobby with flags - emphasize the international nature of the Fund. - Brief introduction to the purpose of the IMF. - Revisit students' understanding of "international" from pre-lesson: - Can you recap the Five Ring activity?. - What kinds of objects did you bring from home? - the IMF has designed two fun activities for you today. One is called the "Cornerstones of the IMF" four ways to understand what the IMF is all about. The second activity is called "Trading Around the World" where you will get an opportunity to buy and sell goods from all over the world. - CORNERSTONES OF THE IMF (40 minutes) Divide the class into 4 groups and assign a teacher to each group. Each group will get 20 minutes to work together to "solve" the activity. Afterwards, each group will present their findings to the class as a whole (each group will have 5 minutes). - TRADING AROUND THE WORLD (20 minutes) Divide the class into 5 teams (each group will represent a continent as well as 2 products). The objective of the game is to buy and sell as many products as possible, using the least amount of currency. Each team will begin with an equivalent amount of currencies and are responsible for setting prices to selling and buying goods. After 10 minutes of trading, each group will explain their strategy in selling and buying the products. First report: what products did they export, what products did they import, how will they use the new imports, and how much profit or loss did the team make. - Emphasize how the group activities during "today's visit" are dependent on cooperation from classmates. Just as you have demonstrated cooperation during today's "visit" to IMF, the IMF practices cooperation as well. Here are three ways the IMF shows cooperation: In addition to learning about cooperation, what else did you learn today about the IMF? - Countries talk to each other and work together (no country should take economic measures that will hurt the economic well being of another country). Board of Directors (1 Managing Director, 3 Deputy Managing Directors, and 24 Executive Directors) meet 3 times a week to discuss economic issues affecting individual countries and their votes are cooperative with a majority rule (show picture of IMF Board Room). Most decisions are discussed until they reach a common agreement "consensus" and don't come to a vote. - A small, multi-national team of economists visits each member country once a year to make suggestions of how to keep that economy healthy. - IMF helps countries in economic need to develop their country's economic pro-gram. If the economy of a country suffers an economic problem, the country goes to the IMF to ask for help. The result of this cooperation is a program in which a country tells the IMF how they are going to cut their spending and strengthen their economy. - The IMF is an international organization. - The IMF helps to stabilize currencies, which helps to stabilize economies, which ultimately leads to improved living standards of people around the world. All About Money Curriculum Table of Contents

http://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/center/students/ms/lptradei.htm

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The Transatlantic Slave Trade Over the course of more than three and a half centuries, the forcible transportation in bondage of at least twelve million men, women, and children from their African homelands to the Americas changed forever the face and character of the modern world. The slave trade was brutal and horrific, and the enslavement of Africans was cruel, exploitative, and dehumanizing. Together, they represent one of the longest and most sustained assaults on the very life, integrity, and dignity of human beings in history. In the Americas, besides the considerable riches their free labor created for others, the importation and subsequent enslavement of the Africans would be the major factor in the resettlement of the continents following the disastrous decline in their indigenous population. Between 1492 and 1776, an estimated 6.5 million people migrated to and settled in the Western Hemisphere. More than five out of six were Africans. Although victimized and exploited, they created a new, largely African, Creole society and their forced migration resulted in the emergence of the so-called Black The transatlantic slave trade laid the foundation for modern capitalism, generating immense wealth for business enterprises in America and Europe. The trade contributed to the industrialization of northwestern Europe and created a single Atlantic world that included western Europe, western Africa, the Caribbean islands, and the mainlands of North and South America. On the other hand, the overwhelming impact on Africa of its involvement in the creation of this modern world was negative. The continent experienced the loss of a significant part of its able-bodied population, which played a part in the social and political weakening of its societies that left them open, in the nineteenth century, to colonial domination and exploitation. The Development of the Trade In the mid-fifteenth century, Portuguese ships sailed down the West African coast in a maneuver designed to bypass the Muslim North Africans, who had a virtual monopoly on the trade of sub-Saharan gold, spices, and other commodities that Europe wanted. These voyages resulted in maritime discoveries and advances in shipbuilding that later would make it easier for European vessels to navigate the Atlantic. Over time, the Portuguese vessels added another commodity to their cargo: African men, women, and For the first one hundred years, captives in small numbers were transported to Europe. By the close of the fifteenth century, 10 percent of the population of Lisbon, Portugal, then one of the largest cities in Europe, was of African origin. Other captives were taken to islands off the African shore, including Madeira, Cape Verde, and especially São Tomé, where the Portuguese established sugar plantations using enslaved labor on a scale that foreshadowed the development of plantation slavery in the Americas. Enslaved Africans could also be found in North Africa, the Middle East, Persia, India, the Indian Ocean islands, and in Europe as far as Russia. English and Dutch ships soon joined Portugal's vessels trading along the African coast. They preyed on the Portuguese ships, while raiding and pillaging the African mainland as well. During this initial period, European interest was particularly concentrated on Senegambia. Culturally and linguistically unified through Islam and in some areas, Manding culture and language, the region and Mali to its east had a long and glorious history, centered on the ancient Kingdom of Ghana and the medieval empires of Mali and Songhay. Its interior regions of Bure and Bambuk were rich in gold. It reached the Mediterranean and hence Europe from Songhay. The slave trade was closely linked to the Europeans' insatiable hunger for gold, and the arrival of the Portuguese on the " Gold Coast" (Ghana) in the 1470s tapped these inland sources. Later, they developed commercial and political relations with the kingdoms of Benin (in present-day Nigeria) and Kongo. The Kongo state became Christianized and, in the process, was undermined by the spread of the slave trade. Benin, however, restricted Portuguese influence and somewhat limited the trade in human Starting in 1492, Africans were part of every expedition into the regions that became the American Spanish colonies. By the beginning of the sixteenth century, they were brought as slaves to grow sugar and mine gold on Hispaniola, and were forced to drain the shallow lakes of the Mexican plateau, thereby finalizing the subjugation of the Aztec nation. In a bitter twist, the Africans were often forced to perform tasks that would help advance the genocide that would resolve the vexing "Indian question." By the middle of the seventeenth century, the slave trade entered its second and most intense phase. The creation of ever-larger sugar plantations and the introduction of other crops such as indigo, rice, tobacco, coffee, cocoa, and cotton would lead to the displacement of an estimated seven million Africans between 1650 and 1807. The demand for labor resulted in numerous innovations, encouraged opportunists and entrepreneurs, and accrued deceptions and barbarities, upon which the slave trade rested. Some slave traders - often well-respected men in their communities - made fortunes for themselves and their descendants. The corresponding impact on Africa was intensified as larger parts of west and central Africa came into the slavers' orbit. The third and final period of the transatlantic slave trade began with the ban on the importation of captives imposed by Britain and the United States in 1807 and lasted until the 1860s. Brazil, Cuba, and Puerto Rico were the principal destinations for Africans, since they could no longer legally be brought into North America, the British or French colonies in the Caribbean, or the independent countries of Spanish America. Despite this restricted market, the numbers of deported Africans did not decline until the late 1840s. Many were smuggled into the United States. At the same time, tens of thousands of Africans rescued from the slave ships were forcibly settled in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and several islands of the Capture and Enslavement War, slave raiding, kidnapping, and politico-religious struggle accounted for the vast majority of Africans deported to the Americas. Several important wars resulted in massive enslavement, including the export of prisoners across the Atlantic, the ransoming of others, and the use of enslavement within Africa The Akan wars of the late seventeenth century and the first half of the eighteenth century were a struggle for power among states in the Gold Coast hinterland. Akwamu, Akyem, Denkyira, Fante, and Asante groups battled for more than half a century for control of the region. By the mid-eighteenth century, Asante emerged as the By 1650, Oyo had become a consolidated imperial power in the interior of the Bight of Benin by defeating the Bariba and Nupe in the north and other Yoruba states to the south. The wars between various Gbe groups resulted in the rise of Dahomey and its victory over Allada in 1724. The winners occupied the port of Whydah three years later but were then forced to pay tribute to the more powerful Oyo. These wars accounted for the deportation of over a million Africans along the Bight of Benin coast. The sixty-year period of the Kongo civil wars, ending in 1740, was responsible for the capture and enslavement of many. Among them were the followers of the Catholic martyr Beatrice of Kongo, who tried to end the wars through pacifist protest. The spread of militant Islam across West Africa began in Senegambia during the late seventeenth century. The jihad led to two major political transformations: the emergence in the late eighteenth century of the Muslim states of Futa Jallon in the Guinea highlands and Futa Toro on the Senegal River. The jihad movement continued into the nineteenth century, especially with the outbreak of war in 1804 in the Hausa states (northern Nigeria) under the leadership of Sheikh Usman dan Fodio. These wars in turn exacerbated political tensions in Oyo, which resulted in a Muslim uprising and the collapse of the Oyo state between 1817 and 1833. New strongholds were created at Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ijebu, and the conflict intensified over attempts to replace or resurrect the Oyo state. After 1700, the importation of firearms heightened the intensity of many of the wars and resulted in a great increase in the numbers of enslaved peoples. European forces intervened in some of the localized fighting and in warfare all along the Atlantic coast. They sought to obtain captives directly in battle or as political rewards for having backed the winning side. Working from their permanent colonies at Luanda, Benguela, and other coastal points, the Portuguese conducted joint military ventures into the hinterlands with their African allies. Africans also became enslaved through non-military means. Judicial and religious sanctions and punishments removed alleged criminals, people accused of witchcraft, and social misfits through enslavement and banishment. Rebellious family members might be expelled from their homes through enslavement. Human pawns, especially children, held as collateral for debt were almost always protected from enslavement by relatives and customary practices. However, debts and the collateral for those debts were sometimes subjected to illegal demands, and pawned individuals, especially children, were sometimes "sold" or otherwise removed from the watchful eyes of the relatives and communities that had tried to safeguard their rights. Africans were also kidnapped, though kidnapping was a crime in most communities, and sold into slavery. Captives were sometimes ransomed, but this practice often encouraged the taking of prisoners for monetary rewards. As the slave trade destroyed families and communities, people tried to protect their loved ones. Various governments and communal institutions developed means and policies that limited the trade's impact. Muslims were particularly concerned with protecting the freedom of their co-religionists. Qur'anic law stated that those of the Faith born free must remain free. But this precept was often Throughout Africa, people of all beliefs tried to safeguard their own. Some offered themselves in exchange for the release of their loved ones. Others tried to have their kin redeemed even after they had been shipped away. Resistance took the form of attacks on slave depots and ships, as well as revolts in the forts, in barracoons, and on slave ships. But at a higher level, the political fragmentation - many small centralized states and federations governed through secret societies - made it virtually impossible to develop methods of government that could effectively resist the impact of the slave trade. Even the largest states, such as Asante and Oyo, were small by modern standards. Personal gain and the interests of the small commercial elites who dominated trade routes, ports, and secret societies also worked against the freeing of captives, offenders, and displaced children, who could easily end up in the slave Traders and Trade Western European countries established distinct national trades. The European port cities most involved in this growth industry were Bristol, Liverpool, and London in England; Amsterdam in Holland; Lisbon, the Portuguese capital; and Nantes, located on the western On the African side most captives were traded from only a few ports: Luanda (Angola), Whydah (Bight of Benin), Bonny ( Bight of Biafra); and the adjacent "castles" at Koromantin and Winneba on the Gold Coast accounted for at least a third of the Africans transported to the Americas. Other major ports included Old Calabar (Bight of Biafra), Benguela (Southern Angola), Cabinda (north of the Congo River), and Lagos in the Bight of Benin. These nine ports accounted for at least half of all the Africans deported to the The European countries attempted, though not successfully, to regulate the trade by chartering various national companies established under royal decree or parliamentary order. But these efforts to create monopolies, such as England's Royal African Company (RAC), were soon undermined by private merchant companies and pirates who opened up new markets in the Bight of Biafra and the northern Angola coast, and challenged the RAC on the Gold Coast and in the Gambia. Each of the nations and their slave ports experimented with innovative marketing and trading techniques. Sometimes this competition required the maintenance of trading depots and forts - the slave "castles" or factories - as was the case in the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin, as well as in lesser ports along the Upper Guinea Coast, Senegambia, and Angola. The trade was propelled by credit flowing outward from Europe and used by merchants to purchase men, women, and children in West Africa. They advanced goods on credit in lieu of payment in captives. The wares sent to Africa in exchange for captives included those that could be used as money: cowry shells, strips of cloth (often imported from India), iron bars, copper bracelets ( manillas), silver coins, and gold. These goods also had value as commodities: cloth could be turned into clothing, iron into hoes and other tools. Consumer goods included textiles, alcohol, and jewelry. Their importation supplemented but did not replace the local production of these items. Alcohol was regarded as a luxury, except in Muslim communities, where it was prohibited. Military goods, principally firearms, were also exchanged for captives. They were instrumental in the eighteenth-century Gold Coast wars that enslaved multitudes and led to the Asante people's political ascendancy in the region. With the exception of the Gold Coast wars, guns played little role at first in local conflicts, due in part to the difficulty of keeping powder dry in tropical regions. For example, the rise of Oyo, which became the dominant slaving power in the interior of the Bight of Benin, was mostly effected by the use of cavalry. Merchants experimented with various trading methods. In some places, such as Old Calabar and the minor ports of the Upper Guinea Coast, individuals who were often the relatives of local merchants and officials were accepted by ship captains as collateral for credit. These individuals were human pawns who could be enslaved if debts were not paid. In Angola and Senegambia, European merchants married or otherwise cohabited with local women, and these women sometimes amassed considerable fortunes as agents and merchants in their own right. Their mixed offspring became an intermediate class of merchants along the coast, but especially concentrated along the Upper Guinea Coast as far as Senegambia, and in Luanda, Benguela, and their commercial outposts in the interior of Angola. The trade was a high-risk enterprise. The commodity was people; they could escape, be murdered, commit suicide, or fall victim to epidemics or natural disasters. Local traders could disappear with their payment and never produce the captives stipulated in the contract. Since the slave trade went across political and cultural frontiers, there was little recourse to courts and governments in the event of commercial dishonesty. No international court or judicial system existed to handle the extraordinary violations of human rights that defined every aspect of the slave trade. The slave trade was driven by both demand and greed. The customers in the Americas who could afford it desperately needed labor and did not care how it was obtained. Traders could benefit immensely from theft, plunder, kidnapping, ransoming, and the sale of human beings as commodities. These slavers took advantage of African political troubles, religious differences, legal technicalities, economic crises, and outright callousness to exploit helpless The Middle Passage On the first leg of their three-part journey, often called the Triangular Trade, European ships brought manufactured goods to Africa; on the second, they transported African men, women, and children to the Americas; and on the third leg, they exported to Europe the sugar, rum, cotton, and tobacco produced by the enslaved labor force. There was also a direct trade between Brazil and Angola that did not include the European leg. Traders referred to the Africa-Americas part of the voyage as the " Middle Passage" and the term has survived to denote the Africans' ordeal. Well over 30,000 voyages from Africa to the Americas have been documented. But numbers and statistics alone cannot convey the horror of the experience. However, the records provide detailed information on some aspects of this tragedy. The dreadful Middle Passage could last from one to three months and epitomized the role of violence in the trade. Based on regulations, ships could transport only about 350 people, but some carried more than 800 men, women, and children. Branded, stripped naked for the duration of the voyage, lying down amidst filth, enduring almost unbearable heat, compelled by the lash to dance on deck to straighten their limbs, all captives went through a frightening, incredibly brutal and dehumanizing experience. Men were shackled under deck, and all Africans were subjected to abuse and punishment. Some people tried to starve themselves to death, but the crew forced them to take food by whipping them, torturing them with hot coal, or forcing their mouths open by using special instruments or by breaking their teeth. The personal identity of the captives was denied. Women and boys were often used for the pleasure of the crew. Ottobah Cugoano, who endured the Middle Passage in the eighteenth century, recalled: "it was common for the dirty filthy sailors to take the African women and lie upon their bodies." Mortality brought about by malnutrition, dysentery, smallpox, and other diseases was very high. Depending on the times, upwards of 20 percent died from various epidemics or committed suicide. Venture Smith, describing his ordeal, wrote: "After an ordinary passage, except great mortality by the small pox, which broke out on board, we arrived at the island of Barbadoes: but when we reached it, there were found out of the two hundred and sixty that sailed from Africa, not more than two hundred alive." It was not unusual for captains and crew to toss the sick overboard; and some even disposed of an entire cargo for insurance purposes. On board slave ships, in the midst of their oppression, the Africans, who were often as much strangers to each other as to their European captors, forged the first links with their new American identities. Relationships established during the Middle Passage frequently resulted in revolts and other forms of resistance that bound them in new social and political alliances. Ottobah Cugoano described the attempted revolt organized on the ship that took him from the Gold Coast to Grenada: "when we found ourselves at last taken away, death was more preferable than life; and a plan was concerted amongst us, that we might burn and blow up the ship, and to perish all together in the flames . . . . It was the women and boys which were to burn the ship, with the approbation and groans of the rest; though that was prevented, the discovery was likewise a cruel bloody scene." The special relations created on the ship lasted a lifetime and were regarded by the deported Africans, torn from their loved ones, as strongly as kinship. They had special names for those who had shared their ordeal. They were called bâtiments in Creole (from the French for ship), sippi in Surinam (from ship), and shipmate in Jamaica. Far from wiping out all traces of their cultural, social, and personal past, the Middle Passage experience provided Africans with opportunities to draw on their collective heritage to make themselves a new people. Africans in America Of the estimated ten million men, women, and children who survived the Middle Passage, approximately 450,000 Africans disembarked on North America's shores. They thus represented only a fraction - 5 percent-- of those transported during the 350-year history of the international slave trade. Brazil and the Caribbean each received about nine times as many Africans. The labor of enslaved Africans proved crucial in the development of South Carolina, Georgia, Virginia, and Maryland and contributed indirectly through commerce to the fortunes of New York, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. Though the enforced destination of Africans was primarily to plantations and farms for work in cash crop agriculture, they were also used in mining and servicing the commercial economy. They were placed in towns and port cities as domestic servants; and many urban residents performed essential commercial duties working as porters, teamsters, and In eighteenth-century America, Africans were concentrated in the agricultural lowlands of South Carolina and Georgia, especially in the Sea Islands, where they grew rice, cotton, indigo, and other crops. In Louisiana, they labored on sugarcane plantations. They were employed on tobacco farms in the tidewater region of Virginia and Maryland. The tidewater, together with the Georgia and South Carolina lowlands, accounted for at least two-thirds of the Africans brought into North America prior to the end of legal importation in 1807. Ethnicities in the United States The largest number of Africans in the lowlands (34 percent) came from Bantu-speaking regions of west-central Africa. Twenty percent were transported from Senegambia, while the Gold Coast and Sierra Leone each accounted for about 15 percent of the total number. Others came from the Bight of Biafra and the Windward Coast. The enslaved population of Virginia/Maryland was composed mostly of Africans from the Bight of Biafra, some 39 percent. Senegambia accounted for 21 percent of the Africans in this region. Another 17 percent were of Bantu origin, and 10 percent were originally from the Gold Coast. Therefore, nearly 90 percent of the Africans in these two major regions came from only four zones in Africa. Most came from the west-central area of Angola and Congo where languages - Kikongo, Kimbundu and culture (often referred to as Bantu) were closely related. Many more ended up in the tidewater than in the lowlands, but they comprised nearly a third of all migrants in both The Senegambians were much more prominent in North America than in South America and the Caribbean. Senegambia was strongly influenced by Islam, to a greater degree than any other coastal region where enslaved Africans originated. More Muslims were enslaved in North America - except for Brazil - than anywhere else in the New World. Their presence was especially pronounced in Louisiana, to which many Manding people - almost all males - had been transported. This state also had a large presence of non-Muslim Bambara from The Upper South had a considerable population of people from the Bight of Biafra, as did lowland South Carolina and Georgia. In all probability, a large number of the many Africans whose origins are not known actually came from this area. These Igbo and Ibibio people would develop a distinct subculture. Women made up a relatively high number among those groups. They gave birth to a new generation, ensuring some transmission of their cultural values and Men and women from Sierra Leone and the adjacent Windward Coast were heavily concentrated in the low country, and most were involved in cultivating rice. Noticeably absent from North America's African population were substantial numbers of people from the Slave Coast ( Togo, Benin, and western Nigeria). Contrary to Brazil and Cuba, the United States received very few Yoruba. The Suppression of the Slave Trade Article I, Section 9, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution (1787) stipulated that "The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person." In consequence, the United States abolished its slave trade from Africa, effective January 1, 1808. But slave trading, now illegal, continued unabated until 1860. The U.S. Slave Trade Act, enacted by a vote of 63 in favor and 49 against in February 1807, was a half victory for the slavers because it specified that the Africans illegally brought to slaveholding states would still be sold and enslaved. Penalties merely consisted of fines. With the authorities turning a blind eye and refusing to enforce their own law, the illegal slave trade flourished for several decades, particularly in Texas (Spanish until 1821), Florida (Spanish until 1818), Louisiana, and South Africans were sold with little secrecy. As recounted by a slave smuggler, it was an easy task: "I soon learned how readily, and at what profits, the Florida negroes were sold into the neighboring American States. The kaffle [ coffle] . . . [was to] cross the boundary into Georgia, where some of our wild Africans were mixed with various squads of native blacks, and driven inland, till sold off, singly or by couples, on the road." The introduction of African captives took such proportions that President Madison wrote to Congress: "it appears that American citizens are instrumental in carrying on a traffic in enslaved Africans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity, and in defiance of those of their own country." Congress passed a tougher law in 1820 making international slave trading an act of piracy punishable by death. Even though the traffic went on, only one American was ever executed for this crime. In addition, American slavers, particularly from New York and Rhode Island, shipped Africans to Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Brazil, where the slave trade was still legal. More than 3.3 million Africans were transported between 1801 and 1867, the vast majority to Brazil and Cuba. Half came from west-central Africa, and more than 40 percent were originally from the Bights of Benin and Biafra, and Southeast Africa - Mozambique In the 1850s, a movement developed in the South to re-open the international slave trade. It was defeated, but the illegal importation of Africans increased between 1850 and 1860, even though the African Squadron, established by the U.S. government in 1843 patrolled the harbors of the African coast. Although their respective countries had officially outlawed the transatlantic slave trade, American and British slavers and traders continued to be openly involved in it, and their activities brought money and work to shipbuilders, crews, insurance companies, and manufacturers of various trade goods, guns, and shackles. Slave ships brought Africans until the Civil War. The Clotilda landed more than a hundred men, women, and children from Benin and Nigeria in the summer of 1860 at Mobile, Alabama. The Wanderer had discharged several hundred people from the Congo on Jekyll Island, Georgia, in November 1858. In both cases, the Africans were sold and enslaved. As a testimony to the persistence of the illegal slave trade, the 1870 Census reveals the presence, in the United States, of numerous men and women born in Africa well after Impact of the Slave Trade on Africa The negative impact of the international slave trade on Africa was immense. It can be seen on the personal, family, communal, and continental levels. In addition to the millions of able-bodied individuals captured and transported, the death toll and the economic and environmental destruction resulting from wars and slave raids were startlingly high. In the famines that followed military actions, the old and very young were often killed or left Forced marches of the captives over long distances claimed many lives. A large number of the enslaved were destined to remain in Africa - many were transported across the Sahara to the north - which heightened the impact of the slave trade on the continent. It is estimated that the population of Africa remained stagnant until the end of the nineteenth century. Besides its demographic toll, the slave trade, and the Africans' resistance to it, led to profound social and political changes. Social relations were restructured and traditional values were subverted. The slave trade resulted in the development of predatory regimes, as well as stagnation or regression. Many communities relocated as far from the slavers' route as possible. In the process, their technological and economic development was hindered as they devoted their energy to hiding and defending The disruption was immense: the relationships between kingdoms, ethnic groups, religious communities, castes, rulers and subjects, peasants and soldiers, the enslaved and the free, were transformed. In some decentralized societies, people evolved new styles of leadership that led to more rigid, hierarchical structures, thought to better ensure protection. In addition, European powers intervened in the political process to prevent the rise of the African centralized states that would have hampered their operations. In the end, the slave trade left the continent underdeveloped, disorganized, and vulnerable to the next phase of European Legacies in America The slave trade and slavery left a legacy of violence. Brutality, often of near-bestial proportions, was the principal condition shaping the character of the enforced migration, whether along a trade route, on board ship, or laboring on an American plantation. The degree of power concentrated in the hands of North American slave owners, interested only in maximizing their profits, allowed excessive levels of physical punishment and the perpetuation of sexual abuse and exploitation that have marked in many ways the development of the African-American community. There was a marked sexual component to the assaults: rape was common. Kinship was disregarded, particularly the paternity of children. Their status reflected the enslaved status of their mothers, no matter who their father might have been. Slave owners treated their unpaid, overworked labor forces as mere Avoiding and resisting violence were determining characteristics of the responses of the Africans to their forced migration experience. Individuals attempted to evade physical abuse through strategies of accommodation, escape, and on several occasions, violent rebellion. The preservation and adaptation of African cultural forms to respond to the new needs of the enslaved population was also an act of resistance to the imposition of European norms. Unlike earlier slave systems, in the Americas racial distinctions were used to keep the enslaved population in bondage. Contrary to what happened in Latin America, where racial stratification was more complex, in North America, any person of identifiable African descent, no matter the degree of "white" ancestry, was classified as colored, Negro, or black. A racial caste system was established, and as a result racialized attitudes and racism became an inherent and lasting part of North American culture. Though enslaved individuals came from widely different backgrounds and the number of ethnic groups and markers of identity were extensive, certain ethnicities, cultural forms, and languages - usually in pidgin and creolized forms - as well as religions proved sustainable and were maintained, sometimes exaggerated and manipulated during the process of adjusting to enslavement in the The overarching result of African migration during the slavery era was an "American" culture, neither "European" nor "African," created in a political and economic context of inequality and oppression. The African contribution to this new culture was a towering legacy, hugely impacting on language, religion, music, dance, art, and cuisine. Most importantly, an enduring sense of African-American community developed in the face of white Adamu, Mahdi, "The Delivery of Slaves from the Bight of Benin in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries," in H.A. Gemery and J.S. Hogendorn (eds.), The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York; Academic Press , Adediran, Biodun, "Yoruba Ethnic Groups or a Yoruba Ethnic Group? A Review of the Problem of Ethnic Identification," Africa: Revista do Centro de Estudos Africanos da USP, 7 (1984), 57-70 Anstey, Roger, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760-1810 (London, 1975) Bühnen, Stephan, "Ethnic Origins of Peruvian Slaves (1548-1650): Figures for Upper Guinea," Paiduema, 39, (1993), Curtin, Philip D., ed., Africa Remembered: Narratives of West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1967) Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1969) Curtin, Philip D., Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1975), 2 vols. Curtin, Philip D., The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex. 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Pittsburgh Eltis, David, "The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment," William and Mary Quarterly, 58, 1 (2001), Eltis, David, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New York and Oxford, 1987) Eltis, David and Engerman, Stanley L., "Was the slave trade dominated by men?" Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 23 (1992), Eltis, David and Engerman, Stanley, L., "Fluctuations in sex and age ratios in the transatlantic slave trade, 1663-1864," EconomicHistory Review, 46 (1993), 308-23 Eltis, David, and Richard, David, Behrendt, Stephen, and Klein, Herbert S., The Atlantic Slave Trade. A database on CD-ROM (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1999) Eltis, David and Walvin, James (eds.), The Abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , Engerman, S. L. and Genovese, E. D. (eds.), Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies. (Princeton: Princeton University Press , 1975) Equiano, Olaudah, Olaudah Equiano: The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings (Vincent Carretta, ed.) (New York: Penguin Books, Fage, J.D., "Slaves and society in Western Africa. c.1445-c.1700," Journal of African History 21, 3 (1980), 289-310 Florentino, Manolo G. "About the Slaving Business in Rio de Janeiro, 1790-1830: A Contribution," in François Crouzet, Philippe Bonnichon, and Denis Rolland, eds., Pour l’histoire du Brésil: hommage à Katia de Queirós Mattoso (Paris: L’Harmattan , 2000), pp. 397-416. Gemery, Henry and Hogendorn, J.S., eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press , 1979) Gomez, Michael. Exchanging our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press , 1998) Hair P. E. H. "Ethnolinguistic Continuity on the Guinea Coast". Journal of African History,1967, VIII, 2 pp.247-268. Hall, Gwendolyn, African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press , Handler, Jerome S., "Life Histories of Enslaved Africans in Barbados," Slavery and Abolition, 19:1 (1998), 129-141 Herskovits, Melville J., "The Significance of West Africa For Negro Research," Journal of Negro History, 21 (1936), 15-30. Herskovits, Melville J., "On the Provenience of New World Negroes," Social Forces, 12 (1933), 247-62 Heywood, Linda, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora (New York: Cambridge University Press , Higman, B. W., "African and Creole Slave Family Patterns in Trinidad," Journal of family History, 3 (1978), 163-180 Higman, B. W. "Growth in Afro-Caribbean Slave Populations", American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 50 (1979), Hogendorn, Jan and Johnson, Marion, The Shell Money of the Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1986) Inikori, Joseph E., Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2002) Inikori, Joseph E. and Engerman, Stanley L. (eds.), The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham: University of North Carolina Press , 1992) Jones, Adam, "Recaptive Nations: Evidence Concerning the Demographic Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade in the Early Nineteenth Century," Slavery and Abolition, 11:1 (1990), Karasch, Mary C., "Central Africans in Central Brazil, 1780-1835," in Linda Heywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora (New York: Cambridge University Press , 2001), 117-151. Kea, Raymond, 1982. Settlements, Trade, and Politics in the Seventeenth-Century Gold Coast. Baltimore Klein, Herbert S., The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton: Princeton University Press , Klein, Martin A. "Slavery, the International Labour Market and the Emancipation of Slaves in the Nineteenth Century." Slavery and Abolition,1994,Vol.15, No. 2, pp.197-220. Klein, Martin. Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1998) Kulikoff, Allan. "The Origins of Afro-American Society in Tidewater Maryland and Virginia, 1700 to 1790." The William and Mary Quarterly,1978,Vol. 35, pp. 226-59. Law, Robin. "Ethnicity and the Slave Trade: "Lucumi" and "Nago" as Ethnonyms in West Africa". History in Africa, 1997, Vol. 24, Law, Robin. The Slave Coast of West Africa 1550-1750. (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1991) Law, Robin. "Slaves, Trade, and Taxes: The Material Basis of Political Power in Precolonial West Africa," Research in Economic Anthropology 1 (1978): 37-52 Law, Robin. The Oyo Empire, c.1600-c.1836: A West African Imperialism in the Era of the Altantic Slave Trade (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1977) Law, Robin (ed.), The Ports of the Slave Trade (Bights of Benin and Law, Robin. "The Chronology of the Yoruba Wars of the Early Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction," Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 5 (1970) Law, Robin, The Oyo Empire, c. 1600 - c. 1836: A West African Imperialism in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Oxford: Clarendon , 1977) Law, Robin, "Royal monopoly and private enterprise in the Atlantic trade: the case of Dahomey," Journal of African History, 18, 4 Law, Robin, "Slaves, trade and taxes: the material basis of political power in pre-colonial West Africa," Research in Economic Anthropology, 1 (1978), 37-52 Law, Robin, The Horse in West African History (Oxford: Clarendon , Law, Robin, The Kingdom of Allada (Leiden, 1997) Law, Robin (ed.), From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce: The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1995) Law, Robin and Lovejoy, Paul E., ed., The Biography of Mahommah Gardo Baquaqua: His Passage from Slavery to Freedom in Africa and America (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publisher, 2001) Lovejoy, Paul E., ed. Identity in the Shadow of Slavery (London: Cassell Academic , 2000) Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Clapperton-Bello Exchange: The Sokoto Jihad and the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, 1804-1837," in A.E. Willey and C. Wise, eds. The Desert Shore: Literatures of the African Sahel ( Boulder: Lynne Rienner , 2000) Lovejoy, Paul E. Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2nd ed., Lovejoy, Paul E. "Cerner les identities au sein de la diaspora africaine, l’islam et l’esclavage aux Ameriques ," Cahiers des Anneaux de la Memoire 1 (1999): 249-78. Lovejoy, Paul E. "Biography as Source Material: Towards a Biographical Archive of Enslaved Africans," in R. Law, ed. Source Material for Studying the Slave Trade and the African Diaspora. (Stirling: Centre for Commonwealth Studies , 1997) Lovejoy, Paul E. "Background to Rebellion: The Origins of Muslim Slaves in Bahia," Slavery and Abolition 15 (1994): 151-80 Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the Literature," Journal of African History, 30 (1989): Lovejoy, Paul E., ed. Africans in Bondage (Madison: African Studies Program , 1986) Lovejoy, Paul E., ed. The Ideology of Slavery in Africa (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications , 1981) Lovejoy, Paul E., ed., Slavery on the Frontiers of Islam (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publisher , 2004) Lovejoy, P.E. and Hogendorn, J.S. 1979, "Slave Marketing in West Africa," in H.A Gemery and J.S. Hogendorn (eds.), The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press , 1979), 213-35 Lovejoy, Paul E. and Richardson, David. "The Initial ‘Crisis of Adaptation’: The Impact of British Abolition on the Atlantic Slave Trade in West Africa, 1808-1820," in R. Law, ed. From Slave Trade to "Legitimate" Commerce: The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1995) Lovejoy, Paul E. and Richardson, David. "Competing Markets for Male and Female Slaves: Slave Prices in the Interior of West Africa, 1780-1850," International Journal of African Historical Studies Lovejoy, P.E. and Trotman, David V., eds. Trans-Atlantic Dimensions of Ethnicity in the African Diaspora (London: Continuum , Lovejoy, Paul E. and Trotman, David V. "Enslaved Africans and their Expectations of Slave Life in the Americas: Towards a Reconsideration of Models of ‘Creolisaton’," in Verene A. Shepherd and Glen L. Richards (eds.), Questioning Creole: Creolisaton Discourses in Caribbean Culture (Kingston: Ian Randal, Publishers , 2002), 67-91 Manning, Patrick, Slavery and African Life. Occidental, Oriental and African Slave Trades (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , Miers, Suzanne, Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade (New Miers, S. and Kopytoff, I. (eds.), Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspective (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1977) Miers, Suzanne and Roberts, Richard (eds.). 1988. The End of Slavery in Africa. Madison Miller, Joseph C. "Central Africa During the Era of the Slave Trade, c. 1490s-1850s," in Linda Heywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora (New York: Cambridge University Press , 2001), 21-69. Miller, Joseph C. "History and Africa/Africa and History," American Historical Review 104, 1 (1999): 1-32. Miller, Joseph C., Way of Death. Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730-1830 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Perss , 1988) Miller, Joseph C. 1999. Slavery and Slaving in World History. A Bibliography, 1900-1996 (Armon, NY. 2nd edition., 1999), 2 Mintz, Sidney W. and Price, Richard. An Anthropological Perspective to the Afro-American Past: A Caribbean Perspective (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues , 1976) Morgan, Philip. "The Cultural Implications of the Atlantic Slave Trade: African Regional Origins, American Destinations and New World Developments," Slavery and Abolition, 18:1 (1997) Morgan, Philip, Slave Counterpoint - full details needed Northrup, David, Trade Without Rulers: pre-Colonial Economic Development in South-Eastern Nigeria (Oxford: Clarendon , Palmer, Colin A. "From Africa to the Americas: Ethnicity in the Early Black Communities of the Americas" Journal of World History, 6:2 (1995), 223-237. Pavy, David. "The Provenience of Columbian Negroes." Journal of Negro History, 52 (1967), 35-58. Price, Richard. "Resistance to Slavery in the Americas: Maroons and Their Communities" Indian Historical Review, 15:1/2, (1988-89), Rodney, Walter. "Upper Guinea and the Significance of the Origins of Africans Enslaved in the New World." The Journal of Negro History, 1969,Vol. 54, No. 4. Rodney, Walter, "Slavery and other forms of social oppression on the Upper Guinea Coast in the context of the Atlantic slave trade," Journal of African History, 7, 4 (1966), 431-43 Sweet, James H. Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship and Religion in the African-Portuguese World, 1441-1770. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press , 2003. Thornton, John, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University , 2nd ed., Thornton, John K. "African Dimensions of the Stono Rebellion" American Historical Review, 1991, 1101-1113. Thornton, John K., "I Am the King of Congo’: African Political Ideology and the Haitia Revolution," Journal of World History, 4:2 (1993),181-214 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. " Culture on the Edges: Creolization in the Plantation Context." Plantation Society in the Americas, 5:1 Warner-Lewis, Maureen, "Posited Kikoongo origins of some Portuguese and Spanish words from the slave era," América Negra, 7:13 Warner-Lewis, Maureen, The History of the Congo Peoples in the Caribbean [correct title] Wilks, Ivor. Forests of Gold: Essays on the Akan and the Kingdom of Asante (Athens: Ohio University Press , 1993) This website is produced by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and is part of their "Timeline of Art History" project. It features in-depth information and analysis on history and Slave Forts and Castles Site of UNESCO World Heritage List. Click on Benin, Ghana, and Senegal to see sites related to the transatlantic slave Pictorial Images of the Transatlantic Slave Trade African societies and cultures, and the transatlantic slave trade. Information, pictures, illustrations, portraits of African victims of the slave trade. Slaves and the Courts, 1740-1860 This Library of Congress sites contains over a hundred pamphlets and books. Search by keywords or browse the subject index. The African-American Pamphlet Collection, 1822-1909 This Library of Congress site offers complete page images of the 396 titles in the African American Pamphlet Collection, as well as searchable electronic texts and bibliographic records. Use keywords such as slave trade or Africa; or browse the subject index. Breaking the Silence: Learning About the Transatlantic Slave This is one of the most complete sites for teachers on the subject of the transatlantic slave trade available. The site aims to help teachers and educators to "Break the Silence" that continues to surround the story of the enslavement of Africa that began over 500 years ago. Links to maps of the trade routes and to class plans for teaching this emotional yet pertinent subject are also This University of Calgary informative site contains a lengthy history of the transatlantic slave trade, illustrations, and Africans in America: America's Journey Through Slavery Interviews of historians, illustrations, excerpts of Africans' African History Sourcebook Autobiographies of African victims of the slave trade, and Europeans' descriptions of the slave trade. Listing of links to pages about the Amistad. Timeline, narrative, biographies and portraits of the people involved in the Amistad story. Slave Trade and Slavery The Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance and Abolition at Yale maintains a site on various topics including the Amistad, and numerous documents relating to slavery. Calendar of Bristol and Slavery Documentation on the role of Bristol in the transatlantic slave trade, and on the slave trade in general. This Mariners' Museum site examines the maritime aspects of the transatlantic slave trade, along with the origins and legacies of The Transatlantic Slave Trade Web story about the transatlantic slave trade and the enslaved Africans who came from hundreds of ethnic groups whose languages and cultures were 'creolised' into one identity. Information about genetic studies reclaiming the lost roots of the descendents of those enslaved is featured. The Slave Route Newsletter An in-depth newsletter chronicling the development of UNESCO's Slave Route project. Images, maps of transatlantic slave trade routes, statistical data, critical analysis, and educational resources are available The Middle Passage Images and accounts of the Middle Passage and several links to The story better known as "Myth of the Flying Africans", based on the arrival of Igbo from Nigeria on St. Simons Island in

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Standards in Economics Below are the National Standards in Economics that most closely relate to the following interactive tool. Name: Interest Rates - Students will understand that: Interest rates, adjusted for inflation, rise and fall to balance the amount saved with the amount borrowed, which affects the allocation of scarce resources between present and future uses. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Explain situations in which they pay or receive interest, and explain how they would react to changes in interest rates if they were making or receiving interest payments. - Students will understand that: Entrepreneurs take on the calculated risk of starting new businesses, either by embarking on new ventures similar to existing ones or by introducing new innovations. Entrepreneurial innovation is an important source of economic growth. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Identify the risks and potential returns to entrepreneurship, as well as the skills necessary to engage in it. Understand the importance of entrepreneurship and innovation to economic growth, and how public policies affect incentives for and, consequently, the success of entrepreneurship in the United States. - Students will understand that: Institutions evolve and are created to help individuals and groups accomplish their goals. Banks, labor unions, markets, corporations, legal systems, and not-for-profit organizations are examples of important institutions. A different kind of institution, clearly defined and enforced property rights, is essential to a market economy. - Students will be able to use this knowledge to: Describe the roles of various economic institutions and explain the importance of property rights in a market economy.

http://www.econedlink.org/economic-standards/standards-by-resource.php?iid=260&educatorState=nat

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During the first fifty years of Confederation, Canada showed little interest in the establishment of a central bank. It was 1913 before Parliament formally discussed the subject, prompted at that time by W. F. MacLean, MP for South York. His plan, which called for a privately owned national bank subject to government control, was dismissed. Prime Minister R. L. Borden saw "no present necessity" for such a bank. Up to the time of the Depression, there was little apparent need for central banking in a scattered and mainly rural economy. The banking system that developed in Canada was quite different from that in the neighbouring United States. South of the border, a different philosophy encouraged the development of independent local banks, and a larger population, clustered in established communities, made it workable. In Canada, the continuing British influence was reflected in the preference for a limited number of banks with multiple branches. In the years leading up to Confederation, small rural settlements spread over an extended area made branch banking a practical approach. In a relatively undeveloped economy, branch banks could be established with less capital and fewer skilled officers than would have been required for independent banks at each location. The branch bank network was sufficient to the nation's needs for almost a century. The chartered banks provided the bulk of notes in circulation and could meet seasonal or unexpected demands. The larger banks were able to deal with government business without strain, and the branch network gradually developed a system for clearing cheques between banks. By the early 1930s, however, the political climate had changed. A gathering depression and mounting criticism of the country's existing financial structure coincided with a specific concern of Prime Minister R. B. Bennett over the lack of a direct means in Canada for settling international accounts. In 1933, he set up a royal commission to study "the organisation and working of our entire banking and monetary system [and] to consider the arguments for or against a central banking institution..." The arguments "for" won. The royal commission, headed by Lord Macmillan, recommended in its report that a central bank be established. A week after the report was made public, the Prime Minister announced that his government would adopt the recommendations. In fact, an appendix to the report, titled "Suggestions as to some of the Main Features of the Constitution of a Central Bank for Canada," became the framework for the Bank of Canada Act, which received royal assent on 3 July 1934. In March 1935, the Bank of Canada opened its doors as a privately owned institution, with shares sold to the public. The first Governor of the Bank of Canada was Graham F. Towers, a thirty-seven year old Canadian who had extensive experience with the Royal Bank of Canada both in Canada and abroad. He had appeared before the Macmillan Commission on behalf of the chartered banks. He would guide the Bank for twenty years. Soon after the Bank opened, a new government introduced an amendment to the Bank of Canada Act to nationalize the institution. In 1938, the Bank became publicly owned and remains that way today. The organization of the Bank integrated new functions with functions that already existed elsewhere. Bank note operations were transferred from the Department of Finance when the Bank opened, and the offices of the Receiver General across the country became the agencies of the Bank. A new Research Division was established to provide information and advice on financial developments and on general business conditions at home and abroad. The Foreign Exchange Division and the Securities Division became operative almost immediately, though the transfer of the Public Debt Division from the Department of Finance was delayed until suitable quarters were available. This did not occur until 1938, following completion of the present Bank of Canada building at 234 Wellington Street. The same building, to which new structures have been added, houses the Bank of Canada today. The Bank of Canada Act, which defines the Bank's functions, has been amended many times since 1934. But the preamble to the Act has not changed. The Bank still exists "to regulate credit and currency in the best interests of the economic life of the nation."

http://www.bankofcanada.ca/about/who-we-are/history/?page_moved=1

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Blood clotting, or coagulation, is an important process that prevents excessive bleeding when a blood vessel is injured. Platelets (a type of blood cell) and proteins in your plasma (the liquid part of blood) work together to stop the bleeding by forming a clot over the injury. Typically, your body will naturally dissolve the blood clot after the injury has healed. Sometimes, however, clots form on the inside of vessels without an obvious injury or do not dissolve naturally. These situations can be dangerous and require accurate diagnosis and appropriate treatment. Clots can occur in veins or arteries, which are vessels that are part of the body’s circulatory system. While both types of vessels help transport blood throughout the body, they each function differently. Veins are low-pressure vessels that carry deoxygenated blood away from the body’s organs and back to the heart. An abnormal clot that forms in a vein may restrict the return of blood to the heart and can result in pain and swelling as the blood gathers behind the clot. Deep-vein thrombosis (DVT) is a type of clot that forms in a major vein of the leg or, less commonly, in the arms, pelvis, or other large veins in the body. In some cases, a clot in a vein may detach from its point of origin and travel through the heart to the lungs where it becomes wedged, preventing adequate blood flow. This is called a pulmonary (lung) embolism and can be extremely dangerous. Am I at Risk? The risk factors for developing a venous clot are different from those for an arterial clot, and people at risk for getting one are not necessarily at risk for getting the other. Different risk factors or events can cause unnatural clotting; however, each factor may initiate clotting in a different way. There are molecules in your system that signal your body to let it know when, where, and how quickly to form a clot, and genetics plays a role in how quickly your body reacts to these signals. Certain risk factors, such as obesity, slow the flow of blood in the veins, while others, such as age, can increase the body’s natural ability to clot. Even certain medications can affect how quickly your blood clots. The following factors increase your risk of developing a venous blood clot: - Immobility (including prolonged inactivity, long trips by plane or car) - Oral contraceptives - Certain cancers - Certain surgeries - Age (increased risk for people over age 60) - Inherited clotting disorders (family members who have had clots) - Chronic inflammatory diseases The risk factors for arterial clots can be modified through changes in lifestyle or by medical treatment: - Lack of physical activity - High blood pressure - High cholesterol What Are the Symptoms of a Blood Clot? In addition to knowing your risk factors, it is also important to be aware of the symptoms of blood clots, which vary depending upon where the clot is located: - Heart – chest pain, often radiating down the left arm and accompanied by shortness of breath, and sweating - Brain – visual disturbances, weakness, seizures, speech impairment - Arm or Leg – sudden pain, swelling, tenderness - Lung – sharp chest pain, rapid pulse, bloody cough, shortness of breath, sweating, fever - Abdomen – severe abdominal pain, vomiting, diarrhea How Are Blood Clots Treated? Blood clots are treated differently depending on the location of the clot and your health. If you are experiencing symptoms and suspect you may have a blood clot, see a doctor immediately. There have been many research advances made in antithrombotic therapy that have improved the prevention and treatment of blood clots. Some current treatments include: - Anticoagulants – medicine that prevents clots from forming - Clot busters – medicine that dissolves blood clots - Catheter-directed thrombolysis – a procedure in which a long tube, called a catheter, is surgically inserted and directed toward the blood clot where it delivers clot-dissolving medication - Thrombectomy – surgical removal of a clot If you are diagnosed with a venous clot, your doctor may refer you to a hematologist, a doctor who specializes in treating blood diseases. People diagnosed with arterial disease who are at risk for developing a clot in their arteries may have several doctors involved in their care, including a cardiologist (a doctor who specializes in conditions of the heart) and possibly a hematologist. For some patients, participating in a clinical trial provides access to experimental therapies. If diagnosed, you can talk with your doctor about whether joining a clinical trial is right for you. Are Blood Clots Preventable? Blood clots are among the most preventable types of blood conditions. There are several ways to decrease your chances of developing a blood clot, such as controlling your risk factors when possible. If you think you may be at risk because of genetic or behavioral factors, talk with your doctor. Also, make sure your doctor is aware of all the medications you are taking and any family history of blood clotting disorders. Thrombotic Thrombocytopenic Purpura: A Patient's Journey Where Can I Find More Information? If you find that you are interested in learning more about blood diseases and disorders, here are a few other resources that may be of some help: Articles From Hematology, the ASH Education Program Book The American Society of Hematology (ASH) Education Book, updated yearly by experts in the field, is a collection of articles about the current treatment options available to patients. The articles are categorized here by disease type. If you are interested in learning more about a particular blood disease, we encourage you to share and discuss these articles with your doctor. Results of Clinical Studies Published in Blood Search Blood, the official journal of ASH, for the results of the latest blood research. While recent articles generally require a subscriber login, patients interested in viewing an access-controlled article in Blood may obtain a copy by e-mailing a request to the Blood Publishing Office. This section includes a list of Web links to patient groups and other organizations that provide information. back to top

http://hematology.org/Patients/Blood-Disorders/Blood-Clots/5233.aspx

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See something needing your input? Click here to Join us in providing quality, expert-guided information to the public for free! From Citizendium, the Citizens' Compendium In chemistry, a hydrogen bond is a type of attractive intermolecular force that exists between two partial electric charges of opposite polarity. Although stronger than most other intermolecular forces, the typical hydrogen bond is much weaker than both the ionic bond and the covalent bond. Within macromolecules such as proteins and nucleic acids, it can exist between two parts of the same molecule, and figures as an important constraint on such molecules' overall shape. As the name "hydrogen bond" implies, one part of the bond involves a hydrogen atom. The hydrogen atom must be attached to one of the elements oxygen, nitrogen or fluorine, all of which are strongly electronegative heteroatoms. These bonding elements are known as the hydrogen-bond donor. This electronegative element attracts the electron cloud from around the hydrogen nucleus and, by decentralizing the cloud, leaves the atom with a positive partial charge. Because of the small size of hydrogen relative to other atoms and molecules, the resulting charge, though only partial, nevertheless represents a large charge density. A hydrogen bond results when this strong positive charge density attracts a lone pair of electrons on another heteroatom, which becomes the hydrogen-bond acceptor. The hydrogen bond is not like a simple attraction between point charges, however. It possesses some degree of orientational preference, and can be shown to have some of the characteristics of a covalent bond. This covalency tends to be more extreme when acceptors bind hydrogens from more electronegative donors. Strong covalency in a hydrogen bond raises the questions: "To which molecule or atom does the hydrogen nucleus belong?" and "Which should be labeled 'donor' and which 'acceptor'?" According to chemical convention, the donor generally is that atom to which, on separation of donor and acceptor, the retention of the hydrogen nucleus (or proton) would cause no increase in the atom's positive charge. The acceptor meanwhile is the atom or molecule that would become more positive by retaining the positively charged proton. Liquids that display hydrogen bonding are called associated liquids. Hydrogen bonds can vary in strength from very weak (1-2 kJ mol−1) to extremely strong (40 kJ mol−1), so strong as to be indistinguishable from a covalent bond, as in the ion HF2−. Typical values include: - O—H...:N (7 kcal/mol) - O—H...:O (5 kcal/mol) - N—H...:N (3 kcal/mol) - N—H...:O (2 kcal/mol) The length of hydrogen bonds depends on bond strength, temperature, and pressure. The bond strength itself is dependent on temperature, pressure, bond angle, and environment (usually characterized by local dielectric constant). The typical length of a hydrogen bond in water is 1.97 Å (197 pm). Hydrogen bond in water The most ubiquitous, and perhaps simplest, example of a hydrogen bond is found between water molecules. In a discrete water molecule, water has two hydrogen atoms and one oxygen atom. Two molecules of water can form a hydrogen bond between them; the simplest case, when only two molecules are present, is called the water dimer and is often used as a model system. When more molecules are present, as is the case in liquid water, more bonds are possible because the oxygen of one water molecule has two lone pairs of electrons, each of which can form a hydrogen bond with hydrogens on two other water molecules. This can repeat so that every water molecule is H-bonded with up to four other molecules, as shown in the figure (two through its two lone pairs, and two through its two hydrogen atoms.) Liquid water's high boiling point is due to the high number of hydrogen bonds each molecule can have relative to its low molecular mass. Water is unique because its oxygen atom has two lone pairs and two hydrogen atoms, meaning that the total number of bonds of a water molecule is up to four. For example, hydrogen fluoride - which has three lone pairs on the F atom but only one H atom - can have a total of only two bonds (ammonia has the opposite problem: three hydrogen atoms but only one lone pair). The exact number of hydrogen bonds in which a molecule in liquid water participates fluctuates with time and depends on the temperature. From TIP4P liquid water simulations at 25 °C, it was estimated that each water molecule participates in an average of 3.59 hydrogen bonds. At 100 °C, this number decreases to 3.24 due to the increased molecular motion and decreased density, while at 0 °C, the average number of hydrogen bonds increases to 3.69 (Mol. Phys. 1985, 56, 1381). A more recent study (J. Chem. Phys 2005, 123, 104501) found a much smaller number of hydrogen bonds: 2.357 at 25 °C. The differences may be due to the use of a different method for defining and counting the hydrogen bonds. Were the bond strengths more equivalent, one might instead find the atoms of two interacting water molecules partitioned into two polyatomic ions of opposite charge, specifically hydroxide (OH−) and hydronium (H3O+) (Hydronium ions are also known as 'hydroxonium' ions.) - H-O− H3O+ Indeed, in pure water under conditions of standard temperature and pressure, this latter formulation is applicable only rarely; on average about one in every 5.5 × 108 molecules gives up a proton to another water molecule, in accordance with the value of the dissociation constant for water under such conditions. It is a crucial part of uniqueness of water Hydrogen bonds in proteins and DNA Hydrogen bonding also plays an important role in determining the three-dimensional structures adopted by proteins and nucleic bases. In these macromolecules, bonding between parts of the same macromolecule cause it to fold into a specific shape, which helps determine the molecule's physiological or biochemical role. The double helical structure of DNA, for example, is due largely to hydrogen bonding between the base pairs, which link one complementary strand to the other and enable replication. In proteins, hydrogen bonds form between the backbone oxygens and amide hydrogens. When the spacing of the amino acid residues participating in a hydrogen bond occurs regularly between positions i and i + 4, an alpha helix is formed. When the spacing is less, between positions i and i + 3, then a 310 helix is formed. When two strands are joined by hydrogen bonds involving alternating residues on each participating strand, a beta sheet is formed. Hydrogen bonds also play a part in forming the tertiary structure of protein through interaction of R-groups.(See also protein structure). Symmetric hydrogen bond Symmetric hydrogen bonds have been observed recently spectroscopically in formic acid at high pressure (>GPa). Each hydrogen atom forms a partial covalent bond with two atoms rather than one. Symmetric hydrogen bonds have been postulated in ice at high pressure (ice-X). See references below (Goncharov, et al.) The hydrogen bond can be compared with the closely related dihydrogen bond, which is also an intermolecular bonding interaction involving hydrogen atoms. These structures have been known for some time, and well characterized by crystallography; however, an understanding of their relationship to the conventional hydrogen bond, ionic bond, and covalent bond remains unclear. Generally, the hydrogen bond is characterized by a proton acceptor that is a lone pair of electrons in nonmetallic atoms (most notably in the nitrogen, and chalcogen groups). In some cases, these proton acceptors may be pi-bonds or metal complexes. In the dihydrogen bond, however, a metal hydride serves as a proton acceptor; thus forming a hydrogen-hydrogen interaction. Neutron diffraction has shown that the molecular geometry of these complexes are similar to hydrogen bonds, in that the bond length is very adaptable to the metal complex/hydrogen donor system. Theory of the hydrogen bond The mechanism of hydrogen bonding was long not well understood. However with the advent of computers and reliable computational methods, it became clear that the same contributions played a role as in other kinds of intermolecular forces. In the early 1980s it was shown that electrostatic forces are dominant in the attraction, i.e., the attractive part of the hydrogen bond is mainly due to the interaction of permanent dipoles and higher permanent multipoles of the molecules participating in the bond. In 1983, Buckingham and Fowler modelled the interaction of a large number of hydrogen bonded van der Waals molecules by atomic hard sphere repulsions and distributed multipole interactions. They found a qualitative agreement between predicted and measured structures, which showed that their model accounted for the major effects of the hydrogen bonding. These results have been borne out by many quantum chemical calculations since then, of the perturbative as well as of the supermolecule type. However, until recently some controversy persisted about the nature of the bond. A widely publicized article claimed from interpretations of the anisotropies in the Compton profile of ordinary ice that the hydrogen bond is partly covalent. Some NMR data on hydrogen bonds in proteins also seemed to indicate covalent bonding. These interpretations were refuted by Ernest R. Davidson and coworkers. It is now commonly assumed that for hydrogen bonding the same effects (exchange, electrostatic, polarization, and dispersion) play a role as for "ordinary" intermolecular forces, with electrostatics plus Pauli (hard sphere) repulsion being the most important for hydrogen bonds. - ↑ Buckingham, A.D. & P.W. Fowler (1983), "Do electrostatic interactions predict structures of van der Waals molecules?", The Journal of Chemical Physics 79: 6426-6428, DOI:10.1063/1.445721 - ↑ Isaacs, E.D.; A. Shukla & P.M. Platzman et al. (1999), "Covalency of the Hydrogen Bond in Ice: A Direct X-Ray Measurement", Physical Review Letters 82 (3): 600–603, DOI:10.1103/PhysRevLett.82.600 - ↑ Ghanty, T.K.; V.N. Staroverov & P.R. Koren et al. (2000), "Is the Hydrogen Bond in Water Dimer and Ice Covalent?", Journal-American Chemical Society 122 (6): 1210–1214, DOI:10.1021/ja9937019 Some content on this page may previously have appeared on Wikipedia.

http://en.citizendium.org/wiki/Hydrogen_bond

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by Robert Hamilton What were the significant treaties, policies, and events that defined US Government and Native American Relations? How did the Native American respond to these treaties, polices, and events historically? How did these treaties, policies, and events affect the subsistence, religion, political, and social structures of the Native American people? I will answer these questions through the examination of two centuries of US history in six time periods that define clear changes in the relationship between the Native American and the US Government. Formative period 1780 -1825 The new US Government was careful not to antagonize the Indians and sought to treat them with mutual respect. This is evidenced in early treaties where the term “Red Brothers” was used to convey this sentiment of equality. By 1800 interaction between the Indian and white settlers had become quite common through trade. Many Indians traded for household goods, traps and tools. The US became concerned about the cultural differences and sought to improve the Indian station in life by providing education. The United States no longer feared the Indian but rather took a paternal position toward the Indians and the treaty language reflected this when the Indian was referred to as “Our Red Children.” The US Constitution via Article I section viii (the Commerce Clause) gives the Federal Government dominant power over states in policy making, “The congress shall have the power to . . . regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.” The Constitution further enumerates these powers denied to the states in Article I section x. The state of Georgia challenged the federal government’s power over states rights, a precursor to the Civil War, when it challenged the trust relationship and the autonomy of the Cherokee. Supreme Court Justice John Marshall in three decisions (Marshall Trilogy) upheld the United States’ federal power, defined the responsibility of the doctrine of federal trust, and clarified the sovereignty of Indian nations: Johnson v McIntosh 1823, Cherokee v Georgia 1831, Worcester v Georgia 1832. The new government wanted to keep peace with the Indians and used trade as its device. It was hoped that the interaction between the white settlers and Indians would create a dependence of the Indian for white goods and soothe the tensions of the white settlers through familiarity via social interaction. President George Washington proposed government regulated and operated trading houses. The Government Trading Act of April 18, 1796 was established for “carrying on a liberal trade with the several Indian nations, within the limits of the United States.” (Prucha, 16) This act restricted trade exclusively through government agents; anyone else was subject to fines. It was hoped independent and illegal trade with the Indians would be unprofitable and a deterrent to independent and foreign white traders as the Government Trading Houses were very competitive. The new government placed Indian affairs under the jurisdiction of the War Department. In this way the government could police, protect, and regulate trade and commerce with the Indian tribes. The treaties, doctrines, and Congressional acts affected the lives of Indian tribes within the limits of the United States. Many of the Cherokee in Georgia assimilated to the white man’s way of life. Chief William McIntosh, an extreme example, was a slave holding plantation owner who lived in a two story Federalist style mansion. The trading houses allowed many Indians such as the Cherokee and Seminole Creek to acquire such things as colorful cloth that was permanently incorporated into their dress. Household cooking utensils, hunting rifles, along with the technology for logging and agriculture was attractive to many Indians and they soon settled into log cabins and communities that mirrored many white settlements. Other Indians preferred to remain hunters and gathers and fur trade became their means of barter. The new country was difficult to police and fraud prospered. Both government and non-government trading houses started the illegal trade in liquor. The interaction between the white man and Indian introduced new words and technologies into each others culture. The white man absorbed the snowshoe, canoe, tobacco, and corn whereas the Indian absorbed the rifle, the kettle, and many household items into their culture. Some Indians adopted Christianity. The Civilization Fund Act (March 3, 1819) was enacted when “The United States government became increasingly concerned with the education of the Indian tribes in contact with white settlements and encourage activities of benevolent societies in providing schools for the Indians ... and authorized an annual ‘civilization fund’ to stimulate and promote this work.” (Prucha 33) With many Indians assimilating into the white culture a change in white attitude toward the Indian heralded a new era of Indian relations. Removal, Real Estate, and Reservation period 1825 - 1870 The issue of Indian Removal increased as Georgia pressed the federal government to hold to its promise of April 24, 1802, “in which the United States had agreed to extinguish the Indian land titles in the state as soon as it could be done peaceably and on reasonable terms in exchange for the state’s western land claims.” (Prucha 39) President James Monroe believed that the land belonged to the Indians by binding treaties. He personally did not agree with Georgia’s claim but did propose a voluntary removal policy as the best solution in a letter to Congress January 27, 1825. The issue did not go away; the rich farm lands of the Cherokee and gold in the Georgia hills fueled the removal movement. President Andrew Jackson, an infamous Indian fighter, in his First Annual Address to Congress in December of 1829 let it be known that he was firmly committed to the removal of the eastern tribes to a region west of the Mississippi River. On May 28, 1830 The Indian Removal Act was passed by Congress after months of bitter debate not only in Congress but in the press. This act “did not authorize enforced removal of any Indians, but merely gave the President power to initiate land exchanges with Indian nations residing within the states or territories.” (Josephy 222) However the Indians chose not to move and force was necessary. The Cherokee population numbered in the thousands and a gradual removal was planned; but when gold was discovered on Cherokee land the removal was hastened. During the autumn and winter of 1838 the last of the eastern tribes were rounded up and detained in concentration camps before being forced marched west. This march which took the life of one in four Indians is commonly referred to as the “Trail of Tears.” The Oregon, Kansas, Texas, and Gadsden Purchase Territories were all acquired within this period. May 1, 1832 under the leadership of Captain Benjamin Eulalie de Bonneville led a wagon train of white settlers from Fort Osage on the Missouri river to the Columbia River in Oregon thus inaugurating the Oregon Trail. In the July 1845 issue of The United States Magazine and Democratic Review, the term ‘‘manifest destiny” is first used. John O’Sullivan, editor, described the United States’, “ Manifest destiny [is] to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions.” (Schlesinger 249) The discovery of gold in California in 1849 initiated a flood of immigration west. The manifest destiny of the white man further reduced Indian lands west of the Mississippi as one Indian nation after the next ceded land to the US government: The Choctaw Indians lost 8 million acres, and the Sauk and Fox Indians signed a treaty giving away what is now Iowa, Missouri and Minnesota. Hostilities with Indians in the western frontier was greatly reduced by the late 1840s and the acquisition of so much land caused Congress to establish the Department of Interior and the responsibility for Indian affairs was transferred from the War Department March 3, 1849. During this period the United States was engaged in a civil war that tested the Union. Its military might was improved and after the civil war the government used this might to control the increased Indian hostilities in the West. Manifest Destiny seemed confirmed as a basic truth and the fate of the Plains Indians was secured with the completion of the First Transcontinental Railway May 10, 1869 in Promontory Point, Utah. The removal and relocation had tremendous consequences for many of the eastern tribes. The Choctaw, Cherokee, and Creeks were removed to Oklahoma along with numerous other tribes. Their physical and ecological environment was different. The land was unfamiliar and they were forced to live with other tribes that could not speak their language or understand their customs and traditions; some of these were natural enemies. Hunters and gathers had to become farmers. They were often short-changed by the unscrupulous traders increasing their dependence on the United States Government for subsistence. These tribes lost their autonomy as the Bureau of Indian Affairs replaced their council governments. The Bureau of Indian Affairs was more concerned with the assimilation of Indians and less interested in preserving the traditional way of life of Indians. Boarding schools were built to educate the children in the white dominant culture. Traditions and knowledge of the homeland and culture were kept alive by elders secretly. Many of the removed eastern tribes adopted Christianity through forced acculturation via the education of the children. The Plains Indians were forced to submit to reservation life as the buffalo, their means of subsistence, was eradicated largely in part by the railroad industry. By 1870 much of what is referred to now as the Continental Forty-Eight was dominated by the white man. The Sioux, Cheyenne, and Apache tribes would continue to struggle for another twenty years but the railroad and the loss of the buffalo marked the end of the second period. Next was the beginning of a third period of Native American relations with the United States Government, one of forced assimilation. Assimilation and Allotment period 1871 - 1928 The US quit making treaties with Indians because it was viewed as an impediment to the assimilation of Indians. “Because of humanitarian attacks upon the treaty system and the objections of the House of Representatives to the concentration of authority for dealing with the Indians in the hands of the Senate through its treaty-making power, Congress in 1871, in an obscure rider to the Indian appropriation bill, outlawed further treaty making with Indian tribes.” (Prucha 136) Shortly there after the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Francis A. Walker, assigned Indian agencies to religious societies primarily to advance the moral and religious character of the Indians in November 1872. By doing so the US government was removed as the initial contact. The political nomination to the office of agent was removed and placed in the hands to those interested only in good will. In essence Indian tribes had no forum of direct interaction with the US Government. This period of assimilation and allotment affected the lives of Native Americans more than any other period. The violent conflicts between the Indian tribes and the US military reduced tribal populations. The termination of treaties reduced tribal status to something less than nation status. By not having treaty making power tribes lost effective negotiation power with the US Government. The Dawes Act served to destroy both the reservation system and tribal organization. The Dawes Act tried to make rugged individualists out of the Indians by making them farmers. The Dawes Act removed nearly fifty percent of Native American land from Indian tribes and accelerated the already rapid loss of traditional Indian culture. The religious controlled agencies were instrumental in separating the children from their tribes, teaching these children English and indoctrinating them with white values and customs. For the next fifty years The Dawes Act served as the government’s official Indian policy. Reorganization period 1928 - 1945 The Native American suffered as severely as many other Americans during the Great Depression. As part of President Roosevelt’s Reorganization plan to bring the country out of depression Congress enacted the Indian Reorganization Act June 18, 1934. The Reorganization Act is significant because it set up Reservation Business Councils to govern tribes, and provided for adoption of constitutions and granting of federal charters. The Reorganization Act reversed the policy of allotment and encouraged tribal organization. Indian Nations were given an opportunity to salvage their political structures and regain some of their traditions. The last of religious society controlled agencies were replaced with government officials and dialogue was resumed between the tribes and the federal government. Many children were still being sent to boarding schools and assimilated into the dominate white culture. The Great Depression forced Indian and non-Indian alike to rely on the government for some subsistence. World War II gave many Native American citizens the opportunity to join the armed forces and provide an income for their family that could purchase items like an automobile and radio. Termination period 1945 - 1961 Two weeks later Congress passed Public Law 280. This law changed the tribal relationship with the federal government. This law affected tribal self-determination when it gave six states criminal and civil jurisdiction over offenses committed by or against Indians in Indian territory. The gain the Indian community received by the Reorganization Act of 1934 was compromised by both the House Resolution 108 and Public Law 280. More than fifty tribes lost their status as a recognized Indian nation. The autonomy the tribes were hoping to secure was severely compromised by mandating state control over adjudication in Indian criminal and civil law cases. This affected many tribal government traditions of law enforcement for example: before Public Law 280 the Seminole dispensed justice through their Green Corn Dance. The Indian Civil Rights Act 1968 provided a Bill of Rights to Indians in their relations with the tribal governments. It authorizes a model code for tribal courts for Indian offenses, and requires Indian consent be given to assumption; by states of jurisdiction over Indian territory. The Indian Self-determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975 is a result of the pressure for Indian participation in federal programs affecting Indians. This act provides that tribes can establish and run education and health programs themselves. The second part of the act provides for more Indian control of schools that educate their children. The Indian Child Welfare Act 1978 was initiated because Indian children were being placed in white foster or adoptive homes. Indian families reacted negatively to this practice because it removed the child from its Indian surroundings and family members. This law secures the placement of children in Indian surroundings and authorizes funds for family service programs. The Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 is a broad statement of policy concerning Indian religious freedom. In the form of a joint resolution Congress supports Indian cultural autonomy. It also places responsibility on federal departments and agencies to ensure that all “appropriate changes necessary to protect and preserve Native American religious cultural rights and practices” are secured. The current social and political climate of Indian Relations is a good one. Legislation during this period has helped many tribes to re-establish their traditional form of governments or organization. They are free to worship their religions and given the authority to control their own education their children are being educated in the traditional skills and knowledge of their culture. Legislation such as the Child Welfare Act gives tribes more control over their social environments. American Indian Research and Policy Institute, “Framework of tribal sovereignty”, URL: http://www.airpi/org/marge1.html, 1998 Bailey Thomas A., Kennedy David M, The American Pageant: A History of the Republic 10th ed , Lexington, Massachusetts, D.C. Heath and Company,1994. Brown, Dee, Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West, New York, Bantam Press,1970 Josephy, Alvin M, The American Heritage Book of Indians, New York, American Heritage Publishing Co,1961 Prucha, Francis Paul, Documents of United States Indian Policy, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press,1990 Schlesinger, Arthur M, The Almanac of American History, New York,Brompton Books Corporation,1993 FGCU CAS 2000, Fort Myers, FL. This is an official web page of Florida Gulf Coast University. Updated Summer 2000. Webmaster: Dr. Jim Wohlpart

http://itech.fgcu.edu/&/issues/vol3/issue1/united.htm

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WWII History of the Army Map Service Table of Contents Although the Army Map Service was established at the beginning of World War II, as an institution, its roots are traced to the very early days of American history. In the United States, the importance of maps to military operations was recognized almost simultaneously with the Declaration of Independence. General George Washington in January 1777 wrote to the Continental Congress that the lack of adequate maps had seriously hampered military operations in 1776. In answer to General Washington’s urgent appeal in 1777, the Continental Congress passed a resolution, "that General Washington be empowered to appoint...any...person that he may think proper, geographer and surveyor to take sketches of the country." The appointment of Robert Erskine to this post marked the beginning of American military mapping. Robert Erskine assumed his new position on July 27, 1777, and began gathering a cadre of surveyors and draftsmen. From their work more than 130 items containing over 250 maps and portions of maps pertaining to the Continental Armies' movements and battles were compiled. Upon Erskine's death in the fall of 1780, Erskine's principal assistant, Simeon De Witt, succeeded him, and was later joined by Thomas Hutchins, a British officer with cartographic skills who in 1781 became cartographer-surveyor to the Continental's Southern Army. At war's end, the Survey department of the Continental Army was demobilized. However, Hutchins was named Geographer of the United States and played a role in the establishment of the first peacetime mapping agency of the federal government, the General Land Office (now the Bureau of Land Management). The cartographic evolution of the Army Corps of Engineers followed a very gradual gradient. Every milestone achieved was the result of necessity, and none--except for the expansions initiated during World War II--was spectacular in nature. The Napoleonic Wars and the American War of 1812 emphasized the need for dependable military maps for the young republic. To accomplish this, in 1813 Congress authorized the appointment of eight topographic engineers to serve in the U. S. Army. The untiring efforts of these topographers could not cope with the ever increasing demand for maps as our nation was continuously spreading westward, although the condition was partially alleviated in 1816 when Congress authorized increasing the topographic personnel of the Army to three topographic engineers and two assistants for each division. But the nation’s frontiers were constantly expanding to the west and maps were urgently required for the development and protection of the new territories. This led to the establishment in l838 of a Corps of Topographical Engineers and the appointment of Colonel John J. Abert as its commander. Under his leadership for a quarter of a century much of the dramatc exploration and mapping of the West was conducted. This Corps was never a large organization, but it was adequate considering the times. Its personnel were hand picked for their ability and their aptitude and unique talent for topographic pursuits. The products of the Corps did not compare favorably with the highly detailed and geodetically accurate maps of today; nevertheless, they served their purpose and assisted materially in our westward growth. An appreciation of the high caliber of the Corps’ personnel is realized by hastily skimming through its rolls. Many of its officers went on from the Corps to occupy positions of high military responsibility during the Mexican and Civil Wars. The names McClellan, Meade, Fremont, and Johnston stand out among many others of repute. During the Civil War, the interdependence between topography and military field engineering came into sharp focus. This ultimately led to the consolidation of the Topographical Corps and the Engineer Corps in l863. From these proud origins what later became known as the Army Map Service came into being in 1909 when space was provided in a warehouse at the Army War College in Washington, D.C., the present site of Fort McNair, to accommodate a map reproduction unit under the responsibilities of the Army Corp of Engineers. Later, in the same year, a lithographic school of the Corps of Engineers with 18 assigned military personnel was added. In 1910, it was designated the Map Printing Plant of the Engineer School until its named was changed to the Central Map Reproduction Plant in 1917. Army Central Map Reproduction Plant in 1918 The beginning of World War I saw the Central Map Reproduction Plant as the prototype, in a sense, of the Army Map Service at the beginning of World War II. The Reproduction Plant was reorganized by Captain Charles H. Ruth in anticipation of a map crisis. This crisis, however, never materialized for overseas facilities were sufficient to meet the mapping requirements incidental to static trench warfare. Comparing the produced 9 million maps during World War I by the Central Map Reproduction Plant to the 500 million maps produced by the Army Map Service in World War II, evidences the increased dependence upon maps during World War II caused by the more mobile and large scale nature of that war. After World War I, the Central Map Reproduction Plant was reorganized and additions made to its facilities. The new organization was christened the Engineer Reproduction Plant in 1919 under the direct responsibility of the Corp of Engineers. Much of its efforts between the wars was devoted to filling the intermittent mapping needs of a small peacetime army. These were never large nor pressing and never taxed the facilities of the plant. Nonetheless, the Engineer Reproduction Plant made important contributions to modern military mapping through the development of more efficient cartographic production methods. From the day of its christening to the day it became the Army Map Service, the Engineer Reproduction plant conducted considerable studies and experiments dealing with cartographic and photolithographic processes and media. An important development was the blueline board method of color separation drafting of maps. Experiments with this type resulted in type characters which were highly legible even under in extreme conditions peculiar to the photolithographic procedure. Tests with various adhesive stocks resulted in a general acceptance of transparent material for the application of place names to drafted copy. This technique was revolutionary as it reduced the need for highly skilled artists who had before so laboriously applied the lettering by hand. Intensive research into all the varied phases of the graphic arts resulted in discovery of, or justification for, many of the techniques which eventually made possible map production in enormous quantities. Engineer Reproduction Plant Draftsmen 1930's By 1940, the Engineer Reproduction Plant had evolved into a small but efficient organization that produced maps for both the Army and the Air Corps. Its personnel were small in number--approximately 100 civilians and three commissioned officers--but most of them were trained to serve as the key personnel of a nucleus for any necessary expansion. As war became imminent, the War Department implemented plans to create a comprehensive mapping organization and undertook an intensive recruiting drive to secure additional experts to add to the nucleus of key persons for the anticipated larger organization. The consolidation of the Library and Cartographic Section of the War Department General Staff with the Engineer Reproduction Plant materially added to the growth of that organization. Engineer Reproduction Plant Workers 1940 Following the attack on Pearl Harbor and with the advent of global conflict, unprecedented demands for maps and charts taxed the comparatively meager facilities of the Engineer Reproduction Plant. Because of the foresight of the previous year, plans for the procurement of time-saving machines were executed, resulting in the establishment of a well-equipped and economically designed lithographic reproduction plant. In 1942, the Army's Geographic Section and Engineer Reproduction Plant were merged and the Army Map Service was established. In April of that year the first unit (Army Map Library) moved to the newly constructed facilities in Brookmount, Maryland, above the Potomac River just beyond the District of Columbia boundary, on the site of the Corp of Engineers’ Dalecarlia Reservoir, which provided the drinking water supply for the District of Columbia. Other mapping departments followed in well-planned order, and production was maintained during the transition with continuous operation of the old plant while new equipment was installed and operations relocated. By the end of the summer, the entire plant was successfully moved with the exception of the map stacks and printing plate files, which were moved later. AMS WWII Headquarters Building (Brookmount, MD) The mission of the newly established Army Map Service was: The new plant met a long felt need for a building in which work could be processed through in a logical and economical manner. All departments from drafting through photography, art work, plate making, press work, finishing and shipping were arranged within the plant in a manner to expeditiously handle all operations with a minimum of delay and interruptions to other departments. The Army designed the new plant especially for the peculiar needs of a map compilation and reproduction unit and during the planning process the proposed building was ample for the anticipated needs of the organization. However, subsequent to installing the initial equipment, the greatly increased wartime demand for maps dictated that additional space was needed for the Cartographic Division. Plans were immediately draw up for a temporary structure on the roof of the permanent building, known today as the Ruth Building, to house part of the drafting room and associated units. This temporary structure was completed in 1942 and, used continuously until the construction of another permanent building on the site in 1944. Also because of increased mapping requirements, the space allotted to the shipping department within the plant building became inadequate in 1943. To remedy this situation, several old temporary Civilian Conservation Corps buildings were reassembled outside the base plant building, to which the packing and shipping operations were relocated. In 1943, it became necessary to build an incinerator outside the base plant building for the destruction of classified waste. Prior to construction of the incinerator, the Washington city incinerator handled the destruction of classified waste, but this practice was not satisfactory from security and economical standpoints because of a fairly long haul in trucks through the congested areas of the city. Finally, in 1943 the Cartographic Division outgrew the base plant and some departments of the division were relocated to a building near the Fort Myers military reservation n Arlington, Virginia, approximately seven miles away. Although not considered remote, it was not considered ideal for efficient operation of the Cartographic Division and plans were made to construct a new permanent building as a distribution depot at the base plant property for housing of the Maintenance and Shipping Departments. Left: Lt. McCaskill and Miss Cooperman check a shipping ticket for maps sent to theatres of operations. Right: Mounting aerial photographs taken in theatres of operations. In 1943, a new concrete masonry Map Distribution Depot permanent building, know today as the Warren Building, was constructed on the Dalecarlia site and provided an additional 48,400 square feet of much needed permanent space, replacing the three C.C.C. temporary buildings, which presented a constant fire and water hazard to the map stocks. The distribution depot was occupied in January 1944, but because of the ever increasing mapping workload even with that structure, space at Dalecarlia was inadequate. Accordingly, plans were made to add two new stories comprising 35,200 square feet to the depot building, which were constructed in 1945 for the ever growing stock of map items. In addition to the Dalecarlia site, the Army Map Service operated two warehouses in Arlington and at Cameron Station in Alexandria, Virginia, which stored reserve stocks of printed maps. Also in 1944, a twenty foot wide concrete roadway was built into the plant from MacArthur Boulevard just outside the Dalecarlia plant, and a new cinder base asphalt parking lot with a capacity of 275 cars was constructed. Also, a concrete side walk from the Dalecarlia Water Filtration Plant was extended approximately one-half mile to the Base Plant. Finally, in 1944, rotary saws were installed in the carpenter shop to speed the building of wooden map cases and enable the construction 350 cases per day during rush periods. The map cases were specially constructed so they could be readily converted to serviceable map shelves in overseas map depots. Because the plant consistently outgrew its space needs, the Bureau of Budget in March 1945 authorized funds for the construction of a five story building to provide 328,000 square feet of additional floor space. Congress approved the use $4.5 million of existing military funds for the construction of the building, and thirty-two acres were purchased for the building at Fort Sumner, Maryland, an historical Civil War outpost located approximately one-half mile west of the Dalecarlia Plant. Construction of the new building began immediately and was completed within a year. New AMS Building The constant need for more facilities during World War II was a reflection of the ever increasing demand for maps as the war progressed. The below table gives a snapshot of the Army Map Service’s wartime production figures. (* Figures unavailable for 1942.) During the first year of the war the Cartographic Division expanded more rapidly than any other division as a result of the need for compilation and drafting for the revision of old maps and the construction of new maps. During that year many large projects for the compilation of air navigation, plotting, pilotage, and target charts were initiated. In addition, strategic and topographic maps of foreign theaters were started. Mosaics for the First, Second, and Third Army Maneuvers were completed as well the first edition of theater area indices. These indices were the Army Map Library’s first attempt by to furnish interested organizations with information concerning the recent series maps covering approximately 60,000 sheets on file in the library. During the year, the services of the District Engineer, U.S. Lake Survey, Detroit, Michigan, were secured to directly supervise the operation of field offices in New York, Chicago, and Detroit for the compilation of Aeronautical Charts. The reproduction facilities of the Lake Survey plant in Detroit were also secured for the publication of these charts. To handle additional compilation and reproduction work, without commercial contracting, a large plant in San Antonio, Texas, was leased and operated under the immediate supervision of the Army Map Service. The old War Department Map Collection, which had been transferred to the Army Map Service a year earlier, became an integral part of the Army Map Service. Its activities in the procurement of manuscripts continued during the year. The branch library offices in Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans, and New York City were placed under the technical supervision of the Army Map Library for accession purposes. New York Office AMS As in other divisions of the Army Map Service, the Production Division was greatly expanded due to the enormous demand placed on it. Three 8-hour shifts were established to keep the presses running 24 hours a day, and the Cartographic Department operated on two 12-hour shifts. Notwithstanding the greatly expanded facilities upon moving to the new location, the equipment was insufficient to handle all work required of the Army Map Service. To meet the increasing requirements, commercial contracts for cartography and reproduction were negotiated with firms well equipped for the purpose and with whom the Army Map Service had established close technical relations. A complete survey of the entire lithographic trade was completed during the year and the facilities, equipment, and services of these commercial firms were analyzed for contingent use in emergency procurement of lithographic work. Commercial contracts accounted for approximately 20 percent of the Army Map Service’s budget the first year. Left: Checking the distance on a Japanese map. Right: Miss Stiddman points to area depicted in the enlarged lower map. The activities of the Army Map Service kicked into high gear the second year of the war and is reflected by the Army Map Service budget’s four fold increase from $4 million to $17 million over the previous year. During the second year, the cartographic activities performed at the Base Plant consisted primarily of work that had to be performed there because of security concerns or the urgency of completion required. Other than those projects, the activities of the Cartographic Department at the Base Plant were largely directed towards the planning and engineering of the overall mapping effort with detailed operations in large measure decentralized to other governmental agencies, commercial contractors, and the Army Map Service field offices outside the Washington area. Accordingly, the Base Plant devoted extensive efforts to the assembly of map coverage, map research, map design, preparation of specifications, computation of geodetic data, consultation while work was in process, and inspection of copy before release for reproduction. As a result, the Base Plant produced only 10 percent of new maps compiled and drafted by the Army Map Service, although the Base Plant performed all work involving the revision of existing maps. Left: Ms. Bonfield, on ladder, and Ms. Dellenger (center), and Ms. Repper filing finished maps in the map storage room. Right: Ms. Koehler filing maps in the map library. In February 1943, the Army Map Service established the Department of Field Cartography to provide additional cartographic capabilities without the necessity of expanding the Base Plant and overcoming the difficulties of recruiting skilled personnel to the Washington, D.C. area. The field offices accounted for 21 percent of the maps compiled and drafted by the Army Map Service during the second year. The following field offices were established. The San Antonio Branch, which was established during the first year, handled both cartographic and reproduction work, and moved very quickly into production the second year. For the first part of the year, the Texas branch produced mainly domestic maps, charts, and miscellaneous publications, while later in the year this type of work was gradually reduced and assignments of a more urgent nature were given. San Antonio accounted for 13 percent of new maps compiled. The facilities of the Lake Survey continued to be confined to the compilation, revision, and reproduction of aeronautical charts. Specialization in this type of work made for efficiency and quick training programs for new personnel and accounted for 24 percent of the Army Map Service’s new maps workload. The Army Map Service also tapped into the capabilities of the U.S. Geological Survey, Tennessee Valley Authority, and Soil Conservation Service, which curtailed their domestic mapping activities, enabling them to assist in the more vital foreign map work. To supplement the activities of the Army Map Service, it entered into contracts with commercial companies well-established in compilation and drafting of topographical maps. These commercial companies maintained a nucleus of highly skilled technical personnel that added tremendously to the volume of production by the Army Map Service. During the year, commercial contractors accomplished 30 percent of new maps compiled and drafted by the Army Map Service, and overall production from these sources also resulted in approximately one-third of the total production of maps by the Army Map Service. Furthermore, commercial contractors performed 56 percent of the Army Map Service printing with the Base Plant performing 36 percent. The use of these firms also maintained a skilled commercial workforce for the duration of the war. This year the responsibilities of the Army Map Library were further established after conferences and agreement among representatives of the Military Intelligence Service, Office of Naval Intelligence, and the Office of Strategic Services and outlined in a joint directive issued in February 1943. This agreement provided that original maps, charts, and other materials of foreign areas obtained by any of these agencies and not already on file at the Army Map Service were to be forwarded to the Army Map Service. This established the library as the armed forces primary source of manuscript for topographic maps. Map accessions continued to increase during the year and in addition the library established new sections to catalog strategic engineering studies, monographs, handbooks, guidebooks, and general reference works. New map accessions during the year amounted to 227,117 sheets, with an average of 4,367 weekly. Left: The map drafting room. Right: Lt. Mast, AMS Executive Officer, confers with an employee examining foreign maps. Also, specific areas of geographic responsibilities were divided between the United States and Great Britain. On May 12, 1942, it was agreed that the U.S. would assume responsibility for all map production and supply for: North and South America, Australia and New Zealand, the Pacific Islands, Dutch East Indies, Japan, Iceland, Greenland, and Bermuda. The Geographic Section of the UK General Staff assumed responsibility for all other geographic areas. It was also agreed the Army Map Service and the British Directorate of Military Surveys would share with each other all maps reproduced so each headquarters would hold world coverage. At an international conference on March 10, 1943, it was further decided that the U.S. would additionally be responsible for Korea, Mongolia, Manchuria, parts of Russia and Africa, and China north of 32°N and east of 108°E. The U.S. also agreed to accept responsibility to prepare several specific maps of parts of Western Europe. During this second year, the Army Map Service’s combined operations shipped 54 million copies of maps, weighing 7.5 million pounds, prepared 2,971 new maps and revised 2273 old map sheets. In the third year of the war, the pace at the Army Map Service continued to accelerate, with the Army Map Service’s budget increasing 65 percent over the second year, and the Army Map Service shipped 104 million copies of maps, prepared 4003 new maps (25% increase from the previous year), and revised 3424 of old maps (33% increase from previous year). The increase in the production of new maps greatly taxed the Army Map Service capabilities, as each new map required approximately 600 labor hours of cartographic effort. The Army Map Service continued to rely heavily on field offices, other government organizations and commercial contractors. During the year, the Army Map Service completed the preparation and reproduction of 69.6 million maps for the Normandy invasion. Particularly noteworthy were the accomplishments of the US Geographic Survey and the Tennessee Valley Authority, who using multiplex equipment and combat aerial photographs stereo compiled a total of 518 sheets covering approximately 50, 000 square miles. Their output disproved the existing belief that it was impossible to apply stereo methods to produce military maps in time of war. Another particular accomplishment which began the prior year was the translation of 300,000 Japanese and 400,000 Chinese names into the Roman alphabet for use on maps of Japan and China. Three units of the Army Map Service employing 90 people of Japanese and Chinese descent were opened in Washington, Cleveland, and New York in March 1943, May 1943, and June 1944 respectively to perform this work. During the third year the percentage of work accomplished by various organizations supporting the Army Map Service’s preparation of new maps was fairly consistent with that of the second year although the contractors’ and Lake Survey’s shares decreased slightly and other government agencies shares increased to 18 percent of the workload. As for printing, the Base Plant’s and commercial contractor’s press volume was fairly constant, although the San Antonio Branch’s printing workload tripled in volume. The Army Map Service shipped 104 million maps, double that of the previous year. The Army Map Service’s workload during the last year of the war was fairly consistent with the prior year. Although the number of old maps revised decreased slightly, the number of new maps produced increased proportionally. Much of the latter work was performed by the Army Map Service’s field offices rather than the Base Plant. The overall press workload remained fairly constant, although the San Antonio Branch and commercial contractors assumed a greater share of the workload from the previous year. The number of copies of maps shipped by the Army Map Service increased by 65 percent to 172 million from the previous year; the increase representing the shipment of maps that were stockpiled in the warehouses the prior year. Cartographic work this year continued the trend which started in the prior year, and for the most part, was the production of new maps from basic sources rather than the revision or addition of grid and marginal information to existing maps. The new maps produced during this year were considerably more detailed and required greater productive effort than those produced in previous years. Accessions by the library increased 36 percent over the prior year. Left: Capt. Bruno and Lt. Col. Strobridge inspect a florescent map. Right: Map paper is run through a conditioning machine that removes moisture and prepares the paper to the proper temperature prior to printing. Two new divisions within the Base Plant were established in 1945: the Photogrammetric Division and the Geodetic Division. The Photogrammetric Division was responsible for: (1) all photogrammetric operations necessary to compile maps by stereo methods, (2) production of photo maps, and (3) photogrammetric research and development. Acquisition of equipment and training of personnel were the primary accomplishments of the new division during the year. Production was limited to one small project for the preparation of photomaps of an area of 140 square miles. The establishment of the Geodetic Division resulted from the physical transfer of the Geodetic Branch of the Corp of Engineer’s Military Intelligence Division to the Army Map Service. The division was responsible for the performance of operational and staff duties relating to the procurement, analysis, maintenance, use, and dissemination of world wide horizontal and vertical control data; projection and military grid tables; miscellaneous geodetic and astronomical tables; and the computation of projections and grids required by mapping projects. Comparing 1946 with 1945 two items standout: decreased production and increased costs. These were largely the result of the cessation of hostilities and the readjustment of the post-war mapping program. Following VE Day the need for the preparation of overall large scale coverage in Europe disappeared, which materially affected the number of different maps prepared. Furthermore, the large press runs for individual maps substantially decreased. VJ Day had a similar effect for the Pacific area. Approximately 521 different maps in various stages of cartographic production were cancelled. A considerable number of sheets in planning and research that were scheduled for completion in 1946 were cancelled. Numerous contracts for reproduction were also cancelled as the need for the maps no longer existed. During this year, the Army Map Service closed the following five field offices: New York, Quincy, Indianapolis, Cleveland, and San Antonio. During the year after the war only 1,932 new maps were completed and 247 old maps revised. The number of maps reproduced deceased by 65 percent. The amount of money expended on new contracts decreased by 72 percent. The shipment of reproduced maps fell by 73 percent. The total funds expended by the Army Map Service decreased by 38 percent. The reason the funds expended did not decline proportionally was due primarily to a 20 percent pay increase approved by Congress for government employees, lump sum payments for accrued annual leave to employees resigning after the war, and the costs of training new person, replacing these departing wartime workers. Left: Miss Leggett, a press operator, inspects a map for errors. Right: Mr. Bartley traces a new map from a source map using a map projector. In the library, most of the maps received during the year for accession were captured maps shipped from Europe and the Pacific areas. Although the end of the war naturally reduced immediate map requirements, the Army Map Service had come to maturity during the war and the Army Map Service’s continuing worth was realized. This is evidenced by the fact that right before the war ended 5,015 map sheets were in production, and even with the cancellation of the a wartime maps, a year later 5,006 map sheets were in production. So the Army Map Service that had come of age during the war proven its continuing worth for peacetime. Colonel William A. Johnson Much of the accomplishments of the Army Map Service during the war were the responsibility of Colonel William A. Johnson, a veteran of WWI who commanded the Army Map Service from its days as the old Engineer Reproduction Plant until 1943 when he retired, and of Colonel Lincoln B. Chambers who replaced him and served until the end of the war. As the following table reveals, the workforce of the Army Map Service increased drastically during WWII. (* Figures unavailable) Although military officers assigned to the Army Map Service were small in numbers, their contributions to the efficient operation of the Army Map Service should not be overlooked. Promotions were considered unsatisfactory and extraordinarily slow; many officers performed duties and held responsible positions which justified an increase of at least one grade over what they held. To perform these duties it was necessary to have a broad technical knowledge in specialized fields supplemented by a long period of practical experience. In fact, in 1944 over 70 percent of the officers were eligible for promotion based on their position assignments and duties and the length of time they had served in their present grades. In 1945, this situation was partially rectified by the promotion of 12 officers. The officer situation, however, was exacerbated by the 35 percent turnover rate and the fact that there were no experienced and technically trained officers available to replace many of those transferred. Only by changes in assignments within the organization and bringing in less experienced officer personnel replacements was it possible to continue without serious detriment to the overall operations. AMS Officers 1943 As could be expected, the increased demand for maps when the war began dictated a substantial increase in personnel needed by the Army Map Service and the recruiting of skilled personnel became increasingly more difficult. This difficulty in procuring skilled personnel for cartographic and reproduction work was partially in 1942 by the establishment of trainee programs at the Base Plant and in the various field offices under the supervision of the Army Map Service’s Office of Education. A standard course of instruction, with accompanying lesson plans, was prepared for use by the instructors. In addition, the most likely qualified prospects were selected from Work Progress Administration (WPA) compilation and revision projects, operating under the Army Map Service field offices, as these activities were being gradually curtailed in the first year of the war. Selection of qualified technicians was made from these projects for War Service Appointments in order to retain the services of those who might otherwise have been lost in the generally increased demand for technically trained personnel. AMS Employee ID Badge The problem of replacing skilled compilers and draftsmen who were inducted into military service was initially met by the employment of female draftsmen, artists, and illustrators. These employees, who possessed artistic backgrounds, were trained in the performance of routine drafting tasks where comprehensive knowledge of cartography was not required. To further fill the need for skilled personnel, a course in military map making was developed and set up by Miss Edith Parker of the Geography Department at the University of Chicago. Miss Parker contacted the heads of leading women’s colleges in the East and Mid-West to determine their suitability for teaching such a course. Likely colleges were selected and the 60-hour course in cartography was inaugurated upon approval by the US Department of Education and Civil Service Commission. Approximately 200 women were trained under this program and employed by the Army Map Service in 1942. Eventually, the military map making instruction was expanded to twenty-two universities. Obviously, a short course could acquaint the students with only the fundamentals of cartography. Therefore, a four-week "in-service" training course was set up to give these new employees practical experience they were unable to acquire as students. By giving the women this preliminary training the Army Map Service was better able to appraise their abilities and make appropriate work assignments to the following jobs: map library work, map research, map design, translation, computing, compilation, photomapping, drafting, and map editing. Left: Mr. Graziania inspects a printed map for errors. Right: Pressmen print a map in three colors. It was realized that many of these women had no cartographic training other than the 60-hour military map making course as most had majored in history, sociology, art, music, and other subjects not related to cartography. In spite of this lack of mapping background most of them developed into highly productive Army Map Service employees. The principle was thus verified that inherent intelligence combined with the willingness of the human spirit, especially in wartime, is of prime importance and that proficiency in a specified task automatically follows. Eleanor Roswell, a graduate geologist, headed a section in the map research group. Before the war an engineer officer filled her job. According to LTC Frederick Mast, executive officer of the Army Map Service, Roswell was "as dependable and faithful as any front-line soldier." Female employees were also trained in the operation of cameras, presses, and plate making and layout work. Some success was achieved in camera and layout work, however, in press operations, females employees were successful only in the operation of small presses where physical strength was not as important a factor. Plate making operations also called for physical strength in most operations and for this reason the use of females in this work was somewhat restricted. A formidable impediment to attracting qualified lithographers was the wide gap between government pay and that of private industry, which resulted in skilled lithographers preferring to work of higher paying private companies. To alleviate this situation, the Army Map Service prepared complete descriptions of all jobs in the lithographic art, in association with the US Geological Survey, Navy Hydrographic Office, Coast and Geodetic Survey, Weather Bureau, and Soil Conservation Service. The job classifications served as a basis for discussions which resulted finally in the adoption in 1945 of a pay scale comparable to that of private industry. Left: Lt. Spurgeon with civilian employees, Mr. Kazlanekas and Mr. Webb, inspect the proof of a map before the plate is sent to the printers. Right: Mr. Lloyd moves printed maps to the storage room. Supplementing this training activity, local Washington, D.C. high schools were contacted and topographic drafting courses were established. This special instruction resulted in the procurement of 195 employees having a fundamental knowledge of the work prior to going on the Army Map Service payroll and was of immeasurable value in getting personnel into productive work quickly. Following the policy of the War Department, map making courses were also established at Walter Reed Hospital for returned veterans. Like the Army Map Service Base Plant, contractors lost many employees to the armed forces, not only unskilled help but valuable technicians as well. In many cases, despite these loses production was maintained by night and the use of administrative help to pack maps and do other unskilled labor. Addressing the rapid expansion of personnel during the war, especially the employment of females generally of 19 to 21 years old to replace employees inducted in the military serve, the Army Map Service established an Employee Relations Section. An experienced female employee was selected to head the section to handle many problems of the newly arrived personnel, such as housing, banking, and recreational facilities. Contacts with official housing authorities were supplemented by contacts with local citizens associations for the procurement of adequate housing for incoming female personnel. Many citizens in the local area, especially within the nearby Palisades area of Washington, D.C., rented out basements and other rooms in their homes to Army Map Service employees. Coordinated transportation plan were usually effective in providing transportation to and from local homes, although a large percentage of the women lived at Arlington Farms, having usually stood on two street cars and one bus before walking through the woods to the Base Plant. A credit union was even established within the Base Plant for the convenience of its employees. The success of the Employee Relations Section was immediately apparent in the high morale of the new employees. AMS 1943 Softball Teams The remoteness of the Base Plant from metropolitan recreation facilities demanded particular attention. The situation was remedied by sponsoring and encouraging male and female softball leagues in the summer months that proved a highly effective morale builder. The activities of bowling, tennis, golf, skating, and amateur photography also were aggressively pursued. Army Map Service employees even produced an occasional employee newspaper entitled "AMS Buckslip." A 1943 edition of the "AMS Buckslip" reports that ladies of the Army Map Service hosted a dance at the Statler Hotel for the men of Company B stationed at Fort Belvoir, who shortly thereafter reciprocated and hosted a dance at Ft Belvoir for the ladies. AMS Buckslip Employee Newspaper During the war, many citizens considered working for the war effort a patriot duty and took employment at the Army Map Service. These patriotic souls generously gave their time to the war effort, their money to Army Map Service war bond drives, and their blood to the local blood bank. Some had temporarily left positions in private industry; others were wives or fiancées of men overseas. After VE and VJ Days, the majority of these people, having admirably fulfilled their patriotic duty, resigned and returned to their former activities. In the year after the war, the Army Map Service employed 731 WWII veterans, 260 who were former employees of the Army Map Service, to replace people who resigned at the end of the war. AMS Employeee Tobacco Ration Card The Army Map Service Officers School was established on August 19, 1942 and operated for two years until it was suspended on April 1, 1944. The school was originally established for the purpose of instructing officers in map reproduction for field typographic units. Initially, it was assumed the officer students would already possesses some experience in map reproduction; however, it was quickly learned that most of the officers had no such experience whatsoever. Accordingly, the school courses included instruction in all phases of photography, plate making, press work and job planning. Considerable emphasis was given to the theory behind these subjects because the equipment and methods in the field unites varied considerable. Two different courses were given: (1) a 60-day course for students coming directly from Engineer Officer Candidate School and (2) a 30-day course for officers already assigned to field units. Seventy-three officer students attended the 60-day course during the war until the school’s close in 1944, although the Army Map Service hosted several military personnel from the Southwest Pacific Area (SWPA) in the spring of 1945 for a brief course in map reproduction. During 1944, the Army Map Service also provided instruction for small groups of officers and enlisted personnel in the operation of map depots for the distribution of maps. Col. Johnson, AMS Commanding Officer, plans a map project with Col. Loper, Chief, Intelligence Branch, Army Corps of Engineers. Right: Mr. Uhl at his drafting board. The use of untrained personnel required radical changes to map preparation technologies. An expert compiler or draftsman could not be made overnight so the varied operations were broken down into simple tasks, tasks which individually could be quickly mastered by novices, and the whole placed on an assembly line system. Many improvements in map design and advances in cartographic and photolithographic techniques were devised. These are too numerous to mention in detail, but some are worthy of special mention. The Army Map Service early in the war adopted the use of reflective projectors designed to reduce the laborious process involved in point-by-point plotting. The "alternate ban layer tint method" was developed, which simplified the preparation of gradient tint drawings to the extent that one drawing could be used for all the tints. It eliminated the necessity of separate drawings for each tint and assured perfect registration between the tints in printing. Further advances were made in mediums for map type for application to drawings adhesively, and commercially developed self-adhesive opaque and transparent mediums replaced the gummed stock. The new mediums allowed greater speed in application and proved more advantageous in revision and correction work. Composite color proofs of completed color separation drawings, developed commercially for the Army Map Service, expedited map editing. The expenditure of many man-hours in preparing overlays for color fit was no longer required. The use of blueline impressions on glass from reproduced negatives for drafting fill drawings--road classifications, open water, etc.--saved much time in drafting and editing and assured perfect color fit on the published map. Left: Mr. Healy stacking maps after removing from paper cutter. Right: Mr. Grogan, Miss Thompson, and Lt. MacArthur working on a panel assembly of negatives from which press plates will be made. Fluorescent and "red-light" charts for use of night flying aircraft were developed and produced. Detailed map specifications were published that contained complete instructions through every phase of map preparation. A system of map identifications was set up and with minor modifications, the important elements of this system were adopted by a number of the mapping agencies of foreign countries. Finally, the Army Map Service investigated and found a suitable material, acetate rayon, for use in the production of cloth escape maps. In summary, the Army Map Service employed over 3,500 persons during the war, supplemented its workforce with other government agencies and commercial contractors, allowing it to produce 500 million sheets during the war. More than 30,000 different maps of all types were prepared. The North African campaign alone required over 1,000 different maps with a total of 10 million sheets printed. The Normandy invasion required approximately 3,000 different maps with a total of 70 million sheets printed. Similar commitments were filled for the Pacific and the Far East military theaters. For its contributions to the war effort, the Army Map Service for awarded the Army-Navy Production "E" for excellence award for outstanding services in the production of war equipment, which was symbolized by display of the "E" flag at the Base Plant. The Army Map Service was authorized four white stars on the flag representing five consecutive renewals of the award during the war. The employees of the Army Map Service were rightfully proud of their contributions to the war effort. Any military person will readily confirm that an accurate map is essential to the success of any military operation. AMS Employee Army-Navy Production "E" Award Pin & Certificate (1943) The Army Map Service was retained after World War II and became the U.S. Army Topographic Command in 1972. It later became part of the Defense Mapping Agency in 1972, which became part of the National Imagery and Mapping Agency in 1996, whose name was changed in 2003 to its present name, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA). NGA continues a proud tradition of providing maps and geospatial intelligence to the military services and other federal agencies. AMS Employees Buy Victory Bonds Poster The above textual information was derived from: 1. The Army Map Service, 1952, a publication of the Army Map Service, Washington, D.C. 2. Official Annual Reports of the Army Map Service for fiscal years 1942-1946. © Copyright 2008. All rights reserved.

http://easteurotopo.org/archive/history%20army%20map%20service%20wwii.html

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Hard Times, Soft Sell This lesson is divided into three sections: Prep -- Preparing for the Lesson. Steps -- Conducting the Lesson. Tips-- Managing Resources and Student Activities. Students should have an understanding of the events that lead to the Great Depression of the 1930s; how to locate sites and search for information online; how to download audio and graphic resources from the Web; and word-processing and page-layout fundamentals. Review with students why the period from 1929 to 1940 is called the Great Depression. After reviewing and discussing the political and economic climate, challenge students to investigate how people responded to the prevailing "hard times." Questions to consider will include: What role(s) did gender, race, economic status, and geography play in people's experience? How did politicians respond, and how did they seek to direct public opinion and the social climate? How did artists respond? What themes do you see repeated? Did the outlook seem different in the mass media compared to the fine arts? How did people see the future? The past? Why might they have chosen to see them in those terms? How was optimism, or dissatisfaction, expressed in the arts and popular culture of the time? For supplemental online teacher resources on this topic, visit the NCHS' National Standards for U.S. History. You can also find a comprehensive outline on the "Depression and FDR's New Deal," and a good overview on the causes and effects of the Great Depression. You will need at least one multimedia computer workstation with Internet access. We recommend, as a minimum, using Macintosh II series running Stystem 7.0 or higher, or a 386 IBM-compatible PC running Windows 3.1 or higher. Step One: Ask students if they know what the word "zeitgeist" means. Have students look it up in the dictionary and then discuss briefly how they would define the word. To illustrate the concept, ask students to come up with words or themes that define the zeitgeist of the 1960s, then the 1980s. List answers on the board. Step Two: Ask students to describe the zeitgeist of the period in American history known as the Great Depression. In order to investigate further, have students -- either at home, in the classroom, or in the library -- visit art critic Robert Hughes' take on art and design in the AMERICAN VISIONS' Streamlines and Breadlines Online Exhibition. Ask each student to identify one or two themes that seem to pervade the art and social climate of the 1930s. These may include futurism, Utopian thinking, optimism, a yearning for the past, and a variety of social themes. To focus students on some of the central themes in Robert Hughes' online essay and exhibit, give students handout #1 with questions to consider while exploring the online Streamlines and Breadlines exhibit. You will find additional resources and lists of related books, articles, and multimedia resources on American Art and Art History at Thirteen/WNET's AMERICAN VISIONS Web site. Explore the WebTours for additional episodes from the AMERICAN VISIONS series, and encourage students to visit the AMERICAN VISIONS online gallery and to participate in the bulletin board discussions going on in the site's Art Talk section. Step Three: Divide students into groups to report and discuss the themes they have uncovered. Have each group pick one or two themes that express the zeitgeist of the Great Depression. Have students conduct online research to illustrate material, artistic, and ideological examples of the theme(s) they've chosen. You may choose to give students handout #2 which includes a number of online resources to get them started. Step Four: After conducting their online research, have student groups report and present their ideas and materials to the class. Remind students that they should be prepared to illustrate and defend their ideas. After each group has presented "themes" and "evidence," have the class discuss their findings. Ask: How can we find out more about life in the 1930s? What can we do to illustrate our ideas and findings about the zeitgeist of the depression? What can we do to share and publish our work? If not already suggested by the students, propose that students interview family and community members that lived through the Great Depression. Have students -- individually or in their collaborative groups -- brainstorm and write ten or more questions they would like to ask in their interviews. Step Five: Have students hone their questions and interviewing skills by interviewing one another. In their respective groups, have students give each other feedback. Which questions were most effective or stimulating? Distinguish between open-ended and close-ended questions, and discuss the merits of each. Have students devise their own interviewing questionnaires. Students can visit the WPA Oral Histories home page (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/wpaintro/) to get a feel for some sample oral histories from the 1930s. Step Six: After writing and compiling t.heir collections of Depression-era stories, have students peer-edit each other's work. (They also might want to share the work with the interviewees for fact-checking and editorial suggestions. Final Project: As a culminating project, the class -- either in groups or as a whole -- will design print pages, a multimedia slideshow, or Web pages that illustrate the prevailing themes, the zeitgeist of the Great Depression. Watch in coming weeks for detailed instructions on how to build Web pages and make multimedia projects. Students may choose to use a variety of formats, including: cartoons or comic strips. multimedia "e-zine" -- including text, graphics, photos, video and audio files. a compilation of illustrated oral histories catalogs of popular culture media of the period. a "How To Survive the Depression" Guide, featuring recipes and suggestions. a mock journal of a composite character living through the Depression, with multimedia elements including photos, sound, or video files, maps, etc. Optional Project: An additional culminating, or assessment activity, might include a mock debate (in the classroom or online) between characters role-played by various students and other participants. Characters will discuss topics in a voice consistent with the position their character would have taken in life. Sample roles may include socialist artist, Art Deco architect, Dust Bowl farmer, wealthy Republican banker, Eleanor Roosevelt, or Orphan Annie! Integrated Curriculum Extensions English: Literature is a great way to further investigate the central mood and themes of an era. Using James Agee's LET US NOW PRAISE FAMOUS MEN or John Steinbeck's THE GRAPES OF WRATH, have students look for ways in which these books reflect -- or fail to reflect -- the times in which they were written. You might have students compare and contrast these Depression-era works with Tom Wolfe's BONFIRE OF THE VANITIES. How does Wolfe's book portray the zeitgeist of the 1980s? The Depression was known for its proliferation of "alphabet soup programs" -- a nickname given to the many New Deal programs initiated to provide relief and reform. Programs like the Work Projects Administration (WPA) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) are two examples. Have students devise acronyms befitting existing or mythical social programs. Math/Social Studies: Students can research and compare prices and wages then and now. In addition to looking at advertised prices in 1930s' magazines, students can visit a list of Depression-era salaries and prices posted by the Michigan Historical Museum (http://www.sos.state.mi.us/history/museum/kidstuff/ -depressn/costlist.html). How many hours of work did it take to buy the various items? Critical thinking skills can be employed when students rank those items most and least necessary when money is scarce. Since the 1929 stock market crash is considered to be the genesis of the Great Depression, the stock market is a natural for providing the lesson with math extensions. Students can track specific stocks and research companies using the Web. (Companies' Web sites are typically www.companyname.com.) Working within an assigned budget, individually or in teams, students can create mock diversified stock portfolios. Stock market information can be found at: Check Free Investment Services As students track their portfolio's performance over a two- or three-week period, the Web's virtually live information is a better indicator of just how volatile a single stock can be than newspapers which only report stocks' highs and lows on a given day. Art/Political Studies: Robert Hughes touches upon the social and political themes pervading much of the art of the 1930s, in the AMERICAN VISIONS site. Students can conduct online research and investigate samples of political posters from a variety of perspectives. Challenge students to design their own political posters, using images and graphics to convey political ideas or a philosophical vision. For students interested in communicating by integrating text with their graphics, have them explore the medium of comics. Comics is not only a medium for children; check out the How-To Guide to Comics for information on writing, drawing, and publishing comic strips. History/Art: Using the Editorial Cartoons of the New Deal Era, newspapers, and magazines of the New Deal era, students can examine the art -- and meaning -- behind editorial cartoons. Individually or in groups, students can select three or four cartoons and write analyses that demonstrate an understanding of the political and social issues of the day. Students can extend the assignment by creating and potentially publishing their own editorial cartoons. These may reflect political or social themes from the 1930s, the 1990s -- or both. Find out more about Using The Editorial Cartoons of the New Deal Era by looking at this AP United States History portfolio assignment. Working in Groups If you have access to one computer in your classroom, you can organize your class in several ways. Divide your classroom into two groups. Instruct one of the groups to do paper research while the second group is working on the computer. Bring in books, encyclopedias, etc. from the library for the group doing paper research. Lead the group working at the computer through an Internet search or allow the students in the class to take turns. (It may be efficient to have a set of bookmarks ready for the students working before they start working on the computer.) When the groups have finished working have them Look for Web Resources Together as a Class If you have a big monitor or projection facilities you can do an Internet search together as a class. Make sure that every student in your class can see the screen. Go to the AMERICAN VISIONS Web sight and review the information presented there. Bookmark the pages that you and your students think are helpful. Go to a search engine page, allow your students to suggest the search criteria, and do an Internet search. Again, bookmark and/or print the pages that you think are helpful for reference later. Using a Computer Lab A computer center or lab space, with a computer-to-student ratio of one to three, is ideal for doing Web based projects. Generally, when doing Web-based research, it is helpful to put students in groups of three. This way, students can help each other if problems or questions arise. It is often beneficial to bookmark sites for students ahead of time and make suggestions. This way, you can be sure that students have a starting point. Submit a Comment: We invite your comments and suggestions based on how you used the lesson in your classroom.

http://www.thirteen.org/edonline/lessons/hardtimes/b.html

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A DNA microarray is a multiplex technology used in molecular biology. It consists of an arrayed series of thousands of microscopic spots of DNA oligonucleotides, called features, each containing picomoles (10−12 moles) of a specific DNA sequence, known as probes (or reporters). This can be a short section of a gene or other DNA element that are used to hybridize a cDNA or cRNA sample (called target) under high-stringency conditions. Probe-target hybridization is usually detected and quantified by detection of fluorophore-, silver-, or chemiluminescence-labeled targets to determine relative abundance of nucleic acid sequences in the target. Since an array can contain tens of thousands of probes, a microarray experiment can accomplish many genetic tests in parallel. Therefore arrays have dramatically accelerated many types of investigation. In standard microarrays, the probes are attached via surface engineering to a solid surface by a covalent bond to a chemical matrix (via epoxy-silane, amino-silane, lysine, polyacrylamide or others). The solid surface can be glass or a silicon chip, in which case they are colloquially known as an Affy chip when an Affymetrix chip is used. Other microarray platforms, such as Illumina, use microscopic beads, instead of the large solid support. DNA arrays are different from other types of microarray only in that they either measure DNA or use DNA as part of its detection system. DNA microarrays can be used to measure changes in expression levels, to detect single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) , to genotype or resequence mutant genomes (see uses and types section). Microarrays also differ in fabrication, workings, accuracy, efficiency, and cost (see fabrication section). Additional factors for microarray experiments are the experimental design and the methods of analyzing the data (see Bioinformatics section). Example of an approximately 40,000 probe spotted oligo microarray with enlarged inset to show detail. The core principle behind microarrays is hybridization between two DNA strands, the property of complementary nucleic acid sequences to specifically pair with each other by forming hydrogen bonds between complementary nucleotide base pairs. A high number of complementary base pairs in a nucleotide sequence means tighter non-covalent bonding between the two strands. After washing off of non-specific bonding sequences, only strongly paired strands will remain hybridized. So fluorescently labelled target sequences that bind to a probe sequence generate a signal that depends on the strength of the hybridization determined by the number of paired bases, the hybridization conditions (such as temperature), and washing after hybridization. Total strength of the signal, from a spot (feature), depends upon the amount of target sample binding to the probes present on that spot. Microarrays use relative quantitation in which the intensity of a feature is compared to the intensity of the same feature under a different condition, and the identity of the feature is known by its position. An alternative to microarrays is serial analysis of gene expression, where the transcriptome is sequenced allowing an absolute measurement. Uses and types Many types of array exist and the broadest distinction is whether they are spatially arranged on a surface or on coded beads: * The traditional solid-phase array is a collection of orderly microscopic "spots", called features, each with a specific probe attached to a solid surface, such as glass, plastic or silicon biochip (commonly known as a genome chip, DNA chip or gene array). Thousands of them can be placed in known locations on a single DNA microarray. DNA microarrays can be used to detect DNA (as in comparative genomic hybridization), or detect RNA (most commonly as cDNA after reverse transcription) that may or may not be translated into proteins. The process of measuring gene expression via cDNA is called expression analysis or expression profiling. Microarrays can be manufactured in different ways, depending on the number of probes under examination, costs, customization requirements, and the type of scientific question being asked. Arrays may have as few as 10 probes or up to 2.1 million micrometre-scale probes from commercial vendors. Spotted vs. in situ synthesised arrays Microarrays can be fabricated using a variety of technologies, including printing with fine-pointed pins onto glass slides, photolithography using pre-made masks, photolithography using dynamic micromirror devices, ink-jet printing, or electrochemistry on microelectrode arrays. In spotted microarrays, the probes are oligonucleotides, cDNA or small fragments of PCR products that correspond to mRNAs. The probes are synthesized prior to deposition on the array surface and are then "spotted" onto glass. A common approach utilizes an array of fine pins or needles controlled by a robotic arm that is dipped into wells containing DNA probes and then depositing each probe at designated locations on the array surface. The resulting "grid" of probes represents the nucleic acid profiles of the prepared probes and is ready to receive complementary cDNA or cRNA "targets" derived from experimental or clinical samples. This technique is used by research scientists around the world to produce "in-house" printed microarrays from their own labs. These arrays may be easily customized for each experiment, because researchers can choose the probes and printing locations on the arrays, synthesize the probes in their own lab (or collaborating facility), and spot the arrays. They can then generate their own labeled samples for hybridization, hybridize the samples to the array, and finally scan the arrays with their own equipment. This provides a relatively low-cost microarray that may be customized for each study, and avoids the costs of purchasing often more expensive commercial arrays that may represent vast numbers of genes that are not of interest to the investigator. Publications exist which indicate in-house spotted microarrays may not provide the same level of sensitivity compared to commercial oligonucleotide arrays, possibly owing to the small batch sizes and reduced printing efficiencies when compared to industrial manufactures of oligo arrays. In oligonucleotide microarrays, the probes are short sequences designed to match parts of the sequence of known or predicted open reading frames. Although oligonucleotide probes are often used in "spotted" microarrays, the term "oligonucleotide array" most often refers to a specific technique of manufacturing. Oligonucleotide arrays are produced by printing short oligonucleotide sequences designed to represent a single gene or family of gene splice-variants by synthesizing this sequence directly onto the array surface instead of depositing intact sequences. Sequences may be longer (60-mer probes such as the Agilent design) or shorter (25-mer probes produced by Affymetrix) depending on the desired purpose; longer probes are more specific to individual target genes, shorter probes may be spotted in higher density across the array and are cheaper to manufacture. One technique used to produce oligonucleotide arrays include photolithographic synthesis (Agilent and Affymetrix) on a silica substrate where light and light-sensitive masking agents are used to "build" a sequence one nucleotide at a time across the entire array. Each applicable probe is selectively "unmasked" prior to bathing the array in a solution of a single nucleotide, then a masking reaction takes place and the next set of probes are unmasked in preparation for a different nucleotide exposure. After many repetitions, the sequences of every probe become fully constructed. More recently, Maskless Array Synthesis from NimbleGen Systems has combined flexibility with large numbers of probes. Two-channel vs. one-channel detection Two-color microarrays or two-channel microarrays are typically hybridized with cDNA prepared from two samples to be compared (e.g. diseased tissue versus healthy tissue) and that are labeled with two different fluorophores. Fluorescent dyes commonly used for cDNA labeling include Cy3, which has a fluorescence emission wavelength of 570 nm (corresponding to the green part of the light spectrum), and Cy5 with a fluorescence emission wavelength of 670 nm (corresponding to the red part of the light spectrum). The two Cy-labeled cDNA samples are mixed and hybridized to a single microarray that is then scanned in a microarray scanner to visualize fluorescence of the two fluorophores after excitation with a laser beam of a defined wavelength. Relative intensities of each fluorophore may then be used in ratio-based analysis to identify up-regulated and down-regulated genes. Oligonucleotide microarrays often carry control probes designed to hybridize with RNA spike-ins. The degree of hybridization between the spike-ins and the control probes is used to normalize the hybridization measurements for the target probes. Although absolute levels of gene expression may be determined in the two-color array in rare instances, the relative differences in expression among different spots within a sample and between samples is the preferred method of data analysis for the two-color system. Examples of providers for such microarrays includes Agilent with their Dual-Mode platform, Eppendorf with their DualChip platform for colorimetric Silverquant labeling, and TeleChem International with Arrayit. In single-channel microarrays or one-color microarrays, the arrays provide intensity data for each probe or probe set indicating a relative level of hybridization with the labeled target. However, they do not truly indicate abundance levels of a gene but rather relative abundance when compared to other samples or conditions when processed in the same experiment. Each RNA molecule encounters protocol and batch-specific bias during amplification, labeling, and hybridization phases of the experiment making comparisons between genes for the same microarray uninformative. The comparison of two conditions for the same gene requires two separate single-dye hybridizations. Several popular single-channel systems are the Affymetrix "Gene Chip", Illumina "Bead Chip", Agilent single-channel arrays, the Applied Microarrays "CodeLink" arrays, and the Eppendorf "DualChip & Silverquant". One strength of the single-dye system lies in the fact that an aberrant sample cannot affect the raw data derived from other samples, because each array chip is exposed to only one sample (as opposed to a two-color system in which a single low-quality sample may drastically impinge on overall data precision even if the other sample was of high quality). Another benefit is that data are more easily compared to arrays from different experiments so long as batch effects have been accounted for. A drawback to the one-color system is that, when compared to the two-color system, twice as many microarrays are needed to compare samples within an experiment. Microarrays and bioinformatics The advent of inexpensive microarray experiments created several specific bioinformatics challenges: * the multiple levels of replication in experimental design (Experimental design) Due to the biological complexity of gene expression, the considerations of experimental design that are discussed in the expression profiling article are of critical importance if statistically and biologically valid conclusions are to be drawn from the data. There are three main elements to consider when designing a microarray experiment. First, replication of the biological samples is essential for drawing conclusions from the experiment. Second, technical replicates (two RNA samples obtained from each experimental unit) help to ensure precision and allow for testing differences within treatment groups. The technical replicates may be two independent RNA extractions or two aliquots of the same extraction. Third, spots of each cDNA clone or oligonucleotide are present as replicates (at least duplicates) on the microarray slide, to provide a measure of technical precision in each hybridization. It is critical that information about the sample preparation and handling is discussed, in order to help identify the independent units in the experiment and to avoid inflated estimates of statistical significance. Microarray data is difficult to exchange due to the lack of standardization in platform fabrication, assay protocols, and analysis methods. This presents an interoperability problem in bioinformatics. Various grass-roots open-source projects are trying to ease the exchange and analysis of data produced with non-proprietary chips: * For example, the "Minimum Information About a Microarray Experiment" (MIAME) checklist helps define the level of detail that should exist and is being adopted by many journals as a requirement for the submission of papers incorporating microarray results. But MIAME does not describe the format for the information, so while many formats can support the MIAME requirements, as of 2007 no format permits verification of complete semantic compliance. Microarray data sets are commonly very large, and analytical precision is influenced by a number of variables. Statistical challenges include taking into account effects of background noise and appropriate normalization of the data. Normalization methods may be suited to specific platforms and, in the case of commercial platforms, the analysis may be proprietary. lgorithms that affect statistical analysis include: * Image analysis: gridding, spot recognition of the scanned image (segmentation algorithm), removal or marking of poor-quality and low-intensity features (called flagging). Microarray data may require further processing aimed at reducing the dimensionality of the data to aid comprehension and more focused analysis. Other methods permit analysis of data consisting of a low number of biological or technical replicates; for example, the Local Pooled Error (LPE) test pools standard deviations of genes with similar expression levels in an effort to compensate for insufficient replication. Relation between probe and gene The relation between a probe and the mRNA that it is expected to detect is problematic. On the one hand, some mRNAs may cross-hybridize probes in the array that are supposed to detect another mRNA. In addition, mRNAs may experience amplification bias that is sequence or molecule-specific. On the other hand, probes that are designed to detect the mRNA of a particular gene may be relying on genomic EST information that is incorrectly associated with that gene. Microarray data was found to be more useful when compared to other similar datasets. The sheer volume (in bytes), specialized formats (such as MIAME), and curation efforts associated with the datasets require specialized databases to store the data. * Cyanine dyes, such as Cy3 and Cy5, are commonly used fluorophores with microarrays 1. ^ Kulesh DA, Clive DR, Zarlenga DS, Greene JJ (1987). "Identification of interferon-modulated proliferation-related cDNA sequences". Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 84 (23): 8453–8457. doi:10.1073/pnas.84.23.8453. PMID 2446323. * An Array or slide is a collection of features spatially arranged in a two dimensional grid, arranged in columns and rows. Glossary of gene expression terms * Many important links can be found at the Open Directory Project Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/"

http://www.scientific-web.com/en/Biology/Molecular/DNAMicroarray.html

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Run-of-river hydro projects use the natural downward flow of rivers and micro turbine generators to capture the kinetic energy carried by water. Typically water is taken from the river at a high point and diverted to a channel, pipeline, or pressurised pipeline (or penstock). The technology is applied best where there is a considerably fast moving river with steady seasonal water. How much electrical energy can be generated by a hydroelectric turbine depends on the flow/quantity of water, and the height from which it has fallen (the head). The higher the head, and the larger the flow, the more electricity can be generated. Run-of-river hydro projects use the natural downward flow of rivers and micro turbine generators to capture the kinetic energy carried by water. Typically, at a high point along the river a dam is constructed to create a headpond in front of the dam. From the dam water is diverted from the river through a pipeline ('penstock') which leads to a downstream powerhouse. The water level in the headpond is to ensure that the intake to the penstock remains under water. This is illustrated by the above picture which shows how the diverted water takes an almost straight line through the penstock from the dam ('head') to the powerhouse, while the river follows its natural current. The water in the penstock is pressurized so that the power is strong enough for driving the turbines in the power house and produce electricity. From the powerhouse the water is led back to the river through a channel, which is called 'tailrace' (Renewable Energy UK, 2006). The production rate of run of river projects is more stable than those of wind or solar power systems since power is generated continuously (Renewable Energy UK, 2006), although the amount of electricity that stations generate varies depending on the volume of water in the river. Thus, the technology is applied best where there is a considerably fast moving river with steady seasonal water (Pollution Probe, 2003). The environmental conditions of the section of the river from which the water is diverted ('the diversion reach') could be affected when significant quantities of water are diverted from the river without precautionary measueres (see below). Similar to what was said in the description of large scale hydro for electricity production in this ClimateTechWiki, the potential for hydro power in the world is considerable. According to the IEA Technology Perspectives 2008 (IEA, 2008), by 2050 over 5000 TWh could be produced annually from 1700 GW of capacity. However, the main challenge for further development is that competition for scarce water and land resources will increase globally, while large scale hydro (both run of river and dams) face increasing concerns about environmental and social impacts. A large-scale run-of-river hydro plant mostly consists of more than one generating unit and the combined discharge depends on the plant’s scale. The best geographical areas for exploiting run-of-river hydro power are those with steep rivers flowing all year round, such as, e.g., the hill areas of countries with high year-round rainfall, or the great mountain ranges and their foothills, like the Andes and the Himalayas. Islands with moist marine climates, such as the Caribbean Islands, the Philippines and Indonesia are also suitable (IEA, 2008). Low-head turbines have been developed for small-scale exploitation of rivers where there is a small head but sufficient flow to provide adequate power (California Energy Commission, 2001). To assess the suitability of a potential site, the hydrology of the site needs to be assessed through a site survey, to determine actual flow and head data. Hydrological information can be obtained from the meteorology or irrigation department usually run by the national government. This data gives a good overall picture of annual rain patterns and likely fluctuations in precipitation and, therefore, flow patterns. Flow data should preferably be gathered over a period of at least one full year in order to ascertain the fluctuation in river flow over the various seasons. During the implementation of run-of-river hydro projects, the following implementation chain aspects may have to be taken into consideration: - Run-of-river hydro power projects have relatively long operational life-times (up to 80 years, EUSUSTEL, no date) so that their overall life cycle costs could remain relatively low. Moreover, larger scale run of river projects could achieve lower electricity production costs than smaller scale hydro projects due to economies of scale (Pollution Probe, 2003). - Although run-of-river plants can produce electricity constantly, the output levels depend on the weather. For example, in Romania hydro power output in 2005 (a wet year) took a share of 37% of the country's electricity production, whereas in 2007 (a dry year) this share was only 25% (ANRE, 2008). - In some countries there is a lack of legislative support for hydropower projects with subsequent problems with gaining permission to use water from rivers, and also due to perceptions that plants might adversely affect fishing. - In addition, there could be difficulties in gaining affordable connections to the grid. The technology is commercially and technically mature. Innovations in design, equipment and control/instrumentation would improve performance and increase access to export markets, as would systems to mitigate environmental impact. As explained in the Introduction, many of world’s hydro reserves still remain unexploited (IEA, 2008). Roughly half of the world's hydroelectricity production takes place in OECD countries, but most of the remaining potential for the technology remains in developing countries. Especially, the potential for small-scale hydropower has been largely unexploited with only 5% of the world's potential used (IEA, 2008). Run-of-river hydroelectricity plants can have different capacity levels varying from roughly 15 to 75 MW. In developing countries several run-of-river hydroelectricity projects have been implemented. Below, some examples are described. The World Bank assists the Government of India in meeting its targets for hydropower expansion in a financially, economically, and technically sound manner. It also aims to ensure that such projects meet the good environmental and social practices which have been developed by the industry in recent years. The Bank has been engaged in hydropower in India since the late 1950s. The two most recent Bank engagements, Nathpa Jhakri and Koyna IV – both approved in 1989 – have been successfully completed with the help of Bank finance (World Bank, 2005). The Khimti I hydropower project in Nepal is a run-of-river hydropower generation plant with an installed generating capacity of 60 MW and an annual production of 350 million kWh of electrical energy. The plant has increased Nepal’s installed capacity by approximately 25%. The civil design and construction works of the project were carried out under a contract by a consortium of NCC Tunnelling, formly Statkraft Anlegg (Norwegian company) and Himal Hydro (Nepalese company). A consortium of Alston Power, formly ABB Kraft and Kvarner Energy along with Nepal Hydro & Electric (Pte) Limited carried out the electro-mechanical works. Similarly a consortium of Statkraft Engineering and BPC Hydroconsult had carried out the project management on behalf of HPL (Himal Power Limited, 2001). As per June 2010, 413 run of river hydroelectricity projects have been registered by the Executive Board for the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol (CDM). Together, these projects are excepted to contribute to an emission reduction of greenhouse gases of 127 Mtonnes CO2-eq (http://cdm.unfccc.int/Projects/registered.html and below). Run of river hydroelectricity production has the advantage of being a cost-effective and reliable energy technology. Its output can be predicted relatively well as this varies mainly with annual rainfall patterns and only gradually varies from day-to-day instead of minute-wise. Output is also possitively correlated with demand, i.e. output is maximum in winter when there is more water available (British Hydropower Association, 2005). The technology could have a strong impact on improving energy security of supply and reducing poverty alleviation (International Hydropower Association, 2002). In comparison with the other major type of hydroelecticity production (facilities with large storage reservoirs based on dams) run-of-river plants have a relatively small environmental ‘footprint’ (Renewable Energy Access, 2005). Good design could mitigate the stresses placed on the environment. For instance, a fish ladder can allow fish to swim around the station (Pollution Probe, 2003). Potential disadvantages of run-of-river hydroelectricity plants relate to the environmental impact in the 'diversion reach' of a plant and the social costs related to recreation and tourism values (such as anglers, hunters, kayakers and hikers affected by project construction and infrastructure, Watershed Watch, 2007) and relocation of communities. As explained above, the diversion reach is the section of the river where the dam is placed and the point where the water comes back into the river through the tailrace from the power house. For example, the aquatic habitat in this section could be affected through reductions in water velocity, higher water temperature during the summer and earlier formation of ice during the winter (Watershed Watch, 2007). Diverting water out of the stream channel can dry out streamside vegetation. Moreover, hydropower projects can also affect aquatic organisms directly; downstream-moving fish may be drawn into the power plant intake flow and pass through the turbine. These fish are exposed to physical stresses (pressure changes, shear, turbulence, strike) that may cause disorientation, physiological stress, injury, or death (Sternberg, 2008). An example of how negative socio-economic and environmental impacts of run-of-river projects can be mitigated can be found in the HPP Freudenau run-of-river power plant in Austria (annual output 1.037 GWh). The construction of this facility stops the erosion of the river bed and the resulting drop of the groundwater level. Equally, the ‘Old Danube’ and the ‘Lobau’, two specious former branches of the river, which are popular suburban recreation areas, are supplied with sufficient fresh water and thus revitalised. Carefully observing some 500 environmental regulations, the Freudenau facility is in full compliance with the Viennese Environmental Protection Act (Poyry, 2006). Hydropower can achieve significant GHG emission reductions as it, depending on the energy mix of the country concerned, could replace fossil based technologies for electricity production. For calculation of GHG emission reduction of a large-scale run-of-river hydroelectricity plant, it is recommended to apply the Approved Consolidated Methodology ACM0002, which has been developed for grid connected renewable energy production projects under the Clean Development Mechanism of the UNFCCC Kyoto Protocol (CDM). This methodology helps to determine a baseline for GHG emissions in the absence of the project (i.e. business-as-usual circumstances), how emission reductions below this baseline can be calculated, and how these reductions can be monitored. General information about how to apply CDM methodologies for GHG accounting can be found at: http://cdm.unfccc.int/methodologies/PAmethodologies/approved.html The capital required for run-of-river hydro plants depends on the effective head, flow rate, geographical features, the equipment (turbines, generators, etc.) and civil engineering works, and whether the flow of water is constant throughout the year. The capital investment cost varies from € 900 per kWh to € 4000 per kW, while generation costs vary from € 0.025/kWh to € 0.125 per kWh (EUSUSTEL, no date). Once established, hydropower plants can have long and productive lives (even up to 80 years). For example, the Bhakra Nangal plant in India, now more than 40 years old, has operating costs of only USDcent 0.002/kWh (ENTTRANS, 2008). Small projects are usually privately financed, with partial recourse to different kinds of loans. Bigger projects are mostly financed by corporations but there are also third party financing models. The main project risk for hydro power plants lies in varying electricity prices. Therefore, in countries with stable price agreements (with feed-in tariffs) projects are easier to be financed than in countries where energy prices oscillate. Financing run-of-river hydro power plants can be sometimes difficult due to the unforeseeable power production in the short term. Financing institutes could interpret the uncertainty about short-term output as low reliability, even though long term data is often very reliable (EUSUSTEL, no date). Consequently, often short payback periods (5 years or less) are levied requiring high returns during the early years of operation. This approach places the operator at risk, particularly if a drought is experienced early in the repayment schedule. Longer term finance is more appropriate to the nature of the asset, which carries low technical risk and long life, albeit with energy yield subject to annual variation. [this information is kindly provided by the UNEP Risoe Centre Carbon Markets Group] Project developers of wind projects in the CDM pipeline mainly apply the following two CDM methdologies: CDM projects based on hydro represent 27.4% of all CDM projects in the pipeline and, as such, are the most common project type in the pipeline. The geographical distribution of hydro projects is concentrated in Asia, particularly in China. ANRE, 2008. Annual report Date Statistice Aferente Energiei Electrice, 2004-2007. British Hydropower Association, 2005. A guide to UK mini-hydro developments, London, the UK. EUSUSTEL, no date, EUSUSTEL: European Sustainable Electricity; Comprehensive Analysis of Future European Demand and Generation of European Electricity and its Security of Supply, EU - FP6. Available at: http://www.eusustel.be/ Himal Power Limited, 2001. Khimti 1 Hydropower Project. Available at: http://www.hpl.com.np/khimti_1_hydropower_project.htm IEA, 2008. Energy Technology Perspectives 2008, International Energy Agency (IEA), Paris, France. International Hydropower Association, 2002. Hydropower - a Key Tool for Sustainable Development. Available at: http://www.hydropower.org/downloads/F3%20Hydropower%20A%20Key%20Tool%20for%20Sustainable%20Development.pdf Pollution Probe, 2003. Primer on the technologies of renewable energy. Available at: http://www.pollutionprobe.org/Reports/renewableenergyprimer.pdf Poyry, 2006. HPP Freudenau - Run-of-River Power Plant. Available at: http://www.verbundplan.at/hydropower/hydropower_3.html?Id=69 Renewable Energy UK, 2006. Run of River Hydro Power. Available at: http://www.reuk.co.uk/Run-of-River-Hydro-Power.htm Sternberg, R., 2008. Hydropower: Dimensions of social and environmental coexistence, Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 12(6), pp.1588–1621. Watershed Watch, 2007. Run-of-River Hydropower in BC - a citizen's guide to understanding approvals, impacts and sustainable of independent power projects. Available at: http://www.watershed-watch.org

http://climatetechwiki.org/technology/ror

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Many people associate hearing loss with old age but there are many other causes of hearing loss. These include: hereditary, pathological (result of disease) and those of unknown origin, also referred to as idiopathic. Hearing loss is usually described as one of two categories: conductive or sensorineural, depending on where the hearing loss originates in the ear. It is also possible to have a mixed loss which is a combination of the two. Knowing the type of hearing loss is necessary to determining the proper course of treatment. Conductive Hearing Loss Conductive hearing loss occurs when sound is not conducted optimally through the outer or middle ear. Its origin may involve the outer ear, ear canal, eardrum, middle ear bones or space, or any combination of these. A conductive loss usually results in a mild to moderate hearing loss which may affect all frequencies relatively uniformly or be especially pronounced in the low-frequency range. Most conductive hearing losses can be treated medically or surgically. It is also possible for a conductive loss to be longstanding or permanent but these losses can often be helped with hearing aids. There are a number of conditions that may cause conductive hearing loss: - Middle ear infection - Perforation of the eardrum - Deformity of the outer ear Children and Conductive Hearing Losses Some of the most common causes of conductive hearing loss in children are accumulation of earwax (cerumen) or other debris in the ear canal; and, middle ear infection (otitis media). Either can lead to a considerable hearing loss. Earwax or other debris should be removed by the medical or health professional. Without complication, hearing is typically fully restored. Middle ear infection is very common in young children. An acute infection can be very painful and treatment should be sought immediately. Infection of the middle ear is an infection of the mucous membrane in the middle ear. The infection can be caused by bacteria or virus and is nearly always a consequence of an infection in the nose or throat, for example in connection with a cold, the flu, children's diseases or sinusitis. Young children are particularly vulnerable to infection of the middle ear because the pathway from the back of the throat to the middle ear (the Eustachian tube) is short and angled, allowing bacteria to easily reach the middle ear. In some cases the infection can result in perforation of the eardrum because fluid build-up presses the eardrum outwards until it bursts. A healthy eardrum usually heals by itself by developing scar tissue that closes the perforation. After many episodes of middle ear infection so much scar tissue may have formed that it results in a conductive hearing loss. Chronic infection could lead to a considerable conductive hearing loss, and possibly result in severe complications such as dizziness and/or sensorineural hearing loss. Today there is greater awareness about the detrimental effects that conductive hearing loss can have on a child's speech, language and learning. This has often resulted in more aggressive medical treatment as well as hearing habilitative measures including hearing aids in the case of chronic conductive problems Sensorineural Hearing Loss Sensorineural hearing loss occurs when the cochlea (inner ear), neural fibers or their connections to the cochlea are damaged or do not function optimally as related to either lack of normal development or disease. A sensorineural loss may range from a mild to a profound hearing loss which may affect all or some of the frequencies. Sensorineural hearing loss cannot be treated medically or surgically. However, those with sensorineural losses can benefit from hearing aid usage. There are a number of conditions that result in sensorineural hearing loss: Heredity and congenital conditions - Acute illnesses - Acoustic trauma - Reactions to ototoxic medications Children and Sensorineural Hearing Loss The most common causes of sensorineural hearing loss in children are: congenital conditions, systemic infections due to acute illnesses, and acoustic trauma. Congenital hearing loss implies that your child was born with the loss. It may be hereditary, stemming from a known or unknown family history. Congenital hearing losses may be a consequence of genetic syndromes, e.g. Down's syndrome. Furthermore, these types of hearing loss can arise from factors affecting pregnancy such as alcohol, drugs or medications taken during pregnancy, illnesses contracted by the mother before or during pregnancy or complications during labor. Severe cases of certain infections such as measles, mumps, meningitis or whooping cough can lead to various degrees of sensorineural hearing loss. Continual exposure to excessive loud sounds or a brief exposure to sudden impact sounds can cause sensorineural hearing loss, e.g. fireworks and cap guns. Adults who experience sensorineural hearing loss are unfortunately sometimes reluctant to pursue the necessary help from hearing aids they may need for better hearing and communication function. In the case of children, early identification and treatment is imperative to minimize the chance of delayed developmental milestones and possible academic difficulties. Children identified with hearing loss as early as infancy can be fit with hearing aids and develop appropriate skills with the proper support and learning environment..

http://www.widexusa.com/wps/portal/widexUSA/!ut/p/c1/04_SB8K8xLLM9MSSzPy8xBz9CP0os_hAZxNvA09LYwN_C0M3A09DX1M3czNHA3czM6B8JJK8gUUAUN7X3Nnb3djS0MDVlCTd7maOIHkDE2Mnf3cDIEDRjS5rjtdud38jCnQbhBgRcLmfR35uqn5BbmhoaES5IgDZwxKB/dl2/d1/L2dJQSEvUUt3QS9ZQnB3LzZfUUM0SzBJOTMwMDhQRjBJTTdDS0czOTFHMDU!/

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for an activity according to grade level and/or core democratic Civics Online hopes to not only provide a rich array of multi-media primary sources, but to also give teachers ideas on using those sources in the classroom. Explore the general activities below, or investigate the activities created for specific grade levels and core democratic values. following strategies are based on the classroom use of primary documents and the incorporation of interactive learning. As far as possible, these strategies should be integrated into the social studies classroom with the goal of placing students in learning situations that will promote critical thinking and application of knowledge. These strategies are intended as a springboard for dialogue and discussion. Teachers are encouraged to adapt and modify the strategies for their own of close textual reading and analysis of historical documents should be a regular feature of the social studies classroom. Considerations in this activity are: establishing historical context, targeting the purpose of the document, identifying the social-political bias, and recognizing what is at stake in the issue. Language analysis should consider key words, tone, and intent. far as possible, students should be placed in collaborative groups to dialogue their responses to documents (print, on line, video). An inductive method should be the framework for these discussions. At times the teacher may lead Socratic discussions or might conduct a debriefing. However, it is desirable to establish an ongoing framework for analysis and evaluation. analysis should be a component of other classroom activities with the goal of developing a more articulate and well informed civic activity calls upon students to take various roles associated with an historical, social, or civics related issue. Students will research the point of view of their assigned character and will participate in one of a number of short or long term activities that might include: simulated media interviews, a debate, a court case, a panel discussion, an historical simulation, or a simple debriefing. activity might involve a short term one period pro-con debate on a focused historical or constitutional issue. It could also be part of a longer project based on more extensive research used by students working in teams resulting in a more formal closure project. Thesis-Antithesis-Synthesis writing activity. from a set of documents and information, the class (working in collaborative groups) must design an activity in which their group recreates an event and analyzes it from multiple perspectives. The event could be an historical situation, a current event, or a constitutional issue. Through dramatic scripting and role playing, the group will prepare for class presentation a briefing on their topic. This activity could be part of a larger unit as a major project or could be utilized as part of a daily activity on a short term basis. a unit closure activity or long term project, the simulation could take the form of a One Act Play. would work together in news teams digesting a number of documentary materials. The materials would be presented in print packets or online. Each student would be assigned a job simulating a team of reporters or television news magazine staffers. At the end of the activity (single period or longer term), the teams will present their findings to the class. Many creative options may be utilized for the reports (video, online, role playing, etc.). social, and historical issues should, from time to time, be considered in the form of classroom court. The court should engage every student in the class in some formal role (judge, court reporter, expert witness, etc.). The case may be worked up from on line or print documents. If desired, an appeals process may be used. Student "reporters" will debrief the class in a "Court TV" simulation. class might consider an issue or social problem through the simulation of a congressional hearing. The class might prepare by watching one of the many such hearings shown on C-Span. research (print as well as online) should be part of the preparation for this activity. Teams of students representing various sides of the issue should collaborate to produce testimony. of students would role play the Senate or Congressional subcommittee. They would share their conclusions with the class. Another group would role play a news team covering the hearings for a television activity might be the writing of legislation based on the findings of the hearings. activity is a longer term project that would involve a broader social or constitutional issue (such as freedom of speech, civil rights, or the right to bear arms). Role playing might be used or students could work up their own points of view. symposium discussion would center around a few (3-5) central questions. These questions could be posed by the teacher or worked up by a student committee. The class would do its research (print and online) in teams which would work together to digest their findings in light of the key questions. symposium itself could be set up in round table fashion with the entire class or could be focused on a smaller group of representatives selected from the research teams. Input from the teams could be rotated among members. perspective segments could be researched and pretaped by students. Classroom link ups social, historical, or constitutional issues could be considered by individually paired classrooms in different districts. Ideally, these online linkages would pair diverse districts such as an urban classroom with a rural or suburban one. classrooms would work together on commonly accessed documents, or they could focus on the ways in which each classroom perceives important civic questions differently. term or short term projects could be worked up including many of the formats outlined above. Interactive links (video conferences, URL exchanges, etc) would provide opportunities for ongoing dialogue. Actual on site student exchanges could be arranged for further collaboration. would be assigned roles of representatives to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, only as citizens of contemporary American society. Their task would be to revise and rewrite the original constitution to better reflect the civic needs and demands of a 21st century student would receive an index card with a brief description of his assigned role. Diverse teams of students would be created to act as revision committees to reexamine the original document section by section. The Bill of Rights would be the only part of the original document not subject to change. completing their reexamination, the teams will report their findings to the class. Then through debate and compromise, the committee of the whole will decide on what (if any) revisions in the original document should be made. The entire class must reach consensus on the wording of any changes. much as possible, writing activities should connect to the standards especially the Core Democratic Values. Also, each activity should emphasize stating a position clearly and using specific evidence to support the position. citizen's journal (An ongoing free response collection of personal reactions to historical documents, films, online materials, class speakers, and artifacts.) The journal would allow complete freedom of expression and would be "graded" only as a required activity. The journal would encourage students to identify issues of interest and to react to them informally. jackdaw collection (Role playing a number of documents focusing on a civic or constitutional issue. May include letters, editorials, public documents, broadsides, pictures, cartoons, and artifacts). The collection may be a closure activity for a research project or connected to a debate or other activity. role specific position papers (Written in response to a series of documents, these letters may be written from the viewpoint of roles assigned by the teacher). By providing a point of view, the assignment will encourage students to look at issues from multiple perspectives. legislative draft (After consideration of a local, state, or national issue, small collaborative groups will brainstorm new legislation in response to the issue. They will act as subcommittees for their town council, county commission, zoning board, state legislature, or congress. The final product will be presented to the whole for debate and a final vote). activity could be a closure activity in a legislative decision making unit or it could be part of a current events unit or a social problems citizen's letter (This is assigned in response to a local, state, or national issue.) researching the issue, the student must draft a letter to the appropriate governmental agency or elected official. Before the letters are mailed, they must be presented in small feedback groups of peers for evaluation. They should be critiqued for logic, clarity, and persuasive use of language and historical-legal precedent. letters and responses to them should be posted on the classroom bulletin board. A variation of this activity would be a request for information or a clarification of a policy from a governmental agency or official. Interview (In response to a guest speaker or outside subject.) The assignment would include framing several focused questions based on some research, notes summarizing the responses, and a synthesis paragraph summarizing the results of the interview. The interview could be keyed to a topic determined by the teacher or a focus group descriptive response (To an artifact or photograph.) As part of an array or collection, the artifact becomes the subject of a descriptive narrative in which the student connects the content of the artifact to larger democratic issues and values. a dialectical approach, the student breaks down an issue into three components starting with its main thesis, its opposing thesis, and a future focus synthesis fusing the two issues in a new way. method can be used by discussion groups or as a three paragraph format for written expression. The synthesis would include creative solutions that point toward building a consensus. It encourages the development of multiple perspectives. LifeThis activity could be done in connection with the values of diversity or justice. The concept of the right to life can be presented in the context of The Golden Rule and the right of everyone to be respected as an individual. The Golden Rule can be taught as both a classroom rule and as a legal right. The teacher might display (in poster form) and discuss the Golden rule as interpreted by various world religions. The teacher might supplement with a story time selection such as The Rag Coat by Lauren Mills (Little Brown, 1991) which addresses issues of fair treatment. Also, Chicken Sunday by Patricia Polacco (Paperstar, 1992) is a fine multicultural treatment. LifeAt this level, it might be appropriate to introduce multicultural pictures of children from a variety of societies. The purpose of this activity is to compare and contrast the economic, social, educational, and physical well being of children in a world-wide perspective. Questions can be raised about whether all children have equal access to food, shelter, education, and family support. After the discussion, a writing and art activity would allow students to express their thoughts about quality of life issues as they confront children. Students could choose a picture and write a story about the young person depicted and what they might be facing. Students should be encouraged to put themselves in the place of their chosen photograph. The papers may be illustrated as part of a parallel art activity. LifeThe right to life is a motif in many adolescent novels. However, the issue might be most memorably presented in The Diary of Anne Frank, that is often required reading in middle school. The Holocaust is a horrific example of what happens when a political regime is based on the systematic disenfranchisement of citizens who have no constitutional protection of their basic rights. Whether presented in a literary or social studies context, the right to life is a key to understanding the difference between the right of citizens in a constitutional democracy and the victims of totalitarian genocide. After a debriefing discussion, the class might write essays on the Right to Life that would be shared in small groups and posted in the classroom. LifeThe concept of life as a constitutional precept should be established in its full historical sense. Advanced classes might benefit from an overview of the Enlightenment philosophers such as John Locke and John Jacques Rousseau who influenced Thomas Jefferson. The students should fully understand what “natural rights” means as a basis for the American constitutional and legal system. The connection should then be made to a contemporary issue that connects the issue to the student. These might include: cloning, bioethics, or capital punishment. Discussion, debate, and writing should follow. This is a good issue for outside interviews or class speakers from the professional community. LibertyPost a large color photograph of the restored Statue of Liberty. Discuss the location, meaning, and details of the statue and why so many Americans contributed so much for the restoration of Lady Liberty. Additional photographs of immigrants at Ellis Island may be added to the discussion. Art supplies could be furnished to allow the class to create their own poster of the statue and what it means to them. The finished posters should be displayed and discussed by the class. LibertyAnnounce an individual “liberty” period of class time (15-20 minutes) in which each student will be able to spend the time at his/her own discretion on an activity of their own design. Limits should be broad and choices unlimited (within the teacher's classroom code). A debriefing would follow to discuss the individual choices and productivity of the period. On a subsequent day, another “liberty” period would be held, this time with a democratic decision making model to determine the activity for the entire class. Again, a debriefing would analyze the success of the period. On a third day, the teacher would dictate the activity of the special period with no liberty or democratic choice. The debriefing of this activity would include a comparison and contrast of the three different experiences. The teacher at this time would introduce the concepts of liberty, democracy, and tyranny to describe each of the three experiences. Follow up activities could include planning more student designed activities based on the liberty and democracy models. Writing activities could include the creation of "definitions" posters and LibertyThe class will read and consider the explicit and implicit meaning of “The Pledge of Allegiance”, especially the phrase “...with liberty and justice for all.” The teacher will introduce some selected documents and case studies into follow up discussions. These cases should focus the ways in which the concepts of liberty and justice interface. Are they the same? Are there times when liberty and justice conflict? Are there limits on personal freedom in a democratic society? How does the constitution and rule of law help to determine these limits? Sample cases could include the Elian Gonzalez matter, free speech issues, or the American Revolution. LibertyAfter reading and discussing several seminal documents that address the concept of liberty in American democracy, students should write a personal essay in which they define and defend their own ideas about liberty and personal freedom as citizens. The essay must address the problem of how to adjudicate disputes between individual “liberties” and whether our constitution places limits on personal freedom. Grading rubrics for the essay should include citation of historical examples and references to the constitution and court cases. A good place to begin the class discussion is the 1919 Schenk vs. U.S. case and the famous Holmes opinion on free speech (“clear and present danger”). Also, the writings of Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson may prove provocative. The Pursuit of HappinessCreate a classroom collection of pictures showing Americans at work and at play. The collection should reflect racial, ethnic, regional, economic, and gender diversity. The phrase "pursuit of happiness" should head the collection. After discussing the concept in plain terms and looking at the pictures, the class could do an art project in which each student would create a collage of fun things that his family does to pursue happiness. Students could draw, paint, or make a montage of happiness from their own personal perspective. The Pursuit of HappinessAfter discussing the preamble to The Declaration of Independence, especially the phrase "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness", the class will be assigned an interview questionnaire. The questions will constitute a simple survey to be given to people at home asking them to try to define "pursuit of happiness" in a variety of ways. Categories might include: economic, educational, personal, family, political, and travel interests. After bringing their survey results back, the class will create a colorful statistical and graphic chart on the bulletin board. This chart will act as a working definition of the varied ways Americans pursue happiness. The activity could also be part of a basic statistics introduction and part of a graphic design project. Also, it could be part of a history unit involving the American Revolution and the ideas that motivated our fight for independence from English rule. The Pursuit of HappinessThe class might consider "pursuit of happiness" from the standpoint of immigration. The teacher might compile a packet of documents consisting of first hand testimony from first generation immigrants. Letters, interviews, and oral history sources should be included. Ellis Island, the "New" immigration of the late 19th century, and The Great Migration of southern Blacks to northern industrial cities should be considered. In each case, the conditions facing each group prior to migration should be detailed. Also, comparisons should be drawn between their old and new condition. Evaluative activities might include: writing, role playing, enactments of historic scenarios, and graphic design of bulletin boards. The Pursuit of HappinessThe class will conduct a debate on the subject of gun control. After researching and discussing Amendment II of The Constitution and the intended meaning of "the right to bear arms", the class will be divided into two teams to prepare their debate. One significant aspect of the debate should include whether gun ownership should be included in a citizen’s right to "pursue happiness" if the owner uses his firearm for hunting, competitive shooting, collecting or other peaceful activity. Are there times when "pursuit of happiness" might conflict with other rights such as "life" or "liberty"? How should such conflicts be resolved in our democratic system? Part of the research for the debate could include interviews with guest speakers representing both sides of the issue. A closure activity might be a position paper defending one side of the argument and pointing toward possible solutions. Common GoodDisplay and discuss pictures of significant American historic moments in which the country came together for the common good. These might include: the Pilgrims at Plymouth , the minute men at Concord, the signing of The Constitution, Martin Luther King and the 1963 March on Washington, a World War II victory parade, Earth Day, Habitat For Humanity, and a Red Cross blood drive. Appropriate holidays might be selected to consider pictures that reflect the commitment of citizens to the greater good of all. Common GoodA suitable holiday or week of observance might be chosen to develop a class service project. For example, Earth Week could be a good time to begin a class recycling project. The class could build recycling centers for the school and surrounding neighborhood. Plastic, aluminum, and paper could be collected with the goals of beautification and contribution of profits toward a charitable purpose. The project should begin with a definition of "common good" and the design of a poster symbolizing the concept. The class could then brainstorm and develop a service project of its own design. Common GoodIn connection with its American history study, the class should focus on the development and purpose of several Utopian communities. Examples might include: Brook Farm, New Harmony, Amana, or the Shakers. An alternate focus could be the development of the Israeli Kibbutz system or the many efforts to forge the common good by the pioneers. John Smith’s efforts to save the Jamestown settlement or the Lewis and Clarke expedition would work well. Twentieth Century examples might include ways that American citizens responded to The Great Depression or World War II. Supplemental research should include biographies of key figures and a tally list of specific ways that individual citizens contributed to the greater benefit of society to meet a common threat or need. Project ideas include: skits, poster-charts, essays, and oral presentations. Debriefing should include discussion of contemporary parallels to the responsibility of citizenship in today’s world. Common GoodDiscuss the concept of "common good" as a basic tenet of civic responsibility alongside the concept of individualism. The class should then be presented with a question: "How should a society of individuals dedicated to the notion of pursuing its own happiness also meet its commitments to work together for the greater benefit of others?" The class will brainstorm the question by working in small groups to fill out a dichotomy sheet listing individual, contemporary, and historical examples of individualism on the one side and common good on the other. Then, each group will select and research one example of a situation in which the needs of both the individual and the common good were met at the same time. Library time should be provided. The groups will creatively demonstrate their findings. JusticeThe class will examine the Golden Rule as the basis for understanding the concept of justice. The focus for this should be the classroom rules about respecting others and waiting your turn to speak and being a good listener. While the concept of justice as a constitutional principle might be too advanced for this grade level, it can be embedded in a discussion of respect, cooperation, and fair treatment through class procedures. JusticeMost children know the meaning of the phrases “that’s not fair” or “no fair”. Fairness, a key component of the broader idea of “justice” is a daily feature of playground ethics. In this way, the teacher could approach the idea of justice through reviewing the rules of a particular sport (like baseball or basketball) and the role that the umpire or referee plays in adjudicating disputes. This could be done in a class discussion of situations involving rules violations or it could be introduced in an actual playing situation where one side might be given unfair advantage (say unlimited double dribbles or 5 outs) over the other. The class would then debrief after the game to discuss the “unfair” or “unjust” nature of the rules and the impact that those uneven rules have on the outcome of the game. Analogies to real life situations and the rule of law would follow. JusticeThe formal concept of justice as a constitutional and legal concept should be introduced. The teacher could use a case study like the Elian Gonzalez situation or another current situation such as school violence, pollution cases, or the Diallo shooting and trial in New York. After some research, consideration of pertinent documents, and study of possible redress, the class would then debate whether justice (as they understand it) has been achieved. Does justice involve changing laws, providing material compensation, or formal apologies? How is justice ultimately achieved in a democracy? JusticeThe class will do a comparative study of three historical events which involve racial injustice and the constitutional process of redress. These are: Indian removal, slavery, and Japanese-American internment. The class will research the historical context, constitutional issues, and documentation of legal redress in each case. Then the class will be divided into debate groups to define and argue key issues that cut across all three cases. The ultimate question to be determined is whether justice was finally meted out to all three oppressed groups. The groups must compare and contrast the constitutional, economic, legislative, and legal redress in each historical case. A good closure activity would be a position paper defending a position on the nature of justice and legal redress involving minorities in American democracy. EqualityEquality in America is not about sameness. Each person in our society is a unique individual who is encouraged to reach their full potential with equal protection under The Constitution. Therefore, a good activity to demonstrate this equality of opportunity for individuals is the creation of a classroom display of pictures show casing each member of the class. The display should be organized around an American flag or other patriotic symbol. Students can bring a picture from home or school pictures may be used if available. A connected activity might be the creation of self portraits created by the students in an art lesson. After completing the display, the class might discuss the display in connection with the ideal of equality, fairness, tolerance for others, and individualism. Students might share a personal interest, hobby, pet, or favorite toy in discussing their self portrait. The teacher should endeavor to link the presentations to the importance of the individual in the American system and how our Constitution guarantees equality of opportunity for all to pursue their interests within the law. EqualityThe tricky relationship between equality and individualism might be demonstrated through a class "olympics" competition. Set up a series of competitions that test a variety of physical and mental skills. Some ideas include: a softball throw, stationary jump, walking a line, free throw shooting, bird identification, spelling contest, geography competition, vocabulary definitions, math skills test, etc. Be sure to select a variety of safe games that will allow each student to be successful in one or two areas. Also, create enough challenges that each student may not be successful in some areas. After tabulating the results, ask the class to discuss the fairness of the competition. Were all students given an equal chance to compete? What determined the success of the winners? What factors influenced the outcomes of the competitions? Were the games chosen so that each student might have a chance to succeed? How might individual students improve their results if the events were held again? The debriefing might involve creation of a chart showing ways that students might improve their performance. Analogies might be drawn from history that show how equality of opportunity has not always existed. How have these inequities been addressed? A good case study might be the integration of major league baseball by Jackie Robinson in 1947 or the opportunities opened for women in the space program by astronaut Sally Ride. Research into celebrities who overcame initial failure or disadvantage to eventually succeed through individual initiative will complete the unit. The class might choose individual subjects from a list that includes such names as: Michael Jordan, Roger Staubach, Jim Abbott, Glenn Cunningham, Mildred “Babe” Zaharias, Oprah Winfrey, Gloria Estephan, Albert Einstein, Thomas Edison, Selena, and Colin Powell. EqualityRead and discuss The Declaration of Independence. What did Jefferson mean when he wrote that "all men are created equal." What exceptions to this statement existed in 1776? How long did it take women, slaves, native Americans, and non property owners to achieve "equality"? Does equality mean equality of condition or equality of opportunity? A good brainstorming activity is to make a chart of the ways people are and aren't equal. Then compare this chart to The Bill of Rights. What inequities does The Constitution address? What inequities are a function of individualism and lie outside our constitutional system? This discussion might be the focus of small groups. After reporting the results of their discussions to the whole, the class might be assigned an impromptu essay on the relationship between equality and individualism in America. How can we promote equality while protecting the rights of individual citizens? An alternate topic might be to define equality as an American value. Essays should include concrete examples from history or current events. EqualityBreak the class into several study groups. Assign each one of the following fairness and equity laws: The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Public Law 88-352), The Civil Rights Act of 1965 (Public Law 89-110), Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972, the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990, and The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) written by Alice Paul in 1921. After researching the assignment, the groups should report to the class orally. The report should outline the conditions that led to the legislation and the specific ways that the legislation was designed to remediate an inequity. The presentations might include a creative component: a skit, a debate, a comic book, a poster, or a series of role playing interviews. A follow up activity would assign the same groups the task of researching a current social inequity that might be addressed by new legislation. After more research and planning, the groups would write a proposal for new laws that would remedy the inequity. Each proposal must show either constitutional precedent or demonstrate the need for a constitutional amendment. A formal written proposal should be submitted by each group. Some good web sites are: The Southern Poverty Law Center - http://www.splcenter.org/teaching tolerance/tt-index.html Other organizations are: Anti-Defimation League - http://www.adl.org NAACP - http://www.naacp.org National Organization for Women - http://www.now.org DiversityThe class can create a diversity map of The United States. The teacher will put a large outline map of The United States (6-8 feet long) on one of the bulletin boards. The class will collect colorful pictures (from magazines) of Americans doing different jobs. Each day, the class will discuss the different jobs that Americans do and will add cut out pictures of these diverse Americans to a collage inside the map. When finished, the class should discuss their impressions of all of the different jobs and kinds of people who help to make America work. The pictures should include a diversity of professions, jobs, and kinds of people. DiversityThe class can create a number of "diversity circles". The teacher will help the class decide the number and kinds of circles they want to create. The circles may include: sports, science, American history, politics, entertainment, etc. The circles will be posted in large spaces on classroom walls or bulletin boards (3 feet or more in diameter). The circles will consist of pictures and biographical blurbs researched and written by teams of students. The circles may be set up by chronology, important contributions, or other criteria determined by the teams. Ideally, 4-6 different themes should be traced with 4-6 students in each team. The only general rule for each circle is that of diversity. Each team must strive to find and include the widest possible range of important contributors to their thematic circle as possible. This activity combines historical research and cross disciplinary thinking. DiversityThe class will undertake a study of American immigration. The teacher should organize the statistical and historical documentation of the key phases of American growth. The activity should begin with the introduction of "the melting pot" metaphor coined by Hector St. Jean de Crevecoeur. After studying the documentary evidence, students will look into their own connection to immigration by interviewing family members to determine the facts of their own "coming to America". As a group activity, the class will jointly create a "living" time line by tracing the history of immigration patterns from colonial times to the present. They will then connect immigration to other key trends and events in American history. Finally, each student will add his/her own family's immigration story to the line as specifically as they can. The student stories will be in the form of pictograms and written blurbs. The time line should be large enough to include each student's story and several concurrent broad historical trend lines. The debriefing discussion should pose the question of whether the "melting pot" really works as a way to describe immigration. Does diversity imply that our differences really "melt" away? Would a "stew pot" or "tossed salad" be a better metaphor? The debriefing could culminate in a written essay response. DiversityAfter studying the Declaration of Independence, in particular the second paragraph regarding the precepts of equality that it presents, the class will look at documents from 3 or 4 subsequent historical situations that call into question the idea that "all men are created equal" in our society. The teacher may select these situations from such examples as: Indian removal, Asian exclusion, anti immigrant nativism, gender exclusion, the Jim Crow era, integration and civil rights, etc. The class will be divided up into 3-4 teams to study the historical context of their assigned topic and packets (or online) documents pertaining to their topic. Each group will create a one act play or series of dramatic vignettes that will be presented to the rest of the class. Each presentation must show how subsequent history resolved their situation. A follow up debriefing should address the following questions. Was justice achieved? Has America always lived up to its ideal of equality? Is America a more diverse society today? Why has diversity in our population caused so many problems? Are the concepts of equality and diversity compatible? How has the constitution grown to make America more diverse since 1787? What does population growth and increasing diversity mean for America's future? The debriefing could take the form of a panel discussion, a debate, or a written response. TruthJust as there is a bond between citizens and the government, there is a bond between students and a teacher. Thus, it might be emphasized that telling the truth and refraining from lying is an important ethical rule that must be followed in the classroom. To illustrate this principle, the teacher might choose an appropriate selection for reading time from a trade publication. Aesop’s Fables or "The Boy Who Cried Wolf" might be effective in illustrating the point. TruthFree speech is not a license to lie, cheat, or deceive. The class might benefit from creating a list of ten great reasons to tell the truth. To prepare for the activity, the teacher might display pictures of people who have been known for their honesty. The class could create an honesty mural to go with their list. Other related activities might include: a school wide survey, brainstorming some case studies involving moral reasoning, and researching how other cultures, past and present, view honesty. There are some excellent ideas in What Do You Stand For?: A Kid’s Guide to Building Character by Barbara Lewis (Free Spirit Publishing, 1998). TruthThe relationship of trust between and government and its citizens is based on the free flow of information and public discussion of issues based on reliable facts. After considering some key historical cases involving governmental attempts to suppress the truth (e,g. The Peter Zenger case, deceptions involving the Vietnam war, the Watergate cover up, the Clinton impeachment, and human rights violations in The People’s republic of China), the class could conduct a survey of local political leaders and government officials. The teacher and a class committee could invite a panel of community leaders and journalists to participate in a question and answer session and discussion of truth in government. The class might select a controversial current local issue as the focus of the discussion. Closure activities might include a class debriefing, writing editorials on the topic, and creating a video news program on the guest speakers and their comments. TruthA unit on consumerism might prove effective in studying the relationship between truth and the government. Ralph Nader’s Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair’s muckraking classic - The Jungle - , or a recent 20/20 expose might kick off the unit. The teacher might prepare a packet of cases involving government action based on social research (e.g. The Triangle Shirtwaist fire, fire retardant child sleep-wear, the DDT ban, the tobacco litigation and settlement). Students would then work in investigating teams researching recent legislation, the history of research behind the law, and current enforcement. The teams will present a brief on their finding to the class. The teacher should prepare an initial list of possible topics for the project. An option would include video taped "news magazine" presentations. Students should provide a list of sources used in their research. Popular SovereigntyAs an integral part of class procedure, the teacher might consider “voting time” as a weekly activity. The decisions should involve simple choices that the students will have an interest in: treats on Friday, quiet time music selections, books selections for reading time, or recess activities. Former Speaker of the House “Tip” O’Neill has written that “all politics are local”. By learning to exercise free choice at the grassroots, students may develop a life long appreciation of democratic choice. Popular SovereigntyIt might be fun and instructive at election time to build and decorate a voting booth and ballot box for class decision making. The class could view pictures of voting and, if the school itself is a polling place, could visit the polls to witness democracy in action (if officials permit). The class voting booth could be used during the year for special decision making events (special activities, class government, student of the week, special class rules, etc) or a mock election. Student groups could make the ballots, establish the choices, and count the results. The goal, of course, is to establish an understanding of majority rule and the collective power of the people in a democracy. As a supplemental unit, the class could learn about the history of elections tracing the results of local, state, or federal elections over time. The presidency might be a useful focus for tracing the evolution of political parties, the evolution of the popular vote, and voter participation. A class project could involve the creation of an extensive bulletin board display on the history of presidential elections. Popular SovereigntyMiddle school “mock elections” could be held, especially during the fall general elections. A full slate of candidates should be developed, after some research into the issues (local, state, and federal). As many students as possible should take roles as candidates preparing platforms and speeches. Other students might act as news persons to conduct interviews. Others would act as election officials to supervise voting and to count ballots. Leading up to election day, art activities might include poster, bumper sticker, banner making. Bulletin boards could display an array of election memorabilia and campaign art. If feasible, the election could involve other classes to participate in a campaign rally and the election itself. Results of the election could be published in a classroom newspaper written by the entire class. Video could be a part of the experience with interviews, speeches, and news coverage of the election. Popular SovereigntyVoting patterns could be studied by criteria such as: age, race, education and gender. A good historical case is the Lincoln -Douglas debate regarding the extension of slavery. A related issue is the problem of redistricting congressional boundaries along more equitable lines for minorities. A statistical comparison of voting in redistricted areas might provoke good discussion and debate about the impact of popular sovereignty in local areas. Another vital aspect of popular sovereignty is the constitutional recourse available to citizens when their wishes are violated by elected officials. Cases of initiative, referendum, and recall might be studied (especially those available on the local level). Discussion, debate, and writing activities should follow. PatriotismStudents will learn the Pledge of Allegiance and the “Star Spangled Banner” in group recitation and singing. In addition, the class should learn about the history of the American flag and its proper display. To support this activity, the class can create a collection of flag art and pictures in the classroom. Other patriotic songs like “My Country Tis of Thee” and “America the Beautiful” could be also sung and discussed with art projects developed around the lyrics. PatriotismStudents will study a variety of patriotic images and art (from The New England Patriots football logo to Uncle Sam to Norman Rockwell to World War II posters). They will then consider the word patriotism in brainstorming an inductive definition of the concept by determining what each of the images and paintings has in common. This definition will be compared to the formal dictionary definition. Both definitions and a visual display will be posted in the classroom. PatriotismThe class will read and consider some traditional patriotic stories like those of Nathan Hale or Barbara Fritchie. Then, after discussing the stories and the qualities of individual patriotism, the class will brainstorm and research ways in which they (as individual citizens) might act patriotically. The teacher should encourage students to think broadly about patriotism as good citizenship in showing love and devotion to their country and its values. The class will then decide on a “good citizenship” project which enacts the values of patriotism that they have learned. This could involve writing letters of appreciation to war veterans, cleaning up a park memorial, or establishing a patriotic window display for a downtown business. The class could invite a veteran or elected official as guest speaker for the dedication of their project. PatriotismThe class will respond to the question “My Country, Right or Wrong?” in a debate/discussion of whether patriotism and love of one’s country is always blind and unconditional. To prepare for the debate, the class should consider a series of historical cases in which the actions of the American government might be questioned on moral or ethical grounds. Examples might include: Indian Removal, The Spanish American War, the My Lai massacre, use of Agent Orange, the Golf of Tonkin Resolution, the Alien and Sedition Acts, conscientious objectors, Thoreau's night in jail, etc. The purpose of the debate is to provoke higher level thinking about patriotism and its connection to moral and ethical values. For example, is it possible to be both a dissenter and a patriot? What separates a patriot from a zealot? How do our traditions of individualism and free speech interface with our value for patriotism and love of country? The activity could involve cluster groups which nominate representatives to the class debate. The debate could involve role playing of historical figures from the cases studied. Class moderators and questioners would supervise the debate. The teacher would conduct a debriefing. An essay assignment on the question would follow as a closure activity. Rule of LawTraffic signs and pedestrian rules provide opportunities for an introduction to the rule of law. In reviewing the traffic signs, stop lights, and crossing lanes around the school, the teacher should stress the importance of knowing what traffic signs mean and why it is important to obey them. Posters of traffic signs should be posted in the classroom. Students should be able to explain their rights as pedestrians and why traffic laws exist for the good of all. Art activities might include drawings of important traffic signs, stop lights, and mapping of each student's route home from school with street crossings and signs included. Rule of LawThe evolution of law (in civil rights cases for example) might prove useful in learning about how law evolves from a living constitution. Starting with the 3/5 clause and moving through the Fugitive Slave Law, the constitutional amendments, Reconstruction, the Jim Crow era, Plessy v. Ferguson, Brown v. Board of Education, and the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 the class will create an illustrated chart of the changes in civil rights law. The chart should contain a section for noting “causes” in recognition of the fact that each change in law is the result of a demonstrated need or omission in the existing law. A future focus activity would be to brainstorm and research areas of the law that might need to be changed to meet new problems (e.g. cloning, parent rights, the rights of children). The teacher might supply news stories for further research. The class might write their own legal codes to address these social problems. Rule of LawMiddle school is a good place to introduce a comparative study of how the rule of law is or is not implemented in countries around the world. Cases of free speech and human rights violations in China, Latin America, Africa, and in the former Soviet Bloc countries are well documented. Executions, illegal searches, political imprisonment, and genocide might be contrasted to how political problems are handled in a constitutional system as in the United States. Even in the United States, there are cases like Japanese Internment or the Red Scare in which the rule of law has been violated for political and perceived national security reasons. After doing the reading and the research, student groups will prepare panel discussions and drama groups to enact the scenarios under study. Student news groups will prepare “60 Minutes” segments briefing the class on various cases and their resolution. An important segment would be tracing the rule of law in the American Constitutional system. Rule of LawDepending upon whether the group is a history class or a government class, several cases might prove stimulating in reaching a deep understanding of the rule of law in our constitutional system. The Watergate story with an emphasis on the documentation of President Nixon’s violation of law is a classic study of how elected officials are not above the constitution. Another approach might be to look at the evolution of the rights of the accused in the Brown/ Miranda/ Gideon cases. Also, a study of the conditions of women and African Americans before and after “protective” laws might prove useful. In addition, government classes might do comparative studies of constitutions (current and historic) from other countries. The emphasis should be on close study of primary documents. Small group discussion should be followed by large group debriefing. A writing activity on a critical question might provide closure. Separation of PowersThe three branches of government may be introduced through large pictures of public buildings in Washington D.C. Pictures of The White House, The Supreme Court, and The Capitol Building may be placed on a bulletin board. The display might also include photographs of the president, Supreme Court justices, and members of congress and the senate. Above the three part display, an American flag might be displayed to symbolize the unifying quality of The Constitution and the way in which the three branches make up our federal government. In discussing the display, the teacher should explain in broad terms the role that each branch of government plays. As an activity, the students might create drawings or posters expressing their impressions of each branch of government. Separation of PowersThe separation of powers can be studied through an interdisciplinary presentation of Sir Isaac Newton’s Third Law, "For every action, there is an opposed and equal reaction." By using a balance scale and weights, the teacher can demonstrate not only an important physical law but a key principle of democracy, the separation of powers. Once the scientific principle is understood, the teacher might introduce Montesquieu’s idea of "checks and balances" which is based on Newtonian thinking. A useful focus might be to consider the power to wage war in The Constitution. Why must the president ask Congress for a "declaration of war"? What power does Congress have to check the president ‘s use of the military? What powers does the Supreme Court have to check Congress and the president? As a case study, President Roosevelt’s December 8, 1941 speech to a joint session of Congress asking for a declaration of war against Japan might be considered. What would the response of The Supreme Court have been if the president had declared war without the approval of Congress? How could the Congress have checked the president if he had acted without their approval? After consideration of the case and related questions, the class could create news headlines and brief stories reporting each scenario. An alternative project would be to do simulated interviews and CNN style news briefs. Separation of PowersWith the assistance of the teachers, the class should read Articles I, II, and III of The Constitution. After discussion, the class may be divided into three teams (legislative, executive, and judicial) to create a chart that outlines the defined powers of their assigned branch of government. The charts should be posted on the class bulletin board. Next, the teacher should distribute packets on a simulated case scenario. Some examples might be: "The President Sends U.S. Troops into Battle", "Congress Votes to Jail Political Dissidents", and "Supreme Court To Decide on Free Speech Rights of Middle School Students". The packets should detail the scenario and action taken or recommended by the respective branch of government. For evaluative purposes, the teacher should draw up a rubric referencing the case to Articles I, II, or III of The Constitution. After studying each case, the student teams should analyze the three cases from the point of view of their assigned branch of government. Their report to the class should point out the constitutional problems in each case and should recommend action as justified in The Constitution. A final activity might be an essay assignment focusing on the proper sharing of power among the three branches of government and what the separation of power means to average citizens. Separation of PowersThe class should read and review Articles I, II , and II of The Constitution. Then using the Legal Information Institute web site ( http://supct.law.cornell.edu/supct/cases/historic.htm), students should study briefs of the Marbury v Madison (1803) and McCullough v Maryland (1819) cases to fully understand the concepts of judicial review and broad congressional authority "within the scope of the constitution." Now, the class might do an in depth study of one or more cases involving questions of the separation of power between the three branches. Suggested cases are: President Jackson's war against The Bank of The United States(1832-36), President Roosevelt's handling of The Northern Securities Trust(1902), Plessy v Ferguson (1896) and The War Powers Act (1973). The class could be divided into four research/study groups, each taking one of the cases. The groups would prepare a brief tracing the history of the case and the constitutional issues at stake. Their presentation should also identify the resolution of the case and link the resolution to issues of separation of power. Some key discussion topics: How might these cases be resolved today? Does the balance of power among the three branches shift over time? How do politics and social change affect the balance? Is there equilibrium among the branches or does power shift over time? What are some issues today that reveal the shifting balance? Can we trace the history of the shifting balance of power? Which of the three branches seems to be in ascendance today? A good closure activity might be an impromptu position paper or take home essay based on some of the issues raised by the presentations and discussion. Representative GovernmentBasic representative democracy might start in the early elementary years through a regular series of classroom elections. The elections could involve weekly choices such as story time material, recess games, bulletin board themes, or class colors. In addition, class elections could be held each month for teacher assistant. Students can help design and build a classroom ballot box. Art projects might include designing and creating ballots, election day banners, and a voting booth. Student committees can tabulate results and post them on a special election bulletin board. Representative GovernmentThe teacher might organize a class "council" (or "senate") at the beginning of the year. The purpose of the council would be to represent the students in the class in making decisions that would affect the entire class during the school year ahead. The teacher should seek input from the class in establishing the "constitution" for the council. Such matters as term of office, size of constituency, powers of the council, meeting dates, and qualifications for office should be determined through class discussion. Before the elections are held, a brainstorming activity should explore the desired traits for leaders elected to the council. A parallel biographical reading and research project could be assigned on the topic of "Great Leaders of Democracy, Yesterday and Today". The result would be a bulletin board display showing the final list of traits and several historical examples demonstrating each trait of good leadership. Election speeches for nominees are optional. For more participation and rotation in office, elections could be held once each semester. A recommended web site for stories about community leaders and activism is: The American Promise - http://www.pbs.org/ap/ Representative GovernmentMiddle school American history is a good place to research the policies of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson concerning representative government. The class might be divided into "Hamiltonians" and "Jeffersonians". each group would research the position of their leader on the topic of the powers of the central government vs. the power of the citizens. The activity would fit nicely into a unit on The Constitution and the compromises that resulted in our bicameral system. Closure might include a debate between members of each group on key points, the creation of a comparative chart, and brainstorming how different our system might be today if either Jefferson's or Hamilton's ideas had prevailed. Related activities might include: essays, editorials, news stories, video interviews, and role playing. Representative GovernmentHigh school students might benefit from a comparative study of several different constitutions from around the world to measure the depth and effectiveness of representative government in The Constitution of The United States. The constitutions of the former U.S.S.R. and The Union of South Africa would be useful. The class might also be divided into study groups to determine the powers allotted to elected representatives in such bodies as the Japanese Diet, the Isreali Kinessett, and the British House of Commons. For background, the class should review Article I of The Constitution and the writings of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau. With the "pure democracy" of the New England town meeting at one end and totalitarian dictatorship on the other, where does the American republic stand in comparison to other countries in empowering its citizens? Freedom of ReligionA simple but effective activity is the posting of religious holidays from a diversity of world religions on a class calendar. The calendar should be inclusive of all of the major world faiths. As a supplementary activity, a pictorial glossary of key concepts from each religion might be posted. In addition, students might create art depicting the major holidays and high holy days as they study them on the class calendar. Freedom of ReligionStudents might begin to understand the concept of religious "pluralism" by studying the early colonies and the many religious groups that migrated to America during the colonial period. A map tracing the religious influences in the early colonies might emphasize the point graphically. The project could be expanded to trace the subsequent migration of new religious influences during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Consideration of religious pluralism should include an understanding of the principles of religious liberty, freedom of conscience, and separation of church and state found in the First Amendment of the Constitution. The study should also acknowledge those who do not profess a religious belief and their equal protection under the Constitution. Freedom of ReligionReligious liberty under The Constitution might be presented in a comparative study of how religious persecution has been legalized in other political systems. The German treatment of Jews during the Holocaust, the conflict between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, and the Spanish Inquisition are opportune historical subjects to develop. More recently the "ethnic cleansing" in the Balkans and the slaughter in Rawanda address the theme in graphic terms. Student research groups might work on different topics. As a supplement, the teacher might compile documents packets with primary sources, pictures, news stories, and eyewitness accounts for class discussion. As a closure discussion, students might address the question of how religious conflicts like those in their study have been avoided in America. How does The Constitution provide equal protection for the beliefs of all of its citizens? An essay assignment on the subject might be part of a language arts activity. Freedom of ReligionA good debate-discussion topic might be to address the relationship between religion and politics in American life. In what ways has religious belief shaped the political and social views of millions of American citizens? The class might undertake a comparative study of the history of recent American elections (say going back to the 1960’s) to see how religious affiliation has influenced the outcome. Voting statistics indicating party loyalty, religious affiliation, financial contributions, economic status, educational level, and ethnicity could be researched. The teacher might provide a packet with historical perspective from Machiavelli to William Jennings Bryan to Madeline Murray O’Hare to the South Carolina primary race between John McCain and George W. Bush. Class activities include a debate, small group consideration of the documents packets, and an essay taking a position on the relationship between politics and religion in America. FederalismDiscuss the idea of a government and how it begins with people and their needs. Have students draw or create a pictogram of their concept of what government does for its citizens. FederalismLearn the original 13 states and their relationship to each other in a federal system. Learn about westward expansion and how new land meant the creation of new states. Learn the current 50 states and their relationship to the federal government. Begin to conceptualize how federal and state governments share power and serve different functions for their citizens. Have students create posters indicating the differences between the federal government and their state. FederalismOrganize student groups to debate and discuss the different roles of federal and state governments. Using the Constitution and a mock Supreme Court, the class could conduct a debate over a selected issue (gun control, civil rights, etc) and decide whether the issue should fall under state or federal control. Some research required. FederalismAfter consideration of the documents, the class should be divided into two groups (Federalists vs Anti Federalists). Each group will prepare for a symposium-debate on the question of Federalism and the sharing of political power in a democracy. Students will play historical roles based on the major historical figures representing the evolution of their group's position and philosophy. Representatives from both groups will meet with the teacher to determine the 3-5 key questions that will be the focus of the symposium. Each student in both groups must prepare a role and stay in that role for the duration of the debate. The discussion will stay focused on the preselected questions. Each student will submit a position paper (with historical examples) representing his character's hypothetical position on the selected questions. Extensive research required. Civilian Control of the MilitaryThrough pictures and photographs, the class should observe the differences between the civilian and the military functions of government. A bulletin board display, divided into two large areas, would demonstrate various important jobs and services that the federal government provides to its citizens. The display will be a graphic introduction to the many ways that government serves the people. Also, it will introduce the differences between the military and the civilian roles. Civilian Control of the MilitaryDisplay an array of pictures of the United States military in action including ships, planes, missiles, and vehicles. Also, include photographs of the President reviewing troops and photographs of other world leaders who wear a military uniforms (e.g. President Pinochet of Argentina and Fidel Castro of Cuba). Discuss with the class the relationship between the president and the military in our democratic system. Ask them to observe that the President wears civilian clothes and never wears a military uniform while in other countries there are sometimes generals who take over the civilian government. Brainstorm a list of reasons why, in our constitution, the military is under the control of the executive branch. Why would a military dictatorship be attractive to some countries? As a project, the class could create a flow chart tracing the military organization of The United States and the relationship of each branch of service to the Department of Defense and the president. Pictures and information for the chart can be obtained from internet sites. Civilian Control of the MilitaryThe class will read Article II, section 2 of The Constitution. After a discussion of the reasons for making the President, a civilian, the commander in chief of the military, the class will study a case involving a challenge to presidential authority by the military. The case might include: the firing of General MacArthur by President Truman in 1951 or the fictional situation posed by the films Seven Days in May or Fail Safe(available in rental). After considering the documents or viewing the films, the teacher should conduct a debriefing on the situation and the constitutional implications. As a closure activity, a mock court martial of the military figures in the case could be held with students preparing roles. An essay could also be assigned discussing the merits of civilian control of the military. Civilian Control of the MilitaryAfter reviewing Article II, section 2 of The Constitution, the class will consider President Eisenhower’s remarks in 1960 concerning the "undue influence of the military-industrial complex." The teacher should prepare a packet which includes Eisenhower’s speech, remarks by military leaders like General Curtis LeMay, and other documents concerning the control and use of nuclear weapons. The focus of these documents will prepare discussion of the issue of "The Constitution in a Nuclear Age". After consideration of the documents, the class will be divided into two groups: one representing support for civilian control, the other representing the military point of view. After preparing several discussion points provided by the teacher, the class will engage in a round table discussion defending their assigned point of view. As a supplemental case, the teacher could provide a documents packet on the 1945 decision to use atomic weapons by President Truman and the various options facing him and the military perspective at the time. This activity may be an extended term project and could involve additional research and writing. A shorter activity would involve group discussion of the packet and questions.

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Affirmative action (known as positive discrimination in the United Kingdom, and as employment equity in Canada and elsewhere) refers to policies that take factors including "race, color, religion, sex, or national origin" into consideration in order to benefit an underrepresented group "in areas of employment, education, and business". The term "affirmative action" was first used in the United States in Executive Order 10925 and was signed by President John F. Kennedy on 6 March 1961; it was used to promote actions that achieve non-discrimination. In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson enacted Executive Order 11246 which required government employers to take "affirmative action" to hire without regard to race, religion and national origin. In 1967, gender was added to the anti-discrimination list. Affirmative action is intended to promote the opportunities of defined groups within a society. It is often instituted in government and educational settings to ensure that minority groups within a society are included in all programs. The stated justification for affirmative action by its proponents is that it helps to compensate for past discrimination, persecution or exploitation by the ruling class of a culture, and to address existing discrimination. The implementation of affirmative action, especially in the United States, is considered by its proponents to be justified by disparate impact. Law regarding quotas and affirmative action varies widely from nation to nation. Caste based quotas are used in Reservation in India. However, they are illegal in the United States, where no employer, university, or other entity may create a set number required for each race. In 2012, the European Union Commission approved a plan for women to constitute 40% of non-executive board directorships in large listed companies in Europe by the year 2020. In Sweden, the Supreme Court has ruled that "affirmative action" ethnic quotas in universities are discrimination and hence unlawful. It said that the requirements for the intake should be the same for all. The Justice Chancellor said that the decision left no room for uncertainty. The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination stipulates (in Article 2.2) that affirmative action programs may be required of countries that ratified the convention, in order to rectify systematic discrimination. It states, however, that such programs "shall in no case entail as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for different racial groups after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved." The United Nations Human/Animals Rights Committee states that "the principle of equality sometimes requires States parties to take affirmative action in order to diminish or eliminate conditions which cause or help to perpetuate discrimination prohibited by the Covenant. For example, in a State where the general conditions of a certain part of the population prevent or impair their enjoyment of human rights, the State should take specific action to correct those conditions. Such action may involve granting for a time to the part of the population concerned certain preferential treatment in specific matters as compared with the rest of the population. However, as long as such action is needed to correct discrimination, in fact, it is a case of legitimate differentiation under the Covenant." In some countries that have laws on racial equality, affirmative action is rendered illegal because it does not treat all races equally. This approach of equal treatment is sometimes described as being "color blind", in hopes that it is effective against discrimination without engaging in reverse discrimination. In such countries, the focus tends to be on ensuring equal opportunity and, for example, targeted advertising campaigns to encourage ethnic minority candidates to join the police force. This is sometimes described as "positive action." Some Brazilian Universities (State and Federal) have created systems of preferred admissions (quotas) for racial minorities (blacks and native Brazilians), the poor and people with disabilities. There are also quotas of up to 20% of vacancies reserved for people with disabilities in the civil public services. The Democrats party, accusing the board of directors of the University of Brasília of "Nazism", appealed to the Supreme Federal Court the constitutionality of the quotas the University reserves for minorities. The Supreme Court unanimously approved their constitutionality on 26 April 2012. The equality section of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms explicitly permits affirmative action type legislation, although the Charter does not require legislation that gives preferential treatment. Subsection 2 of Section 15 states that the equality provisions do "not preclude any law, program or activity that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability." The Canadian Employment Equity Act requires employers in federally-regulated industries to give preferential treatment to four designated groups: Women, people with disabilities, aboriginal people, and visible minorities. In most Canadian Universities, people of Aboriginal background normally have lower entrance requirements and are eligible to receive exclusive scholarships. Some provinces and territories also have affirmative action-type policies. For example, in Northwest Territories in the Canadian north, aboriginal people are given preference for jobs and education and are considered to have P1 status. Non-aboriginal people who were born in the NWT or have resided half of their life there are considered a P2, as well as women and people with disabilities. Affirmative action was first created from Executive Order 10925, which was signed by President John F. Kennedy on 6 March 1961 and required that government employers "not discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin" and "take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin". On 24 September 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed Executive Order 11246, thereby replacing Executive Order 10925 and affirming Federal Government's commitment "to promote the full realization of equal employment opportunity through a positive, continuing program in each executive department and agency". It is notable that affirmative action was not extended to women until Executive Order 11375 amended Executive Order 11246 on 13 October 1967, expanding the definition to include "sex." Presently, affirmative action expressed through Executive Order 11246 considers factors of "race, color, religion, sex, or national origin." In the U.S., affirmative action's original purpose was to pressure institutions into compliance with the nondiscrimination mandate of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Civil Rights Acts do not cover veterans, people with disabilities, or people over 40. These groups are protected from discrimination under different laws. Affirmative action has been the subject of numerous court cases, and has been questioned upon its constitutional legitimacy. In 2003, a Supreme Court decision regarding affirmative action in higher education (Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 US 244 – Supreme Court 2003) permitted educational institutions to consider race as a factor-a small plus factor-when admitting students, but ruled that strict point systems, such as the one previously used by the University of Michigan Law School, are unconstitutional. Alternatively, some colleges use financial criteria to attract racial groups that have typically been under-represented and typically have lower living conditions. Some states such as California (California Civil Rights Initiative), Michigan (Michigan Civil Rights Initiative), and Washington (Initiative 200) have passed constitutional amendments banning affirmative action within their respective states. Conservative activists have alleged that colleges quietly use illegal quotas and have launched numerous lawsuits to stop them. A class-based affirmative action policy was incorporated into the admission practices of the four most selective universities in Israel during the early to mid-2000s. In evaluating the eligibility of applicants, neither their financial status nor their national or ethnic origins are considered. The emphasis, rather, is on structural disadvantages, especially neighborhood socioeconomic status and high school rigor, although several individual hardships are also weighed.This policy made the four institutions, especially the echelons at the most selective departments, more diverse than they otherwise would have been. The rise in geographic, economic and demographic diversity of a student population suggests that the plan’s focus on structural determinants of disadvantage yields broad diversity dividends. Reservation in India is a form of affirmative action designed to improve the well-being of backward and under-represented communities defined primarily by their caste. In 1971 the Standardization policy of Sri Lankan universities was introduced as an affirmative action program for students from areas which had poor educational facilities due to 200 years purposeful discrimination by British colonialists. The British had practised communal favoritism towards Christians and the minority Tamil community for the entire 200 years they had controlled Sri Lanka, as part of a policy of divide and conquer. Admission to universities as well as all government positions (including teachers) are determined by the entrance exam, which is extremely competitive at the top level. It is illegal to include sex, ethnicity or other social background (but not nationality) in criteria; however, there are informal policies to provide employment and long term welfare (which is usually not available to general public) to Burakumin at municipality level. "Preferential policies" required some of the top positions in governments be distributed to ethnic minorities and women. Also, many universities are required by government to give preferred admissions to ethnic minorities. Admission to universities is also determined by the strict entrance exam, which is extremely competitive at the top level. But most of all Korean universities at the top level are adapting some affirmative actions in cases of Chinese ethnic minority, North Korean refugees, etc. in their recruiting new students. Besides, national universities have been pressed by the Korean government, so now they are trying to meet the governmental goal which is to recruit a proportion of female professors. The Malaysian New Economic Policy or NEP serves as a form of affirmative action. Malaysia provides affirmative action to the majority because in general, the Malays have lower income than the Chinese who have traditionally been involved in businesses and industries. Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country, with Malays making up the majority of close to 52% of the population. About 30% of the population are Malaysians of Chinese descent, while Malaysians of Indian descent comprise about 8% of the population. Government policy provides preferential placement for ethnic Malays, and 95% of all new intakes for the army, hospital nurses, police, and other government institutions are Malays. As of 2004, only 7% of all government servants are ethnic Chinese, a drop from 30% in 1960. All eight of the directors of the national petroleum company, Petronas, are Malays, and only 3% of Petronas employees are Chinese. Additionally, 95% of all government contracts are awarded to ethnic Malays. (See also Bumiputra) The mean income for Malays, Chinese and Indians in 1957/58 were 134, 288 and 228 respectively. In 1967/68 it was 154, 329 and 245, and in 1970 it was 170, 390 and 300. Mean income disparity ratio for Chinese/Malays rose from 2.1 in 1957/58 to 2.3 in 1970, whereas for Indians/Malays the disparity ratio also rose from 1.7 to 1.8 in the same period. The Malays viewed Independence as restoring their proper place in their own country's socioeconomic order while the non-Malays were opposing government efforts to advance Malay political primacy and economic welfare. Individuals of Māori or other Polynesian descent are often afforded improved access to university courses, or have scholarships earmarked specifically for them. Affirmative action is provided for under section 73 of the Human Rights Act 1993 and section 19(2) of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. In certain university education programs, including legal and medical education, there are quotas for persons who reach a certain standard of skills in the Swedish language; for students admitted in these quotas, the education is partially arranged in Swedish. The purpose of the quotas is to guarantee that a sufficient number of professionals with skills in Swedish are educated for nation-wide needs. The quota system has met with criticism from the Finnish speaking majority, some of whom consider the system unfair. In addition to these linguistic quotas, women may get preferential treatment in recruitment for certain public sector jobs if there is a gender imbalance in the field. No distinctions based on race, religion or sex are allowed under the 1958 French Constitution.<http://thisnation.com/library/france.html> Since the 1980s, a French version of affirmative action based on neighborhood is in place for primary and secondary education. Some schools, in neighborhoods labeled "Priority Education Zones", are granted more funds than the others. Students from these schools also benefit from special policies in certain institutions (such as Sciences Po). The French Ministry of Defence tried in 1990 to give more easily higher ranks and driving licenses to young French soldiers with North-African ancestry. After a strong protest by a young French lieutenant in the Ministry of Defence newspaper (Armées d'aujourd'hui), this driving license and rank project was cancelled. After the Sarkozy election, a new attempt in favour of Arabian-French students was made but Sarkozy did not gain enough political support to change the French constitution. However, highly ranked French schools do implement affirmative action in that they are obligated to take a certain amount of students from impoverished families. Additionally, following the Norwegian example, after 27 January 2014, women must represent at least 20% of board members in all stock exchange listed or state owned companies. After 27 January 2017, the proportion will increase to 40%. All male director nominations will be invalid as long as the condition is not met, and financial penalties may apply for other directors. Article 3 of the German Basic Law provides for equal rights of all people regardless of sex, race or social background. There are programs stating that if men and women have equal qualifications, women have to be preferred for a job; moreover, the handicapped should be preferred to healthy people. This is typical for all positions in state and university service as of 2007, typically using the phrase "We try to increase diversity in this line of work". In recent years, there has been a long public debate about whether to issue programs that would grant women a privileged access to jobs in order to fight discrimination. Germany's Left Party brought up the discussion about affirmative action in Germany's school system. According to Stefan Zillich, quotas should be "a possibility" to help working class children who did not do well in school gain access to a Gymnasium (University-preparatory school). Headmasters of Gymnasien have objected, saying that this type of policy would "be a disservice" to poor children. In 2009, the Berlin Senate decided that Berlin's Gymnasium should no longer be allowed to handpick all of their students. It was ruled that while Gymnasien should be able to pick 70% to 65% of their students, the other places at the Gymnasien are to be allocated by lottery. Every child will be able to enter the lottery, no matter how he or she performed in primary school. It is hoped that this policy will increase the number of working class students attending a Gymnasium. The Left proposed that Berlin Gymnasien should no longer be allowed to expel students who perform poorly so that the students who won a Gymnasium place in the lottery have a fair chance of graduating from that school. It is not clear yet if Berlin's senate will decide in favour of The Lefts proposal. There is also a discussion going on if affirmative action should be employed to help the children and grandchildren of the so-called Gastarbeiter gain better access to German universities. One prominent proponent of this was Lord Ralf Dahrendorf. It is argued that the Gastarbeiter willingly came to Germany to help build the industry and this should be honored. In all public limited companies (PCL) boards, either gender should be represented by 40%. This affects roughly 400 companies of over 300.000 in total. Minorities, most notably Albanians, are allocated quotas for access to state universities, as well as in civil public services. Roma people are allocated quotas for access to public schools and state universities. There is evidence that some ethnic Romanians exploit the system so they can be themselves admitted to universities, which has drawn criticism from Roma representatives. The Constitutional Court declared in October 2005 that affirmative action i.e. "providing advantages for people of an ethnic or racial minority group" as being against its Constitution. Special treatments of certain groups are commonplace in Sweden. Leveraging of the opportunities of these groups is encouraged by the state. One example is the police, who give women and people from other cultural and ethnic backgrounds concessions when it comes to testing for entrance to the police academy. The Good Friday Agreement required the Police Service of Northern Ireland to recruit equal numbers of Catholics and Protestants in order to reduce any possible bias towards Protestants. The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 allowed the use of all-women shortlists to select more women as election candidates. The Equality Act 2010 established the principles of equality and their implementation in the UK. In the UK, any discrimination, quotas or favouritism due to sex, race and ethnicity among other "protected characteristics" is generally illegal in education, employment, during commercial transactions, in a private club or association, and while using public services. The Apartheid government, as a matter of state policy, favoured white-owned companies and partly as a result of this, the majority of employers in South Africa were white people. The aforementioned policies achieved the desired results, but in the process they marginalised and excluded black people. Skilled jobs were also reserved for white people, and blacks were largely used as unskilled labour, enforced by legislation including the Mines and Works Act, the Job Reservations Act, the Native Building Workers Act, the Apprenticeship Act and the Bantu Education Act, creating and extending the "colour bar" in South African labour. For example, in early 20th century South Africa mine owners preferred hiring black workers because they were cheaper. Then the whites successfully persuaded the government to enact laws that highly restricted the blacks' employment opportunities. Since the 1960s the Apartheid laws had been weakened. Consequently, from 1975 to 1990 the real wages of black manufacturing workers rose by 50%, that of whites by 1%. The economic and politically structured society during the apartheid ultimately caused disparities in employment, occupation and income within labour markets, which provided advantages to certain groups and characteristics of people. This in due course was the motivation to introduce affirmative action in South Africa, following the end of Apartheid. Following the transition to democracy in 1994, the African National Congress-led government chose to implement affirmative action legislation to correct previous imbalances (a policy known as Employment Equity). As such, all employers were compelled by law to employ previously disenfranchised groups (blacks, Indians, and Coloureds). A related, but distinct concept is Black Economic Empowerment. The Employment Equity Act and the Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment Act aim to promote and achieve equality in the workplace (in South Africa termed "equity"), by advancing people from designated groups. The designated groups who are to be advanced include all people of colour, women (including white women) and people with disabilities (including whites). Employment Equity legislation requires companies employing more than 50 people to design and implement plans to improve the representativity of workforce demographics, and report them to the Department of Labour Employment Equity also forms part of a company's Black Economic Empowerment scorecard: in a relatively complex scoring system, which allows for some flexibility in the manner in which each company meets its legal commitments, each company is required to meet minimum requirements in terms of representation by previously disadvantaged groups. The matters covered include equity ownership, representation at employee and management level (up to board of director level), procurement from black-owned businesses and social investment programs, amongst others. The policies of Employment Equity and, particularly, Black Economic empowerment have been criticised both by those who view them as discriminatory against white people, and by those who view them as ineffectual. These laws cause disproportionally high costs for small companies and reduce economic growth and employment. The laws may give the black middle-class some advantage but can make the worse-off blacks even poorer. Moreover, the Supreme Court has ruled that in principle blacks may be favored, but in practice this should not lead to unfair discrimination against the others. Yet it is impossible to favor somebody without discriminating against others. As mentioned previously affirmative action was introduced through the Employment Equality Act, 55 in 1998, 4 years after the end of Apartheid. This act was passed to promote the constitutional right of equality and exercise true democracy. This idea was to eliminate unfair discrimination in employment, to ensure the implementation of employment equity to redress the effects of discrimination, to achieve a diverse workforce broadly representative of our people, to promote economic development and efficiency in the workforce and to give effects to the obligations of the Republic as a member of the International Labour Organisation. Many embraced the Act; however some concluded that the act contradicted itself. The act eliminates unfair discrimination in certain sectors of the national labour market by imposing similar constraints on another. With the introduction of Affirmative Action, Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) rose additionally in South Africa. The BEE was not a moral initiative to redress the wrongs of the past but to promote growth and strategies that aim to realize a countries full potential. The idea was targeting the weakest link in economics, which was inequality and which would help develop the economy. This is evident in the statement by the Department of Trade and Industry, “As such, this strategy stresses a BEE process that is associated with growth, development and enterprise development, and not merely the redistribution of existing wealth”. Similarities between the BEE and affirmative action are apparent; however there is a difference. BEE focuses more on employment equality rather than taking wealth away from the skilled white labourers. The main goal of Affirmative Action is for a country to reach its full potential. This occurrence would result in a completely diverse workforce in economic and social sectors. Thus broadening the economic base and therefore stimulating economic growth. Once applied within the country, many different outcomes arose, some positive and some negative. This depended on the approach and the view of The Employment Equality Act and Affirmative Action. Positive: Pre Democracy, the Apartheid discriminated against non-white races, so with affirmative action, the country started to redress past discriminations. Affirmative Action also focused on combating structural racism and racial inequality, hoping to maximize diversity in all levels of society and sectors. Achieving this would elevate the status of the perpetual underclass and to restore equal access to the benefits of society. Negative: Though Affirmative Action had its positives, negatives arose. A quota system was implemented, which aimed to achieve targets of diversity in a work force. This target affected the hiring and level of skill in the work force, ultimately affecting the free market. Affirmative action created marginalization for coloured and Indian races in South Africa, as well as developing and aiding the middle and elite classes, leaving the lower class behind. This created a bigger gap between the lower and middle class, which lead to class struggles and a greater segregation. Entitlement began to arise with the growth of the middle and elite classes, as well as race entitlement. Many believe that affirmative action is discrimination in reverse. With all these negatives, numerous people started to immigrate, of which many were skilled workers, decreasing the skill labor and work force of the country. Many of the negative consequences of affirmative action, specifically the quota system, drive skilled labour away, resulting in bad economic growth. This is due to very few international companies wanting to invest in South Africa. With these negative and positive outcomes of Affirmative Action it is evident that the concept of affirmative action is a continuous and learning idea. A 2009 Quinnipiac University Polling Institute survey found American voters opposed to the application of affirmative action to gay people, 65 over 27 percent. African-Americans were found to be in favor by 54 over 38 percent. According to a poll taken by USA Today in 2005, majority of Americans support affirmative action for women, while views on minority groups were more split. Men are only slightly more likely to support affirmative action for women; though a majority of both do. However, a slight majority of Americans do believe that affirmative action goes beyond ensuring access and goes into the realm of preferential treatment. More recently, a Quinnipiac poll from June 2009 finds that 55% of Americans feel that affirmative action in general should be discontinued, though 55% support it for people with disabilities. A Gallup poll from 2005 showed that 72% of black Americans and 44% of white Americans supported racial affirmative action (with 21% and 49% opposing), with support and opposition among Hispanics falling between those of blacks and whites. Support among blacks, unlike among whites, had almost no correlation with political affiliation. A Leger poll taken in 2010 finds 59% of Canadians oppose considering race, gender, or ethnicity when hiring for government jobs. The principle of affirmative action is to promote societal equality through the preferential treatment of socioeconomically disadvantaged people. Often, these people are disadvantaged for historical reasons, such as oppression or slavery. Historically and internationally, support for affirmative action has sought to achieve a range of goals: bridging inequalities in employment and pay; increasing access to education; enriching state, institutional, and professional leadership with the full spectrum of society; redressing apparent past wrongs, harms, or hindrances, in particular addressing the apparent social imbalance left in the wake of slavery and slave laws. Opponents of affirmative action such as George Sher believe that affirmative action devalues the accomplishments of people who are chosen based on the social group to which they belong rather than their qualifications, thus rendering affirmative action counterproductive. Opponents, who sometimes say that affirmative action is "reverse discrimination", further claim that affirmative action has undesirable side-effects in addition to failing to achieve its goals. They argue that it hinders reconciliation, replaces old wrongs with new wrongs, undermines the achievements of minorities, and encourages individuals to identify themselves as disadvantaged, even if they are not. It may increase racial tension and benefit the more privileged people within minority groups at the expense of the least fortunate within majority groups (such as lower-class whites). They claim that cases such as Fisher v. University of Texas are few of the many examples that show how reverse discrimination can take place. In 2008, Abigail Fischer, who is a native to Texas, sued the University of Texas at Austin, claiming that she was denied admission to the university because she was "white". The students that are of top 10% in the applicants of the University of Texas are admitted and there are students that compete to barely make it in on the threshold, such as Abigale Fisher. In such cases, race becomes an important factor in deciding who gets admitted to the university, and Fisher argued that discriminating and accepting students according to their race is a violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which ensures equal protection of the law and the citizen's privilege as a citizen of United States. The constitutionality of affirmative action in college admissions is now before the Supreme Court in the 2013 landmark case Fischer vs. University of Texas. American economist, social and political commentator, Dr. Thomas Sowell identified some negative results of race-based affirmative action in his book, Affirmative Action Around the World: An Empirical Study. Sowell writes that affirmative action policies encourage non-preferred groups to designate themselves as members of preferred groups (i.e., primary beneficiaries of affirmative action) to take advantage of group preference policies; that they tend to benefit primarily the most fortunate among the preferred group (e.g., upper and middle class blacks), often to the detriment of the least fortunate among the non-preferred groups (e.g., poor whites or Asians); that they reduce the incentives of both the preferred and non-preferred to perform at their best – the former because doing so is unnecessary and the latter because it can prove futile – thereby resulting in net losses for society as a whole; and that they increase animosity toward preferred groups. Mismatching is the term given to the negative effect that affirmative action has when it places a student into a college that is too difficult for him or her. For example, according to the theory, in the absence of affirmative action, a student will be admitted to a college that matches his or her academic ability and have a good chance of graduating. However, according to the mismatching theory, affirmative action often places a student into a college that is too difficult, and this increases the student's chance of dropping out. Thus, according to the theory, affirmative action hurts its intended beneficiaries, because it increases their dropout rate. Evidence in support of the mismatching theory was presented by Gail Heriot, a professor of law at the University of San Diego and a member of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, in an 24 August 2007 article published in the Wall Street Journal. The article reported on a 2004 study that was conducted by UCLA law professor Richard Sander and published in the Stanford Law Review. The study concluded that there were 7.9% fewer black attorneys than there would have been if there had been no affirmative action. The study was titled, "A Systemic Analysis of Affirmative Action in American Law Schools." The article also states that because of mismatching, blacks are more likely to drop out of law school and fail bar exams. Sander's paper on mismatching has been criticized by several law professors, including Ian Ayres and Richard Brooks from Yale who argue that eliminating affirmative action would actually reduce the number of black lawyers by 12.7%. |url=missing title (help). ▪ Premium designs ▪ Designs by country ▪ Designs by U.S. state ▪ Most popular designs ▪ Newest, last added designs ▪ Unique designs ▪ Cheap, budget designs ▪ Design super sale DESIGNS BY THEME ▪ Accounting, audit designs ▪ Adult, sex designs ▪ African designs ▪ American, U.S. designs ▪ Animals, birds, pets designs ▪ Agricultural, farming designs ▪ Architecture, building designs ▪ Army, navy, military designs ▪ Audio & video designs ▪ Automobiles, car designs ▪ Books, e-book designs ▪ Beauty salon, SPA designs ▪ Black, dark designs ▪ Business, corporate designs ▪ Charity, donation designs ▪ Cinema, movie, film designs ▪ Computer, hardware designs ▪ Celebrity, star fan designs ▪ Children, family designs ▪ Christmas, New Year's designs ▪ Green, St. Patrick designs ▪ Dating, matchmaking designs ▪ Design studio, creative designs ▪ Educational, student designs ▪ Electronics designs ▪ Entertainment, fun designs ▪ Fashion, wear designs ▪ Finance, financial designs ▪ Fishing & hunting designs ▪ Flowers, floral shop designs ▪ Food, nutrition designs ▪ Football, soccer designs ▪ Gambling, casino designs ▪ Games, gaming designs ▪ Gifts, gift designs ▪ Halloween, carnival designs ▪ Hotel, resort designs ▪ Industry, industrial designs ▪ Insurance, insurer designs ▪ Interior, furniture designs ▪ International designs ▪ Internet technology designs ▪ Jewelry, jewellery designs ▪ Job & employment designs ▪ Landscaping, garden designs ▪ Law, juridical, legal designs ▪ Love, romantic designs ▪ Marketing designs ▪ Media, radio, TV designs ▪ Medicine, health care designs ▪ Mortgage, loan designs ▪ Music, musical designs ▪ Night club, dancing designs ▪ Photography, photo designs ▪ Personal, individual designs ▪ Politics, political designs ▪ Real estate, realty designs ▪ Religious, church designs ▪ Restaurant, cafe designs ▪ Retirement, pension designs ▪ Science, scientific designs ▪ Sea, ocean, river designs ▪ Security, protection designs ▪ Social, cultural designs ▪ Spirit, meditational designs ▪ Software designs ▪ Sports, sporting designs ▪ Telecommunication designs ▪ Travel, vacation designs ▪ Transport, logistic designs ▪ Web hosting designs ▪ Wedding, marriage designs ▪ White, light designs ▪ Magento store designs ▪ OpenCart store designs ▪ PrestaShop store designs ▪ CRE Loaded store designs ▪ Jigoshop store designs ▪ VirtueMart store designs ▪ osCommerce store designs ▪ Zen Cart store designs ▪ Flash CMS designs ▪ Joomla CMS designs ▪ Mambo CMS designs ▪ Drupal CMS designs ▪ WordPress blog designs ▪ Forum designs ▪ phpBB forum designs ▪ PHP-Nuke portal designs ANIMATED WEBSITE DESIGNS ▪ Flash CMS designs ▪ Silverlight animated designs ▪ Silverlight intro designs ▪ Flash animated designs ▪ Flash intro designs ▪ XML Flash designs ▪ Flash 8 animated designs ▪ Dynamic Flash designs ▪ Flash animated photo albums ▪ Dynamic Swish designs ▪ Swish animated designs ▪ jQuery animated designs ▪ WebMatrix Razor designs ▪ HTML 5 designs ▪ Web 2.0 designs ▪ 3-color variation designs ▪ 3D, three-dimensional designs ▪ Artwork, illustrated designs ▪ Clean, simple designs ▪ CSS based website designs ▪ Full design packages ▪ Full ready websites ▪ Portal designs ▪ Stretched, full screen designs ▪ Universal, neutral designs CORPORATE ID DESIGNS ▪ Corporate identity sets ▪ Logo layouts, logo designs ▪ Logotype sets, logo packs ▪ PowerPoint, PTT designs ▪ Facebook themes VIDEO, SOUND & MUSIC ▪ Video e-cards ▪ After Effects video intros ▪ Special video effects ▪ Music tracks, music loops ▪ Stock music bank GRAPHICS & CLIPART ▪ Pro clipart & illustrations, $19/year ▪ 5,000+ icons by subscription ▪ Icons, pictograms |Custom Logo Design $149 ▪ Web Programming ▪ ID Card Printing ▪ Best Web Hosting ▪ eCommerce Software ▪ Add Your Link| |© 1996-2013 MAGIA Internet Studio ▪ About ▪ Portfolio ▪ Photo on Demand ▪ Hosting ▪ Advertise ▪ Sitemap ▪ Privacy ▪ Maria Online|

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The Whig Party developed during the presidency of Andrew Jackson and enjoyed success in Alabama from the 1830s to the early 1850s. Whigs achieved early political gains during a period of economic depression in the late 1830s. Party gains in the 1840s resulted from divisions among Democrats, but the Whigs never gained control of the state. In the 1850s, the Whig Party's agenda of economic expansion and moral reform was undermined by prosperity and its unity shattered by the issue of southern rights related to the expansion of slavery and fears of federal power. Additionally, successful Democratic leadership and adaptability forced the Whigs into a politically reactive rather than proactive position. Alabama's Whig Party ultimately foundered on the issue of slavery, which Alabama Democrats were able to effectively exploit among the electorate. The Whig Party's origins in Alabama can be traced to a series of issues that arose during the early days of statehood. Differences between the northern and southern parts of the state in terms of topography, climate, and farm production created differing economic interests that pitted hill-country, small-scale farmers against planters with large land-holdings. Economic and political domination by the leadership of the Planters and Merchants Bank (or Huntsville Bank), often called the Broad River Group, also created perceptions among Alabama's citizens that the state government was being run by the moneyed classes. Nationally, the presidential contest of 1824, in which the lone Democratic-Republican Party split into four factions, produced suspicions that a political elite led by John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay had stolen the election from candidate Andrew Jackson. Kentuckian Clay, Speaker of the House of Representatives in Congress, had earlier pushed through legislation that imposed tariffs. He also favored federal funding for national roads, harbors, and other improvements. Although Clay's actions were aimed at boosting the national economy, they raised questions among southerners about economic equity and the rights of the states to run their own affairs without federal government interference. These developments gradually divided the citizenry of the entire country, including Alabama, into two camps: the Democratic-Republican followers of Andrew Jackson and the National-Republican supporters of national economic expansion, led by Clay. Among the latter were also opponents of Jackson's heavy-handed policies as president. In the 1830s, the differences deepened between these groups in Alabama and throughout the country. Jackson's veto the Bank of the United States because of his dislike of the institution worried some Alabamians who benefited from the bank's lending policies and feared an increase in presidential power. Some even began to call Jackson "King Andrew." Other opponents of Jackson included Alabama states'-rights advocates, such as Dixon Hall Lewis, who opposed federal tariffs on imports because those high taxes harmed southern growers and merchants who sold goods in foreign markets. They supported South Carolina's declaration that the federal tariff was unconstitutional and its efforts to invalidate that law in 1832–33, and opposed Jackson's strong stand against that state. The president's handling of the disposition of Creek Indian lands in Alabama raised further fears of executive power when he used military force to remove Alabamians who had squatted on Indian lands before they were made available for settlement. In 1834 the president's opponents throughout the nation organized as the Whigs, choosing the name from the British Whig Party that had opposed the monarchy. Jackson's selection of Martin Van Buren as his successor, a New Yorker suspected of being opposed to slavery, further solidified the nascent party in the South. In the presidential contest of 1836, southern Whig candidate Hugh Lawson White received a significant number of votes in Alabama, although Van Buren still won the state. This election marked the emergence of the Whigs as a viable party in Alabama, but the members were united only by their opposition to Jackson. There were significant differences among members regarding the issues of federal power versus states' rights, economic expansion, and the growing controversy over slavery. With the onset of the economic depression known as the Panic of 1837, Alabama Whigs called for federal relief and the establishment of a new Bank of the United States. The increasing insolvency of the state bank of Alabama strengthened their arguments. In this period, new leaders emerged, such as Henry W. Hilliard, Arthur F. Hopkins, and Lewis E. Parsons. They reorganized the party, held conventions, and led the Whigs to improved showings in the state elections of 1839, though the party did not win the governorship or control of the legislature. By 1840 Alabama's Whig Party had matured. Its leaders believed in economic development encouraged by a government banking system, support for business, and aid for internal improvements such as roads, railroads, and canals. National issues were important, particularly as opposition to slavery increased, but local considerations and candidate popularity also played a role in party identity. The age distribution of men in the party was similar to that of the Democrats, except for a slight tendency of men over 40 to lean toward the Whigs. Views regarding slaveholding, land ownership, and occupational distributions also were nearly identical in both parties, but Whig numbers were stronger in the river valleys throughout the state and in coastal regions where men were more involved in commerce with the outside world. In these areas party objectives tended to fit more closely with commercial interests. During the 1840 election cycle, Alabama's Whigs focused on the economic depression and the failure of the Democrats to deal effectively with it. They consequently made gains against the Democratic majority in the state legislature. In the presidential campaign, they accused Democrat Martin Van Buren of being soft on slavery and causing the depression. Van Buren triumphed in Alabama, but the Whigs won 45 percent of the popular vote. Whig successes at the polls worried state Democrats, and under the leadership of Governor Arthur Bagby, they enacted a general-ticket system for the state's congressional elections. This plan eliminated district divisions and allowed balloting for representatives on a statewide basis, which meant that votes in formerly Whig districts were cancelled out by heavily Democratic turnouts in other areas of the state. The plan worked, and the Democrats won all five of Alabama's congressional seats in the May 1841 elections. Strong opposition from the Whigs to the scheme, however, forced Democrats to set a public referendum on the legislation the following August, and Alabamians voted down the general ticket. Frustrated in this attempt to maintain political dominance, Alabama Democrats next created a plan for electoral representation known as the "white basis." It specified that only the white population would count in voting for state offices, despite the fact that the federal government had established state representation in Congress based upon both the black and white populations, with blacks counted as three-fifths of a white person. Since Whig strength was greatest in areas of the state that had large enslaved populations, that party's representation was reduced. To ensure their dominance, Democrats also adjusted district boundaries in the legislative session of 1842–43 to favor their candidates. Their efforts were successful and, despite repeated efforts by the Whigs to repeal it, the white-basis system continued until the Civil War. In the mid-1840s, Alabama Whigs were buffeted by national party differences between now-Senator Henry Clay and President John Tyler. Despite his affiliation with the Whig Party, Tyler did not automatically approve Whig legislative initiatives. The president also defied the Whigs over their opposition to the annexation of Texas. Competing anti-immigrant and antislavery groups and the victory of pro-expansion Democrat James K. Polk in the presidential race of 1844 caused additional rifts in Whig solidarity. Hurt by electoral restrictions as well, the party was unable to gain a majority in the state legislature during these years, although it maintained electoral clout in the Black Belt region and in the Tennessee Valley. In 1846, however, the party began a comeback and lost the state senate by a margin of only one the following year. Whig fortunes continued to look brighter later in 1848 when Whig Zachary Taylor earned almost as many votes in Alabama as Democratic candidate Lewis Cass. In the state legislative elections of 1849, the party won a majority of one in the Alabama senate and reduced the Democratic advantage in the lower house to only eight. Although Alabama Whigs emerged from the electoral contests of 1849 in a strong position, states' rights and regional issues associated with the Mexican territorial cession and abolition of slavery began to erode their support. Opposition to the expansion of slavery by President Taylor and other northern Whig leaders raised questions among most southern Whigs about the national party's loyalty to the continuation of that institution. In 1850 the national battles over slavery in the territories buffeted both Democrats and Whigs. Alabama politics centered on the issue of acceptance or rejection of the Compromise of 1850, which was the attempt by Congress to resolve political differences over the newly acquired Mexican territories. Major issues in this question were the rights of southerners with respect to slavery and infringement on state powers by the federal government. The Democrats in the state split into two factions: Unionists, who supported the compromise, and state's-rights advocates who wanted to reject it in favor of leaving the Union. Whigs tended to support Unionism, and so helped the pro-Union faction of the Democrats win the governorship and gain a majority in the state legislature. After recovering from the split, however, Democratic legislators turned on the Whigs and once again gerrymandered the electoral districts, further reducing Whig political power in the state. Alabama Whigs received another blow when the national party selected Winfield Scott as its presidential candidate in the election of 1852. A number of influential southern members believed Scott to be soft on issues affecting the South because he failed to support an act that was passed by Congress to assist southerners with the return of their slaves. When Scott was nominated by the Whigs, those men left the party. Alabamians joined in the defection. Some went over to the Democrats, and others drifted to a new political group, the Know-Nothing or American Party, which was anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant. The national Democratic Party contributed to Whig losses by nominating pro-southern Franklin Pierce for president and Alabamian William R. King for vice president. Pierce, who won the national election, also scored a decisive victory over Scott among Alabama voters. Alabama Whig fortunes continued to decline when Democrat John Winston easily took the governor's office in the state election of 1853. His party was victorious in other state races, as well. Whigs subsequently unsuccessfully attempted to repeal the white-basis system, and their numbers fell further during a national controversy over a proposal to acquire Cuba from Spain, which could then have been divided into several new slave states. This battle was followed by the Kansas-Nebraska dispute over slavery in newly created territories in the West. Alabama Whigs were embarrassed by the antislavery stand of the national party and lost more members to the Democrats, who favored allowing slavery to expand into the territories. The Republican Party, which also opposed slavery in new territories, emerged in the North during this period and caused some Alabama Whigs to conclude that southern unity was more important than party affiliation. They left their party to join with fellow southerners against the northern antislavery Whigs and Republicans. Preempted by the Democrats and the Know Nothings, Alabama Whigs were further marginalized in the state elections of 1855. When returns verified that a significant number of their members had moved to the Democrats, Whigs made a futile attempt to reorganize. Die-hard members of the party supported presidential candidate Millard Fillmore in the election of 1856, but Democrat James Buchanan won easily in the state. When Buchanan took office, respected Whig leaders such as Henry Hilliard announced their support for him. Meanwhile, the growing conflict over the question of slavery in Kansas attracted even more party members to the Democrats, essentially ending any effectiveness of the Whig Party in Alabama. Attempts to reorganize prior to the Civil War were futile, and the party ceased to exist by the end of the 1850s. Alexander, Thomas B., Kit C. Carter, Jack R. Lister, Jerry C. Oldshue, and Winfred G. Sandlin. "Who Were the Alabama Whigs?" Alabama Review 16 (January 1963): 5–19. Alexander, Thomas B., and Peggy J. Duckworth. "Alabama Black Belt Whigs During Secession: A New Viewpoint." Alabama Review 17 (July 1964): 181–97. Dorman, Lewy. Party Politics in Alabama from 1850 through 1860. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1995. Golden, B. G. "The Presidential Election of 1840 in Alabama." Alabama Review 23 (April 1970): 128–42. Jackson, Carlton. "The White Basis System and the Decline of Alabama Whiggery." Alabama Historical Quarterly 25 (Fall and Winter 1963): 246–53. McWhiney, Grady. "Were the Whigs a Class Party in Alabama?" Journal of Southern History 23 (November 1957): 510–22. Rogers, William Warren, Jr. "Alabama and the Presidential Election of 1836." Alabama Review 35 (April 1982): 111–26. Frederick M. Beatty Published May 16, 2007 Last updated February 11, 2013

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A finite difference is a mathematical expression of the form f(x + b) − f(x + a). If a finite difference is divided by b − a, one gets a difference quotient. The approximation of derivatives by finite differences plays a central role in finite difference methods for the numerical solution of differential equations, especially boundary value problems. Recurrence relations can be written as difference equations by replacing iteration notation with finite differences. Forward, backward, and central differences Three forms are commonly considered: forward, backward, and central differences. A forward difference is an expression of the form Depending on the application, the spacing h may be variable or constant. A backward difference uses the function values at x and x − h, instead of the values at x + h and x: Finally, the central difference is given by Relation with derivatives If h has a fixed (non-zero) value instead of approaching zero, then the right-hand side of the above equation would be written Hence, the forward difference divided by h approximates the derivative when h is small. The error in this approximation can be derived from Taylor's theorem. Assuming that f is continuously differentiable, the error is The same formula holds for the backward difference: However, the central difference yields a more accurate approximation. Its error is proportional to square of the spacing (if f is twice continuously differentiable; that is, the second derivative of the function, f", is continuous for all x: The main problem with the central difference method, however, is that oscillating functions can yield zero derivative. If f(nh)=1 for n uneven, and f(nh)=2 for n even, then f ' (nh)=0 if it is calculated with the central difference scheme. This is particularly troublesome if the domain of f is discrete. Higher-order differences In an analogous way one can obtain finite difference approximations to higher order derivatives and differential operators. For example, by using the above central difference formula for f ' (x+h/2) and f ' (x−h/2) and applying a central difference formula for the derivative of f ' at x, we obtain the central difference approximation of the second derivative of f: 2nd order central Similarly we can apply other differencing formulas in a recursive manner. 2nd order forward More generally, the nth-order forward, backward, and central differences are respectively given by: Note that the central difference will, for odd , have multiplied by non-integers. This is often a problem because it amounts to changing the interval of discretization. The problem may be remedied taking the average of and . The relationship of these higher-order differences with the respective derivatives is very straightforward: Higher-order differences can also be used to construct better approximations. As mentioned above, the first-order difference approximates the first-order derivative up to a term of order h. However, the combination approximates f'(x) up to a term of order h2. This can be proven by expanding the above expression in Taylor series, or by using the calculus of finite differences, explained below. If necessary, the finite difference can be centered about any point by mixing forward, backward, and central differences. Arbitrarily sized kernels Using a little linear algebra, one can fairly easily construct approximations, which sample an arbitrary number of points to the left and a (possibly different) number of points to the right of the center point, for any order of derivative. This involves solving a linear system such that the Taylor expansion of the sum of those points, around the center point, well approximates the Taylor expansion of the desired derivative. This is useful for differentiating a function on a grid, where, as one approaches the edge of the grid, one must sample fewer and fewer points on one side. The details are outlined in these notes. - For all positive k and n Finite difference methods An important application of finite differences is in numerical analysis, especially in numerical differential equations, which aim at the numerical solution of ordinary and partial differential equations respectively. The idea is to replace the derivatives appearing in the differential equation by finite differences that approximate them. The resulting methods are called finite difference methods. n-th difference The nth forward difference of a function f(x) is given by Forward differences may be evaluated using the Nörlund–Rice integral. The integral representation for these types of series is interesting because the integral can often be evaluated using asymptotic expansion or saddle-point techniques; by contrast, the forward difference series can be extremely hard to evaluate numerically, because the binomial coefficients grow rapidly for large n. Newton's series The Newton series consists of the terms of the Newton forward difference equation, named after Isaac Newton; in essence, it is the Newton interpolation formula, first published in his Principia Mathematica in 1687, namely the discrete analog of the continuum Taylor expansion, is the binomial coefficient, and is the "falling factorial" or "lower factorial", while the empty product (x)0 is defined to be 1. In this particular case, there is an assumption of unit steps for the changes in the values of x, h=1 of the generalization below. To illustrate how one may use Newton's formula in actual practice, consider the first few terms of the Fibonacci sequence f = 2, 2, 4... One can find a polynomial that reproduces these values, by first computing a difference table, and then substituting the differences which correspond to x0 (underlined) into the formula as follows, For the case of nonuniform steps in the values of x, Newton computes the divided differences, the series of products, Carlson's theorem provides necessary and sufficient conditions for a Newton series to be unique, if it exists. However, a Newton series will not, in general, exist. The Newton series, together with the Stirling series and the Selberg series, is a special case of the general difference series, all of which are defined in terms of suitably scaled forward differences. In a compressed and slightly more general form and equidistant nodes the formula reads Calculus of finite differences The finite difference of higher orders can be defined in recursive manner as Δhn ≡ Δh (Δhn-1). Another equivalent definition is Δhn = [Th −I]n. The difference operator Δh is a linear operator and it satisfies a special Leibniz rule indicated above, Δh(f(x)g(x)) = (Δhf(x)) g(x+h) + f(x) (Δhg(x)). Similar statements hold for the backward and central differences. Formally applying the Taylor series with respect to h, yields the formula where D denotes the continuum derivative operator, mapping f to its derivative f'. The expansion is valid when both sides act on analytic functions, for sufficiently small h. Thus, Th=ehD, and formally inverting the exponential yields This formula holds in the sense that both operators give the same result when applied to a polynomial. Even for analytic functions, the series on the right is not guaranteed to converge; it may be an asymptotic series. However, it can be used to obtain more accurate approximations for the derivative. For instance, retaining the first two terms of the series yields the second-order approximation to f’(x) mentioned at the end of the section Higher-order differences. The analogous formulas for the backward and central difference operators are The calculus of finite differences is related to the umbral calculus of combinatorics. This remarkably systematic correspondence is due to the identity of the commutators of the umbral quantities to their continuum analogs (h→0 limits), A large number of formal differential relations of standard calculus involving functions f(x) thus map systematically to umbral finite-difference analogs involving f(xTh−1). For instance, the umbral analog of a monomial xn is a generalization of the above falling factorial (Pochhammer k-symbol), , so that hence the above Newton interpolation formula (by matching coefficients in the expansion of an arbitrary function f(x) in such symbols), and so on. For example, the umbral sine is As in the continuum limit, the eigenfunction of Δh /h also happens to be an exponential, and hence Fourier sums of continuum functions are readily mapped to umbral Fourier sums faithfully, i.e., involving the same Fourier coefficients multiplying these umbral basis exponentials. This umbral exponential thus amounts to the exponential generating function of the Pochhammer symbols. The inverse operator of the forward difference operator, so then the umbral integral, is the indefinite sum or antidifference operator. Rules for calculus of finite difference operators Analogous to rules for finding the derivative, we have: - Constant rule: If c is a constant, then All of the above rules apply equally well to any difference operator, including as to . - Summation rules: - A generalized finite difference is usually defined as where is its coefficients vector. An infinite difference is a further generalization, where the finite sum above is replaced by an infinite series. Another way of generalization is making coefficients depend on point : , thus considering weighted finite difference. Also one may make step depend on point : . Such generalizations are useful for constructing different modulus of continuity. - As a convolution operator: Via the formalism of incidence algebras, difference operators and other Möbius inversion can be represented by convolution with a function on the poset, called the Möbius function μ; for the difference operator, μ is the sequence (1, −1, 0, 0, 0, ...). Finite difference in several variables Finite differences can be considered in more than one variable. They are analogous to partial derivatives in several variables. Some partial derivative approximations are (using central step method): Alternatively, for applications in which the computation of is the most costly step and both first and second derivatives must be computed, a more efficient formula for the last case is: since the only values to be computed which are not already needed for the previous four equations are and . See also - Finite difference coefficients - Finite difference method - Newton polynomial - Table of Newtonian series - Sheffer sequence - Umbral calculus - Taylor series - Carlson's theorem - Numerical differentiation - Five-point stencil - Divided differences - Modulus of continuity - Time scale calculus - Summation by parts - Lagrange polynomial - Gilbreath's conjecture - Nörlund–Rice integral - Newton, Isaac, (1687). Principia, Book III, Lemma V, Case 1 - Richtmeyer, D. and Morton, K.W., (1967). Difference Methods for Initial Value Problems, 2nd ed., Wiley, New York. - Boole, George, (1872). A Treatise On The Calculus of Finite Differences, 2nd ed., Macmillan and Company. On line. Also, [Dover edition 1960] - Jordan, Charles, (1939/1965). "Calculus of Finite Differences", Chelsea Publishing. On-line: - Zachos, C. (2008). "Umbral Deformations on Discrete Space-Time". International Journal of Modern Physics A 23 (13): 2005–2014. doi:10.1142/S0217751X08040548. - Levy, H.; Lessman, F. (1992). Finite Difference Equations. Dover. ISBN 0-486-67260-3. - Ames, W. F., (1977). Numerical Methods for Partial Differential Equations, Section 1.6. Academic Press, New York. ISBN 0-12-056760-1. - Hildebrand, F. B., (1968). Finite-Difference Equations and Simulations, Section 2.2, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. - Flajolet, Philippe; Sedgewick, Robert (1995). "Mellin transforms and asymptotics: Finite differences and Rice's integrals". Theoretical Computer Science 144 (1–2): 101–124. doi:10.1016/0304-3975(94)00281-M. - Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Finite-difference calculus", Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN 978-1-55608-010-4 - Table of useful finite difference formula generated using Mathematica - Finite Calculus: A Tutorial for Solving Nasty Sums - Discrete Second Derivative from Unevenly Spaced Points

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Newton_series

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What is this thing called inflation?Inflation simply refers to the continuous increase of prices in an economy. So - two points are important to note: if prices go up and then remain stable for a while, we don't refer to it as inflation, as inflation only applies to a continuous increase in prices. Secondly - if the price of petrol keeps rising, but all other prices remain somewhat stable, we're also not dealing with inflation, because in the case of inflation all prices keep rising. Measuring InflationOne of the most common ways to measure inflation is by making use of the consumer price index (CPI). Remember from the previous blogs, that CPI reflects the cost of a representative basket of goods and services. To obtain the inflation rate, we calculate the percentage change int he CPI from one period to the next. Meaning - if the inflation rate is 7.5%, it means that the cost of purchasing a representative basket of goods and services increased by 7.5% from one year to the next. Effects of InflationOne of the major economic effects of inflation is that what a country is trying to sell to other countries, eg. exporting, will be more expensive for foreign countries to buy. Therefore, an economy loses its competitive edge on the international market and the performance of the economy generally goes down - in turn, affecting everyone operating within it. Another more obvious effect, of course, is that the cost of living increases, people become fearful and agitated and start throwing accusations around about who's to blame for the inflation. Some, however, claim that the greatest danger about inflation is that it will cause more inflation. When inflation occurs, people expect prices to keep on rising - therefore, they will quickly go and buy as much as they can now, before prices get even higher. Because more products are suddenly demanded, prices go up and thus, the inflation rate often increases, even pushing the economy in some cases towards 'hyperinflation'. The Causes of InflationThere are two main causes of inflation: demand-pull inflation and cost-push inflation. Demand-pull inflationThe term speaks for itself - demand-pull inflation occurs when increased aggregate demand for goods and services pushes prices up. Aggregate demand can go up in any of the following cases, or combination of cases: - when consumption spending increases - when firms increase their investment spending - when governments increase their spending - when export earnings increase In other words - whenever the amount of money in circulation increases in an economy, the prices will go up. Check: the more money is available in an economy, the less it is worth, which is reflected in higher prices - because with the same amount of money in your pocket, you can now purchase less stuff, which means that your money is not worth as much as it used to anymore. Cost-push inflationCost-push inflation occurs whenever an increase in production costs is responsible for pushing up the price level. In other words: - when wages and salaries increase - when the cost of imported capital and imported goods increases - when profit margins increase - when productivity decreases - when natural disasters occur, such as droughts or floods In the case of cost-push inflation, we don't only have to deal with an increase in prices, but we also have to deal with a decrease in income and productivity. This is referred to as 'stagflation'.

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||This article uses bare URLs for citations. (June 2013)| Social inequality refers to relational processes in society that have the effect of limiting or harming a group’s social status, social class, and social circle. Areas of social inequality include access to voting rights, freedom of speech and assembly, the extent of property rights and access to education, health care, quality housing, traveling, transportation, vacationing and other social goods and services. Apart from that it can also be seen in the quality of family and neighbourhood life, occupation, job satisfaction, and access to credit. If these economic divisions harden, they can lead to social inequality. The reasons for social inequality can vary, but are often broad and far reaching. Social inequality can emerge through a society’s understanding of appropriate gender roles, or through the prevalence of social stereotyping. Social inequality can also be established through discriminatory legislation. Social inequalities exist between ethnic or religious groups, classes and countries making the concept of social inequality a global phenomenon. Social inequality is different from economic inequality, though the two are linked. Social inequality refers to disparities in the distribution of economic assets and income, while economic inequality is caused by the unequal accumulation of wealth; social inequality exists because the lack of wealth in certain areas prohibits these people from obtaining the same housing, health care, etc. as the wealthy, in societies where access to these social goods depends on wealth. Social inequality is linked to racial inequality, gender inequality, and wealth inequality. The way people behave socially, through racist or sexist practices and other forms of discrimination, tends to trickle down and affect the opportunities and wealth individuals can generate for themselves. Thomas M. Shapiro presents a hypothetical example of this in his book, The Hidden Cost of Being African American, in which he tries to demonstrate the level of inequality on the "playing field for blacks and whites". One example he presents reports how a black family was denied a bank loan to use for housing, while a white family was approved. As being a homeowner is an important method in acquiring wealth, this situation created fewer opportunities for the black family to acquire wealth, producing social inequality. Following are the major types or forms of social inequality. One of the major forms of social inequality comes in the form of gender. Gender identity refers to persons’ internal “acceptance of sex, gender, or sexual categorizations as descriptive of themselves” Among other ways, transgender and gender-variant persons can express their gender through their appearance, the statements they make, or official documents they present. In this context, gender normativity, which is understood as the social expectations placed on us when we present particular bodies, produces widespread cultural/institutional devaluations of trans identities, homosexuality and femininity. Trans persons in particular have been defined as socially unproductive and disruptive. The emphasis on gender inequality is born out of the deepening division in the roles assigned to men and women, particularly in the economic, political and educational spheres. Women are underrepresented in political activities and decision making processes in most states in both the Global North and Global South. Gender discrimination - especially concerning the status of women - has been a topic of serious discussion not only within academic and activist communities, but also by governmental agencies and international bodies such as the United Nations. These discussions seek to identify and remedy widespread, institutionalized barriers to access for women in their societies. By making use of gender analysis, researchers try to understand the social expectations, responsibilities, resources and priorities of women and men within a specific context, examining the social, economic and environmental factors which influence their roles and decision-making capacity. By enforcing artificial separations between the social and economic roles of men and women, the lives of women and girls are negatively impacted, and this can have the effect of limiting social and economic development. It has been observed that global issues like HIV/AIDS, illiteracy, and poverty are experienced far more often by women than by men; in many countries, women and girls face problems such as access to education, which limits their opportunities to succeed, and further limits their ability to contribute economically to their society. Women are underrepresented in political activities and decision making processes throughout most of the world. It is important to increase enrollment rates in school for girls and ensure they have safe, stable and good quality education. Women’s participation in work has been increasing globally, but women are faced with wage discrepancies and differences compared to what men earn. This is true globally even in the agricultural and rural sector in developed as well as developing countries. Structural impediments to women's ability to pursue and advance in their chosen professions often result in a phenomenon known as the glass ceiling, which refers to unseen - and often unacknowledged barriers that prevent minorities and women from rising to the upper rungs of the corporate ladder, regardless of their qualifications or achievements. This effect can be seen in the corporate and bureaucratic environments of many countries, lowering the chances of women to excel. It prevents women from succeeding and making the maximum use of their potential, which is at a cost for women as well as the society’s development. Ensuring that women's rights are protected and endorsed can promote a sense of belonging that motivates women to contribute to their society. Once able to work, women should be titled to the same job security and safe working environments as men. Until such safeguards are in place, women and girls will continue to experience not only barriers to work and opportunities to earn, but will continue to be the primary victims of discrimination, oppression, and gender based violence. Women and persons whose gender identity does not conform to patriarchal beliefs about sex (only male and female) continue to face violence on global domestic, interpersonal, institutional and administrative scales. While first-wave Liberal Feminist initiatives raised awareness about the lack of fundamental rights and freedoms that women have access to, second-wave feminism (see also Radical Feminism) highlighted the structural forces that underlie gender based violence. Masculinities are generally constructed so as to subordinate femininities and other expressions of gender that are not heterosexual, assertive and dominant. Gender sociologist and author, Raewyn Connell, discusses in her 2009 book, Gender, how masculinity is dangerous, heterosexual, violent and authoritative. These structures of masculinity ultimately contribute to the vast amounts of gendered violence, marginalization and suppression that women, queer, transgender, gender variant and gender non-conforming persons face. Some scholars suggest that women's underrepresentation in political systems speaks the idea that "formal citizenship does not always imply full social membership". Men, male bodies and expressions of masculinity are linked to ideas about work and citizenship. Others point out that patriarchal states tend top scale and claw back their social policies relative to the disadvantage of women. This process ensures that women encounter resistance into meaningful positions of power in institutions, administrations, and political systems and communities. Racial inequality is the result of hierarchical social distinctions between ethnic groups within a society and often established based on characteristics such as skin color and other physical characteristics or an individual's place of origin or culture. Unequal treatment and opportunities between racial groups is usually the result of some ethnic groups being considered superior to others.This inequality can manifest through discriminatory hiring practices on job sites; in some cases, employers have been shown to prefer hiring potential employees based on the perceived ethnicity of a candidate’s given name - even if all they have to go by in their decision are resumes featuring identical qualifications. Part of these sorts of discriminatory practices stem from Stereotypingwhich is when people form assumptions about the tendencies and characteristics of certain social groups, often including ethnic groups, and typically rooted in assumptions about biology, cognitive capabilities, or even inherent, moral failings. These negative attributions are then disseminated through a society through a number of different mediums, including television, newspapers and the internet, all of which play a role in promoting preconceived notions of race that disadvantage and marginalize groups of people. This along with xenophobia and other forms of discrimination continue to occur in societies with the rise of globalization. Racial inequality can also result in diminished opportunities for members of marginalized groups, which in turn can lead to cycles of poverty and political marginalization. For example, during the run-up to the 2012 federal elections in the United States, legislation in certain “battleground states” that claimed to target voter fraud had the effect of disenfranchising tens of thousands of primarily African American voters. These types of institutional barriers to full and equal social participation have far-reaching effects within marginalized communities, including reduced economic opportunity and output, reduced educational outcomes and opportunities and reduced levels of overall health. Research completed by NYU Professor Angela Davis, Norwegian scholar Nils Christie, University of Chicago Professor Loic Wacquant, and Rutgers Dean Todd Clear demonstrates how mass incarceration has been a modern tool of the state to impose inequality, repression, and discrimination upon African American and Latino persons. In Canada, Aboriginal, First Nations and Indigenous persons represent over a quarter of the federal prison population, even though they only represent 3% of the country’s population. The War on Drugs has been an important campaign in ensuring the constant incarceration of poor, vulnerable, and marginalized populations in North America. Over a million African Americans are incarcerated in the US, many of whom have been convicted of a drug possession charge. With the States of Colorado and Washington having legalized the possession of marijuana, drug reformists and anti-war on drugs lobbyists are hopeful that drug issues will be interpreted and dealt with from a healthcare perspective, instead of a matter of criminal law. The caste system is a type of social inequality that exists primarily in India, as well as Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Japan and Korea. Caste may be dependent on one’s occupation (functional) or based on origin or by birth (hereditary). There are often a number of restrictions assigned to people of lower castes, such as restrictions on sharing food and drink with members of other castes, restrictions on going to certain places, the enforcement of endogamy, and the use of caste-based dress and food habits. These restrictions can be enforced through physical violence or exploitation. Lower castes are more likely to live in slums and have low status jobs and income. Age discrimination is defined as the unfair treatment of people with regard to promotions, recruitment, resources, or privileges because of their age. It is also known as ageism: the stereotyping of and discrimination against individuals or groups based upon their age. It is a set of beliefs, attitudes, norms, and values used to justify age-based prejudice, discrimination, and subordination. One form of ageism is adultism, which is the discrimination against children and people under the legal adult age. An example of an act of adultism might be the policy of a certain establishment, restaurant, or place of business to not allow those under the legal adult age to enter their premises after a certain time or at all. While some people may benefit or enjoy these practices, some find them offensive and discriminatory. As implied in the definitions above, treating people differently based upon their age is not necessarily discrimination. Virtually every society has age-stratification, meaning that there are different allocated social roles for people of different ages to perform. Every society manages people’s aging by allocating certain roles for different age groups. Age discrimination primarily occurs when age is used as an unfair criterion for allocating more or less rewarding roles and resources. Scholars of age inequality have suggested that certain social organizations favor particular age inequalities. For instance, because of their emphasis on training and maintaining productive citizens, modern capitalist societies may dedicate disproportionate resources to training the young and maintaining the middle-aged worker to the detriment of the elderly and the retired (especially those already disadvantaged by income/wealth inequality). In modern, technologically advanced societies, there is a tendency for both the young and the old to be relatively disadvantaged. However, more recently, in the United States the tendency is for the young to be most disadvantaged. For example, Foner reports with regard to the US, “poverty levels in the first decade of the 21st Century were only slightly higher among people aged 65 and older than for people in the middle years, whereas children under 18 had the highest levels of poverty.” One possible reason for this may be that whereas the elderly have had the opportunity to build their wealth throughout their lives, younger people have the disadvantage of recently entering into or having not yet entered into the economic sphere. Although this does not exhaust the scope of age discrimination, in modern societies it is often discussed primarily with regards to the work environment. Indeed, nonparticipation in the labor force and the unequal access to rewarding jobs means that the elderly and the young are often subject to unfair disadvantages because of their age. On the one hand, the elderly are less likely to be involved in the workforce: “in 2003, less than 20% of people aged 65 and older in the United States were in the labor force....” At the same time, old age may or may not put one at a disadvantage in accessing positions of prestige. Old age may benefit one in such positions, but it may also disadvantage one because of negative ageist stereotypes of old people. On the other hand, young people are often disadvantaged from accessing prestigious or relatively rewarding jobs, because of their recent entry to the work force or because they are still completing their education. Typically, once they enter the labor force or take a part-time job while in school, they start at entry level positions with low level wages. Furthermore, because of their lack of prior work experience, they can also often be forced to take marginal jobs, where they can be taken advantage of by their employers. The measure of inequality between social classes depends on the definition used. For Karl Marx, two major social classes with significant inequalities existed: the working class (proletariat) and the capitalists (bourgeoisie). This simple division represents opposing social interests of its members, capital gain for the capitalists and survival for the laborers, creating inequality and social conflict. Marx associates oppression and exploitation with it. Max Weber, on the other hand, uses social classes as a stratification tool based on wealth and status. For him social class is strongly associated with prestige and privileges. It may explain social reproduction, the tendency of social classes to remain stable across generations maintaining most of their inequalities as well. Such inequalities include differences in income, wealth, access to education, pension levels, social status, socio-economic safety-net. In general, social class can be defined as a large category of similarly ranked people located in a hierarchy and distinguished from other large categories in the hierarchy by such traits as occupation, education, income, and wealth. A common understanding of social classes today includes upper class, middle class, and lower class. Members of different classes have varied access to capital resources, affecting their placement in the social-stratification system. In terms of education, middle-class families have more money to spend on schooling, using it for such costs as private schooling, tutoring, or college payments. Social class in the United States is controversial because of the belief in individual choices and equal opportunities. Under the assumption that social mobility exist in the United States, individuals are responsible for their own social attainments. This notion is not shared by most sociologists because the ideology of equal opportunity is unrealistic. Opportunities are determined by individual’s financial and social means which are related to wealth, status, and availability of public support for low income groups. Their unequal distribution provides more opportunities to the ones that already have a higher socioeconomic status (SES). In other words, income inequality in the United States is relatively high (see list of countries by income equality) and increasing. Because the American system of public school funding depends heavily on property tax, children in more affluent residential districts have better schools, smaller class sizes, better paid teachers, and higher quality supplies. A family's cultural capital can affect children's schooling in different ways. Cultural Capital is a set of broadly shared outlooks, knowledge, skills, and behavior passed from one generation to the next. While cultural capital, social capital, and human capital influence many aspects of ones life, it also influences peoples access to jobs and thus financial capital. Another effect is limited access to quality health care compared to the middle and upper class. Members of the lower class are exposed to more health hazards. Disadvantaged people are more likely to live in areas where they are exposed to harm such as air-pollution and damp housing. Lower-status socioeconomic groups generally having poorer health and higher rates of chronic illness including obesity, diabetes, and hypertension. The same applies to people of lower occupational classes Inequalities in health Health inequalities can be defined as differences in health status or in the distribution of health determinants between different population groups. Health inequalities are in many cases related to access to health care. In industrialized nations, health inequalities are most prevalent in countries that have not implemented a universal health care system, such as the United States. Because the US health care system is heavily privatized, access to health care is dependent upon one’s economic capital; Health care is not a right, it is a commodity that can be purchased through private insurance companies (or that is sometimes provided through an employer). The way health care is organized in the U.S. contributes to health inequalities based on gender, socioeconomic status and race/ethnicity. As Wright and Perry assert, “social status differences in health care are a primary mechanism of health inequalities”. In the United States, over 48 million people are without medical care coverage. This means that almost one sixth of the population is without health insurance, mostly people belonging to the lower classes of society. While universal access to health care may not completely eliminate health inequalities, it has been shown that it greatly reduces them. In this context, privatization gives individuals the ‘power’ to purchase their own health care (through private health insurance companies), but this leads to social inequality by only allowing people who have economic resources to access health care. Citizens are seen as consumers who have a ‘choice’ to buy the best health care they can afford; in alignment with neoliberal ideology, this puts the burden on the individual rather than the government or the community. In countries that have a universal health care system, health inequalities have been reduced. In Canada, for example, equity in the availability of health services has been improved dramatically through Medicare. People don’t have to worry about how they will pay health care, or rely on emergency rooms for care, since health care is provided for the entire population. However, inequality issues still remain. For example, not everyone has the same level of access to services. Inequalities in health are not, however, only related to access to health care. Even if everyone had the same level of access, inequalities may still remain. This is because health status is a product of more than just how much medical care people have available to them. While Medicare has equalized access to health care by removing the need for direct payments at the time of services, which improved the health of low status people, inequities in health are still prevalent in Canada This may be due to the state of the current social system, which bear other types of inequalities such as economic, racial and gender inequality. A lack of health equity is also evident in the developing world, where the importance of equitable access to healthcare has been cited as crucial to achieving many of the Millennium Development Goals. Health inequalities can vary greatly depending on the country one is looking at. Inequalities in health are often associated with socioeconomic status and access to health care. Health inequities can occur when the distribution of public health services is unequal. For example, in Indonesia in 1990, only 12% of government spending for health was for services consumed by the poorest 20% of households, while the wealthiest 20% consumed 29% of the government subsidy in the health sector. Access to health care is heavily influenced by socioeconomic status as well, as wealthier population groups have a higher probability of obtaining care when they need it. A study by Makinen et al. (2000) found that in the majority of developing countries they looked at, there was an upward trend by quintile in health care use for those reporting illness. Wealthier groups are also more likely to be seen by doctors and to receive medicine. ||Constructs such as ibid., loc. cit. and idem are discouraged by Wikipedia's style guide for footnotes, as they are easily broken. Please improve this article by replacing them with named references (quick guide), or an abbreviated title. (April 2013)| - Cohen, Lawrence E.; Kluegel, James R.; Land, Kenneth C. (1981). "Social Inequality and Predatory Criminal Victimization: An Exposition and Test of a Formal Theory". American Sociological Review 46 (5): 505. doi:10.2307/2094935. ISSN 00031224. - Shapiro, Thomas M. "The Hidden Cost of Being African American." Oxford University Press 2004. - Devor, 1997, xxiii - Stanley 2011 - Schilt & Westbrook, 2009 - Irving, 2008 - Issac Kwaka Acheampong and Sidharta Sarkar. Gender, Poverty & Sustainable Livelihood. p. 108. - "Empowering Women as Key Change Agents". - "Platform for Action". United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women. 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Retrieved 28 January 2011. - Lauter And Howe (1971) Conspiracy of the Young. Meridian Press. - Foner p.1116 - Stiglitz, Joseph. 2012. The Price of Inequality. New York, NY: Norton. - Gilbert, Dennis. 2011: The American Class Structure in an Age of Growing Inequality, 8th ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. - Doob, B. Christopher (2013). Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (1st ed.). Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education. ISBN 0-205-79241-3. - Doob, B. Christopher (2013). Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (1st ed.). Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education. ISBN 0-205-79241-3. - Lazzarato, Maurizio. 2009. Neoliberalism in Action : Inequality, Insecurity and the Reconstitution of the Social. Theory Culture Society. 26: 109 doi: 10.1177/0263276409350283 - Nelson, Andy. 1990. Equal opportunities: dilemmas, contradictions, white men and class. Critical Social Policy, 10: 25. doi: 10.1177/026101839001002802 - Iglesias, J.R., Risau-Gusman, S. & Laguna, M.F. 2006. Inequalities of Wealth Distribution in a Society with Social Classes. Practical Fruits of Econophysics. 327-32 - Frank, Robert . 2007. Falling Back: How Rising Inequality Harms the Middle Class. Berkeley: University of California Press. - Slavin, Robert E. 1999. "How Can Funding Equity Ensure Enhanced Achievement?" Journal of Education Finances 24:519-28. - Warren, Elizabeth. 2007. "The New Economics of the Middle Class: Why Making Ends Meet Has Gotten Harder." Testimony Before Senate Finance Committee, May 10, 2007. Http://finance.senate.gov/hearings/testimony/2007test/051007/testew.pdf - Coburn D. 2000. Income inequality, social cohesion and the health status of populations: the role of neo-liberalism. Social Science and Medicine, 51: 135-46. - Rauh V.A.,Landrigan P.J., and Claudio L. (2008). Housing and health intersection of poverty and environmental exposures. New York Academy of Sciences, 1136: 276-88. doi: 10.1196/annals.1425.032 - Elo, Irma. 2009. Social Class Differentials in Health and Mortality: Patterns and Explanations in Comparative Perspective. Annual Review of Sociology, 35: 553-72. - Rose, Stephen & Stephanie Hatzenbuehler. 2013. Embodying social class; The link between poverty, income inequality and health. International Social Work 52(4): 459-71. doi: 10.1177/0020872809104250 - John-Henderson, Neha, Emily G. Jacobs, Rodolfo Mendoza-Denton & Darlene D. Francis. 2013. Wealth, Health, and the Moderating Role of Implicit Social Class Bias. Annual Behavioral Medicine, 45: 173-79. doi: 10.1007/s12160-012-9443-9 - "United Nations Health Impact Assessment: Glossary of Terms Used". Retrieved 10 April 2013. - Wright, Eric R.; Perry, Brea L. (2010). "Medical Sociology and Health Services Research: Past Accomplishments and Future Policy Challenges". Journal of Health and Social Behaviour: 107–119. - "US Census". - Veugeulers, P; Yip, A. (2003). "Socioeconomic Disparities in Health Care Use: Does Universal Coverage Reduce Inequalities in Health?". Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 57 (6): 107–119. - Hacker, Jacob S. (2006). The Great Risk Shift: The Assault on American Jobs, Families, Health Care, and Retirement - and How You Can Fight Back. Oxford University Press. - Grant, Karen R. (1994). Health and Health Care in Essentials of Contemporary Sociology. Toronto: Copp Clark Longman. p. 275. - Grant, K.R. (1998). The Inverse Care Law in Canada: Differential Access Under Universal Free Health Insurance. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. pp. 118–134. - World Bank (1993). World Development Report. New York: Oxford University Press. - Mankinen et al. "Inequalities in Health Care Use and Expenditures: Empirical Data from Eight Developing Countries and Countries in Transition". - Abel, T. 2008. "Cultural capital and social inequality in health."Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 62(7): e13. - Acker, Joan. 1990. “Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: a theory of gendered organizations.” Gender andSociety 4:139-58 - Arts, W. and J. Gelissen (2002). "Three worlds of welfare capitalism or more? A state-of-the-art report." Journal of European Social Policy 12(2): 137-158 - Baudrillard, Jean. 1981. “ The Art Auction: Sign Exchange and Sumptuary Value.” From For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. St.Louis: Telos Press. - Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. “The forms of capital." Excerpted from Bourdieu, P. (1986) The forms of capital. In J.Richardson (Ed.) Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education (New York, Greenwood), 241-258. - Borchorst, Anette and Birte Siim. 2008.“Woman-Friendly policies and state feminism: Theorizing Scandinavian gender equality.” Feminist Theory 9: 207-224 - Bourdieu, Pierre. 1996.The State Nobility: Elite Schools in the Field of Power, translated by Lauretta C. Clough. Stanford: Stanford University Press. - Brennan, S. 2009. "Feminist Ethics and Everyday Inequalities." Hypatia 24 (1): 141-159. - Brenner, N. 2010. "Variegated neoliberalization: geographies, modalities, pathways." Global networks (Oxford) 10(2): 182-222. - Bühlmann, F. and C. Schmid Botkine, P. Farago, F. Höpflinger, D. Joye, R. Levy, P. Perrig-Chiello (2013), "Swiss Social Report 2012: Generations in Perspective", Zurich: Seismo Press, Social Sciences and Social Issues AG. - Centeno, M. A. and J. N. Cohen. 2012. "The Arc of Neoliberalism." Annual Review of Sociology 38(1): 317- 340. - Chan, T. W., G. E. Birkelund, et al. 2011. "Social Status in Norway." European Sociological Review 27(4): 451-468. - Christie, N. 2000. Crime control as industry. London: Routledge. - Clear, Todd. 2011. American Corrections. - Coburn, D. 2004. "Beyond the income inequality hypothesis: class, neo-liberalism, and health inequalities."Social Science & Medicine 58(1): 41-56. - Connell, R. W. 1987. Gender and power. Sydney, Australia: Allen and Unwin. - Connell, R. W. 2005. Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity Press. - Connell, R. W. 2009. Gender. Cambridge: Polity Press. - Davis, A. 2005. Abolition Democracy: Beyond Prisons, Torture, and Empire, Seven Stories Press ISBN 1-58322-695-8. - Devor, H. 1997. FTM: Female-to-Male Transsexuals in Society. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. - Esping-Andersen, Gosta. 1999. “The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism.” In The Welfare State Reader edited by Christopher Pierson and Francis G. Castles. Polity Press. - European Trade Union Institute: Benchmarking Working Europe 2012 (Inequality) - Wilkinson, Richard; Pickett, Kate (2009). The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better. Allen Lane. ISBN 978-1-84614-039-6. - Frankfurt, H. 1987. "Equality as a Moral Ideal." Ethics 98 (1): 21-43. - http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---gender/documents/publication/wcms_155763.pdf Gender-based violence in the world of work - http://www.unwomen.org/how-we-work/un-trust-fund/ UN Trust Fund to End Violence against Women. - Goldthorpe, J. H. 2010. "Analysing Social Inequality: A Critique of Two Recent Contributions from Economics and Epidemiology." European Sociological Review 26(6): 731-744. - Habermas, J. R. 1975. "Towards a Reconstruction of Historical Materialism." Theory and Society 2(3): 287-300. - Irving, D. 2008. Normalized transgressions: Legitimizing the transsexual body as productive. Radical History Review, 100, 38-59. - Jin, Y., H. Li, et al. 2011. "Income inequality, consumption,and social-status seeking." Journal of Comparative Economics 39(2): 191-204. - Katz, M. B. 2008. "Why Don't American Cities Burn Very Often?" Journal of Urban History 34(2): 185-208. - Lamont, Michele and Annette Lareau. 1988."Cultural Capital: Allusions, Gaps and Glissandos in Recent Theoretical Developments." Sociological Theory 6:153-68. - Lazzarato, M. 2009. "Neoliberalism in Action: Inequality, Insecurity and the Reconstitution of the Social." Theory, Culture & Society 26(6): 109-133. - Mandel, Hadas. 2012. “Winners and Losers: The Consequences of Welfare State Policies for Gender Wage Inequality.” European Sociological Review 28: 241-262 - Marshall, T. H. 1934. "Social Class: A Preliminary Analysis.” The Sociological Review a26(1): 55-76. - Marshall, T. H. 1950. “Citizenship and Social Class.”From Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays.” Edited by T.H. Marshall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. - Mills, C. Wright. 1958. “The Structure of Power in American Politics.” The British Journal of Sociology 9: 29-41. - Mouffe, C. 1999. "Deliberative Democracy or Agonistic Pluralism?" Social Research 66(3): 745-758. - O'Connor, J. S. 1993. "Gender, Class and Citizenship in the Comparative Analysis of Welfare State Regimes: Theoretical and Methodological Issues." The British Journal of Sociology 44(3): 501-518. - Ortiz, Isabel & Matthew Cummins. 2011. Global Inequality: Beyond the Bottom Billion – A Rapid Review of Income Distribution in 141 Countries. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), New York. - Pakulski, J. and M. Waters 1996. "The Reshaping and Dissolution of Social Class in Advanced Society." Theory and Society 25(5): 667-691. - Ridgeway, C. L., K. Backor, et al. 2009. "How Easily Does a Social Difference Become a Status Distinction? Gender Matters." American Sociological Review 74(1): 44-62. - Roscigno, V. J. 2011. "Power, Revisited."Social Forces 90: 349-374. - Schilt, K., & Westbrook, L. 2009. Doing gender, doing heteronormativity: 'Gender normals', transgendered people, and the social maintenance of heterosexuality. Gender and Society, 23(4), 440-464. - Scott, Joan. 1994. "Deconstructing equalirt versus difference, or, the uses of a post-structuralist theory for feminism." In The Post-Modern Turn: New Perspectives for Social Theory, edited by Steven Seidman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. - Stanley, E. A. 2011. Fugitive flesh: Gender self-determination, queer abolition, and trans resistance. In E. A. Stanley & N. Smith (Eds.), Captive genders: Trans embodiment and the prison industrial complex (pp. 1–14). Edinburgh, UK: AK Press. - Stiglitz, Joseph. 2012. The Price of Inequality. New York: Norton. - Swift, Adam. 2004. "Would perfect mobility be perfect?" European Sociological Review 20: 1-11. - United Nations (UN) Inequality-adjusted Human Development Report (IHDR) 2010. United Nations Development Programme(UNDP). ISBN 9780230284456 90101. - Wacquant, Loïc. 2001. 'Deadly symbiosis: When ghetto and prison meet and mesh'. Punishment & Society, 3(1): 95-133. - Weber, Max. 1946. “Power.” In Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Translated and Edited by H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. New York: Oxford University Press. - Weeden. Kim. A and David B. Grusky. 2005. "The Case for a New Class Map." American Journal of Sociology 111(1): 141-212. - Weeden, K. A. and D. B. Grusky. 2012. "The Three Worlds of Inequality." American Journal of Sociology 117(6): 1723-1785. - Wright, E. O. 2000. "Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise." American Journal of Sociology 105(4): 957-1002.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_inequalities

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Covalent bonding is a form of chemical bonding characterized by the sharing of one or more pairs of electrons, by two atoms, in order to produce a mutual attraction; atoms tend to share electrons, so as to fill their outer electron shells. Such bonds are always stronger than the intermolecularhydrogen bond and similar in strength or stronger than the ionic bond. Commonly, covalent bond implies the sharing of just a single pair of electrons. The sharing of two pairs is called a double bond and three pairs is called a triple bond.Aromatic rings of atoms and other resonant structures are held together by covalent bonds that are intermediate between single and double. The triple bond is relatively rare in nature, and two atoms are not observed to bond more than triply. Covalent bonding most frequently occurs between atoms with similar electronegativities, where neither atom can provide sufficient energy to completely remove an electron from the other atom. Covalent bonds are more common between non-metals, whereas ionic bonding is more common between two metal atoms or a metal and a non-metal atom. Covalent bonding tends to be stronger than other types of bonding, such as ionic bonding. Unlike ionic bonds, where ions are held together by a non-directional coulombic attraction, covalent bonds are highly directional. As a result, covalently bonded molecules tend to form in a relatively small number of characteristic shapes, exhibiting specific bonding angles. Note: this image is incorrect. The idea of covalent bonding can be traced to Gilbert N. Lewis, who in 1916 described the sharing of electron pairs between atoms. He introduced the so called Lewis Notation or Electron Dot Notation in which valence electrons (those in the outer shell) are represented as dots around the atomic symbols. Pairs of electrons located between atoms represent covalent bonds. Multiple pairs represent multiple bonds, such as double and triple bonds. Some examples of Electron Dot Notation are shown in the following figure. An alternate form in which bond-forming electron pairs are represented as solid lines is shown in blue. While the idea of shared electron pairs provides an effective qualitative picture of covalent bonding, Quantum mechanics is needed to understand the nature of these bonds and predict the structures and properties of simple molecules. Heitler and London are credited with the first successful quantum mechanical explanation of a chemical bond, specifically that of molecular hydrogen, in 1927. Their work was based on the valence bond model, which assumes that a chemical bond is formed when there is good overlap between the atomic orbitals of participating atoms. These atomic orbitals are known to have specific angular relationships between each other, and thus the valence bond model can successfully predict the bond angles observed in simple molecules. Today the valence bond model has largely been supplanted by the molecular orbital model. In this model, as atoms are brought together, the atomic orbitals interact so as to form a set of molecular orbitals, which extend over the entire molecule. Half of these orbitals tend to be bonding orbitals, while the other half are anti-bonding orbitals. Electrons in bonding orbitals result in the formation of a chemical bond, while those in anti-bonding orbitals prevent bonding. Electrons may also occupy non-bonding orbitals, which are neither bonding nor anti-bonding. The formation of a chemical bond is only possible when more electrons occupy bonding orbitals than anti-bonding orbitals. The number of pairs of electrons in bonding orbitals in excess of those in anti-bonding orbitals determines the bond order. For example, in a diatomic molecule, there is a single bond if there is a balance of two electrons in bonding orbitals (as for H2), a double bond if there is a balance of four electrons in bonding orbitals (as for O2), and a triple bond if there is a balance of six electrons in bonding orbitals (as for N2). Bond order needn't be integral, and bonds can be delocalized among more than two atoms. In benzene for instance, the bond order is 1.5 amongst any two carbon atoms. This is called resonance. Bond length and bond dissociation energy are related inversely with bond order--the higher the order of the bond, the shorter and stronger the bond, for any given set of atoms. Quadruple bonds, though rare, also exist. Both carbon and silicon can theoretically form these; however, these molecules are explosively unstable. The three shared orbitals in a triple bond can be imaged as being left, right, and up. The fourth orbital must bend these three away, leading to instability: C2 molecules must be observed in a vacuum environment while Si2 molecules are even more unstable. Stable quadruple bonds are observed as transition metal-metal bonds, usually between two transition metal atoms in organometallic compounds. Bonds of order 6 have also been observed in transition metals in the gaseous phase. Using quantum mechanics it is possible to calculate the electronic structure, energy levels, bond angles, bond distances, dipole moments, and frequency spectra of simple molecules with a high degree of accuracy. Currently, bond distances and angles can be calculated as accurately as they can be measured (distances to a few pm and bond angles to a few degrees). For the case of small molecules, energy calculations are sufficiently accurate to be useful for determining thermodynamic heats of formation and kinetic activation energy barriers.

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Chapter 1 The Parliament and the role of the House The Commonwealth Parliament is composed of three distinct elements, the Queen1 the Senate and the House of Representatives.2 These three elements together characterise the nation as being a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary democracy and a federation. The Constitution vests in the Parliament the legislative power of the Commonwealth. The legislature is bicameral, which is the term commonly used to indicate a Parliament of two Houses. Although the Queen is nominally a constituent part of the Parliament, the Constitution immediately provides that she appoint a Governor-General to be her representative in the Commonwealth.3 The Queen’s role is little more than titular, as the legislative and executive powers and functions of the Head of State are vested in the Governor-General by virtue of the Constitution.4 However, while in Australia, the Sovereign has performed duties of the Governor-General in person,5 and in the event of the Queen being present to open Parliament, references to the Governor-General in the relevant standing orders6 are read as references to the Queen.7 The Royal Style and Titles Act provides that the Queen shall be known in Australia and its Territories as: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth.8 The Governor-General is covered in this chapter as a constituent part of the Parliament. However, it is a feature of the Westminster system of government that the Head of State is part of both the Executive Government and the legislature. The relationship between these two bodies and the role of Governor-General as the Head of the Executive Government are discussed in the Chapter on ‘House, Government and Opposition’. There have been 24 Governors-General of Australia9 since the establishment of the Commonwealth, ten of whom have been Australian born. Letters Patent and Instructions were issued by Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth as Queen of Australia on 21 August 1984.10 These greatly simplified earlier provisions, and sought to reflect the proper constitutional position and to remove the archaic way in which the old Letters Patent referred to and expressed the Governor-General’s powers.11 The Letters Patent deal with the appointment of a person to the office of Governor-General, the appointment of a person as Administrator of the Commonwealth, and the appointment of a person as a Deputy of the Governor-General. The Governor-General’s official title is Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia. The additional title of Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Force was not used in the 1984 Letters Patent, it being considered that the command in chief of the naval and military forces vested in the Governor-General by the Constitution was not a separate office but a function held ex officio.12 The Governor-General is appointed by the Crown, in practice on the advice of Australian Ministers of the Crown.13 The Governor-General holds office during the Crown’s pleasure, appointments normally being for five years, but some Governors-General have had extended terms of office, and others have resigned or have been recalled. The method of appointment was changed as a result of the 1926 and 1930 Imperial Conferences.14 Appointments prior to 1924 were made by the Crown on the advice of the Crown’s Ministers in the United Kingdom (the Governor-General being also the representative or agent of the British Government15) in consultation with Australian Ministers. The Balfour Report stated that the Governor-General should be the representative of the Crown only, holding the same position in the administration of public affairs in Australia as the Crown did in the United Kingdom. The 1930 report laid down certain criteria for the future appointments of Governors-General. Since then Governors-General have been appointed by the Crown after informal consultation with and on the formal advice of Australian Ministers. The Letters Patent of 21 August 1984 provide that the appointment of a person as Governor-General shall be by Commission which must be published in the official gazette of the Commonwealth. They also provide that a person appointed to be Governor-General shall take the oath or affirmation of allegiance. These acts are to be performed by the Chief Justice or another justice of the High Court. The ceremonial swearing-in of a new Governor-General has traditionally taken place in the Senate Chamber. Back to top Administrator and Deputies The Letters Patent relating to the office and the Constitution16 make provision for the appointment of an Administrator to administer the Government of the Commonwealth in the event of the death, incapacity, removal, or absence from Australia of the Governor-General (in effect an Acting Governor-General). As with the Governor-General, the Administrator is required to take the oath or affirmation of allegiance before the commission takes effect. The Crown’s commission is known as a dormant commission,17 only being invoked when necessary. An Administrator is not entitled to receive any salary from the Commonwealth in respect of any other office during the period of administration.18 More than one commission may exist at any one time. The Administrator may perform all the duties of the Governor-General under the Letters Patent and the Constitution during the Governor-General’s absence.19 A reference to the Governor-General in the standing orders includes an Administrator of the Commonwealth.20 There is a precedent for an Administrator calling Parliament together for a new session: Administrator Brooks did so in respect of the Third Session of the 23rd Parliament on 7 March 1961.21 The Constitution empowers the Crown to authorise the Governor-General to appoint Deputies to exercise, during the Governor-General’s pleasure, such powers and functions as the Governor-General thinks fit.22 The Letters Patent concerning the office contain more detailed provisions on the appointment of Deputies. State Governors considered to be more readily available in cases of urgency have been appointed as Deputies of the Governor-General with authority to exercise a wide range of powers and functions, including the making of recommendations with respect to the appropriation of revenues or moneys, the giving of assent to proposed laws and the making, signing or issuing of proclamations, orders, etc. on the advice of the Federal Executive Council.23 It is understood that these arrangements were introduced to ensure that urgent matters could be attended to in situations where, even though the Governor-General was in Australia, he or she was unavailable. The Governor-General traditionally also appoints a Deputy (usually the Chief Justice) to declare open a new Parliament. The same judge is also authorised to administer the oath or affirmation of allegiance to Members.24 Sometimes, when there are Senators to be sworn in as well, two judges may be commissioned with the authority to administer the oath or affirmation to Members and Senators.25 The Governor-General issues to a Speaker, once elected, a commission to administer the oath of allegiance to Members during the course of a Parliament.26 The Governor-General normally appoints the Vice-President of the Executive Council to be the Governor-General’s Deputy to summon meetings of the Executive Council and, in the Governor-General’s absence, to preside over meetings.27 In 1984 the Governor-General Act was amended to provide for the establishment of the statutory office of Official Secretary to the Governor-General.28 Annual reports of the Official Secretary have been presented to both Houses since 1985.29 Bagehot described the Crown’s role in England in the following classic statement: To state the matter shortly, the sovereign has, under a constitutional monarchy such as ours, three rights—the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn.30 In Australia, for all practical purposes, it is the Constitution which determines the nature and the exercise of the Governor-General’s powers and functions. In essence these powers can be divided into three groups—prerogative, legislative and executive. Although since Federation it has been an established principle that the Governor-General in exercising the powers and functions of the office should only do so with the advice of his or her Ministers of State, the principle has not always been followed. This principle of responsible government is discussed further in the Chapter on ‘House, Government and Opposition’. The Constitution provides definite and limited powers, although in some cases the ways in which these powers may be exercised is not specified. The identification and range of prerogative powers are somewhat uncertain and have on occasions resulted in varying degrees of political and public controversy. Quick and Garran defines prerogative powers as: . . . matters connected with the Royal prerogative (that body of powers, rights, and privileges, belonging to the Crown at common law, such as the prerogative of mercy), or to authority vested in the Crown by Imperial statute law, other than the law creating the Constitution of the Commonwealth. Some of these powers and functions are of a formal character; some of them are purely ceremonial; others import the exercise of sovereign authority in matters of Imperial interests.31 To some extent this definition may be regarded as redundant or superfluous in modern times. However, the fact that the Constitution states, in some of its provisions, that the Governor-General may perform certain acts without any explicit qualification, while other provisions state that the Governor-General shall act ‘in Council’, suggests an element of discretion in exercising certain functions—that is, those in the first category. Quick and Garran states: The first group includes powers which properly or historically belong to the prerogatives of the Crown, and survive as parts of the prerogative; hence they are vested in the Governor-General, as the Queen’s representative. The second group includes powers either of purely statutory origin or which have, by statute or custom, been detached from the prerogative; and they can, therefore, without any constitutional impropriety, be declared to be vested in the Governor-General in Council. But all those powers which involve the performance of executive acts, whether parts of the prerogative or the creatures of statute, will, in accordance with constitutional practice, as developed by the system known as responsible government, be performed by the Governor-General, by and with the advice of the Federal Executive Council . . . parliamentary government has well established the principle that the Crown can perform no executive act, except on the advice of some minister responsible to Parliament. Hence the power nominally placed in the hands of the Governor-General is really granted to the people through their representatives in Parliament. Whilst, therefore, in this Constitution some executive powers are, in technical phraseology, and in accordance with venerable customs, vested in the Governor-General, and others in the Governor-General in Council, they are all substantially in pari materia, on the same footing, and, in the ultimate resort, can only be exercised according to the will of the people.32 Modern references relating to the prerogative or discretionary powers of the Governor-General clarify this view in the interests of perspective. Sir Paul Hasluck made the following observations in a lecture given during his term as Governor-General: The duties of the Governor-General are of various kinds. Some are laid on him by the Constitution, some by the Letters Patent and his Commission. Others are placed on him by Acts of the Commonwealth Parliament. Others come to him by conventions established in past centuries in Great Britain or by practices and customs that have developed in Australia.33 All of these duties have a common characteristic. The Governor-General is not placed in a position where he can run the Parliament, run the Courts or run any of the instrumentalities of government; but he occupies a position where he can help ensure that those who conduct the affairs of the nation do so strictly in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Commonwealth and with due regard to the public interest. So long as the Crown has the powers which our Constitution now gives to it, and so long as the Governor-General exercises them, Parliament will work in the way the Constitution requires, the Executive will remain responsible to Parliament, the Courts will be independent, the public service will serve the nation within the limits of the law and the armed services will be subject to civil authority.34 The dissolution of Parliament is an example of one of the matters in which the Constitution requires the Governor-General to act on his own. In most matters, the power is exercised by the Governor-General-in-Council, that is with the advice of the Federal Executive Council (in everyday language, with the advice of the Ministers meeting in Council).35 The Governor-General acts on advice, whether he is acting in his own name or as Governor-General-in-Council. He has the responsibility to weigh and evaluate the advice and has the opportunity of discussion with his advisers. It would be precipitate and probably out of keeping with the nature of his office for him to reject advice outright but he is under no compulsion to accept it unquestioningly. He has a responsibility for seeing that the system works as required by the law and conventions of the Constitution but he does not try to do the work of Ministers. For him to take part in political argument would both be overstepping the boundaries of his office and lessening his own influence.36 On 12 November 1975, following the dismissal of Prime Minister Whitlam, Speaker Scholes wrote to the Queen asking her to intervene and restore Mr Whitlam to office as Prime Minister in accordance with the expressed resolution of the House the previous day.37 On 17 November, the Queen’s Private Secretary, at the command of Her Majesty, replied, in part: The Australian Constitution firmly places the prerogative powers of the Crown in the hands of the Governor-General as the representative of The Queen of Australia. The only person competent to commission an Australian Prime Minister is the Governor-General, and The Queen has no part in the decisions which the Governor-General must take in accordance with the Constitution. Her Majesty, as Queen of Australia, is watching events in Canberra with close interest and attention, but it would not be proper for her to intervene in person in matters which are so clearly placed within the jurisdiction of the Governor-General by the Constitution Act.38 Other than by recording the foregoing statements and discussing the question of dissolution (see below), it is not the intention of this text to detail the various constitutional interpretations as to the Governor-General’s discretionary powers. Based on informed opinion, the exercise of discretionary power by the Governor-General can be interpreted and regarded as conditional upon the following principal factors: - the maintenance of the independent and impartial nature of the office is paramount; - in the view of Quick and Garran the provisions of the Constitution vesting powers in the Governor-General are best read as being exercised ‘in Council’; - the provisions of sections 61 and 62 of the Constitution (Federal Executive Council to advise the Governor-General in the government of the Commonwealth) are of significance and are interpreted to circumscribe discretions available to the Governor-General; - the Statute of Westminster diminished to some extent the prerogative powers of the Crown in Australia; - the reality that so many areas of power are directly or indirectly provided for in the Constitution; - where discretions are available they are generally governed by constitutional conventions established over time as to how they may be exercised; and - it is either a constitutional fact or an established constitutional convention that the Governor-General acts on the advice of Ministers in all but exceptional circumstances. The act of dissolution puts to an end at the same time the duration of the House of Representatives and ipso facto the term of the Parliament.39 This alone means that the question of dissolution and how the power of dissolution is exercised is of considerable parliamentary importance because of the degree of uncertainty as to when and on what grounds dissolution may occur.40 The critical provision of the Constitution, in so far as its intention is concerned, is found in the words of section 28 ‘Every House of Representatives shall continue for three years from the first meeting of the House, and no longer’41 to which is added the proviso ‘but may be sooner dissolved by the Governor-General’. The actual source of the Governor-General’s power to dissolve is found in section 5, the effect and relevant words of which are that ‘The Governor-General may . . . by Proclamation or otherwise . . . dissolve the House of Representatives’. While the Constitution vests in the Governor-General the power to dissolve the House, the criteria for taking this action are not prescribed and, therefore, they are matters generally governed by constitutional convention. In a real sense the exercise of the Crown’s power of dissolution is central to an understanding of prerogative powers and the nature of constitutional conventions. As described earlier in this chapter, while it is the prerogative of the Crown to dissolve the House of Representatives, the exercise of the power is subject to the constitutional convention that it does so only on the advice and approval of a Minister of State, in practice the Prime Minister, directly responsible to the House of Representatives. The granting of dissolution is an executive act, the ministerial responsibility for which can be easily established.42 The nature of the power to dissolve and some of the historical principles, according to which the discretion is exercised, are illustrated by the following authoritative statements: Of the legal power of the Crown in this matter there is of course no question. Throughout the Commonwealth . . . the King or his representative may, in law, grant, refuse or force dissolution of the Lower House of the Legislature . . . In legal theory the discretion of the Crown is absolute (though of course any action requires the consent of some Minister), but the actual exercise of the power is everywhere regulated by conventions.43 If a situation arises, however, in which it is proposed that the House be dissolved sooner than the end of its three-year term, the Governor-General has to reassure himself on other matters. This is an area for argument among constitutional lawyers and political historians and is a matter where the conventions and not the text of the Constitution are the chief guide. It is the function of the Prime Minister to advise that the House be dissolved. The most recent practices in Australia support the convention that he will make his proposal formally in writing supported by a written case in favour of the dissolution. It is open to the Governor-General to obtain advice on the constitutional question from other quarters—perhaps from the Chief Justice, the Attorney-General or eminent counsel—and then . . . a solemn responsibility rests on [the Governor-General] to make a judgment on whether a dissolution is needed to serve the purposes of good government by giving to the electorate the duty of resolving a situation which Parliament cannot resolve for itself.44 The right to dissolve the House of Representatives is reserved to the Crown. This is one of the few prerogatives which may be exercised by the Queen’s representative, according to his discretion as a constitutional ruler, and if necessary, a dissolution may be refused to responsible ministers for the time being.45 It is clear that it is incumbent on the Prime Minister to establish sufficient grounds for the need for dissolution, particularly when the House is not near the end of its three year term. The Governor-General makes a judgment on the sufficiency of the grounds. It is in this situation where it is generally recognised that the Governor-General may exercise a discretion not to accept the advice given.46 The grounds on which the Governor-General has accepted advice to dissolve the House of Representatives have not always been made public. It is reasonable to presume that no special reasons may be given to the Governor-General, or indeed are necessary, for a dissolution of the House if the House is near the end of its three year term.47 Table 1.1 Early Dissolutions of the House of Represenatives |Back to top |Dissolution date (a) |26 March 1917 ||6th: 2 years 5 months 19 days ||To synchronise election of the House with election for half the Senate and to gain a mandate from the people prior to the forthcoming Imperial War Conference ( H.R. Deb. (6.3.17) 10 993–11 000). |3 November 1919 ||7th: 2 years 4 months 21 days ||Not given to House |16 September 1929 ||11th: 7 months 11 days ||The House amended the Maritime Industries Bill against the wishes of the Government. The effect of the amendment was that the bill should not be brought into operation until submitted to a referendum or an election. Prime Minister Bruce based his advice on the following: ‘The Constitution makes no provision for a referendum of this description, and the Commonwealth Parliament has no power to pass effective legislation for the holding of such a referendum. The Government is, however, prepared to accept the other alternative—namely a general election’ ( H.R. Deb. (12.9.29) 873–4; correspondence read to House). |27 November 1931 ||12th: 2 years 8 days ||The Government was defeated on a formal motion for the adjournment of the House. The Governor-General took into consideration ‘the strength and relation of various parties in the House of Representatives and the probability in any case of an early election being necessary’ (H.R. Deb. (26.11.31) 1926–7; correspondence read to House). |7 August 1934 ||13th: 2 years 5 months 22 days ||Not given to House. |4 November 1955 ||21st: 1 year 3 months 1 day ||To synchronise elections of the House with elections for half the Senate; the need to avoid conflict with State election campaigns mid-way through the ensuing year; the impracticability of elections in January or February; authority (mandate) to deal with economic problems (H.R. Deb. (26.10.55) 1895–6; Sir John Kerr, Matters for Judgment, pp. 153, 412). |1 November 1963 ||24th: 1 year 8 months 13 days ||Prime Minister Menzies referred to the fact that the Government had gone close to defeat on five occasions; the need to obtain a mandate on policies concerning North West Cape radio station, the defence of Malaysia and the proposed southern hemisphere nuclear free zone (H.R. Deb. (15.10.63) 1790–5). |10 November 1977 ||30th: 1 year 8 months 25 days ||To synchronise House election with election for half the Senate; to provide an opportunity to end election speculation and the resulting uncertainty and to enable the Government to seek from the people an expression of their will; to conform with the pattern of elections taking place in the latter months of a calendar year (H.R. Deb. (27.10.77) 2476–7; Kerr, pp. 403–15; Dissolution of the House of Representatives by His Excellency the Governor-General on 10 November 1977, PP 16 (1979)). |26 October 1984 ||33rd: 1 year 6 months 6 days ||To synchronise elections for the House with election for half the Senate; claimed business community concerns that if there were to be an election in the spring it should be held as early as possible ending electioneering atmosphere etc., and to avoid two of seven Senators to be elected (because of the enlargement of Parliament) being elected without knowledge of when they might take their seats (as the two additional Senators for each State would not take their seats until the new and enlarged House had been elected and met) (H.R. Deb. (8.10.84) 1818–1820; correspondence tabled 9.10.84, VP 1983–84/954). |31 August 1998 ||38th: 2 years 4 months 1 day ||Not given to House. (a) A dissolution of the House of Representatives is counted as ‘early’ if the dissolution occurs six months or more before the date the House of Representatives is scheduled to expire by effluxion of time. The table does not include simultaneous dissolutions of both Houses granted by the Governor-General under s. 57 of the Constitution (see Ch. on ‘Disagreements between the Houses’). (b) The reasons stated in the table may not be the only reasons advised or upon which dissolution was exclusively granted. On three occasions dissolution ended Parliaments of less than two years six months duration where reasons, if any, were not given to the House—for example, the House may not have been sitting at the time. As far as is known, the majority of dissolutions have taken place in circumstances which presented no special features. Where necessary, it is a normal feature for the Governor-General to grant a dissolution on the condition and assurance that adequate provision, that is, parliamentary appropriation, is made for the Administration in all its branches to be carried on until the new Parliament meets.48 The precedents in Table 1.1 represent those ‘early’ dissolutions where the grounds, available from the public record, were sufficient for the Governor-General to grant a request for a dissolution. A feature of the precedents is that in 1917, 1955, 1977 and 1984 the grounds given included a perceived need to synchronise the election of the House of Representatives with a periodic election for half the Senate. On 10 January 1918, following the defeat of a national referendum relating to compulsory military service overseas, Prime Minister Hughes informed the House that the Government had considered it its duty to resign unconditionally and to offer no advice to the Governor-General. A memorandum from the Governor-General setting out his views was tabled in the House: On the 8th of January the Prime Minister waited on the Governor-General and tendered to him his resignation. In doing so Mr. Hughes offered no advice as to who should be asked to form an Administration. The Governor-General considered that it was his paramount duty (a) to make provision for carrying on the business of the country in accordance with the principles of parliamentary government, (b) to avoid a situation arising which must lead to a further appeal to the country within twelve months of an election resulting in the return of two Houses of similar political complexion, which are still working in unison. The Governor-General was also of the opinion that in granting a commission for the formation of a new Administration his choice must be determined solely by the parliamentary situation. Any other course would be a departure from constitutional practice, and an infringement of the rights of Parliament. In the absence of such parliamentary indications as are given by a defeat of the Government in Parliament, the Governor-General endeavoured to ascertain what the situation was by seeking information from representatives of all sections of the House with a view to determining where the majority lay, and what prospects there were of forming an alternative Government. As a result of these interviews, in which the knowledge and views of all those he consulted were most freely and generously placed at his service, the Governor-General was of the opinion that the majority of the National Party was likely to retain its cohesion, and that therefore a Government having the promise of stability could only be formed from that section of the House. Investigations failed to elicit proof of sufficient strength in any other quarter. It also became clear to him that the leader in the National Party, who had the best prospect of securing unity among his followers and of therefore being able to form a Government having those elements of permanence so essential to the conduct of affairs during war, was the Right Honourable W. M. Hughes, whom the Governor-General therefore commissioned to form an Administration.49 A further case which requires brief mention is that of Prime Minister Fadden who resigned following a defeat in the House on 3 October 1941. According to Crisp the Prime Minister ‘apparently relieved the Governor-General from determining the issue involved in the request of a defeated Prime Minister by advising him, not a dissolution, but sending for the Leader of the Opposition, Curtin’.50 The Governor-General is known to have refused to accept advice to grant a dissolution on three occasions:51 - August 1904.52 The 2nd Parliament had been in existence for less than six months. On 12 August 1904 the Watson Government was defeated on an important vote in the House.53 On the sitting day following the defeat, Mr Watson informed the House that following the vote he had offered the Governor-General ‘certain advice’ which was not accepted. He had thereupon tendered the resignation of himself and his colleagues which the Governor-General accepted.54 Mr Reid was commissioned by the Governor-General to form a new Government. - July 1905. The 2nd Parliament had been in existence for less than 16 months. On 30 June 1905 the Reid Government was defeated on an amendment to the Address in Reply.55 At the next sitting Mr Reid informed the House that he had requested the Governor-General to dissolve the House. The advice was not accepted and the Government resigned.56 Mr Deakin was commissioned by the Governor-General to form a new Government. - June 1909. The 3rd Parliament had been in existence for over two years and three months. On 27 May 1909 the Fisher Government was defeated on a motion to adjourn debate on the Address in Reply.57 Mr Fisher subsequently informed the House that he had advised the Governor-General to dissolve the House and the Governor-General on 1 June refused the advice and accepted Mr Fisher’s resignation.58 Mr Deakin was commissioned by the Governor-General to form a new Government. In 1914 Mr Fisher, as Prime Minister, tabled the reasons for his 1909 application for a dissolution. The advice of Prime Minister Fisher in the 1909 case consisted of a lengthy Cabinet minute which contained the following summary of reasons: Your Advisers venture to submit, after careful perusal of the principles laid down by Todd and other writers on Constitutional Law, and by leading British statesmen, and the precedents established in the British Parliament and followed throughout the self-governing Dominions and States, that a dissolution may properly be had recourse to under any of the following circumstances: (1) When a vote of ‘no confidence’, or what amounts to such, is carried against a Government which has not already appealed to the country. (2) When there is reasonable ground to believe that an adverse vote against the Government does not represent the opinions and wishes of the country, and would be reversed by a new Parliament. (3) When the existing Parliament was elected under the auspices of the opponents of the Government. (4) When the majority against a Government is so small as to make it improbable that a strong Government can be formed from the Opposition. (5) When the majority against the Government is composed of members elected to oppose each other on measures of first importance, and in particular upon those submitted by the Government. (6) When the elements composing the majority are so incongruous as to make it improbable that their fusion will be permanent. (7) When there is good reason to believe that the people earnestly desire that the policy of the Government shall be given effect to. All these conditions, any one of which is held to justify a dissolution, unite in the present instance.59 According to Crisp ‘The Governor-General was unmoved by considerations beyond ‘‘the parliamentary situation’’ ’.60 Evatt offers the view that ‘certainly the action of the Governor-General proceeded upon a principle which was not out of accord with what had until then been accepted as Australian practice, although the discretion may not have been wisely exercised’.61 Back to top Functions in relation to the Parliament The functions of the Governor-General in relation to the legislature are discussed in more detail elsewhere in the appropriate parts of the text. In summary the Governor-General’s constitutional duties (excluding functions of purely Senate application) are: - appointing the times for the holding of sessions of Parliament (s. 5); - proroguing and dissolving Parliament (s. 5); - issuing writs for general elections of the House (in terms of the Constitution, exercised ‘in Council’) (s. 32); - issuing writs for by-elections in the absence of the Speaker (in terms of the Constitution, exercised ‘in Council’) (s. 33); - recommending the appropriation of revenue or money (s. 56); - dissolving both Houses simultaneously (s. 57); - convening a joint sitting of both Houses (s. 57); - assenting to bills, withholding assent or reserving bills for the Queen’s assent (s. 58); - recommending to the originating House amendments in proposed laws (s. 58); and - submitting to electors proposed laws to alter the Constitution in cases where the two Houses cannot agree (s. 128). The Crown in its relations with the legislature is characterised by formality, ceremony and tradition. For example, tradition dictates that the Sovereign should not enter the House of Representatives. Traditionally the Mace is not taken into the presence of the Crown. It is the practice of the House to agree to a condolence motion on the death of a former Governor-General,62 but on recent occasions the House has not usually followed the former practice of suspending the sitting until a later hour as a mark of respect.63 In the case of the death of a Governor-General in office the sitting of the House has been adjourned as a mark of respect.64 An Address to the Queen has been agreed to on the death of a former Governor-General who was a member of the Royal Family,65 and references have been made to the death of a Governor-General’s close relative.66 During debate in the House no Member may use the name of the Queen, the Governor-General (or a State Governor) disrespectfully, or for the purpose of influencing the House in its deliberations.67 The practice of the House is that, unless the discussion is based upon a substantive motion which admits of a distinct vote of the House, reflections (opprobrious references) must not be cast in debate concerning the conduct of the Sovereign or the Governor-General, including a Governor-General designate. It is acceptable for a Minister to be questioned, without criticism or reflection on conduct, regarding matters relating to the public duties for which the Governor-General is responsible. (For more detail and related rulings see Chapter on ‘Control and conduct of debate’.) On 2 March 1950 a question was directed to Speaker Cameron concerning a newspaper article alleging that during the formal presentation of the Address in Reply to the Governor-General’s Speech, the Speaker showed discourtesy to the Governor-General. Speaker Cameron said: I am prepared to leave the judgment of my conduct at Government House to the honourable members who accompanied me there.68 Later, Speaker Cameron made a further statement to the House stating certain facts concerning the personal relationship between himself and the Governor-General. In view of this relationship, the Speaker had decided, on the presentation of the Address, to: . . . treat His Excellency with the strict formality and respect due to his high office, and remove myself from his presence as soon as my duties had been discharged.69 In a previous ruling Speaker Cameron stated that ‘the name of the Governor-General must not be brought into debate either in praise or in blame’.70 Several Members required the Speaker to rule on this previous ruling in the light of his statement as to his conduct at Government House. Speaker Cameron replied that in his statement he had: . . . made a statement of fact. I have made no attack upon His Excellency. I have simply stated the facts of certain transactions between us, and if the House considers that a reflection has been made on the Governor-General it has its remedy.71 Dissent from the Speaker’s ruling was moved and negatived after debate. Two sitting days later, the Leader of the Opposition moved that, in view of the Speaker’s statement, the House ‘is of opinion that Mr Speaker merits its censure’. The motion was negatived.72 Back to top Functions in relation to the Executive Government The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the Queen, and is exercisable by the Governor-General as the Queen’s representative,73 the Queen’s role being essentially one of name only. Section 61 of the Constitution states two principal elements of executive power which the Governor-General exercises, namely, the execution and maintenance of the Constitution, and the execution and maintenance of the laws passed (by the Parliament) in accordance with the Constitution. The Constitution, however, immediately provides that in the government of the Commonwealth, the Governor-General is advised by a Federal Executive Council,74 effecting the concept of responsible government. The Governor-General therefore does not perform executive acts alone but ‘in Council’, that is, acting with the advice of the Federal Executive Council.75 The practical effect of this is, as stated in Quick and Garran: . . . that the Executive power is placed in the hands of a Parliamentary Committee, called the Cabinet, and the real head of the Executive is not the Queen but the Chairman of the Cabinet, or in other words the Prime Minister.76 Where the Constitution prescribes that the Governor-General (without reference to ‘in Council’) may perform certain acts, it can be said that these acts are also performed in practice with the advice of the Federal Executive Council in all but exceptional circumstances. As Head of the Executive Government,77 in pursuance of the broad scope of power contained in section 61, the constitutional functions of the Governor-General, excluding those of historical interest, are summarised as follows: - choosing, summoning and dismissing Members of the Federal Executive Council (s. 62); - establishing Departments of State and appointing (or dismissing) officers to administer Departments of State (these officers are Members of the Federal Executive Council and known as Ministers of State) (s. 64); - directing, in the absence of parliamentary provision, what offices shall be held by Ministers of State (s. 65); - appointing and removing other officers of the Executive Government (other than Ministers of State or as otherwise provided by delegation or as prescribed by legislation) (s. 67); and - acting as Commander-in-Chief of the naval and military forces (s. 68). Back to top Functions in relation to the judiciary The judicial power of the Commonwealth is vested in the High Court of Australia, and such other federal courts that the Parliament creates or other courts it invests with federal jurisdiction.78 The judiciary is the third element of government in the tripartite division of Commonwealth powers. The Governor-General is specifically included as a constituent part of the legislative and executive organs of power but is not part of the judiciary. While the legislature and the Executive Government have common elements which tend to fuse their respective roles, the judiciary is essentially independent. Nevertheless in terms of its composition it is answerable to the Executive (the Governor-General in Council) and also to the Parliament. The Governor-General in Council appoints justices of the High Court, and of other federal courts created by Parliament. Justices may only be removed by the Governor-General in Council on an address from both Houses praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.79 see also ‘The Courts and the Parliament’ at page 18. Back to top Powers and Jurisdiction of the Houses While the Constitution states that the legislative power of the Commonwealth is vested in the Queen, a Senate and a House of Representatives80 and, subject to the Constitution, that the Parliament shall make laws for the ‘peace, order, and good government of the Commonwealth’,81 the Parliament has powers and functions other than legislative. The legislative function is paramount but the exercise of Parliament’s other powers, which are of historical origin, are important to the understanding and essential to the working of Parliament. Back to top Section 49 of the Constitution states: The powers, privileges, and immunities of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, and of the members and the committees of each House, shall be such as are declared by the Parliament, and until declared shall be those of the Commons House of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and of its members and committees, at the establishment of the Commonwealth. In 1987 the Parliament enacted comprehensive legislation under the head of power constituted by section 49. The Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 provides that, except to the extent that the Act expressly provides otherwise, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House, and of the Members and the committees of each House, as in force under section 49 of the Constitution immediately before the commencement of the Act, continue in force. The provisions of the Act are described in detail in the Chapter on ‘Parliamentary privilege’ . In addition, the Parliament has enacted a number of other laws in connection with specific aspects of its operation, for example, the Parliamentary Precincts Act, the Parliamentary Papers Act and the Parliamentary Proceedings Broadcasting Act. The significance of these provisions is that they give to both Houses considerable authority in addition to the powers which are expressly stated in the Constitution. The effect on the Parliament is principally in relation to its claim to the ‘ancient and undoubted privileges and immunities’ which are necessary for the exercise of its constitutional powers and functions.82 It is important to note that in 1704 it was established that the House of Commons (by itself) could not create any new privilege;83 but it could expound the law of Parliament and vindicate its existing privileges. Likewise neither House of the Commonwealth Parliament could create any new privilege for itself, although the Parliament could enact legislation to such an end. The principal powers, privileges and immunities of the House of Commons at the time of Federation (thus applying in respect of the Commonwealth Parliament until the Parliament ‘otherwise provided’) are summarised in Quick and Garran. It should be noted that some of the traditional rights and immunities enjoyed by virtue of s. 49 have been modified since 1901—for instance, warrants for the committal of persons must specify the particulars determined by the House to constitute an offence, neither House may expel its members, and the duration of the immunity from arrest in civil causes has been reduced.84 Section 50 of the Constitution provides that: Each House of the Parliament may make rules and orders with respect to: (i.) The mode in which its powers, privileges, and immunities may be exercised and upheld: (ii.) The order and conduct of its business and proceedings either separately or jointly with the other House. The first part of this section enables each House to deal with procedural matters relating to its powers and privileges and, accordingly, the House has adopted a number of standing orders relating to the way in which its powers, privileges and immunities are to be exercised and upheld. These cover such matters as the: - procedure in matters of privilege (S.O.s 51–53); - power to order attendance or arrest (S.O.s 93, 96); - power to appoint committees (S.O.s 214–224); - power of summons (S.O.s 236, 249, 254); - issues to do with evidence (S.O.s 236, 237, 242, 255); and - protection of witnesses (S.O. 256). The second part enables each House to make rules and orders regulating the conduct of its business. A comprehensive set of standing orders has been adopted by the House and these orders may be supplemented from time to time by way of sessional orders and special resolutions. Section 50 confers on each House the absolute right to determine its own procedures and to exercise control over its own internal proceedings. The House has in various areas imposed limits on itself—for example, by the restrictions placed on Members in its rules of debate. Legislation has been enacted to remove the power of the House to expel a Member. The legislative function of the Parliament is its most important and time-consuming. The principal legislative powers of the Commonwealth exercised by the Parliament are set out in sections 51 and 52 of the Constitution. However, the legislative powers of these sections cannot be regarded in isolation as other constitutional provisions extend, limit, restrict or qualify their provisions. The distinction between the sections is that section 52 determines areas within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Parliament, while the effect of section 51 is that the itemised grant of powers includes a mixture of exclusive powers and powers exercised concurrently with the States. For example, some of the powers enumerated in section 51: - did not belong to the States prior to 1901 (for example, fisheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits) and for all intents and purposes may be regarded as exclusive to the Federal Parliament; - were State powers wholly vested in the Federal Parliament (for example, bounties on the production or export of goods); or - are concurrently exercised by the Federal Parliament and the State Parliaments (for example, taxation, except customs and excise). In keeping with the federal nature of the Constitution, powers in areas of government activity not covered by section 51, or elsewhere by the Constitution, have been regarded as remaining within the jurisdiction of the States, and have been known as the ‘residual powers’ of the States. It is not the purpose of this text to detail the complicated nature of the federal legislative power under the Constitution.85 However, the following points are useful for an understanding of the legislative role of the Parliament: - as a general rule, unless a grant of power is expressly exclusive under the Constitution, the powers of the Commonwealth are concurrent with the continuing powers of the States over the same matters; - sections, other than sections 51 and 52, grant exclusive power to the Commonwealth—for example, section 86 (customs and excise duties); - section 51 operates ‘subject to’ the Constitution—for example, section 51(i) (Trade and Commerce) is subject to the provisions of section 92 (Trade within the Commonwealth to be free); - section 51 must be read in conjunction with sections 106, 107, 108 and 109—for example, section 109 prescribes that in the case of any inconsistency between a State law and a Commonwealth law the Commonwealth law shall prevail to the extent of the inconsistency; - the Commonwealth has increasingly used section 96 (Financial assistance to States) to extend its legislative competence—for example, in areas such as education, health and transport. This action has been a continuing point of contention and has led to changing concepts of federalism; - section 51(xxxvi) recognises Commonwealth jurisdiction over 22 sections of the Constitution which include the provision ‘until the Parliament otherwise provides’—for example, section 29 (electoral matters). Generally they are provisions relating to the parliamentary and executive structure and, in most cases, the Parliament has taken action to alter these provisions;86 - section 51(xxxix) provides power to the Parliament to make laws on matters incidental to matters prescribed by the Constitution. This power, frequently and necessarily exercised, has been put to some significant uses—for example, jurisdictional powers and procedure of the High Court, and legislation concerning the operation of the Parliament;87 - section 51(xxix) the ‘external affairs power’ has been relied on effectively to extend the reach of the Commonwealth Parliament’s legislative power into areas previously regarded as within the responsibility of the States (in the Tasmanian Dams Case (1983) the High Court upheld a Commonwealth law enacted to give effect to obligations arising from a treaty entered into by the Federal Government).88 - section 51 itself has been altered on two occasions, namely, in 1964 when paragraph (xxiiiA) was inserted and in 1967 when paragraph (xxvi) was altered;89 - the Commonwealth has been granted exclusive (as against the States) legislative power in relation to any Territory by section 122, read in conjunction with section 52; - the Federal Parliament on the other hand is specifically prohibited from making laws in respect of certain matters—for example, in respect of religion by section 116; and - in practice Parliament delegates much of its legislative power to the Executive Government. Acts of Parliament frequently delegate to the Governor-General (that is, the Executive Government) a regulation making power for administrative purposes. However, regulations and other legislative instruments must be laid before Parliament, which exercises ultimate control by means of its power of disallowance.90 Back to top The Courts and Parliament The Constitution deliberately confers great independence on the federal courts of Australia. At the same time the Parliament plays a considerable role in the creation of courts, investing other courts with federal jurisdiction, prescribing the number of justices to be appointed to a particular court, and so on. In the scheme of the Constitution, the courts and the Parliament provide checks and balances on each other. Back to top With the exception of the High Court which is established by the Constitution, federal courts depend on Parliament for their creation.91 The Parliament may provide for the appointment of justices to the High Court additional to the minimum of a Chief Justice and two other justices.92 As prescribed by Parliament, the High Court now consists of a Chief Justice and six other justices.93 The appointment of justices of the High Court and of other courts created by the Parliament is made by the Governor-General in Council. Justices of the High Court may remain in office until they attain the age of 70 years. The maximum age for justices of any court created by the Parliament is 70 years, although the Parliament may legislate to reduce this maximum.94 Justices may only be removed from office by the Governor-General in Council, on an address from both Houses of the Parliament in the same session, praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity95 (for discussion of the meaning of ‘misbehaviour’ and ‘incapacity’ see p. 20). A joint address under this section may originate in either House although Quick and Garran suggests that it would be desirable for the House of Representatives to take the initiative.96 There is no provision for appeal against removal.97There has been no case in the Commonwealth Parliament of an attempt to remove a justice of the High Court or other federal court. However, the conduct of a judge has been investigated by Senate committees and a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (see below). It may be said that, in such matters, as in cases of an alleged breach of parliamentary privilege or contempt, the Parliament may engage in a type of judicial procedure. The appellate jurisdiction (i.e. the hearing and determining of appeals) of the High Court is laid down by the Constitution but is subject to such exceptions and regulations as the Parliament prescribes,98 providing that: . . . no exception or regulation prescribed by the Parliament shall prevent the High Court from hearing and determining any appeal from the Supreme Court of a State in any matter in which at the establishment of the Commonwealth an appeal lies from such Supreme Court to the Queen in Council.99 The Parliament may make laws limiting the matters in which leave of appeal to Her Majesty in Council (the Privy Council) may be asked.100 Laws have been enacted to limit appeals to the Privy Council from the High Court101 and to exclude appeals from other federal courts and the Supreme Courts of Territories.102 Special leave of appeal to the Privy Council from a decision of the High Court may not be asked in any matter except where the decision of the High Court was given in a proceeding that was commenced in a court before the date of commencement of the Privy Council (Appeals from the High Court) Act on 8 July 1975, other than an inter se matter (as provided by section 74). The possibility of such an appeal has been described as ‘a possibility so remote as to be a practical impossibility’.103 Section 11 of the Australia Act 1986 provided for the termination of appeals to the Privy Council from all ‘Australian courts’ defined as any court other than the High Court. The Constitution confers original jurisdiction on the High Court in respect of certain matters104 with which the Parliament may not interfere other than by definition of jurisdiction.105 The Parliament may confer additional original jurisdiction on the High Court106 and has done so in respect of ‘all matters arising under the Constitution or involving its interpretation’ and ‘trials of indictable offences against the laws of the Commonwealth’.107 Sections 77–80 of the Constitution provide Parliament with power to: - define the jurisdiction of the federal courts (other than the High Court); - define the extent to which the jurisdiction of any federal court (including the High Court) shall be exclusive of the jurisdiction of State courts; - invest any State court with federal jurisdiction; - make laws conferring rights to proceed against the Commonwealth or a State; - prescribe the number of judges to exercise the federal jurisdiction of any court; and - prescribe the place of any trial against any law of the Commonwealth where the offence was not committed within a State. Back to top Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry The Parliament established, by legislation, a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry in May 1986.108 The commission’s function was to inquire and advise the Parliament whether any conduct of the Honourable Lionel Keith Murphy (a High Court judge) had been such as to amount, in its opinion, to proved misbehaviour within the meaning of section 72 of the Constitution. The Act provided for the commission to consist of three members to be appointed by resolutions of the House and the Senate. A person could not be a member unless he or she was or had been a judge, and the resolutions had to provide for one member to be the Presiding Member. Three members were appointed, one as the Presiding Member.109 Staff were appointed under the authority of the Presiding Officers. Accounts of the 1984 Senate committee inquiries leading to the establishment of the Commission, and of the operation of the Commission and the course of its inquiry are given at pages 21–26 of the second edition. In August 1996, following a special report to the Presiding Officers relating to the terminal illness of the judge,110 the inquiry was discontinued and the Act establishing the Commission repealed. The repealing Act also contained detailed provisions for the custody of documents in the possession of the commission immediately before the commencement of the repeal Act. Back to top The meaning of ‘misbehaviour’ and ‘incapacity’ Prior to the matters arising in 1984–86, little had been written about the meaning of section 72. Quick and Garran had stated: Misbehaviour includes, firstly, the improper exercise of judicial functions; secondly, wilful neglect of duty, or non-attendance; and thirdly, a conviction for any infamous offence, by which, although it be not connected with the duties of his office, the offender is rendered unfit to exercise any office or public franchise. (Todd, Parl. Gov. in Eng., ii. 857, and authorities cited.) ‘Incapacity’ extends to incapacity from mental or bodily infirmity, which has always been held to justify the termination of an office held during good behaviour . . . The addition of the word does not therefore alter the nature of the tenure of good behaviour, but merely defines it more accurately. No mode is prescribed for the proof of misbehaviour or incapacity, and the Parliament is therefore free to prescribe its own procedure. Seeing, however, that proof of definite legal breaches of the conditions of tenure is required, and that the enquiry is therefore in its nature more strictly judicial than in England, it is conceived that the procedure ought to partake as far as possible of the formal nature of a criminal trial; that the charges should be definitely formulated, the accused allowed full opportunities of defence, and the proof established by evidence taken at the Bar of each House.111 In an opinion published with the report of the Senate Select Committee on the Conduct of a Judge, the Commonwealth Solicitor-General stated, inter alia: Misbehaviour is limited in meaning in section 72 of the Constitution to matters pertaining to— (1) judicial office, including non-attendance, neglect of or refusal to perform duties; and (2) the commission of an offence against the general law of such a quality as to indicate that the incumbent is unfit to exercise the office. Misbehaviour is defined as breach of condition to hold office during good behaviour. It is not limited to conviction in a court of law. A matter pertaining to office or a breach of the general law of the requisite seriousness in a matter not pertaining to office may be found by proof, in appropriate manner, to the Parliament in proceedings where the offender has been given proper notice and opportunity to defend himself.112 Mr C. W. Pincus QC, in an opinion also published by the committee, stated on the other hand: As a matter of law, I differ from the view which has previously been expressed as to the meaning of section 72. I think it is for Parliament to decide whether any conduct alleged against a judge constitutes misbehaviour sufficient to justify removal from office. There is no ‘technical’ relevant meaning of misbehaviour and in particular it is not necessary, in order for the jurisdiction under section 72 to be enlivened, that an offence be proved.113 The Presiding Officers presented a special report from the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry containing reasons for a ruling on the meaning of ‘misbehaviour’ for the purposes of section 72.114 Sir George Lush stated, inter alia, . . . my opinion is that the word ‘misbehaviour’ in section 72 is used in its ordinary meaning, and not in the restricted sense of ‘misconduct in office’. It is not confined, either, to conduct of a criminal matter. The view of the meaning of misbehaviour which I have expressed leads to the result that it is for Parliament to decide what is misbehaviour, a decision which will fall to be made in the light of contemporary values. The decision will involve a concept of what, again in the light of contemporary values, are the standards to be expected of the judges of the High Court and other courts created under the Constitution. The present state of Australian jurisprudence suggests that if a matter were raised in addresses against a judge which was not on any view capable of being misbehaviour calling for removal, the High Court would have power to intervene if asked to do so.115 Sir Richard Blackburn stated: All the foregoing discussion relates to the question whether ‘proved misbehaviour’ in section 72 of the Constitution must, as a matter of construction, be limited as contended for by counsel. In my opinion the reverse is correct. The material available for solving this problem of construction suggests that ‘proved misbehaviour’ means such misconduct, whether criminal or not, and whether or not displayed in the actual exercise of judicial functions, as, being morally wrong, demonstrates the unfitness for office of the judge in question. If it be a legitimate observation to make, I find it difficult to believe that the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia should be construed so as to limit the power of the Parliament to address for the removal of a judge, to grounds expressed in terms which in one eighteenth-century case were said to apply to corporations and their officers and corporators, and which have not in or since that case been applied to any judge.116 Mr Wells stated: . . . the word ‘misbehaviour’ must be held to extend to conduct of the judge in or beyond the execution of his judicial office, that represents so serious a departure from standards of proper behaviour by such a judge that it must be found to have destroyed public confidence that he will continue to do his duty under and pursuant to the Constitution. . . . Section 72 requires misbehaviour to be ‘proved’. In my opinion, that word naturally means proved to the satisfaction of the Houses of Parliament whose duty it is to consider whatever material is produced to substantiate the central allegations in the motion before them. The Houses of Parliament may act upon proof of a crime, or other unlawful conduct, represented by a conviction, or other formal conclusion, recorded by a court of competent jurisdiction; but, in my opinion, they are not obliged to do so, nor are they confined to proof of that kind. Their duty, I apprehend, is to evaluate all material advanced; to give to it, as proof, the weight it may reasonably bear; and to act accordingly. According to entrenched principle, there should, in my opinion, be read into section 72 the requirement that natural justice will be administered to a judge accused of misbehaviour . . .117 Back to top The courts as a check on the power of Parliament In the constitutional context of the separation of powers, the courts, in their relationship to the Parliament, provide the means whereby the Parliament may be prevented from exceeding its constitutional powers. Wynes writes: The Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth being, by covering Cl. V. of the Constitution Act, ‘binding on the Courts, judges and people of every State and of every part of the Commonwealth’, it is the essential function and duty of the Courts to adjudicate upon the constitutional competence of any Federal or State Act whenever the question falls for decision before them in properly constituted litigation.118 Original jurisdiction in any matter arising under the Constitution or involving its interpretation has been conferred on the High Court by an Act of Parliament,119 pursuant to section 76(i) of the Constitution. The High Court does not in law have any power to veto legislation and it does not give advisory opinions120 but in deciding between litigants in a case it may determine that a legislative enactment is unconstitutional and of no effect in the circumstances of the case. On the assumption that in subsequent cases the court will follow its previous decision (not always the case121) a law deemed ultra vires becomes a dead letter. The power of the courts to interpret the Constitution and to determine the constitutionality and validity of legislation gives the judiciary the power to determine certain matters directly affecting the Parliament and its proceedings. The range of High Court jurisdiction in these matters can be seen from the following cases:122 - Petroleum and Minerals Authority case123—The High Court ruled that the passage of the Petroleum and Minerals Authority Bill through Parliament had not satisfied the provisions of section 57 of the Constitution and was consequently not a bill upon which the joint sitting of 1974 could properly deliberate and vote, and thus that it was not a valid law of the Commonwealth.124 - McKinlay’s case125—The High Court held that (1) sections 19, 24 and 25 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, as amended, did not contravene section 24 of the Constitution and (2) whilst sections 3, 4 and 12(a) of the Representation Act 1905, as amended, remained in their present form, the Representation Act was not a valid law by which the Parliament otherwise provides within the meaning of the second paragraph of section 24 of the Constitution. - McKellar’s case126—The High Court held that a purported amendment to section 10 of the Representation Act 1905, contained in the Representation Act 1964, was invalid because it offended the precepts of proportionality and the nexus with the size of the Senate as required by section 24 of the Constitution. - Postal allowance case127—The High Court held that the operation of section 4 of the Parliamentary Allowances Act 1952 and provisions of the Remuneration Tribunals Act 1973 denied the existence of an executive power to increase the level of a postal allowance—a ministerial decision to increase the allowance was thus held to be invalid. It should be noted that the range of cases cited is not an indication that either House has conceded any role to the High Court, or other courts, in respect of its ordinary operations or workings. In Cormack v. Cope the High Court refused to grant an injunction to prevent a joint sitting convened under section 57 from proceeding (there was some division as to whether a court had jurisdiction to intervene in the legislative process before a bill had been assented to). The joint sitting proceeded, and later the Court considered whether, in terms of the Constitution, one Act was validly enacted.128 Back to top Jurisdiction of the courts in matters of privilege By virtue of section 49 of the Constitution the powers, privileges and immunities of the House of Representatives were, until otherwise declared by the Parliament, the same as those of the House of Commons as at 1 January 1901. The Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 constituted a declaration of certain ‘powers, privileges and immunities’, but section 5 provided that, except to the extent that the Act expressly provided otherwise, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House, and the members and committees of each House, as in force under section 49 of the Constitution immediately before the commencement of the Act, continued in force. As far as the House of Commons is concerned, the origin of its privileges lies in either the privileges of the ancient High Court of Parliament (before the division into Commons and Lords) or in later law and statutes; for example, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights of 1688129 declares what is perhaps the basic privilege: That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament. This helped establish the basis of the relationship between the House of Commons and the courts. However a number of grey areas remained, centring on the claim of the House of Commons to be the sole and exclusive judge of its own privilege, an area of law which it maintained was outside the ambit of the ordinary courts and which the courts could not question. The courts maintained, on the contrary, that the lex et consuetudo parliamenti (the law and custom of Parliament) was part of the law of the land and that they were bound to decide any question of privilege arising in a case within their jurisdiction and to decide it according to their own interpretation of the law. Although there is a wide field of agreement between the House of Commons and the courts on the nature and principles of privilege, questions of jurisdiction are not wholly resolved.130 In the Commonwealth Parliament, the raising, consideration and determination of complaints of breach of privilege or contempt occurs in each House. The Houses are able to impose penalties for contempt, although some recourse to the courts could be possible. Section 9 of the Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 requires that where a House imposes a penalty of imprisonment for an offence against that House, the resolution imposing the penalty and the warrant committing the person to custody must set out the particulars of the matters determined by the House to constitute the offence. The effect of this provision is that a person committed to prison could seek a court determination as to whether the offence alleged to constitute a contempt was in fact capable of constituting a contempt. These matters are dealt with in more detail in the Chapter on ‘Parliamentary privilege’. Back to top The right of Parliament to the service of its Members in priority to the claims of the courts This is one of the oldest of parliamentary privileges from which derives Members’ immunity from arrest in civil proceedings and their exemption from attendance as witnesses and from jury service. Members of Parliament are immune from arrest or detention in a civil cause on sitting days of the House of which the person is a Member, on days on which a committee of which the person is a member meets and on days within five days before and after such days.131 Section 14 of the Parliamentary Privileges Act also grants an immunity to Senators and Members from attendance before courts or tribunals for the same periods as the immunity from arrest in civil causes. In the House of Commons it has been held on occasions that the service of a subpoena on a Member to attend as a witness was a breach of privilege.132 When such matters have arisen the Speaker has sometimes written to court authorities asking that the Member be excused. An alternative would be for the House to grant leave to a Member to attend. By virtue of the Jury Exemption Act, Members of Parliament are not liable, and may not be summoned, to serve as jurors in any Federal, State or Territory court.133 For a more detailed treatment of this subject see Chapter on ‘Parliamentary privilege’. Back to top Attendance of parliamentary employees in court or their arrest Section 14 of the Parliamentary Privileges Act provides that an officer of a House shall not be required to attend before a court or tribunal, or arrested or detained in a civil cause, on a day on which a House or a committee upon which the officer is required to attend meets, or within five days before or after such days. Standing order 253 provides that an employee of the House, or other staff employed to record evidence before the House or any of its committees, may not give evidence relating to proceedings or the examination of a witness without the permission of the House. A number of parliamentary employees are exempted from attendance as jurors in Federal, State and Territory courts.134 Exemption from jury service has been provided on the basis that certain employees have been required to devote their attention completely to the functioning of the House and its committees. See also Chapters on ‘Documents’, ‘Parliamentary committees’ and ‘Parliamentary privilege’ Back to top Parliament and the courts—other matters Other matters involving the relationship between Parliament and the courts which require brief mention are: - Interpretation of the Constitution. In 1908, the Speaker ruled: . . . the obligation does not rest upon me to interpret the Constitution . . . the only body fully entitled to interpret the Constitution is the High Court . . . Not even this House has the power finally to interpret the terms of the Constitution.135 This ruling has been generally followed by all subsequent Speakers. - The sub judice rule. It is the practice of the House that matters awaiting or under adjudication in a court of law should not be brought forward in debate. This rule is sometimes applied to restrict discussion on current proceedings before a royal commission, depending on its terms of reference and the particular circumstances. In exercising a discretion in applying the sub judice rule the Speaker makes decisions which involve the inherent right of the House to inquire into and debate matters of public importance while at the same time ensuring that the House does not set itself up as an alternative forum to the courts or permit the proceedings of the House to interfere with the course of justice.136 - Reflections on the judiciary. Standing order 89 provides, inter alia, that a Member must not use offensive words against a member of the judiciary.137 - The legal efficacy of orders and resolutions of the House. This is discussed in the Chapter on ‘Motions’. Back to top There is no limit to the power to amend the Constitution provided that the restrictions applying to the mode of alteration are met.138 However, there is considerable room for legal dispute as to whether the power of amendment extends to the preamble and the preliminary clauses of the Constitution Act itself.139 The Constitution, from which Parliament obtains its authority, cannot be changed by Parliament alone, although some provisions, such as sections 46–49, while setting out certain detail, are qualified by phrases such as ‘until the Parliament otherwise provides’, thus allowing the Parliament to modify, supplement or alter the initial provision. To change the constitution itself a majority vote of the electors of the Commonwealth, and of the electors in a majority of the States, at a referendum is also required. The Constitution itself, expressing as it does the agreement of the States to unite into a Federal Commonwealth, was originally agreed to by the people of the States at referendum.140 The process of constitutional alteration commences with the Houses of Parliament. A proposal to alter the Constitution may originate in either House of the Parliament by means of a bill. Normally, the bill must be passed by an absolute majority of each House but, in certain circumstances, it need only be passed by an absolute majority of one House.141 Subject to the absolute majority provision, the passage of the bill is the same as for an ordinary bill.142 (The House procedures for the passage of constitution alteration bills are covered in the Chapter on ‘Legislation’.) The short title of a bill proposing to alter the Constitution, in contradistinction to other bills, does not contain the word ‘Act’ during its various stages, for example, the short title is in the form Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999. While the proposed law is converted to an ‘Act’ after approval at referendum and at the point of assent, in a technical sense it is strictly a constitution alteration and its short title remains unchanged. Back to top Constitution alteration bills passed by one House only If a bill to alter the Constitution passes one House and the other House rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with any amendment to which the originating House will not agree, the originating House, after an interval of three months in the same or next session, may again pass the bill in either its original form or in a form which contains any amendment made or agreed to by the other House on the first occasion. If the other House again rejects or fails to pass the bill or passes it with any amendment to which the originating House will not agree, the Governor-General may submit the bill as last proposed by the originating House, either with or without any amendments subsequently agreed to by both Houses, to the electors in each State and Territory. The words ‘rejects or fails to pass, etc.’ are considered to have the same meaning as those in section 57 of the Constitution.143 In June 1914 six constitution alteration bills which had been passed by the Senate in December 1913 and not by the House of Representatives were again passed by the Senate.144 The bills were sent to the House which took no further action after the first reading.145 After seven days the Senate requested the Governor-General, by means of an Address, that the proposed laws be submitted to the electors.146 Acting on the advice of his Ministers, the Governor-General refused the request.147 Odgers put the view that the point to be made is that, following only a short period after sending the bills to the House of Representatives, the Senate felt competent to declare that they had failed to pass the other House.148 The view of Lumb and Moens has been that as there had been no ‘rejection’ or ‘amendment’ of the bills in the House of Representatives then the only question was whether there had been a failure to pass them, and that there had been no ‘failure to pass’ by the House and that therefore the condition precedent for holding a referendum had not been fulfilled.149 The circumstances of this case were unusual as a proposed double dissolution had been announced,150 and the Prime Minister had made it clear that the bills would be opposed and their discussion in the House of Representatives would not be facilitated.151 It was also significant that referendums had been held in May 1913 on similar proposals and were not approved by the electors. Similar bills were again introduced in 1915 and on this occasion passed both Houses.152 Writs for holding referendums were issued on 2 November 1915. The Government subsequently decided not to proceed with the referendums (see below). During 1973 a similar situation arose in respect of four bills passed by the House of Representatives. Three of them were not passed by the Senate and the fourth was laid aside by the House when the Senate insisted on amendments which were not acceptable to the House.153 After an interval of three months (in 1974), the House again passed the bills which were rejected by the Senate.154 Acting on the advice of his Ministers, the Governor-General, in accordance with section 128 of the Constitution, submitted the bills to the electors where they failed to gain approval.155 Back to top Constitution alteration bills not submitted to referendum In some cases constitution alteration bills have not been submitted to the people, despite having satisfied the requirements of the ‘parliamentary stages’ of the necessary process. The history of the seven constitution alteration bills of 1915 is outlined above. These were passed by both Houses, and submitted to the Governor-General and writs issued. When it was decided not to proceed with the proposals, a bill was introduced and passed to provide for the withdrawal of the writs and for other necessary actions.156 In 1965 two constitution alteration proposals, having been passed by both Houses, were deferred, but on this occasion writs had not been issued. When a question was raised as to whether the Government was not ‘flouting . . . the mandatory provisions of the Constitution’ the Prime Minister stated, inter alia, ‘. . . the advice of our own legal authorities was to the effect that it was within the competence of the Government to refrain from the issue of the writ’.157 In 1983 five constitution alteration bills were passed by both Houses, but the proposals were not proceeded with.158 Section 7 of the Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act 1984 now provides that whenever a proposed law for the alteration of the Constitution is to be submitted to the electors, the Governor-General may issue a writ for the submission of the proposed law. In the case of a bill having passed through both Houses, if a referendum is to be held the bill must be submitted to the electors in each State and Territory159 not less than two nor more than six months after its passage. The bill is presented to the Governor-General for the necessary referendum arrangements to be made.160 Voting is compulsory. If convenient, a referendum is held jointly with an election for the Senate and/or the House of Representatives. The question put to the people for approval is the constitutional alteration as expressed in the long title of the bill.161 The Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act 1984 contains detailed provisions relating to the submission to the electors of constitution alteration proposals. It covers, inter alia, the form of a ballot paper and writ, the distribution of arguments for and against proposals, voting, scrutiny, the return of writs, disputed returns and offences. The Act places responsibility for various aspects of the conduct of a referendum on the Electoral Commissioner, State Electoral Officers and Divisional Returning Officers. The interpretation of provisions of the Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act came before the High Court in 1988, when a declaration was made that the expenditure of public moneys on two advertisements was, or would be, a breach of subsection 11(4) of the Act. Arguments were accepted that certain words used in two official advertisements, which were said to be confined to an encouragement to the electors to be aware of the issues in the impending referendums, in fact promoted aspects of the argument in favour of the proposed laws, that is, in favour of the ‘yes’ case.162 If the bill is approved by a majority of the electors in a majority of the States, that is, at least four of the six States, and also by a majority of all the electors who voted, it is presented to the Governor-General for assent.163 However, if the bill proposes to alter the Constitution by diminishing the proportionate representation of any State in either House, or the minimum number of representatives of a State in the House of Representatives, or altering the limits of the State,164 the bill shall not become law unless the majority of electors voting in that State approve the bill. This means that the State affected by the proposal must be one of the four (or more) States which approve the bill. An Act to alter the Constitution comes into operation on the day on which it receives assent, unless the contrary intention appears in the Act.165 Back to top Distribution to electors of arguments for and against proposed constitutional alterations The Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act makes provision for the distribution to electors, by the Australian Electoral Commission, of arguments for and against proposed alterations. The ‘Yes’ case is required to be authorised by a majority of those Members of the Parliament who voted in favour of the proposed law and the ‘No’ case by a majority of those Members of the Parliament who voted against it.166 In the case of the four constitution alteration bills of 1974, which were passed by the House of Representatives only and before the enactment of the Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act provisions, the Government provided by administrative arrangement for ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ cases to be distributed, the ‘No’ case being prepared by the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives.167 Back to top Dispute over validity of referendum The validity of any referendum or of any return or statement showing the voting on any referendum may be disputed by the Commonwealth, by any State or by the Northern Territory, by petition addressed to the High Court within a period of 40 days following the gazettal of the referendum results.168 The Electoral Commission may also file a petition disputing the validity of a referendum.169 Pending resolution of the dispute or until the expiration of the period of 40 days, as the case may be, the bill is not presented for assent. Of the 44 referendums170 submitted to the electors since Federation, eight have been approved. Of those which were not approved, 31 received neither a favourable majority of electors in a majority of States nor a favourable majority of all electors, while the remaining five achieved a favourable majority of all electors but not a favourable majority of electors in a majority of States. The eight constitution alterations which gained the approval of the electors were submitted in 1906, 1910, 1928, 1946, 1967 and 1977 (three). The successful referendums were approved by majorities in every State, with the exception that New South Wales alone rejected the Constitution Alteration (State Debts) Bill submitted in 1910. The proposals of 1906, 1910, 1946, 1974 and 1984 were submitted to the electors concurrently with general elections. Successful referendums relating to the electoral and parliamentary processes have been: - Constitution Alteration (Senate Elections) 1906. This was the first constitutional referendum. It altered section 13 to cause Senators’ terms to commence in July instead of January. - Constitution Alteration (Senate Casual Vacancies) 1977. This provided that, where possible, a casual vacancy in the Senate should be filled by a person of the same political party as the Senator chosen by the people and for the balance of the Senator’s term. - Constitution Alteration (Referendums) 1977. This provided for electors in the Territories to vote at referendums on proposed laws to alter the Constitution. The Constitution Alteration (Mode of Altering the Constitution) Bill 1974 sought to amend section 128 in order to facilitate alterations to the Constitution but was rejected by the electors. The intention of the amendment was to alter the provision that a proposed law has to be approved by a majority of electors ‘in a majority of the States’ (four States) and, in its stead, provide that a proposed law has to be approved by a majority of electors ‘in not less than one-half of the States’ (three States). The further requirement that a proposed law has to be approved by ‘a majority of all the electors voting’ was to be retained. Proposals rejected by the electors which have specifically related to the parliamentary and electoral processes have included: - Constitution Alteration (Parliament) 1967. This proposal intended to amend section 24 by removing the requirement that the number of Members shall be, as nearly as practicable, twice the number of Senators. Other than by breaking this ‘nexus’, an increase in the number of Members can only be achieved by a proportionate increase in the number of Senators, regardless of existing representational factors applying to the House of Representatives only. - Constitution Alteration (Simultaneous Elections) 1974 and 1977. These proposals were intended to ensure that at least half of the Senate should be elected at the same time as an election for the House of Representatives. It was proposed that the term of a Senator should expire upon the expiration, or dissolution, of the second House of Representatives following the first election of the Senator. The effective result of this proposal was that a Senator’s term of office, without facing election, would be for a period less than the existing six years. - Constitution Alteration (Democratic Elections) 1974. This proposal intended to write into the Constitution provisions which aimed to ensure that Members of the House and of the State Parliaments are elected directly by the people, and that representation is more equal and on the basis of population and population trends. - Constitution Alteration (Terms of Senators) 1984. This proposal sought to make Senators’ terms equal to two terms of the House and to ensure that Senate and House elections were held on the same day. - Constitution Alteration (Parliamentary Terms) 1988. This proposal sought to extend the maximum term of the House of Representatives from three years to four years, beginning with the 36th Parliament. It also proposed that the terms of all Senators would expire upon the expiry or dissolution of the House of Representatives, that is, the ‘continuity’ achieved from the half-Senate election cycle would have been ended, and Senators would have been elected as for a double dissolution election. The practical effect of the bill was to establish a maximum four-year term and elections for both Houses of Parliament on the same day. - Constitution Alteration (Fair Elections) 1988. This proposal sought, inter alia, to incorporate in the Constitution a requirement concerning a maximum ten percent tolerance (above or below the relevant average) in the number of electors at elections for the Commonwealth and State Parliaments and for mainland Territory legislatures. - Constitution Alteration (Establishment of Republic) 1999. This proposal sought to establish the Commonwealth of Australia as a republic with the Queen and Governor-General being replaced by a President appointed by a two-thirds majority of the members of the Commonwealth Parliament. Back to top Referendums for other purposes Referendums, other than for purposes of constitution alteration, were held in 1916 and 1917. These referendums related to the introduction of compulsory military service and were rejected by the people. The first was authorised by an Act of Parliament171 and the second was held pursuant to regulations made under the War Precautions Act.172 In May 1977, concurrent with the constitution alteration referendums then being held, electors were asked, in a poll as distinct from a referendum,173 to express on a voluntary basis their preference for the tune of a national song to be played on occasions other than Regal and Vice-Regal occasions. Back to top Review of the Constitution In August 1927 the Government appointed a royal commission to inquire into and report upon the powers of the Commonwealth under the Constitution and the working of the Constitution since Federation. The report was presented to Parliament in November 1929174 but did not bring any positive results. In 1934 a Conference of Commonwealth and State Ministers on Constitutional Matters was held but little came of it.175 In 1942 a Convention of Government and Opposition Leaders and Members from both Commonwealth and State Parliaments met in Canberra to discuss certain constitutional matters in relation to post-war reconstruction. They made significant progress and approved a draft bill transferring certain State powers, including control of labour, marketing, companies, monopolies and prices, from the States to the Commonwealth Government. However only two of the State Parliaments were prepared to approve the bill.176 The next major review of the Constitution was conducted by a joint select committee of the Parliament, first appointed in 1956.177 The committee presented its first report in 1958178 and a final report in 1959.179 The report made many significant recommendations, but no constitutional amendments resulted in the short term. Recommendations of the committee which were submitted some years later to the people at referendum were: - to enable the number of Members of the House to be increased without necessarily increasing the number of Senators (1967); - to enable Aboriginals to be counted in reckoning the population (1967); - to ensure that Senate elections are held at the same time as House of Representatives elections (1974 and 1977); - to facilitate alterations to the Constitution (1974); - to ensure that Members of the House are chosen directly and democratically by the people (1974); and - to ensure, so far as practicable, that a casual vacancy in the Senate is filled by a person of the same political party as the Senator chosen by the people (1977). In 1970 the Victorian Parliament initiated a proposal to convene an Australian Constitutional Convention. Following agreement by the States to the proposal and the inclusion of the Commonwealth in the proposed convention, the first meeting took place at Sydney in 1973 and was followed by further meetings of the convention at Melbourne (1975), Hobart (1976) and Perth (1978). The convention agreed to a number of proposals for the alteration of the Constitution, some of which were submitted to the people at the referendums of 1977. The referendums on Simultaneous Elections, Referendums, and the Retirement of Judges were the subject of resolutions of the convention at meetings held in Melbourne and Hobart. In 1985 the Commonwealth Government announced the establishment of a Constitutional Commission to report on the revision of the Constitution. It consisted of five members (a sixth resigning upon appointment to the High Court) and it operated by means of five advisory committees, covering the Australian judicial system, the distribution of powers, executive government, individual and democratic rights, and trade and national economic management. A series of background papers was published by the commission and papers and reports were prepared by the advisory committees.180 The commission’s first report was presented on 10 May 1988, and a summary was presented on 23 May 1988.181 The commission’s review and report preceded the presentation of four constitution alteration bills, dealing respectively with parliamentary terms, elections, local government, and rights and freedoms.182 In 1991 the Constitutional Centenary Foundation was established with the purposes of encouraging education and promoting public discussion, understanding and review of the Australian constitutional system in the decade leading to the centenary of the Constitution.183 In 1993 Prime Minister Keating established the Republic Advisory Committee with the terms of reference of producing an options paper describing the minimum constitutional changes necessary to achieve a republic, while maintaining the effect of existing conventions and principles of government. The committee’s report An Australian republic—the options was tabled in the House on 6 October 1993.184 In February 1998 the Commonwealth Government convened a Constitutional Convention to consider whether Australia should become a republic and models for choosing a head of state. Delegates (152—half elected, half appointed by the Government) met for two weeks in Canberra in Old Parliament House. The Convention also debated related issues, including proposals for a new preamble to the Constitution. The Convention supported an in-principle resolution that Australia should become a republic, and recommended that the model, and other related changes, supported by the Convention be put to the Australian people at a referendum. Constitution alteration bills for the establishment of a republic and for the insertion of a preamble followed in 1999, with those concerning the proposed republic being referred to a joint select committee for an advisory report. All the proposals were unsuccessful at referendum. Back to top Aspects of the Role of the House of Representatives The bicameral nature of the national legislature reflects the federal nature of the Commonwealth. The House of Representatives was seen by Quick and Garran in 1901 as embodying the national aspect and the Senate the State aspect of the federal duality.185 It has been said that the federal part of the Australian Parliament is the Senate which being the organ of the States links them together as integral parts of the federal union. Thus, the Senate is the Chamber in which the States, considered as separate entities and corporate parts of the Commonwealth, are represented.186 The (original) States have equal representation in the Senate, irrespective of great discrepancies in population size. On the other hand the House of Representatives is the national branch of the Federal Parliament in which the people are represented in proportion to their numbers—that is, each Member represents an (approximately) equal number of voters. In this sense the House may be said to be not only the national Chamber but also the democratic Chamber.187 Quick and Garran stated ‘its operation and tendency will be in the direction of unification and consolidation of the people into one integrated whole, irrespective of State boundaries, State rights or State interests’.188 Thus, the House of Representatives is the people’s House and the inheritance of responsible government, through the Cabinet system, is the most significant characteristic attaching to it. The framers of our Constitution, almost as a matter of course, took the Westminster model of responsible government (influenced by the colonial experience and by the experience of the United States of America189) and fitted it into the federal scheme. Thus the role and functions of the House of Representatives are direct derivatives of the House of Commons, principal features being the system of Cabinet Government and the traditional supremacy of the lower House in financial matters. The notion of responsible government is embodied in the structure and functions of the House of Representatives.190 That party or coalition of parties which commands a majority in the House is entitled to form the Government. From this group emerges the Prime Minister and the major portion of the Ministry, usually more than 75 per cent. This fact, and certain provisions of the Constitution concerning legislation, means that most legislation originates in the House of Representatives, and this emphasises its initiating and policy roles as distinct from the review role of the Senate. In Australia the legal power to initiate legislation is vested in the legislature and nowhere else. In practice the responsibility falls overwhelmingly to one group within the legislature—the Ministry. However there are checks and balances and potential delays (which may sometimes be regarded as obstruction) in the legislative process because of the bicameral nature of the legislature, and these have particular importance when the party or coalition with a majority in the House does not have a majority in the Senate. The Ministry is responsible for making and defending government decisions and legislative proposals. There are few important decisions made by the Parliament which are not first considered by the Government. However, government proposals are subject to parliamentary scrutiny which is essential in the concept of responsible government. The efficiency and effectiveness of a parliamentary democracy is in some measure dependent on the effectiveness of the Opposition; the more effective the Opposition, the more responsible and thorough the Government must become in its decision making. The nature of representation in the Senate, the voting system used to elect Senators and the fact that only half the Senators are elected each third year may cause the Senate to reflect a different electoral opinion from that of the House. The House reflects, in its entirety, the most recent political view of the people and is the natural vehicle for making or unmaking governments. Jennings emphasises the role of the lower House in the following way: The fact that the House of Commons is representative, that most of the ministers and most of the leading members of Opposition parties are in that House, and that the Government is responsible to that House alone, gives the Commons a great preponderance of authority. The great forum of political discussion is therefore in the Lower House.191 In Parliaments in the Westminster tradition the greater financial power is vested in the lower House. The modern practice in respect of the House of Commons’ financial privileges is based upon principles expressed in resolutions of that House as long ago as 1671 and 1678: That in all aids given to the King by the Commons, the rate or tax ought not to be altered by the Lords; . . . That all aids and supplies, and aids to his Majesty in Parliament, are the sole gift of the Commons; and all bills for the granting of any such aids and supplies ought to begin with the Commons; and that it is the undoubted and sole right of the Commons to direct, limit, and appoint in such bills the ends, purposes, considerations, conditions, limitations, and qualifications of such grants, which ought not to be changed or altered by the House of Lords.192 These principles are reflected in a modified way in the Australian Constitution. The Constitution was framed to express the traditional right of the lower House, the representative House, to initiate financial matters,193 to prevent the Senate from amending certain financial bills and to prevent the Senate from amending any proposed law so as to increase any proposed charge or burden on the people.194 In all other respects the Constitution gives to the Senate equal power with the House of Representatives in respect of all proposed laws, including the power of rejection. Back to top Independence of the Houses Each House functions as a distinct and independent unit within the framework of the Parliament. The right inherent in each House to exclusive cognisance of matters arising within it has evolved through centuries of parliamentary history195 and is made clear in the provisions of the Constitution. The complete autonomy of each House, within the constitutional and statutory framework existing at any given time, is recognised in regard to: - its own procedure; - questions of privilege and contempt; and - control of finance, staffing, accommodation and services.196 This principle of independence characterises the formal nature of inter-House communication. Communication between the Houses may be by message,197 by conference,198 or by committees conferring with each other.199 The two Houses may also agree to appoint a joint committee operating as a single body and composed of members of each House.200 Contact between the Houses reaches its ultimate point in the merging of both in a joint sitting. In respect of legislative matters this can occur only under conditions prescribed by the Constitution and when the two Houses have failed to reach agreement.201 The standing orders of both the House and the Senate contain particular provisions with respect to the attendance of Members and employees before the other House or its committees. Should the Senate request by message the attendance of a Member before the Senate or any committee of the Senate, the House may immediately authorise the Member to attend, if the Member thinks fit. If a similar request is received in respect of an employee, the House may, if it thinks fit, instruct the employee to attend.202 In practice, there have been instances of Members and employees appearing as witnesses before Senate committees, in a voluntary capacity, without the formality of a message being sent to the House.203 Senators have appeared before the House Committee of Privileges, the Senate having given leave for them to appear, after having received a message from the House on the matter.204 In 2001 the Senate authorised Senators to appear before the committee ‘subject to the rule, applied in the Senate by rulings of the President, that one House of the Parliament may not inquire into or adjudge the conduct of a member of the other House’.205 As an expression of the principle of independence of the Houses, the Speaker took the view in 1970 that it would be parliamentarily and constitutionally improper for a Senate estimates committee to seek to examine the financial needs or commitments of the House of Representatives.206 In similar manner the House of Representatives estimates committees, when they operated, did not examine the proposed appropriations for the needs of the Senate. As a further expression of the independence of the Houses it had been a traditional practice of each House not to refer to its counterpart by name but as ‘another place’ or ‘Members of another place’. The House agreed to remove the restriction on direct reference to the Senate and Senators in 1970 following a recommendation by the Standing Orders Committee.207 The standing orders prescribe however that a Member must not use offensive words against either House of the Parliament or a Member of the Parliament.208 Back to top Functions of the House The principal functions of the House, and the way in which they are expressed and carried out, can be summarised under the following headings.209 Back to top The Government—Making and unmaking It is accepted that the House of Representatives, which reflects the current opinion of the people at an election, is the appropriate House in which to determine which party or coalition of parties should form government. Thus the party or coalition of parties which commands a majority in the House assumes the Government and the largest minority party (or coalition of parties) the Opposition. Within this framework resides the power to ‘unmake’ a Government should it not retain the confidence and support of a majority of the Members of the House. To enable a Government to stay in office and have its legislative program supported (at least in the House), it is necessary that Members of the government party or parties support the Government, perhaps not uncritically, but support it on the floor of the House on major issues. Party discipline is therefore an important factor in this aspect of the House’s functions. A principal role of the House is to examine and criticise, where necessary, government action, with the knowledge that the Government must ultimately answer to the people for its decisions. It has been a Westminster convention and a necessary principle of responsible government that a Government defeated on the floor of the House on a major issue should resign or seek a dissolution of the House. Such a defeat would indicate prima facie that a Government had lost the confidence of the House, but there is no fixed definition of what is a matter of confidence. If a defeat took place on a major matter, modern thinking is that the Government would be entitled to seek to obtain a vote on a motion of confidence in order to test whether in fact it still had the confidence of the House. Defeat on a minor or procedural matter may be acknowledged, but not lead to further action, the Government believing that it still possessed the confidence of the House. The Government has been defeated on the floor of the House of Representatives on a major issue on eight occasions since Federation following which either the Government resigned or the House was dissolved. The most recent cases were in 1929 (the Bruce–Page Government), 1931 (the Scullin Government), and 1941 (the Fadden Government).210 On 11 November 1975 immediately following the dismissal of the Whitlam Government, the newly appointed caretaker Government was defeated on a motion which expressed a want of confidence in Prime Minister Fraser and requested the Speaker to advise the Governor-General to call the majority leader (Mr Whitlam) to form a government. However, within the next hour and a half both Houses were dissolved and the resolution of the House could not be acted on.211 The fact that the power of the House to ‘unmake’ a Government is rarely exercised does not lessen the significance of that power. Defeat of the Government in the House has always been and still is possible. It is the ultimate sanction of the House in response to unacceptable policies and performance. In modern times, given the strength of party discipline, defeat of a Government on a major issue in the House would most likely indicate a split within a party or a coalition, or in a very finely balanced House the withdrawal of key support. Back to top The initiation and consideration of legislation Section 51 of the Constitution provides that the Parliament has the power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the Commonwealth with respect to specified matters. The law-making function of Parliament is one of its most basic functions. The Senate and the House have substantially similar powers in respect of legislation, and the consideration of proposed laws occupies a great deal of the time of each House. Because of the provisions of the Constitution with respect to the initiation of certain financial legislation and the fact that the majority of Ministers are Members of the House of Representatives, the vast majority of bills introduced into the Parliament originate in the House of Representatives. The right to govern carries with it the right to propose legislation. Private Members of the Government may be consulted on legislative proposals either in the party room or through the system of party committees. The result of these consultations may determine the extent to which the Government is willing to proceed on a policy issue or a course of executive action. In addition, the Opposition plays its role in suggesting changes to existing and proposed legislation. Some suggestions may be accepted by the Government immediately or taken up either in the Senate or at a later date. Back to top Seeking information on and clarification of government policy The accountability of the Government to Parliament is pursued principally through questions, on and without notice, directed to Ministers concerning the administration of their departments, during debates of a general nature—for example, the Budget and Address in Reply debates—during debates on specific legislation, or by way of parliamentary committee inquiry. The aim of parliamentary questioning and inquiry is to seek information, to bring the Government to account for its actions, and to bring into public view possible errors or failings or areas of incompetence or maladministration. Back to top Surveillance, appraisal and criticism of government administration Debate takes place on propositions on particular subjects, on matters of public importance, and on motions to take note of documents including those moved in relation to ministerial statements dealing with government policy or matters of ministerial responsibility. Some of the major policy debates, such as on defence, foreign affairs and the economy, take place on motions of this kind. Historically, opportunities for private Members to raise matters and initiate motions which may seek to express an opinion of the House on questions of administration were limited, but these increased significantly in 1988.212 It is not possible for the House to oversee every area of government policy and executive action. However the House may be seen as an essential safeguard and a corrective means over excessive, corrupt or extravagant use of executive power.213 From time to time the Opposition may move a specific motion expressing censure of or no confidence in the Government. If a motion of no confidence were carried, the Government would be expected to resign. A specific motion of censure of or no confidence in a particular Minister or Ministers may also be moved. The effect of carrying such a motion against a Minister may be inconclusive as far as the House is concerned as any further action would be in the hands of the Prime Minister. However a vote against the Prime Minister, depending on circumstances, would be expected to have serious consequences for the Government.214 Back to top Consideration of financial proposals and examination of public accounts In accordance with the principle of the financial initiative of the Executive, the Government has the right to initiate or move to increase appropriations and taxes, but it is for the House to make decisions on government proposals and the House has the right to make amendments which will reduce a proposed appropriation or tax or to reject a proposal. Amendments to certain financial proposals may not be made by the Senate, but it may request the House to make amendments. The appropriation of revenue and moneys is dependent on a recommendation by the Governor-General to the House of Representatives. Traditionally the Treasurer has been a Member of the House. Reflecting this, the government front bench in the House, now commonly known as the ministerial bench, was in past times referred to as the Treasury bench. It is the duty of the House to ensure that public money is spent in accordance with parliamentary approval and in the best interests of the taxpayer. The responsibility for scrutinising expenditure is inherent in the consideration of almost any matter which comes before the House. The most significant means by which the Government is held to account for its expenditure occurs during the consideration of the main Appropriation Bill each year. However the examination of public administration and accounts has to some extent been delegated to committees215 which have the means and time available for closer and more detailed scrutiny (and see below). The consideration of specific matters by a selected group of Members of the House is carried out by the use of standing and select committees, which is now an important activity of a modern Parliament and a principal means by which the House performs some of its functions, such as the examination of government administration. In 1987 the House took a significant step in establishing a comprehensive system of general purpose standing committees, empowered to inquire into and report upon any matter referred to them by either the House or a Minister, including any pre-legislation proposal, bill, motion, petition, vote or expenditure, other financial matter, report or document (see Chapter on ‘Parliamentary committees’). The Public Accounts and Audit Committee, a joint statutory committee, is required to examine the accounts of the receipts and expenditure of the Commonwealth and each statement and report made by the Auditor-General. As is the case with other committees, inquiries undertaken by the committee result in the presentation of reports to the Parliament. The Public Works Committee, also a joint statutory committee, considers and reports on whether proposed public works referred to it for investigation should be approved, taking into account, inter alia, the financial aspects. Back to top Ventilation of grievances and matters of interest or concern The provision of opportunities for the raising by private Members of particular matters—perhaps affecting the rights and liberties of individuals, or perhaps of a more general nature—is an important function of the House. Opportunities for raising these matters occur principally during periods for private Members’ business, Members’ statements, grievance debates, debates on the motion for the adjournment of the House or the Main Committee, and during debates on the Budget and the Address in Reply. Outside the House Members may make personal approaches to Ministers and departments regarding matters raised by constituents or other matters on which they require advice or seek attention.216 Petitions from citizens requesting action by the House are lodged by Members with the Clerk of the House who announces a summary of their content to the House, or may be presented directly by Members themselves. The subject matter of a petition is then referred to the appropriate Minister for information. Any ministerial response is also reported to the House.217 Back to top Examination of delegated legislation Regulations and other forms of subordinate legislation made by the Government pursuant to authority contained in an Act of the Parliament must be tabled in both Houses. A notice of motion for the disallowance of any such delegated legislation may be submitted to the House by any Member. Disallowance is then automatic after a certain period, unless the House determines otherwise. The Senate Standing Committee on Regulations and Ordinances plays a major role in overseeing delegated legislation.218 Back to top Prerequisites for fulfilling functions The exigencies of politics, the needs of the Government in terms of time, and its power of control of the House, have resulted in the evolution of a parliamentary system which reflects the fact that, while the will of the Government of the day will ultimately prevail in the House, the House consists of representatives of the people who will not hesitate to speak for the people and communities they represent. A responsible Government will keep the House informed of all major policy and administrative decisions it takes. A responsible Opposition will use every available means to ensure that it does. However, the effective functioning of the House requires a continual monitoring and review of its own operations and procedure. The forms of procedure and the way in which they are applied have an important effect on the relationship between the Government and the House. The Procedure Committee has presented reports on many aspects of the work of the House and its committees and has dealt with the issue of community involvement. It has sought to contribute to the maintenance and strengthening of the House’s capacity to perform its various functions. Back to top

http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/House_of_Representatives/Powers_practice_and_procedure/practice/chapter1

14

This will be REAL basics. Only a couple definitions so you can follow the later pages. Like, what a Derivative and and Integral actually are; and how to do differentiation and integration in software. There will be NO math except basic algebra and geometry. This is simply the rate of change of some signal. Your car may travel forward at 20 feet per second for 30 seconds. It will travel 600 feet. During that 30 seconds, the distance the car has moved can be measured and will vary from 0 feet at the beginning to 600 feet at the end. The derivative of the distance measurement is the rate at which it changes; which is a constant 20 feet per second during the entire 30 seconds It is possible that your car's speed could vary during the 30 seconds Maybe you drive up and down a hill with the gas pedal held constant, or maybe you push or release the gas pedal to change the speed. You can see that the car proceeds at 20 feet per second (fps) until it reaches the hill. Then it slows down to about 15 fps. As it tops the hill and starts downhill, the speed (rate of distance) increases to about 25 fps. Then when it reaches the level road again it returns to 20 fps. This change in speed can also be seen on the plot of distance versus time. The line (distance) increases at a constant rate (20 fps) until the hill is reached. Then the rate of increase in distance reduces until the downhill portion when it speeds up. Then it goes back to the original rate of increase ending up at approximately 600 feet again. (if you do the math, you'd find that it doesn't quite make it to 600, since you lose more time going uphill then you make up going downhill) The rate plot is the derivative of the distance plot. The rate plot shows the speed or rate at which the car is covering distance. There is also a derivative of the rate plot. Since the second example with a hill results in a rate plot with different values on it, then the rate plot also changes as a function of time. The change in rate is acceleration. So, speed is the derivative of distance and acceleration is the derivative of speed. Actually, you can keep taking derivatives of derivatives forever, but we seldom have to worry about any derivatives beyond acceleration. The plots on the right show that while rate is constant at 20 fps, the acceleration is zero. When the hill is encountered, there is a negative acceleration which is the rate signal decreasing to 15 fps. The acceleration returns to zero as the speed stabilizes at 15 fps. Similarly as the car starts downhill, there is a positive acceleration until the car stabilizes at 25 fps, then there is another negative acceleration as the car returns to level ground at 20 fps. The integral is just the opposite concept of the derivative. If you start with the acceleration, speed (or rate) is the integral of acceleration; and distance is the integral of speed. For all these examples, we will be talking about signals that occur over time. So, if you have a measured signal that tells you (or your robot) how its speed has varied over an interval of time, you can calculate what distance the robot has traveled over that same period of time by multiplying the speed times the TIME that the robot spends at that speed. Note: Two methods you can use to measure speed are a tachometer attached to the motor or drive train, or measuring the back-EMF of the motor (which is the same as using your motor as a tachometer). Of course, if you have wheel encoders, you could calculate speed from them and integrate that value to get distance; however, this is unnecessary since the encoder gives distance directly. Since rate is often changing over time, you will usually calculate the distance traveled frequently, computing the distance traveled since the last computation and adding all the incremental distances together for a total. If this is done at a high speed, e.g. 20 times per second),. the resulting distance can be quite accurate. There are two primary sources of error in computing distance from speed. First is the accuracy of the speed signal. If speed is off by 10%, distance will be off by 10 percent also. This error source can be minimized by doing a calibration of your speed signal to make it as accurate as possible. Second is the accuracy of the piecemeal integration. Multiplying current speed by the time since the last sample assumes the speed was constant over that time. If the speed increased or decreased, the answer will not be quite right. This source of error can be minimized by performing the calculation at such a high rate that the speed change between calculations is insignificant; or by using a value for speed that is the average of the current and previous values. For example, you have a robot and have some means of measuring its speed. You find that it moved at 0 fps for 10 seconds, then 2 fps for 10 seconds, then 3 fps for 10 seconds. How far has the robot moved? In the first 10 seconds, it doesn't move at all. In the second 10 seconds it moves 20 feet (2 fps * 10 sec) and in the final 10 seconds it moves 30 feet. Add it up and it is 50 feet. As plots it would look like: OK, assuming we have the concept down, how would you implement a calculation of the integral in software? The object is to integrate the rate signal to get the distance measurement. As the robot runs, you are making the speed measurements each time your software executes. Lets assume your software executes at 20 times per second. Using pseudocode: //Initialize DISTANCE integrator to zero DO while time<30 seconds //just for the length of the test SPEED = ??? //however you measure the rate signal DISTANCE = DISTANCE + SPEED/20 //the actual integration This loop will execute 600 times, 30 seconds at 20 times per second. A new value of speed is determined for each execution. The distance measurement is then updated by taking the previous value of distance and adding how far the robot would move in 1/20 of a second at the measured rate. The special characteristics of an integrator are: that it must be initialized since the computed value is always based on the previous value; and the amount added for each cycle of the integration must be multiplied by the time interval between executions (0.05 seconds or 1/20 of a second in this case). This is all there is to an integrator. If you integrate an acceleration signal, you will get speed; if you integrate speed, you will get distance. //Must also initialize Speed now DISTANCE = 0 //Initialize DISTANCE integrator to zero DO while time<30 seconds //just for the length of the test ACCELERATION = ??? //however you measure the accel signal SPEED = SPEED + ACCELERATION/20 //integrate to get speed DISTANCE = DISTANCE + SPEED/20 //integrate to get distance Lest you get too carried away with this, integrating acceleration twice to get distance may work fairly well in the bowels of a high precision digital computer; but, trying it in the real world can lead to large errors. This is because your measured signal is probably not perfect. If you had an accelerometer on your robot measuring how fast it was accelerating forward or backwards, and that accelerometer was off by just .001 g's (.0332 feet/second^2), the integration of speed would be off by 1 fps and the distance integrator would be off by 14 feet. Hence, integrating navigation measurements to get position is not often done over prolonged periods of time. But it can be useful at times. For example, if you are measuring the distance traveled with a look-behind sonar, and the sonar quits providing data for a second or two, you may be able to keep your distance updated pretty accurately by integrating speed into the last valid sonar measurement. By the way, a single integration of speed to get distance can be much more accurate since the error only builds up linearly with time rather than exponentially (squared) with the double integration. While the example above of integration showed the concept, most actual uses of an integrator will be for short term navigation backup or for doing corrections in the control equations (the "I" part of PID). And the control equations are what will be discussed here. Using software to get a derivative is also easy, and also has its own set of problems. The most basic way to calculate the derivative of a signal is to subtract the previous execution cycle's value of the signal from the new value. For example, if your software is executing 20 times per second and you have just measured your distance (perhaps from an encoder) to be 98.6 inches; and the value on the last cycle was 97.8 inches; then you can calculate the speed (the derivative of distance) as (98.6 -97.8) * 20 = 16 inches per second. You can do this over a 30 second interval by: DO while time<30 //just for the length of the test DISTANCE = ??? //however you measure the distance SPEED = (DISTANCE - DISTANCE_LAST) * 20 //perform differentiation DISTANCE_LAST = DISTANCE //save the distance to use as last distance next loop Note that you didn't have to initialize SPEED as you had to initialize DISTANCE in the integral. This is because SPEED is recomputed each cycle and the previous value doesn't carry over. However, the first value of speed calculated will be wrong unless DISTANCE_LAST has been initialized to the correct value. And the sample code above doesn't even set DISTANCE_LAST until after SPEED has been calculated. If DISTANCE starts at zero, this probably won't be a problem. But, if you turn on the speed calculation when distance is perhaps 10 feet, and DISTANCE_LAST is zero because it hasn't been used yet, your first calculation of speed would be (10-0)*20 = 200 feet/second; which might cause a large command from your control equations. This problem can be overcome in several ways including: set speed to zero on the first time the speed calculation is done (if zero is an acceptable value for your equations); or set DISTANCE_LAST = DISTANCE for all processing loops, not just ones where SPEED is calculated (so it is already set when the first time the derivative loop is called); or set SPEED to a reasonable estimate of speed on the first calculation. And the differentiation takes a TIMES 20 (rather than a DIVIDE BY 20 as in integration) because the difference in distance is what happened over just 1/20 of a second; and you want to compute how much distance would have passed over a whole second. Now for the problems: the differentiation often has low resolution and is very susceptible to noise. In the example above, the encoder distance only changed 0.8 inches over .05 seconds. If it has 0.1 inch resolution, then the derivative output only has 12.5% resolution (0.1/0.8). This isn't very impressive. And if you increased your execution rate to 100 per second, then the number of encoder pulses per cycle would be just 1 or 2 (0.1 or 0.2) inches. This means your derivative speed calculation would be jumping back and forth from 10 inches per second to 20 inches per second. This isn't necessarily disastrous. First, the derived value often goes into a calculation which results in a PWM signal which inherently is turning on and off at a high rate and the motor dynamics filter that PWM signal into something which appears smooth. Hence, a noisy derivative may just cause the PWM signal to change its duration a bit noisily; but the motor will filter the noise out giving the right average value. Another alternative, if you find your calculations bouncing around to be distasteful, is to filter or average the derived signal. Averaging is easy to do, just save the last few values, add them together and divide by the number of values added. A low pass filter (which I hope to go into later) will also smooth the signal output. The disadvantage to averaging or filtering is that the data you are using is not the most recent. If you average 5 values, the data resulting is about what the data was 2 cycles ago, not what it is now. This time delay can cause oscillatory problems in high speed high gain calculations. Hopefully, we can avoid such problems, but the time delay factor is something to keep in mind. The best plan is to use the shortest period of averaging or filtering that will give acceptable results. Return to the Control law menu to select the next subject

http://abrobotics.tripod.com/ControlLaws/calculus.htm

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Outline of U.S. History/The Colonial Period What then is the American, this new man? American author and agriculturist J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, 1782 Most settlers who came to America in the 17th century were English, but there were also Dutch, Swedes, and Germans in the middle region, a few French Huguenots in South Carolina and elsewhere, slaves from Africa, primarily in the South, and a scattering of Spaniards, Italians, and Portuguese throughout the colonies. After 1680 England ceased to be the chief source of immigration, supplanted by Scots and “Scots-Irish” (Protestants from Northern Ireland). In addition, tens of thousands of refugees fled northwestern Europe to escape war, oppression, and absentee-landlordism. By 1690 the American population had risen to a quarter of a million. From then on, it doubled every 25 years until, in 1775, it numbered more than 2.5 million. Although families occasionally moved from one colony to another, distinctions between individual colonies were marked. They were even more so among the three regional groupings of colonies. The northeastern New England colonies had generally thin, stony soil, relatively little level land, and long winters, making it difficult to make a living from farming. Turning to other pursuits, the New Englanders harnessed waterpower and established grain mills and sawmills. Good stands of timber encouraged shipbuilding. Excellent harbors promoted trade, and the sea became a source of great wealth. In Massachusetts, the cod industry alone quickly furnished a basis for prosperity. With the bulk of the early settlers living in villages and towns around the harbors, many New Englanders carried on some kind of trade or business. Common pastureland and woodlots served the needs of townspeople, who worked small farms nearby. Compactness made possible the village school, the village church, and the village or town hall, where citizens met to discuss matters of common interest. The Massachusetts Bay Colony continued to expand its commerce. From the middle of the 17th century onward it grew prosperous, so that Boston became one of America’s greatest ports. Oak timber for ships’ hulls, tall pines for spars and masts, and pitch for the seams of ships came from the Northeastern forests. Building their own vessels and sailing them to ports all over the world, the shipmasters of Massachusetts Bay laid the foundation for a trade that was to grow steadily in importance. By the end of the colonial period, one-third of all vessels under the British flag were built in New England. Fish, ship’s stores, and woodenware swelled the exports. New England merchants and shippers soon discovered that rum and slaves were profitable commodities. One of their most enterprising—if unsavory—trading practices of the time was the “triangular trade.” Traders would purchase slaves off the coast of Africa for New England rum, then sell the slaves in the West Indies where they would buy molasses to bring home for sale to the local rum producers. The middle colonies Society in the middle colonies was far more varied, cosmopolitan, and tolerant than in New England. Under William Penn, Pennsylvania functioned smoothly and grew rapidly. By 1685, its population was almost 9,000. The heart of the colony was Philadelphia, a city of broad, tree-shaded streets, substantial brick and stone houses, and busy docks. By the end of the colonial period, nearly a century later, 30,000 people lived there, representing many languages, creeds, and trades. Their talent for successful business enterprise made the city one of the thriving centers of the British Empire. Though the Quakers dominated in Philadelphia, elsewhere in Pennsylvania others were well represented. Germans became the colony’s most skillful farmers. Important, too, were cottage industries such as weaving, shoemaking, cabinetmaking, and other crafts. Pennsylvania was also the principal gateway into the New World for the Scots-Irish, who moved into the colony in the early 18th century. “Bold and indigent strangers,” as one Pennsylvania official called them, they hated the English and were suspicious of all government. The Scots-Irish tended to settle in the backcountry, where they cleared land and lived by hunting and subsistence farming. New York best illustrated the polyglot nature of America. By 1646 the population along the Hudson River included Dutch, French, Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, English, Scots, Irish, Germans, Poles, Bohemians, Portuguese, and Italians. The Dutch continued to exercise an important social and economic influence on the New York region long after the fall of New Netherland and their integration into the British colonial system. Their sharp‑stepped gable roofs became a permanent part of the city’s architecture, and their merchants gave Manhattan much of its original bustling, commercial atmosphere. The southern colonies In contrast to New England and the middle colonies, the Southern colonies were predominantly rural settlements. By the late 17th century, Virginia’s and Maryland’s economic and social structure rested on the great planters and the yeoman farmers. The planters of the Tidewater region, supported by slave labor, held most of the political power and the best land. They built great houses, adopted an aristocratic way of life, and kept in touch as best they could with the world of culture overseas. The yeoman farmers, who worked smaller tracts, sat in popular assemblies and found their way into political office. Their outspoken independence was a constant warning to the oligarchy of planters not to encroach too far upon the rights of free men. The settlers of the Carolinas quickly learned to combine agriculture and commerce, and the marketplace became a major source of prosperity. Dense forests brought revenue: Lumber, tar, and resin from the longleaf pine provided some of the best shipbuilding materials in the world. Not bound to a single crop as was Virginia, North and South Carolina also produced and exported rice and indigo, a blue dye obtained from native plants that was used in coloring fabric. By 1750 more than 100,000 people lived in the two colonies of North and South Carolina. Charleston, South Carolina, was the region’s leading port and trading center. In the southernmost colonies, as everywhere else, population growth in the backcountry had special significance. German immigrants and Scots-Irish, unwilling to live in the original Tidewater settlements where English influence was strong, pushed inland. Those who could not secure fertile land along the coast, or who had exhausted the lands they held, found the hills farther west a bountiful refuge. Although their hardships were enormous, restless settlers kept coming; by the 1730s they were pouring into the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. Soon the interior was dotted with farms. Living on the edge of Native-American country, frontier families built cabins, cleared the wilderness, and cultivated maize and wheat. The men wore leather made from the skin of deer or sheep, known as buckskin; the women wore garments of cloth they spun at home. Their food consisted of venison, wild turkey, and fish. They had their own amusements—great barbecues, dances, housewarmings for newly married couples, shooting matches, and contests for making quilted blankets. Quilt-making remains an American tradition today. Society, schools, and culture A significant factor deterring the emergence of a powerful aristocratic or gentry class in the colonies was the ability of anyone in an established colony to find a new home on the frontier. Time after time, dominant Tidewater figures were obliged to liberalize political policies, land-grant requirements, and religious practices by the threat of a mass exodus to the frontier. Of equal significance for the future were the foundations of American education and culture established during the colonial period. Harvard College was founded in 1636 in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Near the end of the century, the College of William and Mary was established in Virginia. A few years later, the Collegiate School of Connecticut, later to become Yale University, was chartered. Even more noteworthy was the growth of a school system maintained by governmental authority. The Puritan emphasis on reading directly from the Scriptures underscored the importance of literacy. In 1647 the Massachusetts Bay Colony enacted the “ye olde deluder Satan” Act, requiring every town having more than 50 families to establish a grammar school (a Latin school to prepare students for college). Shortly thereafter, all the other New England colonies, except for Rhode Island, followed its example. The Pilgrims and Puritans had brought their own little libraries and continued to import books from London. And as early as the 1680s, Boston booksellers were doing a thriving business in works of classical literature, history, politics, philosophy, science, theology, and belles-lettres. In 1638 the first printing press in the English colonies and the second in North America was installed at Harvard College. The first school in Pennsylvania was begun in 1683. It taught reading, writing, and keeping of accounts. Thereafter, in some fashion, every Quaker community provided for the elementary teaching of its children. More advanced training—in classical languages, history, and literature—was offered at the Friends Public School, which still operates in Philadelphia as the William Penn Charter School. The school was free to the poor, but parents were required to pay tuition if they were able. In Philadelphia, numerous private schools with no religious affiliation taught languages, mathematics, and natural science; there were also night schools for adults. Women were not entirely overlooked, but their educational opportunities were limited to training in activities that could be conducted in the home. Private teachers instructed the daughters of prosperous Philadelphians in French, music, dancing, painting, singing, grammar, and sometimes bookkeeping. In the 18th century, the intellectual and cultural development of Pennsylvania reflected, in large measure, the vigorous personalities of two men: James Logan and Benjamin Franklin. Logan was secretary of the colony, and it was in his fine library that young Franklin found the latest scientific works. In 1745 Logan erected a building for his collection and bequeathed both building and books to the city. Franklin contributed even more to the intellectual activity of Philadelphia. He formed a debating club that became the embryo of the American Philosophical Society. His endeavors also led to the founding of a public academy that later developed into the University of Pennsylvania. He was a prime mover in the establishment of a subscription library, which he called “the mother of all North American subscription libraries.” In the Southern colonies, wealthy planters and merchants imported private tutors from Ireland or Scotland to teach their children. Some sent their children to school in England. Having these other opportunities, the upper classes in the Tidewater were not interested in supporting public education. In addition, the diffusion of farms and plantations made the formation of community schools difficult. There were only a few free schools in Virginia. The desire for learning did not stop at the borders of established communities, however. On the frontier, the Scots‑Irish, though living in primitive cabins, were firm devotees of scholarship, and they made great efforts to attract learned ministers to their settlements. Literary production in the colonies was largely confined to New England. Here attention concentrated on religious subjects. Sermons were the most common products of the press. A famous Puritan minister, the Reverend Cotton Mather, wrote some 400 works. His masterpiece, Magnalia Christi Americana, presented the pageant of New England’s history. The most popular single work of the day was the Reverend Michael Wigglesworth’s long poem, “The Day of Doom,” which described the Last Judgment in terrifying terms. In 1704 Cambridge, Massachusetts, launched the colonies’ first successful newspaper. By 1745 there were 22 newspapers being published in British North America. In New York, an important step in establishing the principle of freedom of the press took place with the case of John Peter Zenger, whose New York Weekly Journal, begun in 1733, represented the opposition to the government. After two years of publication, the colonial governor could no longer tolerate Zenger’s satirical barbs, and had him thrown into prison on a charge of seditious libel. Zenger continued to edit his paper from jail during his nine-month trial, which excited intense interest throughout the colonies. Andrew Hamilton, the prominent lawyer who defended Zenger, argued that the charges printed by Zenger were true and hence not libelous. The jury returned a verdict of not guilty, and Zenger went free. The increasing prosperity of the towns prompted fears that the devil was luring society into pursuit of worldly gain and may have contributed to the religious reaction of the 1730s, known as the Great Awakening. Its two immediate sources were George Whitefield, a Wesleyan revivalist who arrived from England in 1739, and Jonathan Edwards, who served the Congregational Church in Northampton, Massachusetts. Whitefield began a religious revival in Philadelphia and then moved on to New England. He enthralled audiences of up to 20,000 people at a time with histrionic displays, gestures, and emotional oratory. Religious turmoil swept throughout New England and the middle colonies as ministers left established churches to preach the revival. Edwards was the most prominent of those influenced by Whitefield and the Great Awakening. His most memorable contribution was his 1741 sermon, “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.” Rejecting theatrics, he delivered his message in a quiet, thoughtful manner, arguing that the established churches sought to deprive Christianity of its function of redemption from sin. His magnum opus, Of Freedom of Will (1754), attempted to reconcile Calvinism with the Enlightenment. The Great Awakening gave rise to evangelical denominations (those Christian churches that believe in personal conversion and the inerrancy of the Bible) and the spirit of revivalism, which continue to play significant roles in American religious and cultural life. It weakened the status of the established clergy and provoked believers to rely on their own conscience. Perhaps most important, it led to the proliferation of sects and denominations, which in turn encouraged general acceptance of the principle of religious toleration. Emergence of colonial government In the early phases of colonial development, a striking feature was the lack of controlling influence by the English government. All colonies except Georgia emerged as companies of shareholders, or as feudal proprietorships stemming from charters granted by the Crown. The fact that the king had transferred his immediate sovereignty over the New World settlements to stock companies and proprietors did not, of course, mean that the colonists in America were necessarily free of outside control. Under the terms of the Virginia Company charter, for example, full governmental authority was vested in the company itself. Nevertheless, the crown expected that the company would be resident in England. Inhabitants of Virginia, then, would have no more voice in their government than if the king himself had retained absolute rule. Still, the colonies considered themselves chiefly as commonwealths or states, much like England itself, having only a loose association with the authorities in London. In one way or another, exclusive rule from the outside withered away. The colonists—inheritors of the long English tradition of the struggle for political liberty—incorporated concepts of freedom into Virginia’s first charter. It provided that English colonists were to exercise all liberties, franchises, and immunities “as if they had been abiding and born within this our Realm of England.” They were, then, to enjoy the benefits of the Magna Carta—the charter of English political and civil liberties granted by King John in 1215—and the common law—the English system of law based on legal precedents or tradition, not statutory law. In 1618 the Virginia Company issued instructions to its appointed governor providing that free inhabitants of the plantations should elect representatives to join with the governor and an appointive council in passing ordinances for the welfare of the colony. These measures proved to be some of the most far‑reaching in the entire colonial period. From then on, it was generally accepted that the colonists had a right to participate in their own government. In most instances, the king, in making future grants, provided in the charter that the free men of the colony should have a voice in legislation affecting them. Thus, charters awarded to the Calverts in Maryland, William Penn in Pennsylvania, the proprietors in North and South Carolina, and the proprietors in New Jersey specified that legislation should be enacted with “the consent of the freemen.” In New England, for many years, there was even more complete self-government than in the other colonies. Aboard the Mayflower, the Pilgrims adopted an instrument for government called the “Mayflower Compact,” to “combine ourselves together into a civil body politic for our better ordering and preservation … and by virtue hereof [to] enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices … as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony. …” Although there was no legal basis for the Pilgrims to establish a system of self-government, the action was not contested, and, under the compact, the Plymouth settlers were able for many years to conduct their own affairs without outside interference. A similar situation developed in the Massachusetts Bay Company, which had been given the right to govern itself. Thus, full authority rested in the hands of persons residing in the colony. At first, the dozen or so original members of the company who had come to America attempted to rule autocratically. But the other colonists soon demanded a voice in public affairs and indicated that refusal would lead to a mass migration. The company members yielded, and control of the government passed to elected representatives. Subsequently, other New England colonies—such as Connecticut and Rhode Island—also succeeded in becoming self-governing simply by asserting that they were beyond any governmental authority, and then setting up their own political system modeled after that of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. In only two cases was the self-government provision omitted. These were New York, which was granted to Charles II’s brother, the Duke of York (later to become King James II), and Georgia, which was granted to a group of “trustees.” In both instances the provisions for governance were short‑lived, for the colonists demanded legislative representation so insistently that the authorities soon yielded. In the mid-17th century, the English were too distracted by their Civil War (1642-1649) and Oliver Cromwell’s Puritan Commonwealth to pursue an effective colonial policy. After the restoration of Charles II and the Stuart dynasty in 1660, England had more opportunity to attend to colonial administration. Even then, however, it was inefficient and lacked a coherent plan. The colonies were left largely to their own devices. The remoteness afforded by a vast ocean also made control of the colonies difficult. Added to this was the character of life itself in early America. From countries limited in space and dotted with populous towns, the settlers had come to a land of seemingly unending reach. On such a continent, natural conditions promoted a tough individualism, as people became used to making their own decisions. Government penetrated the backcountry only slowly, and conditions of anarchy often prevailed on the frontier. Yet the assumption of self-government in the colonies did not go entirely unchallenged. In the 1670s, the Lords of Trade and Plantations, a royal committee established to enforce the mercantile system in the colonies, moved to annul the Massachusetts Bay charter because the colony was resisting the government’s economic policy. James II in 1685 approved a proposal to create a Dominion of New England and place colonies south through New Jersey under its jurisdiction, thereby tightening the Crown’s control over the whole region. A royal governor, Sir Edmund Andros, levied taxes by executive order, implemented a number of other harsh measures, and jailed those who resisted. When news of the Glorious Revolution (1688-1689), which deposed James II in England, reached Boston, the population rebelled and imprisoned Andros. Under a new charter, Massachusetts and Plymouth were united for the first time in 1691 as the royal colony of Massachusetts Bay. The other New England colonies quickly reinstalled their previous governments. The English Bill of Rights and the Toleration Act of 1689 affirmed freedom of worship for Christians in the colonies as well as in England and enforced limits on the Crown. Equally important, John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government (1690), the Glorious Revolution’s major theoretical justification, set forth a theory of government based not on divine right but on contract. It contended that the people, endowed with natural rights of life, liberty, and property, had the right to rebel when governments violated their rights. By the early 18th century, almost all the colonies had been brought under the direct jurisdiction of the British Crown, but under the rules established by the Glorious Revolution. Colonial governors sought to exercise powers that the king had lost in England, but the colonial assemblies, aware of events there, attempted to assert their “rights” and “liberties.” Their leverage rested on two significant powers similar to those held by the English Parliament: the right to vote on taxes and expenditures, and the right to initiate legislation rather than merely react to proposals of the governor. The legislatures used these rights to check the power of royal governors and to pass other measures to expand their power and influence. The recurring clashes between governor and assembly made colonial politics tumultuous and worked increasingly to awaken the colonists to the divergence between American and English interests. In many cases, the royal authorities did not understand the importance of what the colonial assemblies were doing and simply neglected them. Nonetheless, the precedents and principles established in the conflicts between assemblies and governors eventually became part of the unwritten “constitution” of the colonies. In this way, the colonial legislatures asserted the right of self-government. The French and Indian War France and Britain engaged in a succession of wars in Europe and the Caribbean throughout the 18th century. Though Britain secured certain advantages—primarily in the sugar-rich islands of the Caribbean—the struggles were generally indecisive, and France remained in a powerful position in North America. By 1754, France still had a strong relationship with a number of Native-American tribes in Canada and along the Great Lakes. It controlled the Mississippi River and, by establishing a line of forts and trading posts, had marked out a great crescent-shaped empire stretching from Quebec to New Orleans. The British remained confined to the narrow belt east of the Appalachian Mountains. Thus the French threatened not only the British Empire but also the American colonists themselves, for in holding the Mississippi Valley, France could limit their westward expansion. An armed clash took place in 1754 at Fort Duquesne, the site where Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, is now located, between a band of French regulars and Virginia militiamen under the command of 22-year-old George Washington, a Virginia planter and surveyor. The British government attempted to deal with the conflict by calling a meeting of representatives from New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the New England colonies. From June 19 to July 10, 1754, the Albany Congress, as it came to be known, met with the Iroquois in Albany, New York, in order to improve relations with them and secure their loyalty to the British. But the delegates also declared a union of the American colonies “absolutely necessary for their preservation” and adopted a proposal drafted by Benjamin Franklin. The Albany Plan of Union provided for a president appointed by the king and a grand council of delegates chosen by the assemblies, with each colony to be represented in proportion to its financial contributions to the general treasury. This body would have charge of defense, Native-American relations, and trade and settlement of the west. Most importantly, it would have independent authority to levy taxes. But none of the colonies accepted the plan, since they were not prepared to surrender either the power of taxation or control over the development of the western lands to a central authority. England’s superior strategic position and her competent leadership ultimately brought victory in the conflict with France, known as the French and Indian War in America and the Seven Years’ War in Europe. Only a modest portion of it was fought in the Western Hemisphere. In the Peace of Paris (1763), France relinquished all of Canada, the Great Lakes, and the territory east of the Mississippi to the British. The dream of a French empire in North America was over. Having triumphed over France, Britain was now compelled to face a problem that it had hitherto neglected, the governance of its empire. London thought it essential to organize its now vast possessions to facilitate defense, reconcile the divergent interests of different areas and peoples, and distribute more evenly the cost of imperial administration. In North America alone, British territories had more than doubled. A population that had been predominantly Protestant and English now included French‑speaking Catholics from Quebec, and large numbers of partly Christianized Native Americans. Defense and administration of the new territories, as well as of the old, would require huge sums of money and increased personnel. The old colonial system was obviously inadequate to these tasks. Measures to establish a new one, however, would rouse the latent suspicions of colonials who increasingly would see Britain as no longer a protector of their rights, but rather a danger to them. An exceptional nation? The United States of America did not emerge as a nation until about 175 years after its establishment as a group of mostly British colonies. Yet from the beginning it was a different society in the eyes of many Europeans who viewed it from afar, whether with hope or apprehension. Most of its settlers—whether the younger sons of aristocrats, religious dissenters, or impoverished indentured servants—came there lured by a promise of opportunity or freedom not available in the Old World. The first Americans were reborn free, establishing themselves in a wilderness unencumbered by any social order other than that of the primitive aboriginal peoples they displaced. Having left the baggage of a feudal order behind them, they faced few obstacles to the development of a society built on the principles of political and social liberalism that emerged with difficulty in 17th- and 18th-century Europe. Based on the thinking of the philosopher John Locke, this sort of liberalism emphasized the rights of the individual and constraints on government power. Most immigrants to America came from the British Isles, the most liberal of the European polities along with The Netherlands. In religion, the majority adhered to various forms of Calvinism with its emphasis on both divine and secular contractual relationships. These greatly facilitated the emergence of a social order built on individual rights and social mobility. The development of a more complex and highly structured commercial society in coastal cities by the mid-18th century did not stunt this trend; it was in these cities that the American Revolution was made. The constant reconstruction of society along an ever-receding Western frontier equally contributed to a liberal-democratic spirit. In Europe, ideals of individual rights advanced slowly and unevenly; the concept of democracy was even more alien. The attempt to establish both in continental Europe’s oldest nation led to the French Revolution. The effort to destroy a neofeudal society while establishing the rights of man and democratic fraternity generated terror, dictatorship, and Napoleonic despotism. In the end, it led to reaction and gave legitimacy to a decadent old order. In America, the European past was overwhelmed by ideals that sprang naturally from the process of building a new society on virgin land. The principles of liberalism and democracy were strong from the beginning. A society that had thrown off the burdens of European history would naturally give birth to a nation that saw itself as exceptional. The witches of Salem In 1692 a group of adolescent girls in Salem Village, Massachusetts, became subject to strange fits after hearing tales told by a West Indian slave. They accused several women of being witches. The townspeople were appalled but not surprised: Belief in witchcraft was widespread throughout 17th-century America and Europe. Town officials convened a court to hear the charges of witchcraft. Within a month, six women were convicted and hanged. The hysteria grew, in large measure because the court permitted witnesses to testify that they had seen the accused as spirits or in visions. Such “spectral evidence” could neither be verified nor made subject to objective examination. By the fall of 1692, 20 victims, including several men, had been executed, and more than 100 others were in jail (where another five victims died)—among them some of the town’s most prominent citizens. When the charges threatened to spread beyond Salem, ministers throughout the colony called for an end to the trials. The governor of the colony agreed. Those still in jail were later acquitted or given reprieves. Although an isolated incident, the Salem episode has long fascinated Americans. Most historians agree that Salem Village in 1692 experienced a kind of public hysteria, fueled by a genuine belief in the existence of witchcraft. While some of the girls may have been acting, many responsible adults became caught up in the frenzy as well. Even more revealing is a closer analysis of the identities of the accused and the accusers. Salem Village, as much of colonial New England, was undergoing an economic and political transition from a largely agrarian, Puritan-dominated community to a more commercial, secular society. Many of the accusers were representatives of a traditional way of life tied to farming and the church, whereas a number of the accused witches were members of a rising commercial class of small shopkeepers and tradesmen. Salem’s obscure struggle for social and political power between older traditional groups and a newer commercial class was one repeated in communities throughout American history. It took a bizarre and deadly detour when its citizens were swept up by the conviction that the devil was loose in their homes. The Salem witch trials also serve as a dramatic parable of the deadly consequences of making sensational, but false, charges. Three hundred years later, we still call false accusations against a large number of people a “witch hunt.”

http://en.m.wikibooks.org/wiki/Outline_of_U.S._History/The_Colonial_Period

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Before you bring your newborn home from the hospital, your baby needs to have a hearing screening. Although most babies can hear normally, 1 to 3 of every 1,000 babies are born with some degree of hearing loss. Without newborn hearing screening, it is difficult to detect hearing loss in the first months and years of your baby's life. About half of the children with hearing loss have no risk factors for it. Newborn hearing screening can detect possible hearing loss in the first days of a baby's life. If a possible hearing loss is found, further tests will be done to confirm the results. When hearing loss is confirmed, treatment and early intervention should start as soon as possible. Early intervention refers to programs and services available to babies and their families that help with hearing loss and learning important communication skills. That is why the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) recommends that all babies receive newborn hearing screening before they go home from the hospital. Why do newborns need hearing screening? Babies learn from the time they are born. One of the ways they learn is through hearing. If they have problems with hearing and do not receive the right treatment and early intervention services, babies will have trouble with speech and language development. For some babies, early intervention services may include the use of sign language and/or hearing aids. Studies show that children with hearing loss who receive appropriate early intervention services by age 6 months usually develop good language and learning skills. Some parents think they would be able to tell if their baby could not hear. This is not always the case. Babies may respond to noise by startling or turning their heads toward the sound. This does not mean they have normal hearing. Most babies with hearing loss can hear some sounds but still not hear enough to develop full speaking ability. Timing is everything. Your baby will have the best chance for normal language development if any hearing loss is discovered and treatment begins by the age of 6 months—and the earlier, the better. How is newborn hearing screening done? There are 2 screening tests that may be used: - Automated Auditory Brainstem Response (AABR)—This test measures how the hearing nerve responds to sound. Clicks or tones are played through soft earphones into the baby's ears. Three electrodes placed on the baby's head measure the hearing nerve's response. - Otoacoustic Emissions (OAE)—This test measures sound waves produced in the inner ear. A tiny probe is placed just inside the baby's ear canal. It measures the response (echo) when clicks or tones are played into the baby's ears. Both tests are quick (about 5 to 10 minutes), painless, and may be done while your baby is sleeping or lying still. One or both tests may be used. What if my baby does not pass the hearing screening? If your baby does not pass the hearing screening at birth, it does not necessarily mean that your baby has hearing loss. In fact, most babies who do not pass the screening test have normal hearing. But to be sure, it is extremely important to have further testing. This should include a more thorough hearing evaluation and a medical evaluation. These tests should be done as soon as possible, but definitely before your baby is 3 months old. These tests can confirm whether hearing is normal or not. Be sure to talk with your child's doctor about scheduling further testing. If hearing loss is found, what can be done? This depends on the type of hearing loss that your baby has. Every baby with hearing loss should be seen by a hearing specialist (audiologist) experienced in testing babies, a pediatric ear/nose/throat doctor (otolaryngologist), and a pediatric eye doctor (ophthalmologist). Some children with hearing loss can also have problems with their vision. Many children are also seen by a geneticist to determine if there is a hereditary cause of hearing loss. Special hearing tests can be performed by the audiologist who, together with the otolaryngologist, can tell you the degree of hearing loss and what can be done to help. If the hearing loss is permanent, hearing aids and speech and language services may be recommended for your baby. Occasionally, surgical procedures may be helpful for hearing loss. You will be informed of choices for communicating with your baby including total communication, oral communication, cued speech, and American Sign Language. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) requires that free early intervention programs be offered to babies and children with hearing loss, beginning at the time the child's hearing loss is identified. The outlook is good for children with hearing loss who begin an early intervention program before the age of 6 months. Research shows these children usually develop language skills on a par with those of their hearing peers.

http://www.healthychildren.org/English/ages-stages/baby/pages/Purpose-of-Newborn-Hearing-Screening.aspx

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During the 17th century, American settlers were starting to grow from small colonies and villages into larger towns and cities. Barter was the earliest method of trade, the direct exchange of one good for another. Soon certain commodities became most favored, such as furs and tobacco. In Virginia, warehouse receipts for bales of tobacco circulated as money. As the colonies grew in size, so did their need for trade and commerce. The increased division of labor naturally progressed from direct exchange (barter), to indirect exchange: the use of a common medium – money. The discovery of new ports increased the number of ships from distant lands, bringing with them foreign gold and silver coins. English coins, French coins, and especially Spanish coins were becoming the money of choice. Many authors have written about a shortage of money in colonial times. There was a deficiency of sound money, due to specific reasons, but a lack of money there was not. By the 1700's, Colonial money included a diverse selection of media: gold and silver coins; book-credit; various commodity money substitutes, and several different types of paper notes. EARLY PAPER MONEY During the mid to late 1600's, Massachusetts would often send expeditions to the French settlements in Quebec to loot and plunder. These raids were usually quite successful and productive. The soldiers would return home, sell their booty for profit, and be content. In 1690, after a particularly disastrous raid, soldiers returned to Boston in a foul mood – demanding to be paid. The government, not being in possession of the needed goods or coin, came up with the idea of printing paper notes, supposedly redeemable in gold and silver, to be procured from up and coming tax receipts. No further paper money was to be printed until the first issue had been paid off in specie. Within a few months time the issue ran short, and the government printed another series of notes. It was quickly found out, that the purchasing power of the notes was rapidly declining compared to gold and silver coin. The people realized the paper would never be redeemed as promised. What did the government do to solve the dilemma? They resorted to one of the King's favorite prerogatives: forced legal tender laws. Paper money was declared compulsory for all debts, and a 5% discount was offered for all government debts paid in paper. Suddenly nearby States of Connecticut and Rhode Island began to issue paper money. The race was on. In 1716, Massachusetts decided to form a government land bank, and to issue notes backed by the land. Prices on everything began to rise dramatically. The purchasing power of paper kept falling. Silver and gold coin had all but disappeared. This is the scarcity so often referred to, but it was a man-made scarcity of specie, caused by the excess emission of paper money, mandated to be legal tender for all debts. It was not a natural scarcity due to free market laws of supply and demand, but one of contrived government intervention. By 1740, paper money had depreciated to near worthlessness compared to gold and silver coin. Massachusetts's exchange rate was 11 to 1; Connecticut's was 9 to 1; Carolina's 10 to 1; and the infamous “winner” was Rhode Island – with the unbelievable rate of 23 to 1. Inflation had come full circle in just 50 years. The following year, Parliament passed an act to restrict the various schemes within the American Colonies that involved paper money. In 1751 and 1764, Parliament passed acts to regulate and restrain bills of credit from being declared to be legal tender, in any of his Majesty's Colonies. BANK OF NORTH AMERICA The Bank of North America was chartered in 1782; the first government sanctioned central bank. Its home was Philadelphia. This was the first organized public institution of the elite moneyed interest. Robert Morris was appointed Financial Agent (Secretary of the Treasury) of the United States, so as to be able to oversee the operation of the Bank. The government authorized the Bank of North America's notes to be receivable for all duties and taxes for all governments; and they were to exchange at par with specie. No other bank of issue was permitted. In return for the government's unprecedented largess of such limitless power of monopoly, the Bank of North America did what all patriotic bankers do: they offered to loan the government all the money it needed to finance the public debt with – while the American taxpayers paid the bill. Robert Morris was an elite collectivist. He dreamed of a centralized government, with the power to tax its citizens, creating a system of perpetual government debt; all to be monetized by the fractional reserve lending of paper money. He submitted his plan to Congress and they approved, issuing the charter for “his” bank. This was a wealth transference system of the elite collectivists, which in Morris's own words would be a windfall to speculators of public debt – at the expense of the taxpayers; that would cause “wealth to flow into the hands that could render it most productive”. An interesting side note: Morris was unable to raise the required specie reserves for the bank. As one of the prominent members of Congress and the Government's Financial Agent, Morris was able to appropriate specie on loan from France to the United States, and invested it “for the government” in “his” own bank. This meant that the majority of specie capital for Morris's bank came from government accounts. These funds were then borrowed back by Morris from the bank, under the ruse of being the Government's Financial Agent; funneling the money into government contracts with his own personal business associates, to provide war provisions to the government. Why he wasn't charged with embezzlement boggles the mind, and defies the most basic ideals of jurisprudence. By the end of 1783, the first experiment with a central bank had ended – badly, and the Bank of North America was closed down. Morris convinced his Philadelphia connections to issue him a state banking charter, and he quickly changed the bank over to a private commercial institution. FIRST BANK OF THE UNITED STATES The First Bank of the United States was the brainchild of Alexander Hamilton, although not his first. In 1784, Hamilton had started the commercial Bank of New York, one of only three commercial banks in the country: the other two being Morris's bank in Philadelphia and the Bank of Massachusetts in Boston. The strategic geographical location of the three banks was not by coincidence. This was the second public display of the elite moneyed interest. Cut from the same cloth as Morris, Hamilton was a statist who believed in a centralized form of government that controlled all aspects of the country – especially money, banking and trade. Hamilton's true reasons for wanting a central bank were revealed when he wrote: “All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are rich and wellborn, the other the mass of the people. The people are turbulent and changing; they seldom judge or determine right.” This aristocratic indifference to the lower orders of his fellow man is the signature of the elite collectivist, who views the masses as a tool to be used in their selfish quest for riches. Europe provided the spawning grounds for such elite ideology, purveyors of which included: Lord Rothschild and Adam Weishaupt; soon to be followed by Cecil Rhodes, Oxford Professor John Ruskin, and Lord Milner. Under Hamilton's direction, Congress chartered the First Bank of the United States in 1791. The First Bank was granted the monopoly of the coveted power to issue notes. The charter was for 20 years and no other national bank was permitted. The former partner of Robert Morris, Thomas Willing, was appointed president of the Bank. Central banks attain their influence from the government's sanction to emit paper bank notes that circulate as legal tender. This is key to their power. By establishing a central bank based upon fractional reserve lending, a system is created that allows for the use of book-entry loans and hence – money, a number of times greater than the actual money the bank has in reserves. In other words, they get to loan out money they do not have. By the magic powers of credit, money is created – from out of nothing, but the want, thereof. In 1811, the charter for the First Bank of the United States expired. President Madison, another of the elite guard, fought hard to recharter the bank. Congress failed by only one vote to reissue a new charter. Thus ended the First Bank of the United States. SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES Shortly after the closing of the First Bank of the United States, America found itself in the War of 1812. The sinews of war being money, huge sums were suddenly in demand. Private banks began to spring up overnight, issuing hoards of bank notes to pay for badly needed war supplies. Although the banks issued paper money, it was supposedly redeemable in gold and silver. But the costs of war were overwhelming, and the banks succumbed to the excesses of the printing press: issuing notes they could neither honor or redeem. Congress made the fatal mistake of allowing the banks to suspend payment in specie for over two years, until 1817. The suspension of the redemption of paper in gold and silver set an evil precedent that still haunts our country to this very day – the curse of dishonest banking: the breaking of one's contractual obligations and promises. Further suspensions occurred in 1819, 1837, 1839, and 1857. Soon it was seen that the banking system was in total chaos. Something had to be done. Either banks had to honor their obligations and contracts, or a central bank was needed as a lender of last resort: the fall back guy that the state banks could rely on for credit, when the going got tough. The honorable choice was the first option, but such was not to be, and the Second Bank of the United States was founded, in 1816. The Second Bank's charter was fairly close to the First Bank's: both were to issue paper currency redeemable in silver and gold, to purchase a large portion of the government debt, and to be the depository for Treasury funds. President Madison guided the Second Bank through Congress with the help of the rich Philadelphian lawyer and Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander J. Dallas, his close friend John Jacob Astor, and another rich Philadelphian lawyer by the name of Stephen Girard (reputed to be one of the two wealthiest men in America). The president of the bank was William Jones, a close friend to Dallas. This was the third public institution of the moneyed interests. The Second Bank's real expansion of power came under the presidency of Nicholas Biddle, another Philadelphian in the royal line of descent. Biddle headed the Bank from 1823 to the repeal of its charter in 1836, building it into the most powerful banking house in the country. After the repeal of the bank's charter by President Jackson, Biddle continued to operate the bank under a Pennsylvania State charter for several years. The alleged reason for another National Bank was to curtail the inflationary problems caused by excessive note issue, originally redeemable in gold and silver; but as we have seen, redemptions had been suspended, causing further depreciation in the purchasing power of paper currency. So what did the Second Bank of the United States do to stop the flood of paper money? Initially the bank was to raise $7 million in specie as reserves, it never acquired more than 2.5 million. In 1818, the Bank had 2.36 million in specie on reserve, and 21.8 million of notes and deposits on record. Within one and half years the bank had added 19.2 million to the Nation's money supply; pyramiding at a ratio of 9.24 times reserves, which gave a reserve ratio of .11 – a mockery of inflation control and sound monetary policy. Such a huge increase in the money supply caused a boom to occur – prices skyrocketed. The bank was in danger of not being able to honor redemptions in specie, so it had to contract the money supply. In one year (1818) the money supply decreased from 21.9 million to approximately $11.5 million – a reduction of 47%. Bankruptcies, defaults, and an overall bust of the economy resulted; a textbook example of the boom and bust cycles that paper money and fractional reserve lending can create. The only way to stop deflation is to prevent the inflation that leads to it. The devastating effects of inflationary excesses followed by deflationary contractions, were two of the most compelling reasons behind Andrew Jackson's battle against central banking. Several times throughout the 1830's – 1850's the country was shaken by similar events, the worst being the deflations of 1839 and 1857. Jackson was an advocate for hard money, according to the constitutional system of honest weights and measures of silver and gold coin. He opposed the banks monopoly of the power to issue paper money based on the national debt. Jackson was against government intervention in the markets; and he believed in Thomas Jefferson's laissez-faire philosophy of free markets and the right to private property. President Jackson methodically disestablished the Second Bank of the United States beginning in 1833 and ending in 1836, by removing the Treasury deposits from the bank and placing them in state banks. Nicholas Biddle didn't give up easily, however, as he actually got the bank's charter renewal passed through Congress: but Jackson remained undaunted – he vetoed the bill. Biddle then used his crony Philadelphian associates to secure a Pennsylvanian State banking charter; and the Second Bank of the United States became the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, a commercial state enterprise. Even after the disestablishment of the Second Bank of the United States, the battle of the hard money Jacksonians raged on against the soft money interests; including Nicholas Biddle and his Philadelphian cohorts, but now the fight was on the State level. Whenever the banks got into trouble, the government allowed them to suspend redemption of their bank notes in specie. This is one of the most destructive faults of a fractional reserve paper system – the moral hazard of not honoring one's contractual obligations. But the greatest evil of fractional reserve banking is that bank reserves primarily consist of government bonds or the public debt; the base upon which the banks are allowed to pyramid notes and deposits – “bonding” for the Treasury Notes. The more government bonds the banks purchase, the more money it can create and issue, which means the greater the public debt – the greater is the supply of money. Monetization of public debt is synonymous with money creation: a pestilence sent by Typhus “that walketh the Earth in darkness.” Both the Constitution and the Original Coinage Act of 1792 defined and set the standard of our monetary system to be the unit of a dollar: a specific weight of silver that was exchangeable for a specific weight of gold. The emission of bills of credit or paper money was forbidden by the Constitution. However, this was all on the National level of Government, none of which applied to private banking; and there were plenty of private bankers ready and willing to issue a plethora of paper bank notes, and they did. In a letter to John Taylor in May of 1816, Thomas Jefferson stated: “The system of banking we have both equally and ever reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in all our constitutions, which, if not covered, will end in their destruction ... I sincerely believe, with you, that banking establishments are more dangerous than standing armies; and that the principle of spending money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large scale." Elsewhere Jefferson said: “I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. Already they have raised up a money aristocracy that has set the government at defiance. The issuing power should be taken form the banks and restored to the government to whom it properly belongs.” What was the “blot” left on our Constitution that Jefferson was referring to, which if not covered would end in its destruction? This is a question of the gravest importance, which should receive the undivided attention of our elected representatives, as our freedom and liberty hang in the balance. The blot that Jefferson spoke of is exactly what we have seen: the legal crack in the Constitution that left the door wide open for the international bankers to gain access to our monetary system; and the resulting implementation of fractional reserve lending of paper bills of credit, their modis operandi; all precipitated by the inherent weakness of a bimetallic monetary currency, where one metal is set as the standard, and the exchange rate is fixed between the two metals, allowing Gresham's Law to do the dirty work. Once the culprits had squeezed through the door, they continued to expand their influence and dominance over the financial system. The first central banks grew in size and power, which was deftly wielded to persuade members of Congress to join the “ranks”. Up until the Civil War and the legal tender Greenbacks, private banks had issued all paper currency, either by the First and Second Banks of the United States, or state banks. With the printing of the Greenbacks, banking entered a new era. Congress had failed to follow the constitutional disability not to issue paper bills of credit. The United States went off of the specie redemption standard in 1861, and did not go back on it until the Resumption Act was officially implemented in 1879. During the years of 1819, 1837, 1839 and 1857, gold and silver redemption was also suspended. Further suspensions would be forthcoming in the financial panics of 1884, 1893, 1907, 1909, and 1921, with the final coup in 1934: Roosevelt's Gold Reserve Act that outlawed private ownership of gold. Any allusion to a gold standard or any other metallic standard actually being contractually honored and practiced during these times is mere illusion and the stuff of fairy tales. Only the banking business is allowed to dishonor or suspend their contractual obligations in this way. Any other type of business that operated in this unredeeming manner – would be investigated for allegedly committing fraud, extortion, and embezzlement, and most likely face legal prosecution. Greed knows no limits; the innermost recesses of the soul are not immune to its poisonous effects. © 2004 Douglas V. Gnazzo

http://www.silverbearcafe.com/private/honmoney4.html

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unit Gold Mining uses historic primary source materials (link) to help students go back in time to understand how gold was mined. The activities are organized around three questions: How do I get the gold? What was a gold miner like? Is that legal? Students explore photographs and actual manuals from the Alaska gold rush era for clues about the rigors of gold mining. Students consider how laws change over time to reflect the needs and attitudes of the people. State Content Standards State Content Standards addressed in Gold Mining: Students should: that cultural elements, including language, literature, the arts, customs and belief systems, reflect the ideas and attitudes of a specific time and know how the cultural elements influence human interaction (History: bias in all forms of communication (Eng/L.A: E3) how and why maps are changing documents (Geo: A3) how places are formed, identified, named and characterized (Geo: B2) and assess local, regional and global patterns of resource use (Geo: the necessity and purpose of government (Gov/Civ: A1) the basic concepts of supply and demand, the market system and profit excellent hands-on activities are highly recommended for this unit. Visit the AMEREF website for the Alaska Resources Kit: Minerals and Mining. Go to the Curriculum Modules. Use Adobe Acrobat Reader to open and print out two activities for your classroom that help students understand the gold mining process: Getting the Gold (pages 40-43) and Stake a Claim (pages 44-47) Allow 1-2 hours for each of these activities. Extension Ideas for the theme Gold Mining 1: How do I get the gold? - You may wish to print out the miners manual "Gold Dust: How to Find it and How to Mine it " as a reference for your classroom. It shows the type of information available to the Alaska gold seeker in 1898. web sites that provide additional help in understanding gold mining. - Ask students to compare what they are learning about Alaska's gold rush with other gold rushes, such as the California gold rush. Students may keep a chart of things that were the same and things that were different. (Similar characteristics might include: placer mining, men, traveling from other places, etc.) 2: What was a gold miner like? students to brainstorm their ideas about miners before starting the activities in this section. Help them understand bias and stereotypes by comparing their initial ideas with what they discovered after reading the various documents. - Who profited from gold mines? your students uncover the clues that the four documents reveal. 1: Print out copies of the four documents. Divide the class into four teams. Each team is given one document and must try to list as many things as they can about the people, places and events in 2: Teams share what they have learned from their document. 3: Ask each student to write down what they think the story might have been. (A reasonable answer would include the facts that Mr. Pine bought additional stock after the letter was sent. Inferences might include that the meeting was very successfully and the stockholders were convinced that the company was going to earn money in the future.) 4: Students may enjoy creating a story about the mining company with information about where the gold was discovered, how it was mined and how the stockholders benefited. Or perhaps the students think the company was not successful and that the stockholders lost all of their money. activity helps students better understand the economic system where shareholders can profit from a company without being involved in the daily work. students explore the stock market system through Alaska Native Corporations or the Alaska Student Learning: Gold Mining of selected standards and activities uses Delia's Dilemma (from Question 3: Is that legal?) to help you evaluate how well the students are mastering the standards. This example can help you design appropriate projects or other activities that demonstrate standards-based learning. For additional assessment ideas see Assessment and Scoring Guide student progress toward standards: Example using activities in Delia's Dilemma who meet the standards demonstrate through discussion, writing or that cultural elements, including language, literature, the arts, customs and belief systems, reflect the ideas and attitudes of a specific time and know how the cultural elements influence human discuss the 1890's attitudes about women and wives regarding the ownership of property. Students should be able to recognize that the laws have changed due to the belief system about women's rights in America today. Students should be able to extend the concept so that they understand differences in laws in other countries regarding women's rights reflect the current attitudes and belief systems in those countries (Students may research a country about the legal rights of women to own property.) bias in all forms of communication (Eng.L.A.:E3) articulate the personal point of view of Delia about ownership from her letter to the Governor; student is able to identify key phrases from the letter that show Delia's bias how and why maps are changing documents (Geo.:A3) use one or more maps to predict with 2-3 logical reasons which route the Governor should choose for his reply letter. how places are formed, identified, names and characterized (Geo.:B2) make logical predicts about the way Circle City was named. (The miners thought they were above the arctic circle.) and assess local, regional and global patterns of resource use (Geo.:E2) make logical conclusions about why Delia's claim was being challenged by the other miners. (The claim had gold and was valuable.) the necessity and purpose of government (Geo.C:A1) give 2-3 reasons why Delia's belief in the Miner's Association, law books, and letter to the Governor helps maintain order. Previous Page I Teacher's Guide Index I

http://www.eed.state.ak.us/temp_lam_pages/library/goldrush/TGUIDE/GOLDMINE.HTM

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Covalent bonds: formed from sharing of two electrons, usually one donated from each of the two bonding atoms. Sharing electrons is one way that atoms can satisfy the "Octet Rule" which as stated by Gilbert Lewis "atoms, by sharing electrons to form an electron-pair bond, can acquire a stable, noble-gas structure". There are 3 kinds of covalent bonds based on number of pairs of electrons shared between the two atoms: Bond energy: single < double < triple - single covalent bond - 1 shared pair - double covalent bond - 2 shared pairs - triple covalent bond - 3 shared pairs Bond length: single < double < triple Lewis Structures: The simplest covalent bond is between two hydrogen atoms. Electron-dot (or Lewis) symbol for hydrogen is H.. The two electrons from two hydrogen atoms pair up to make H:H. The pair of dots can be replaced by a dash to represent a bond, as in H-H. Hydrogen as the element exists as these "diatomic molecules" and its molecular formula is shown as H2. The halogens also exist as diatomic molecules. Fluorine, chlorine, bromine and iodine all have the same type of Lewis structure, with seven outer electrons (2 on the right side, 2 on the top, 2 on the left side, and 1 on the bottom, so two F atoms share their unpaired electrons with each other to form the single covalent bond, F:F or F-F, to get F2. The rest of the pairs of electrons around each halogen are called "unshared pairs". The number of paired and unpaired electrons around an atom play an important part in determining the shape of a molecule, which in turn contribute to chemical and physical properties of the molecule. Oxygen atoms, with six outer level electrons each ( 2 on the right side, 2 on the top, and 1 each on left side and bottom), share two pairs of electrons and thus have a double bond between them. This is shown by O::O or O=O for O2. Nitrogen atoms, with only five outer electrons has 2 on the right side, and 1 each on the top, left side and bottom. Two nitrogen atoms share three electrons each, to form three pairs between them. This bonding is written as :N:::N:, N=N for N2 Things get a bit more complicated when atoms of different kinds of elements bond. One of the simplest bonds is between hydrogen and chlorine. The single unpaired electron on H pairs up with the unpaired electron on the chlorine and the result is H:Cl or H-Cl, or HCl. Writing/Drawing Lewis Structures for simple molecules. - Count the number of valence electrons in each of the atoms in the molecule. - Count the total number of electrons that are needed to give each atom in the molecule an octet in the valence level, or two electrons for hydrogen. - Find the difference between the number of electrons available for sharing (#1) and the total number needed to complete the octet for each (#2). This gives the number of electrons that will be shared among the bonding atoms. - Divide the number of shared electrons by 2 to give the number of electron pairs, thus the number of bonds between all of the atoms in the molecules. A double or triple bond count as two or three bonds because of the number of electron pairs they represent. There are several rules to remember when writing Lewis structures: - H is always terminal, only one single bond per hydrogen - Oxygen almost always has two shared pairs and two unshared pairs of electrons. The two shared pairs may be in two separate single bonds or in one double bond. - Carbon atoms will always have 4 bonds, either as 4 separate single bonds, or a combination of single, double and/or triple bonds so that there are 4 pairs of electrons around each carbon atom in the molecule. Carbon atoms may single, double, or triple bond to each other, single or double bond to oxygen atoms, or single, double, or triple bond to nitrogen atoms. Halogen atoms form single bonds only, and usually form just one bond. An example of an exception is the chlorate, ClO31-, ion. Send questions, comments or suggestions to Gwen Sibert, at the Roanoke Valley Governor's School |Back to Notes Menu|

http://www.files.chem.vt.edu/RVGS/ACT/notes/Covalent_Bonding.html

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As many as three out of every 1000 children are born deaf or hearing-of-hearing each year according to the Ohio Department of Health. By school-age, that number more than triples. Hearing loss can occur at any age and can have devastating effects if left unmanaged. Hearing is an essential part of how we learn to talk and listen. Babies develop the ability to hear before they are born and continue to develop communication skills rapidly during their first few years of life. Some examples of communication milestones for children with normal hearing are listed below. Hearing and Talking Milestones (Adapted from the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association brochure “How Does Your Child Hear and Talk?”) - Birth-3 months – Startles to loud sounds, quiets when spoken to, makes cooing sounds, cries differently for different needs - 4-6 months – Moves eyes in direction of sounds, responds to changes in your tone of voice, attends to music, babbles, vocalizes excitement and displeasure - 7-12 months – Turns and looks in the direction of sounds, recognizes words for common items, imitates different speech sounds, has 1-2 words - 1-2 years – Follows simple commands, points to pictures in a book when named, says more words every month, puts 2 words together - 2-3 years – Follows two step commands, understands differences in meaning, has a word for almost everything, speech is understood by familiar listeners - 3-4 years – Answers “who,” “what,” “where,” “why” questions, hears TV at same loudness level as rest of family, uses sentences with 4 or more words, usually talks easily without repeating syllables or words - 4-5 years – Pays attention to short stories and can answer simple questions, voice is clear like other children’s, uses sentences with a lot of detail, says most sounds correctly Hearing Evaluation at Any Age Hearing can be evaluated in children of any age. Newborns have their hearing screened before they are discharged from the hospital. In fact, the majority of infants with more than a mild degree of hearing loss are detected by their state’s newborn hearing screening program. More in-depth diagnostic testing is recommended for babies who do not pass their screenings at birth as well as for babies with risk factors for hearing loss. A variety of techniques can be used to test children’s hearing depending upon their age, developmental level, and cooperation. Prior to 6 months of age, infants are scheduled for hearing testing that does not require active participation (i.e. Auditory Brainstem Response and/or Otoacoustic Emissions). These tests are typically performed while the child is asleep. Although these tests provide important information about hearing function, they do not provide a complete evaluation of hearing ability. Only after a child is 6 or 7 months of age can behavioral testing be done to provide a more complete picture of a child’s response to sound. Risk Factors for Hearing Loss Some common risk indicators for hearing loss include, but are not limited to: - Caregiver concern for hearing, speech, language, or developmental delay - Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU) stay of more than 5 days - Craniofacial anomalies - Family history of permanent hearing loss - Syndromes associated with hearing loss, progressive hearing loss, or late-onset hearing loss - In utero infections - Ototoxic medications A complete listing of risk factors for hearing loss can be found in the 2007 Position Statement by the Joint Committee on Infant Hearing (JCIH). Visit www.jcih.org/posstatemts.htm for more information. For older children who may have initially passed their newborn hearing screenings, it is crucial that any concerns for hearing be investigated further. The effects of hearing loss at any age can be devastating. Effects can range from speech/language difficulties to trouble in social situations to increased risk of academic failure. Some common warning signs of hearing problems in children: - Parent/caregiver or teacher concern for hearing - Speech/language delay or differences - Says “what?” or “huh?” often - Difficulty understanding speech in background noise - Difficulty hearing in one or both ears on the phone - Increased TV/stereo volume compared to rest of family - Not startling to very loud sounds - Attention or behavioral problems - Academic difficulties - Unable to detect where sounds are coming from If you have concerns for any of the above, please schedule an appointment as soon as possible to have your child’s hearing evaluated. Hearing Loss Management We depend on our sense of hearing in order to communicate with each other and carry out our daily routines. For infants and children, hearing is even more crucial. Imagine learning to talk without being able to hear the sounds of speech properly or learning to cross the street without being able to hear oncoming traffic. We use our sense of hearing all day, every day to listen and learn about our surroundings, so it is essential that infants and children with hearing loss are given the same opportunity. For infants, the Joint Committee on Infant Hearing (2007) recommends the following timeline: - 1 month – Hearing screening in all newborns - 3 months – Diagnosis of hearing loss in referred infants Fitting of amplification, if appropriate, within 1 month of diagnosis - 6 months - Enrollment in early intervention For older children, a hearing evaluation should be scheduled as soon as possible if there are any concerns for hearing or a speech/language delay. If your child fails a hearing screening at school or at the pediatrician’s office, it is very important to follow through with further testing and have a full hearing evaluation completed. If a permanent hearing loss is diagnosed, regardless of the child’s age, a follow-up appointment should be scheduled with an Ear, Nose, and Throat (ENT) physician. Further testing may be ordered to try and determine the cause of the hearing loss, and referrals may be made to other specialists in areas such as ophthalmology and genetics. Once a permanent hearing loss is diagnosed and a child is medically cleared by a physician, a hearing needs assessment can be performed. The hearing loss, implications for speech/language/learning, and amplification options are reviewed. Many children with permanent hearing loss are eventually fit with hearing aids. Hearing aids provide amplification for sounds that the child is missing, giving the child access to sounds that are crucial for his/her growth and the development of speech/language. Some children with very specific types, severities, and configurations of hearing loss may also be candidates for other types of hearing technology. These may include the Baha hearing system or the cochlear implant. Along with the timely diagnosis of hearing loss and fitting of amplification, when appropriate, it is very important to investigate early intervention options in your area. Various services are available for children with hearing loss. Children under the age of 3 may receive early intervention services through the Ohio Department of Health’s early intervention program, Help Me Grow (www.ohiohelpmegrow.org). You will also be referred to the Regional Infant Hearing Program (RIHP), a specialized outreach program for deaf/hearing-impaired children and their families through Help Me Grow. RIHP provides you and your child with educational resources, family support, and language/auditory stimulation that will encourage your child to learn to communicate. Children who are 3 years of age and older may receive services through the Ohio Department of Education. Contact your local school system to find out what services are available in your area. Depending on the age of your child and the area you live in, you may have access to a hearing-impaired preschool class or special school for children with hearing loss. FM (Frequency Modulated) or IR (InfraRed) systems may also be recommended for children with hearing loss to improve their access to auditory information. Listening at a distance, in the presence of background noise, or in places of high reverberation can be very challenging even for children who use amplification. An FM/IR system involves the use of a microphone (transmitter) worn easily by the person speaking (e.g. parent or teacher) and a small receiver worn by the child (personal) or placed in the room (sound field) and can help to overcome some of the challenging listening situations mentioned above. FM/IR systems can be used with or without other devices, such as hearing aids and cochlear implants. FM/IR systems may be purchased for private use at home or may be provided by the school district. If a school-aged child requires special education or related services due to his/her hearing loss, the school may provide assistance through the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA, 1997). Most often, an Individualized Education Program (IEP) is created for each child individually by school administrators, teachers, parents, and other professionals involved in the child’s care. If a child qualifies for an IEP, assistance such as speech/language therapy, audiology services, and/or a FM/IR system may be provided. It should be noted that the assistance provided can vary significantly from one school district to another, so it is important to find out what your local school district will provide and to be an advocate for your child.

http://my.clevelandclinic.org/head_neck/patients/audiology/hearing_loss_in_children.aspx

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Table of Contents There are 12 problem types: Add, Subtract, Multiply, Divide, Add / Subtract, Multiply / Divide, Mixed, Add (Missing Number), Subtract (Missing Number), Multiply (Missing Number), Divide (Missing Number), Greater / Less Than. The first six types are self-explanatory. The fifth type, Mixed, allows a fact sheet to be created which contains a mixture of types 1-4 and 12. The Missing Number types include either a missing numerator or denominator as part of the problem. Finally, a Greater / Less Than problem allows a student to determine the greater/less than relationship between two numbers. [top] When creating and printing fact or answer sheets, you may wish to provide a description of the type of problem set. A description that is entered will automatically appear at the top of the fact or answer sheet. [top] The font size that is used to create a fact sheet can be changed to allow more or less problems per page. By selecting a smaller size, more problems can normally be presented horizontally as well as When selecting the problem type Division, you may select how to present the answers when creating an answer sheet. Selecting "Normal" will automatically show each answer up to five decimal places. Selecting "Whole" guarantees that each division problem will result in a whole number. The third choice, "Two-decimal rounding" will generate all answers with a rounded two-decimal answer. This option is only active when generating a Division (and Missing Number) or Mixed problem type. [top] [top] Row Layout - Include Name/Date/Score fields - By enabling this option, each fact sheet will automatically have a page header which will include a space for name, date, and score. The header is not included on answer - Don't allow answers of -1, 0, or 1 - If you would like to guarantee that no answer has a value of minus one, zero, or one, enable this option. - Generate numbers with two decimals - Although not frequently used, if you would like your problem facts to have up to two decimal places, enable this option. - Jumbo space for working solution - By enabling this option, extra space will be included between each row for solving problems. The extra space is not included on answer sheets. - No negative results for subtraction - By enabling this option, you are guaranteed that no subtraction problem will result in a negative answer (helpful for children who have not learned negative numbers yet). This option is only active when generating a Subtraction (and Missing Number) or Mixed problem type. - Number problems from 1 to ... - By selecting this option, all fact sheet problems will be numbered from 1 to the highest - Display problems horizontally - This option controls how the addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division problems are displayed. By selecting this option, problems will be presented horizontally (e.g. 3+5=8) rather than the default vertical layout where one number is beneath The row layout allows you to specify how many rows and how many problems per row to create when generating a fact sheet. Both the row count and the problems per row values must be in the range 1-25. Depending on the font size selected, a standard 8x11 sheet of paper contains 6 rows of 5 problems Range for Problems Creating a fact sheet problem requires the generation of a random numerator and a random denominator. In order to do this, a numeric "range" must be specified so that a number can be randomly selected from within that range. There are three diffent ways to specify a range. - Single Range - Being the easiest to use to generate fact sheet problems, this method uses a single numeric range to select both the numerator and denominator. The low and high end of the range is entered as the "minimum" and "maximum" values. For example, if fact sheet problems are to have numerators and denominators which are single-digits, the minimum and maximum values entered would be "0" and "9". Example: - Dual Range - The dual range method allows a different range to be specified for each the numerator and denominator. For example, if you would like fact sheet problems that always include a 7 as one number and a single-digit number as the other number, the ranges would be "7 to 7" and "0 to 9" respectfully. This method allows the most flexibility in the generation of both the numerator and denominator. Example: - Mixed Range - This method allows a mixed specification of both the single range and the dual range. More difficult to use (and not as popular), the mixed range method allows fact sheet problems to have either the minimum or maximum number entered as a range (i.e. "1 to 10"), while the other number is entered as a single value (i.e. "5"). When a mixed range is entered, the single value will be converted to a range using either the low or high value of the other range. For example, if you specify a range of "0 to 9" for the first number and "3" for the second number, the resulting ranges will be "0 to 9" and "0 to 3". For another example, if the first number is entered as "5" and the second number is a range entered as "1 to 10", the resulting ranges will be "5 to 10" and "1 to 10". Example: Numbers that are entered as a minimum, maximum, or a range value, must be in the range -9999 to 9999. This optional input field allows you to limit the range of your answers. If entered, you must specify your range in the "low to high" format. To limit your answers to a number from 1 to 10, enter "1 to 10". Although easy for students to determine answers, your answer range can also specify a single result as in "9 to 9". Be careful to use answer ranges that make sense for your problem ranges. For example, don't create postive addition facts and then input a negative answer range. Failure to input valid answer ranges will result in an error page. [top] Lock Minimum/Maximum Ranges you input ranges as the minimum and maximum values, this option controls whether those ranges will be used to select either a numerator or denominator. If this option is not selected (the default), the numerator for a fact problem may be the result of either input range; the denominator will be selected from the opposite range. If this option is selected, the numerator will be selected from the "Minimum or range" input value; the denominator will be selected from the "Maximum or range" Be aware that selecting this option can sometimes result in scenarios that cannot be resolved. For example, if you enable this option and select "No negative results for subtraction", a "Minimum or range" input value of 1 to 1, a "Maximum or range" input value of 5 to 10, you will receive an error (you cannot subtract a value 5-10 from 1 and get a positive result). [top] The Generate! button allows you to build your fact sheet. Once you have entered the required fields and selected any options, you may select one of three different Generate! choices (listed below). After selecting your choice, click the Generate! button to process your request. - Generate fact sheet - This choice will create and display your fact sheet (without answers). Each sheet will be displayed in a new browser window. Once displayed, you can review and/or print your fact sheet. On many browsers, you can move your mouse over each individual problem to view the - Generate answer sheet - This choice will display your fact sheet (with answers). Each sheet will be displayed in a new browser window. Once displayed, you can review and/or print your answer sheet. - Automatically email me daily - This choice will provide you the opportunity to automatically receive a "re-shuffled" set of problems for your fact sheet on a daily basis. Once you click the Generate! button, you are allowed to enter your email address and select which weekdays you would like to receive email. Each email received will contain an Internet link to generate a different set of problems, specific for that day. All fact sheet problems are based on the settings you entered for your fact sheet. For each set of options you select on the build page, you will get the same problems each time you click the Generate! button. If you are not satisfied with the problems generated for you, then you can click the Re-Shuffle button. Once you click Re-Shuffle, you can re-click the Generate! button to generate a new set of problems. There is no limit to the number of times you can re-shuffle your problems. [top]

http://www.mathfactcafe.com/help/buildit/410/

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Organic Chemistry: Covalent Bonding Covalent Bonds and Lewis Structures Ionic bonds hold atoms together through electrostatic forces. Covalent bonds operate through an entirely different means: the sharing of electrons. By sharing electrons, two atoms can mutually complete their valence shells to become more stable. A molecule is a collection of atoms held together by covalent bonds. For example, below, two hydrogen atoms, each with a single electron, can share their electrons to form a covalent bond and create the diatomic hydrogen molecule. In this molecular state, both individual hydrogen atoms attain the noble gas configuration of Helium. Note: the simplest way to represent molecules is to use a Lewis Dot structure, which is what you see in the diagram below. We will explain how to draw Lewis structures later on in this section. Since hydrogen is the simplest of atoms, having only one electron, diatomic hydrogen is the simplest of molecules, having only a single covalent bond. When more complex atoms form covalent bonds, the molecules they form are also more complex, involving numerous covalent bonds. In some instances, an atom will have valence electrons that are not involved in bonding. These valence electrons are known as lone pairs. The Lewis structures of some common atoms are shown below. Notice that each structure satisfies the octet rule for all its atoms. When two atoms share a single pair of electrons, the bond is referred to as a single bond. Atoms can also share two or three pairs of electrons in the aptly named double and triple bonds. The first bond between two atoms is called the σ (sigma) bond. All subsequent bonds are referred to as Π (pi) bonds. In Lewis structures, multiple bonds are depicted by two or three lines between the bonded atoms. The bond order of a covalent interaction between two atoms is the number of electron pairs that are shared between them. Single bonds have a bond order of 1, double bonds 2, and triple bonds 3. Bond order is directly related to bond strength and bond length. Higher order bonds are stronger and shorter, while lower order bonds are weaker and longer. /PARAGAPH The Lewis structures for some common molecules involving multiple covalent bonds can be found below. Electronegativity and Bond Polarity Not all covalent bonds are fit for Sesame Street: some covalent bonds are shared unequally. Some atoms have a greater ability to attract electrons to themselves than do others. The tendency for an atom to attract electrons is its electronegativity. Don't confuse electronegativity with electron affinity. While both are periodic properties that exhibit similar trends, electron affinity is a measure of energy whereas electronegativity is simply a measure of attraction based on an arbitrary scale. Fluorine, at the upper right hand corner of the periodic table, is the most electronegative element and is assigned an electronegativity of 4.0 while other elements are regarded relative to fluorine. Electronegativity increases from left to right across the periodic table, and decreases as you move down a group. When covalent bonds are formed between atoms of different electronegativities the result is that the shared electrons skew more toward one atom than the other. The resulting molecule is a dipole: the more electronegative atom in the bond gains a partial negative charge while the less electronegative atom becomes partially positive. The resulting bond is called a polar covalent bond. In Lewis structures, a cross-ended arrow is used to represent such polar bonds, with the arrow pointing to the more electronegative element. Partial charge symbols δ + and δ - are used to represent polarity. Molecules with polar covalent bonds can result in molecules with overall polar attributes. The measure of the overall polarity of a molecule is called the dipole moment. As the value of the dipole moment increases, so does the polarity of the molecule. It is possible to get an estimate of where charges in a molecule are likely to lie by inspecting its Lewis structure and assigning formal charges to specific atoms. To obtain the formal charge of an atom: - Take the atom's group number. - Subtract the number of lone pairs on the atom. - Subtract half the number of bonding electrons. Remember that formal charges are just a bookkeeping tool and do not necessarily represent actual charges. However, the sum of formal charges on a molecule must equal its net charge. How to Write Lewis Structures As you have seen throughout this section, the simplest way to represent and describe molecules is to use a Lewis structure. The Lewis structure model generally follows the octet rule and provides a framework to understand covalent bonding. Lewis structures represent valence electrons as dots and bonding electrons as lines. Lewis structures do not represent inner electrons; only valence electrons are shown. Here we give a step-by-step procedure for writing valid Lewis structures for any given molecular formula: - Count the total number of valence electrons by summing the group numbers of all the atoms. If there is a net positive charge, subtract that number from the total electron count. If there is a net negative charge, add that number to the total electron count. - Draw single bonds to form the desired connectivity. - Add lone pairs and multiple bonds, keeping the octet rule in mind. - Add formal charges as needed. Some Common Bonding Motifs in Organic Molecules You have seen that carbon tends to form four bonds, nitrogen three, oxygen two, and hydrogen/halogens one (remember also: as the number of bonds of an atom decreases, the number of its lone pairs increases). The number of bonds that a neutral atom forms is called its valence. Hence carbon is tetravalent, nitrogen is trivalent, oxygen is divalent, and so on. However, a carbon atom, for example, can be tetravalent in a number of different ways. The following chart shows a number of common bonding motifs for carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and hydrogen. While atoms can occasionally be short of a full octet, elements in the first two rows of the periodic table can never exceed the octet. Students often make the dreaded mistake of drawing pentavalent carbons. Never do this! (However, if you do, rest assured that all organic students make this mistake at sometime or other.) Elements in row 3 and above can exceed the octet by using d -orbitals.

http://www.sparknotes.com/chemistry/organic1/covalentbonding/section1.rhtml

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Settlement of the Mountains, 1775-1838 "North Carolina's Final Frontier" by Ron Holland Reprinted with permission from the Tar Heel Junior Historian. Spring 1995. Tar Heel Junior Historian Association, NC Museum of History With some of the oldest and most complex geographical formations on earth, the Mountain Region of western North Carolina has many of the highest summits in eastern America. In fact, Yancey County 's Mount Mitchell , in the Black Mountain range , is the highest point east of the Mississippi River. The Mountain Region consists of many mountain ranges, including the Blue Ridge , Black, Great Smoky , Balsam, and Nantahala Mountains. This beautiful land of peaks and valleys and forests and flowers was the last area of North Carolina to be settled by European Americans. The most prominent Native Americans to settle in the mountains of western present-day North Carolina were the Cherokee Indians . Their first known contact with Europeans occurred in 1540, when Spanish explorer Hernando de Soto and his men came to the mountains in search of gold. Following this brief encounter, the Cherokee and Europeans had limited contact until the late 1600s. A thriving trade developed between the Cherokee and White settlers in the early 1700s. Many Whites passed through the northwestern mountains and became permanent residents of the Watauga settlements (now in Tennessee) in the 1770s. But perhaps some of the earliest permanent White settlers in the North Carolina Mountain Region came to the Swannanoa area of what is now Buncombe County about 1784. Among these early settlers were the Davidsons, Alexanders, Gudgers, and Pattons. As more Whites immigrated into the area just west of the Blue Ridge Mountains in the late 1700s, the Cherokee who were living there moved west. As a result, White migration into present-day Buncombe , Henderson , and Transylvania Counties grew rapidly for a while. The new settlers in the Mountains found it difficult to travel the steep, rough, and muddy roads back and forth to their county seats in Rutherford , Burke , and Wilkes Counties. They had to go to these county seats to pay taxes, buy or sell land, go to court, or carry on other business. The settlers began to ask the legislature to establish new counties so they would not have to travel so far to county seats. In response, the legislature established Buncombe and Ashe Counties in 1792 and 1799 respectively. Morristown, or Moriston (present-day Asheville , was founded as the county seat of Buncombe County because it was centrally located at a major crossroad. Jefferson was named the county seat in Ashe County . The settlers who came to the Mountains were primarily of English, Scotch-Irish, and German descent. They came to buy, settle, and farm the cheap, fertile bottomlands and hillsides in the region. Some migrated from the North Carolina Piedmont and the Coastal Plain . They came by foot, wagon, or horseback, entering the area through gaps such as Swannanoa, Hickory Nut, Gillespie, and Deep Gaps. Other English, Scotch-Irish, and German settlers came from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. They traveled down the Great Wagon Road to the Piedmont Region of North Carolina and then traveled west to reach the mountains. African American Settlement A small number of African American slaves were brought into the Mountain Region to work some of the larger farms. Robert Love of Haywood County , for example, owned one hundred slaves. But his case was an exception. Most farms were small and self-sufficient. Largely because traveling and getting crops to market were difficult and expensive on the rough, muddy roads, most farmers did not grow excess crops for trade and did not need slaves. The Buncombe Turnpike and Gold! Problems with travel and trade changed with the completion of the Buncombe Turnpike in 1827. The turnpike followed the French Broad River north of Asheville to reach Greeneville, Tennessee. South of Asheville, the turnpike continued to Greenville, South Carolina. The turnpike was a better road than previous roads in the Mountain Region, which usually had been steep, narrow paths. It connected the North Carolina Mountain Region with other, larger markets. Drovers were now able to drive surplus hogs, geese, or turkeys to markets outside the Mountain Region. Farmers could now use their wagons to transport crops to market. Tourists could now reach the mountains more easily. They could come in wagons, carriages, or stagecoaches, rather than on foot or horseback. Asheville and Warm Springs (now Hot Springs) became popular tourist destinations. Flat Rock attracted many summer residents from the Low Country of South Carolina, including Charleston. The discovery of gold in western North Carolina brought an economic boom to the region in the 1820s and 1830s. Burke and Rutherford Counties experienced a gold rush in the mid-1820s when hundreds of miners arrived looking for gold. During this time, North Carolina became the leading gold-producing state. However, with the discovery of gold in California in the late 1840s, most of the miners left for California. One famous immigrant who came to North Carolina during this gold rush was Christopher Bechtler Sr. He came to Rutherford County in 1830 with his son Augustus and a nephew, Christopher Jr. The Bechtlers were experienced metalworkers who had immigrated from Germany to Philadelphia shortly before coming to Rutherford County. A short time after opening a jewelry shop in Rutherfordton, Christopher Sr. apparently realized that the regional economy was hurt by a lack of gold coins for use in trade. At the time, people in North Carolina were often using gold dust, nuggets, and jewelry as currency. Few people dared to make the long trip to the United States Mint in Philadelphia, where gold could be made into coins. As a result, the Bechtlers decided to coin gold . They made their own dies and a press and struck $5.00, $2.50, and $1.00 gold pieces. Between 1831 and 1840, the Bechtlers coined $2,241,840.50 and processed an additional $1,384,000.00 in gold. Because of their success a branch of the United States Mint was established in Charlotte in 1837. Development and Conflict During the first three decades of the 1800s, economic and political conditions were poor. A steady stream of emigrating North Carolinians passed through the Mountain Region headed for points west. North Carolina political conditions were affected by sectionalism, or conflict between the eastern and western sections of the state. At the time, each county, regardless of population, elected one representative to the state senate and two representatives to the North Carolina House of Commons. The east had more counties and, as a result, more representatives who could outvote representatives from the west. By 1830 the western part of the state had more people, but the east continued to control the government. Calls for a constitutional convention were defeated repeatedly until 1834 when western counties threatened to revolt and secede from the state if a convention was not called. Fortunately, a convention was called in 1835. The convention reformed the state constitution and created a more democratic government. The east would continue to control the senate, whose members were now elected from districts. These districts were created according to the amount of tax paid to the state. Because the east was wealthier and paid more taxes, it had more districts. But the west would control the population-based house because it had more people. Since neither the east nor the west could now control the entire government, the two sections were forced to cooperate. These changes benefited the western part of the state. It was also during this period, in 1838, that the federal government forced a majority of the Cherokee in the region to move to present-day Oklahoma. Thousands of Cherokee died in the journey west. Although a remnant of the Cherokee were able to stay behind, Whites soon began to settle on the Cherokee land, which was fertile and cheap. By the 1830s, transportation in the Mountains had improved and conflict between the east and west had decreased. But the Mountain Region remained relatively isolated for another fifty years until railroad lines reached the area. National Park Service, History of the Blue Ridge Parkway: http://www.nps.gov/blri/historyculture/index.htm Burke County History: http://www.burkecounty.org/communities/ . Scottish-Tartans Museum, "The Migration of the Scots-Irish to Southwestern North Carolina": http://www.scottishtartans.org/ulster.html Bechtler gold quarter-eagle ($2.50), 1832-1842, obverse. #CK90.8. from the Historic Moneys in the North Carolina Collection digital exhibit. North Carolina Collection Gallery, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. http://www.lib.unc.edu/dc/money/?CISOROOT=/numismatics Wilson, David. Asheville, North Carolina. September 27, 2011. "Blue Ridge Mountains." Located at http://www.flickr.com/photos/davidwilson1949/6247361910/ . Accessed March 5, 2012. Library of Congress. "Hernando De Soto [no date]." Located at http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004671914/ . Accessed March 5, 2012. Library of Congress. "1. U.S. Route 250 grade separation structure. This reinforced concrete, rigid frame structure was built in 1941. Its relatively flat arch provided maximum useful clearance in a short span and the physics of the design eliminated the need for extensive abutments to contain the thrust of traditional arches, making it ideally suited as a grade separation structure. BLRI designers made extensive use of theses bridges for crossing small streams and creeks, and grade separation structures, ornamenting them with a rustic stone facade. View is of the south-southeast elevation. - Blue Ridge Parkway, Between Shenandoah National Park & Great Smoky Mountains, Asheville, Buncombe County, NC." Located at http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/nc0478.photos.345701p/ . Accessed March 5, 2012. Library of Congress. c. 1909. "On the Indian reservation, Cherokee, N.C. Located at http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2007662508/ . Accessed March 5, 2012. 1 January 1995 | Holland, Ron

http://ncpedia.org/print/646

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Lesson Plans and Worksheets Browse by Subject Consumer Capitalism Teacher Resources Find teacher approved Consumer Capitalism educational resource ideas and activities 2-3rd graders listen to the story, Lemonade for Sale, by Stuart J. Murphy. In the story, children produce and sell lemonade to raise money for their clubhouse, create a product, classify the resources used in production as natural resources, capital resources, or human resources. Mathematics and language arts are integrated as they graph the lemonade sales and create an advertisement for lemonade. Note: The ideas presented could be applied to another "like" topic. Budding economists use hard data to analyze the current changes in the CPI. They identify factors that change inflation rates, such as policy and economic conditions. They also describe the impact inflation/deflation has on various consumer groups in the US economic system. A very thorough and comprehensive instructional activity. Young consumers get a hefty dose of information on how fraud can put their financial health at risk. The resource provides detailed lecture notes, scaffolded notetaking sheets, vocabulary worksheets, transparencies, and seven links to further research. Enhance relevance by assigning inquiry-based research about scams your high schoolers and their families have experienced, or have groups create dramatic presentations in which they act out scams and schemes in action. Extensive explanation, charts, and links help young economists understand inflation, changes in the Consumer Price Index, and economic indicators. The activity includes fun online tools such as an inflation calculator and an assessment, the results of which can be sent to you. Because the information is often linked, it's best if learners have computer access in class. Click "View Student Version" for the page without teacher hints and answers. Extension activities included. What do pizza, jeans, and gold have in common? Give up? They are all products that require natural, human, or capital resources to be mined or produced. They also require a market price that can fluctuate with the ebb of supply and demand. Learners complete a variety of activities to examine these very basic economic concepts. Note: Lots of additional resources are included in with the lesson. Fourth graders create graphs to illustrate consumer consumption throughout the world. In this consumer lesson plan, 4th graders also discuss wants and needs around the world, and consider Gandhi's opinion on material possessions as they write journal entries about their own wants and needs.

http://www.lessonplanet.com/lesson-plans/consumer-capitalism

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Economic cycle refers to the typical business cycle. In normal times the economy as measured by Gross Domestic Product (GDP) tends to grow at a somewhat faster rate than factors like population growth. Periodically the economy slows down and perhaps even contracts. When the economy contracts for two consecutive quarters, an official recession is declared. Often the Federal Reserve Board uses interest rates to regulate the economy--low interest rates to stimulate the economy in slow times or high interest rates to attack inflation when the economy is thought to be overheated. Usually the Fed works to smoothe out the cycles in an effort to achieve orderly growth. If uncorrected, excesses can lead to severe downturns such as occurred during the Great Depression. Hyperinflation is another excess known to be destructive to the economy. Hence, the Fed works to limit extremes in the economy for the good of all. - Federal Reserve Board - Great Depression - Gross Domestic Product - Interest rates

http://wiki.fool.com/Economic_cycle

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Economics Basics: What Is Economics? |Investopedia: Are you looking for more information on currency trading? Try our Forex Walkthrough, it goes from beginner to advanced.| In order to begin our discussion of economics, we first need to understand (1) the concept of scarcity and (2) the two branches of study within economics: microeconomics and macroeconomics. Scarcity, a concept we already implicitly discussed in the introduction to this tutorial, refers to the tension between our limited resources and our unlimited wants and needs. For an individual, resources include time, money and skill. For a country, limited resources include natural resources, capital, labor force and technology. Because all of our resources are limited in comparison to all of our wants and needs, individuals and nations have to make decisions regarding what goods and services they can buy and which ones they must forgo. For example, if you choose to buy one DVD as opposed to two video tapes, you must give up owning a second movie of inferior technology in exchange for the higher quality of the one DVD. Of course, each individual and nation will have different values, but by having different levels of (scarce) resources, people and nations each form some of these values as a result of the particular scarcities with which they are faced. So, because of scarcity, people and economies must make decisions over how to allocate their resources. Economics, in turn, aims to study why we make these decisions and how we allocate our resources most efficiently. 2. Macro and Microeconomics Macro and microeconomics are the two vantage points from which the economy is observed. Macroeconomics looks at the total output of a nation and the way the nation allocates its limited resources of land, labor and capital in an attempt to maximize production levels and promote trade and growth for future generations. After observing the society as a whole, Adam Smith noted that there was an "invisible hand" turning the wheels of the economy: a market force that keeps the economy functioning. Microeconomics looks into similar issues, but on the level of the individual people and firms within the economy. It tends to be more scientific in its approach, and studies the parts that make up the whole economy. Analyzing certain aspects of human behavior, microeconomics shows us how individuals and firms respond to changes in price and why they demand what they do at particular price levels. Micro and macroeconomics are intertwined; as economists gain understanding of certain phenomena, they can help nations and individuals make more informed decisions when allocating resources. The systems by which nations allocate their resources can be placed on a spectrum where the command economy is on the one end and the market economy is on the other. The market economy advocates forces within a competitive market, which constitute the "invisible hand", to determine how resources should be allocated. The command economic system relies on the government to decide how the country's resources would best be allocated. In both systems, however, scarcity and unlimited wants force governments and individuals to decide how best to manage resources and allocate them in the most efficient way possible. Nevertheless, there are always limits to what the economy and government can do. Next: Economics Basics: Production Possibility Frontier, Growth, Opportunity Cost and Trade » Table of Contents - Economics Basics: Introduction - Economics Basics: What Is Economics? - Economics Basics: Production Possibility Frontier, Growth, Opportunity Cost and Trade - Economics Basics: Supply and Demand - Economics Basics: Elasticity - Economics Basics: Utility - Economics Basics: Monopolies, Oligopolies and Perfect Competition - Economics Basics: Conclusion comments powered by Disqus

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History of Pakistan after Independence History of Pakistan after Independence Early Governments and the Constitution of 1956 The first government of Pakistan was headed by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and it chose the seaport of Karāchi as its capital. Jinnah, considered the founder of Pakistan and hailed as the Quaid-i-Azam (Great Leader), became head of state as governor-general. The government faced many challenges in setting up new economic, judicial, and political structures. It endeavored to organize the bureaucracy and the armed forces, resettle the Mohajirs (Muslim refugees from India), and establish the distribution and balance of power in the provincial and central governments. Undermining these efforts were provincial politicians who often defied the authority of the central government, and frequent communal riots. Before the government could surmount these difficulties, Jinnah died in September 1948. In foreign policy, Liaquat established friendly relations with the United States when he visited President Harry S. Truman in 1950. Pakistan’s early foreign policy was one of nonalignment, with no formal commitment to either the United States or the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), the two major adversaries in the Cold War. In 1953, however, Pakistan aligned itself with the United States and accepted military and economic assistance. Liaquat was assassinated in 1951. Khwaja Nazimuddin, an East Pakistani who had succeeded Jinnah as governor-general, became prime minister. Ghulam Muhammad became governor-general. Nazimuddin attempted to limit the powers of the governor-general through amendments to the Government of India Act of 1935, under which Pakistan was governed pending the adoption of a constitution. Ghulam Muhammad dismissed Nazimuddin and replaced him with Muhammad Ali Bogra, Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States, who subsequently was elected president of the Muslim League. In the 1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan, the Muslim League was routed by the United Front coalition, which supported provincial autonomy. The coalition was dominated by the Awami League. However, Ghulam Muhammad imposed governor’s rule in the province, preventing the United Front from taking power in the provincial legislature. After the constituent assembly attempted to curb the governor-general’s power, Ghulam Muhammad declared a state of emergency and dissolved the assembly. A new constituent assembly was indirectly elected in mid-1955 by the various provincial legislatures. The Muslim League, although still the largest party, was no longer dominant as more parties, including those of the United Front coalition, gained representation. Bogra, who had little support in the new assembly, was replaced by Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, a former civil servant in West Pakistan and a member of the Muslim League. At the same time, General Iskander Mirza became governor-general. The new constituent assembly enacted a bill, which became effective in October 1955, integrating the four West Pakistani provinces into one political and administrative unit, known as the One Unit. This change was designed to give West Pakistan parity with the more populous East Pakistan in the national legislature. The assembly also produced Pakistan’s first constitution, which was adopted on March 2, 1956. It provided for a unicameral (single-chamber) National Assembly with 300 seats, evenly divided between East and West Pakistan. It also officially designated Pakistan an Islamic republic. According to its provisions, Mirza’s title changed from governor-general to president. Unstable Parliamentary Democracy The new charter notwithstanding, political instability continued because no stable majority party emerged in the National Assembly. Prime Minister Ali remained in office only until September 1956, when he was unable to retain his majority in the National Assembly and was succeeded by Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, founder of the Awami League of East Pakistan. He formed a coalition cabinet that included the Awami League and the Republican Party of the West Wing, a new party that was formed by dissident members of the Muslim League. However, President Mirza forced Suhrawardy to resign after he discovered that the prime minister was planning to support Firoz Khan Noon, leader of the Republican Party, for the presidency in the country’s first general elections, scheduled for January 1959. The succeeding coalition government, headed by Ismail Ibrahim Chundrigar of the Muslim League, lasted only two months before it was replaced by a Republican Party cabinet under Noon. President Mirza, realizing he had no chance of being reelected president and openly dissatisfied with parliamentary democracy, proclaimed martial law on October 7, 1958. He dismissed Noon’s government, dissolved the National Assembly, and canceled the scheduled general elections. Mirza was supported by General Muhammad Ayub Khan, commander in chief of the army, who was named chief martial-law administrator. Twenty days later Ayub forced the president to resign and assumed the presidency himself. The Ayub Years President Ayub ruled Pakistan almost absolutely for a little more than ten years. Although his regime made some notable achievements, it did not eliminate the basic problems of Pakistani society. Ayub’s regime increased developmental funds to East Pakistan more than threefold. This had a noticeable effect on the economy of the province, but the disparity between the two wings of Pakistan was not eliminated. His regime also initiated land reforms designed to reduce the political power of the landed aristocracy. Ayub also promulgated a progressive Islamic law, the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, imposing restrictions on polygamy and divorce and reinforcing the inheritance rights of women and minors. In 1959, soon after taking office, Ayub ordered the planning and construction of a new national capital, to replace Karachi. The chosen location of the new capital in the province of Punjab was close to the military headquarters of Rawalpindi which served as an interim capital. Islamabad officially became the new capital in 1967, although construction continued into the 1970s. Perhaps the most pervasive of Ayub’s changes was his introduction of a new political system, known as the Basic Democracies, in 1959. It created a four-tiered system of mostly indirect representation in government, from the local to the national level, allowing communication between local communities and the highly centralized national government. Each tier was assigned certain responsibilities in local administration of agricultural and community development, such as maintenance of elementary schools, public roads, and bridges. All the councils at the tehsil (sub district), zilla (district), and division levels were indirectly elected. The lowest tier, on the village level, consisted of union councils. Members of the union councils were known as Basic Democrats and were the only members of any tier who were directly elected. A new constitution promulgated by Ayub in 1962 ended the period of martial law. The new, 156-member National Assembly was elected that year by an electoral college of 120,000 Basic Democrats from the union councils. After the legislative elections political parties were again legalized. Ayub created the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) as the official government party. The presidential election of January 1965, also determined by electoral college rather than direct vote, resulted in a victory for Ayub, although opposition parties were allowed to participate. Ayub was skillful in maintaining cordial relations with the United States, stimulating substantial economic and military aid to Pakistan. This relationship deteriorated in 1965, when another war with India broke out over Kashmīr. The United States then suspended military and economic aid to both countries. The USSR intervened to mediate the conflict, inviting Ayub and Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri of India to meet in Toshkent (Tashkent). By the terms of the so-called Toshkent Agreement of January 1966, the two countries withdrew their forces to prewar positions and restored diplomatic, economic, and trade relations. Exchange programs were initiated, and the flow of capital goods to Pakistan increased greatly. The Toshkent Agreement and the Kashmīr war, however, generated frustration among the people and resentment against President Ayub. Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who opposed Pakistan’s capitulation, resigned his position and founded the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in opposition to the Ayub regime. Ayub tried unsuccessfully to make amends, and amid mounting public protests he declared martial law and resigned in March 1969. Instead of transferring power to the speaker of the National Assembly, as the constitution dictated, he handed it over to the commander in chief of the army, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, who was the designated martial-law administrator. Yahya then assumed the presidency. In an attempt to make his martial-law regime more acceptable, Yahya dismissed almost 300 senior civil servants and identified 32 families that were said to control about half of Pakistan’s gross national product. To curb their power Yahya issued an ordinance against monopolies and restrictive trade practices in 1970. He also committed to the return of constitutional government and announced the country would hold its first general election on the basis of universal adult franchise in late 1970. Yahya determined that representation in the National Assembly would be based on population. In July 1970 he abolished the One Unit, thereby restoring the original four provinces in West Pakistan. As a result, East Pakistan emerged as the largest province of the country, while in West Pakistan the province of Punjab emerged as the dominant province. East Pakistan was allocated 162 seats in the 300-seat National Assembly, and the provinces of West Pakistan were allocated a total of 138. G Civil War The election campaign intensified divisions between East and West Pakistan. A challenge to Pakistan’s unity emerged in East Pakistan when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (“Mujib”), leader of the Awami League, insisted on a federation under which East Pakistan would be virtually independent. He envisaged a federal government that would deal with defense and foreign affairs only; even the currencies would be different, although freely convertible. Mujib’s program had great appeal for many East Pakistanis, and in the December 1970 election called by Yahya, he won by a landslide in East Pakistan, capturing 160 seats in the National Assembly. Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) emerged as the largest party in West Pakistan, capturing 81 seats (predominantly in Punjab and Sind). This gave the Awami League an absolute majority in the National Assembly, a turn of events that was considered unacceptable by political interests in West Pakistan because of the divided political climate of the country. The Awami League adopted an uncompromising stance, however, and negotiations between the various sides became deadlocked. Suspecting Mujib of secessionist politics, Yahya in March 1971 postponed indefinitely the convening of the National Assembly. Mujib in return accused Yahya of collusion with Bhutto and established a virtually independent government in East Pakistan. Yahya opened negotiations with Mujib in Dhaka in mid-March, but the effort soon failed. Meanwhile Pakistan’s army went into action against Mujib’s civilian followers, who demanded that East Pakistan become independent as the nation of Bangladesh. There were many casualties during the ensuing military operations in East Pakistan, as the Pakistani army attacked the poorly armed population. India claimed that nearly 10 million Bengali refugees crossed its borders, and stories of West Pakistani atrocities abounded. The Awami League leaders took refuge in Calcutta (now Kolkata) and established a government in exile. India finally intervened on December 3, 1971, and the Pakistani army surrendered 13 days later. East Pakistan declared its independence as Bangladesh. Yahya resigned, and on December 20 Bhutto was inaugurated as president and chief martial law administrator of a truncated Pakistan. Mujib became the first prime minister of Bangladesh in January 1972. When the Commonwealth of Nations admitted Bangladesh later that year, Pakistan withdrew its membership, not to return until 1989. However, the Bhutto government gave diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh in 1974. The Bhutto Government Under Bhutto’s leadership Pakistan began to rearrange its national life. Bhutto nationalized the basic industries, insurance companies, domestically owned banks, and schools and colleges. He also instituted land reforms that benefited tenants and middle-class farmers. He removed the armed forces from the process of decision making, but to placate the generals he allocated about 6 percent of the gross national product to defense. In July 1972 Bhutto negotiated the Simla Agreement, which confirmed a line of control dividing Kashmīr and prompted the withdrawal of Indian troops from Pakistani territory. In April 1972 Bhutto lifted martial law and convened the National Assembly, which consisted of members elected from West Pakistan in 1970. After much political debate, the legislature drafted the country’s third constitution, which was promulgated on August 14, 1973. It changed the National Assembly into a two-chamber legislature, with a Senate as the upper house and a National Assembly as the lower house. It designated the prime minister as the most powerful government official, but it also set up a formal parliamentary system in which the executive was responsible to the legislature. Bhutto became prime minister, and Fazal Elahi Chaudry replaced him as president. Although discontented, the military grudgingly accepted the supremacy of the civilian leadership. Bhutto embarked on ambitious nationalization programs and land reforms, which he called “Islamic socialism.” His reforms achieved some success but earned him the enmity of the entrepreneurial and capitalist class. In addition, religious leaders considered them to be un-Islamic. Unable to deal constructively with the opposition, he became heavy-handed in his rule. In the general elections of 1977, nine opposition parties united in the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to run against Bhutto’s PPP. Losing in three of the four provinces, the PNA alleged that Bhutto had rigged the vote. The PNA boycotted the provincial elections a few days later and organized demonstrations throughout the country that lasted for six weeks. The PPP and PNA leadership proved incapable of resolving the deadlock, and the army chief of staff, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, staged a coup on July 5, 1977, and imposed another martial-law regime. Bhutto was tried for authorizing the murder of a political opponent and found guilty; he was hanged on April 4, 1979. The PPP was reorganized under the leadership of his daughter, Benazir Bhutto. Zia formally assumed the presidency in 1978 and embarked on an Islamization program. Through various ordinances between 1978 and 1985, he instituted the Islamization of Pakistan’s legal and economic systems and social order. In 1979 a federal Sharia (Islamic law) court was established to exercise Islamic judicial review. Other ordinances established interest-free banking and provided maximum penalties for adultery, defamation, theft, and consumption of alcohol. On March 24, 1981, Zia issued a Provisional Constitutional Order that served as a substitute for the suspended 1973 constitution. The order provided for the formation of a Federal Advisory Council (Majlis-e-Shoora) to take the place of the National Assembly. In early 1982 Zia appointed the 228 members of the new council. This effectively restricted the political parties, which already had been constrained by the banning of political activity, from organizing resistance to the Zia regime through the election process. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 heightened Pakistan’s insecurity and changed the fortunes of General Zia’s military regime. Afghan refugees began to pour into Pakistan. After about a year, the United States responded to the crisis. In September 1981 Zia accepted a six-year economic and military aid package worth $3.2 billion from the United States. (The United States approved a second aid package worth $4.0 billion in 1986 but then suspended its disbursement in 1989 due to Pakistan’s nuclear-weapons program.) After a referendum in December 1984 endorsed Zia’s Islamization policies and the extension of his presidency until 1990, Zia permitted elections for parliament in February 1985. A civilian cabinet took office in April, and martial law ended in December. Zia was dissatisfied, however, and in May 1988 he dissolved the government and ordered new elections. Three months later he was killed in an airplane crash possibly caused by sabotage, and a caretaker regime took power until elections could be held. Shifting Civilian Governments Benazir Bhutto became prime minister after her PPP won the general elections in November 1988. She was the first woman to head a modern Islamic state. A civil servant, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, was appointed president. In August 1990 he dismissed Bhutto’s government, charging misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and the PPP lost the October elections after she was arrested for corruption and abuse of power. The new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, head of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (a coalition of Islamic parties including the Pakistan Muslim League), introduced a program of privatizing state enterprises and encouraging foreign investment. Fulfilling Sharif’s election promise to make Sharia (Islamic law) the supreme law of Pakistan, the national legislature passed an amended Shariat Bill in 1991. Sharif also promised to ease continuing tensions with India over Kashmīr. The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and she returned to lead the opposition. In early 1993 Sharif was appointed the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League. In April 1993 Ishaq Khan once again used his presidential power, this time to dismiss Sharif and to dissolve parliament. However, Sharif appealed to the Supreme Court of Pakistan, and in May the court stated that Khan’s actions were unconstitutional, and the court reinstated Sharif as prime minister. Sharif and Khan subsequently became embroiled in a power struggle that paralyzed the Pakistani government. In an agreement designed to end the stalemate, Sharif and Khan resigned together in July 1993, and elections were held in October of that year. Bhutto’s PPP won a plurality in the parliamentary elections, and Bhutto was again named prime minister. In 1996 Bhutto’s government was dismissed by President Farooq Leghari amid allegations of corruption. New elections in February 1997 brought Nawaz Sharif back to power in a clear victory for the Pakistan Muslim League. One of Sharif’s first actions as prime minister was to lead the National Assembly in passing a constitutional amendment stripping the president of the authority to dismiss parliament. The action triggered a power struggle between Sharif, Leghari, and Supreme Court Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah. When the military threw its support behind Sharif, Leghari resigned and Shah was removed. Sharif’s nominee, Rafiq Tarar, was then elected president. Pakistan was beset by domestic unrest beginning in the mid-1990s. Violence between rival political, religious, and ethnic groups erupted frequently in Sind Province, particularly in Karāchi. Federal rule was imposed on the province in late 1998 due to increasing violence. Relations with India Relations between India and Pakistan became more tense beginning in the early 1990s. Diplomatic talks between the two countries broke down in January 1994 over the disputed Kashmīr region. In February Bhutto organized a nationwide strike to show support for the militant Muslim rebels in Indian Kashmīr involved in sporadic fighting against the Indian army. She also announced that Pakistan would continue with its nuclear weapons development program, raising concerns that a nuclear arms race could start between Pakistan and India, which has had nuclear weapons since the 1970s. In January 1996, despite some controversy, the United States lifted economic and some military sanctions imposed against Pakistan since 1990. The sanctions, imposed to protest Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program, were lifted to allow U.S. companies to fulfill contracts with Pakistan and to help foster diplomatic relations between the two countries. In early 1997 Sharif resumed talks with India over the Kashmīr region; however, negotiations quickly broke down when armed hostilities erupted again. Tensions escalated further in 1998, when India conducted several nuclear tests. Pakistan responded with its own tests, detonating nuclear weapons for the first time in its history. The Pakistani government then declared a state of emergency, invoking constitutional provisions that operate when Pakistan’s security comes under “threat of external aggression.” Many foreign countries, including the United States, imposed economic sanctions against both India and Pakistan for exploding nuclear devices. In the months following the explosions, the leaders of Pakistan and India placed a moratorium on further nuclear testing, and the United States initiated negotiations between the two countries aimed at reducing tensions and circumventing an arms race in the region. In early 1999 Sharif and Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee signed the Lahore Declaration, which articulated a commitment to work toward improved relations. However, in April fears of a nuclear arms race revived when both countries tested medium-range missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. Furthermore, in May 1999 Kashmīri separatists, widely believed to be backed by Pakistan, seized Indian-controlled territory near Kargil in the disputed Kashmīr region. Fighting between Indian forces and the separatists raged until July, when Sharif agreed to secure the withdrawal of the separatists and India suspended its military campaign. The Pakistani military accused Sharif of giving in too easily to pressure from India and for pinning the blame for the Kargil attack on army chief Pervez Musharraf. In October 1999 Sharif tried to dismiss General Musharraf from his position. He attempted to prevent Musharraf’s return to Pakistan from abroad by refusing to let his airplane land. The commercial airplane was forced to circle the Karāchi airport until army forces loyal to Musharraf took over the airport. Army forces also seized control of the government in a bloodless coup that lasted less than three hours. Pakistan Under Musharraf Musharraf declared himself the chief executive of Pakistan, suspended the constitution, and dissolved the legislature. He appointed an eight-member National Security Council to function as the country’s supreme governing body. Many Pakistanis, already chafing under Sharif’s increasingly autocratic rule and suffering from a sagging Pakistani economy after ten years of government excesses and corruption, welcomed the coup. Sharif was arrested, and in April 2000 he was convicted of abuse of power and other charges and sentenced to life imprisonment; his sentence was subsequently commuted and he was allowed to live in exile in Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of Pakistan set a deadline of October 2002 for holding national elections to restore civilian rule. The Commonwealth of Nations, however, formally suspended Pakistan’s membership because the coup ousted a civilian government. After assuming power, Musharraf’s military government adopted a reformist posture. It identified economic reform as the most urgent measure needed to restore the confidence of foreign and local investors. As part of this strategy, Musharraf initiated an ambitious program based on accountability, improved governance, and widening of the tax net. However, in the wake of the coup new international sanctions were imposed to oppose the military regime. Donor agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were unwilling to provide new loans or reschedule Pakistan’s foreign debt. Pakistan Allies with United States In 2001 Pakistan established itself as a vital U.S. ally and key regional player after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States. Pakistan became a frontline state of high strategic importance as the U.S.-led war on terrorism unfolded in neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan had been an ally of the Taliban, which had established a fundamentalist Islamic regime in Afghanistan in 1996. The Taliban was accused of harboring the suspected mastermind of the terrorist attacks, Osama bin Laden. The Taliban and bin Laden’s international terrorist network, al-Qaeda, became the target of U.S.-led air strikes in Afghanistan that began on October 7. The Musharraf government agreed to provide logistical support and use of Pakistan’s airspace for the offensive, and to share military intelligence to fight global terrorism. Formally breaking with the Taliban, Pakistan withdrew all of its diplomats from Afghanistan and officially closed its shared border. On September 22, meanwhile, the United States lifted most of the economic sanctions it had imposed after Pakistan exploded nuclear devices in 1998, brightening prospects for Pakistan’s economy. Musharraf’s cooperation with the United States evoked hostility from hardline Islamic fundamentalist groups within Pakistan. In December 2003 the Pakistani president survived two assassination attempts. Suspicions centered on militant Islamic groups within Pakistan, on al-Qaeda, or a joint conspiracy between the two groups. The attacks appeared to encourage Musharraf to crack down on the militant fundamentalists and to bolster Pakistan’s cooperation with the United States in pursuing al-Qaeda and Taliban forces along the Pakistani border with Afghanistan. Constitutional Amendments and Elections Musharraf pledged to hold provincial and parliamentary elections in October 2002. In a bid to secure his position as president, a title he had adopted in 2001, Musharraf called a referendum in April 2002 on extending his presidency for five years. The referendum returned a majority of votes in favor of the proposal, although low voter turnout, loose voting rules, and the absence of poll monitors tainted the results. In addition, political parties denounced the referendum because under the constitution, the president is to be selected by members of the national and provincial legislatures. Musharraf granted himself sweeping new powers in August, when he decreed 29 amendments to Pakistan’s constitution. Among other powers, the amendments allow him to dissolve the parliament, force the resignation of the prime minister, and appoint military chiefs and Supreme Court justices. In December 2003 the parliament approved the 17th Constitutional Amendment, which ratified most of the powers Musharraf sought, including the power to dissolve parliament and dismiss the prime minister. In exchange General Musharraf agreed to step down as the chief of army staff by the end of 2004. He also promised that the parliament would serve out its five-year term. Parliament agreed to extend Musharraf’s term to 2007. Meanwhile, Britain announced that in restoring an elected civilian government, Pakistan qualified for readmission to the Commonwealth of Nations. Prior to the legislative elections scheduled for October, Musharraf banned former prime ministers Sharif and Bhutto (who were both living in exile) from running as candidates. In the elections, no single party or coalition of parties won a majority of seats in the National Assembly (lower house). The Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam), a new PML faction formed as a pro-Musharraf party, won the largest number of seats. However, pro-democracy opposition parties and hardline Islamic parties also made a strong showing. In November the National Assembly chose Musharraf loyalist Mir Zafarullah Jamali as prime minister. Tensions escalated between Pakistan and India following violent attacks on Indian targets by Kashmīri separatists in late 2001 and early 2002. By mid-2002 the two countries had amassed an estimated 1 million troops along their shared border, with most of the military buildup in the disputed Jammu and Kashmīr region. The threat of armed conflict between the two nuclear powers prompted intense international diplomacy, which ultimately helped defuse the crisis. In May 2003 India and Pakistan agreed to restore diplomatic ties. High-level contacts followed. In late November Indian prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee accepted Musharraf’s offer of a cease-fire in Jammu and Kashmīr. For the first time in 14 years, artillery fire ceased along the 1,100-km (700-mi) border. The two leaders also made moves toward restoring and improving trade and transportation ties between their countries. In January 2004 India and Pakistan agreed to resume talks on a range of issues, including the status of Kashmīr. Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program In February 2004 the founder of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program, Abdul Qadeer Khan, admitted that he had shared nuclear weapons technology with other nations. Through these deals Khan became enormously wealthy. In a nationally televised address Khan apologized for his actions. The next day Musharraf pardoned Khan, who is regarded as a national hero within Pakistan. Khan’s ties with Pakistan’s main nuclear weapons laboratory had previously been severed in 2001 due to financial irregularities. He was placed under house arrest in early 2004 after the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and several Western intelligence agencies confronted Musharraf with overwhelming evidence that Khan had passed nuclear weapons secrets to Iran, Libya, and North Korea.

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|Part of a series on Government| Quantitative easing (QE) is an unconventional monetary policy used by central banks to stimulate the national economy when standard monetary policy has become ineffective. A central bank implements quantitative easing by buying financial assets from commercial banks and other private institutions, thus increasing the monetary base. This is distinguished from the more usual policy of buying or selling government bonds in order to keep market interest rates at a specified target value. Expansionary monetary policy typically involves the central bank buying short-term government bonds in order to lower short-term market interest rates. However, when short-term interest rates are either at, or close to, zero, normal monetary policy can no longer lower interest rates. Quantitative easing may then be used by the monetary authorities to further stimulate the economy by purchasing assets of longer maturity than only short-term government bonds, and thereby lowering longer-term interest rates further out on the yield curve. Quantitative easing raises the prices of the financial assets bought, which lowers their yield. Quantitative easing can be used to help ensure that inflation does not fall below target. Risks include the policy being more effective than intended in acting against deflation – leading to higher inflation, or of not being effective enough if banks do not lend out the additional reserves. According to the IMF and various other economists, quantitative easing undertaken since the global financial crisis has mitigated the adverse effects of the crisis. Ordinarily, a central bank conducts monetary policy by raising or lowering its interest rate target for the inter-bank interest rate. A central bank generally achieves its interest rate target mainly through open market operations, where the central bank buys or sells short-term government bonds from banks and other financial institutions. When the central bank disburses or collects payment for these bonds, it alters the amount of money in the economy, while simultaneously affecting the price (and thereby the yield) for short-term government bonds. This in turn affects the interbank interest rates. If the nominal interest rate is at or very near zero, the central bank cannot lower it further. Such a situation, called a liquidity trap, can occur, for example, during deflation or when inflation is very low. In such a situation, the central bank may perform quantitative easing by purchasing a pre-determined amount of bonds or other assets from financial institutions without reference to the interest rate. The goal of this policy is to increase the money supply rather than to decrease the interest rate, which cannot be decreased further. This is often considered a "last resort" to stimulate the economy. Quantitative easing, and monetary policy in general, can only be carried out if the central bank controls the currency used. The central banks of countries in the Eurozone, for example, cannot unilaterally expand their money supply, and thus cannot employ quantitative easing. They must instead rely on the European Central Bank (ECB) to set monetary policy. In Japan ||The neutrality of this section is disputed. (July 2012)| The original Japanese expression for quantitative easing (量的金融緩和, ryōteki kin'yū kanwa), was used for the first time by a Central Bank in the Bank of Japan's publications. The Bank of Japan has claimed that the central bank adopted a policy with this name on 19 March 2001. However, the Bank of Japan's official monetary policy announcement of this date does not make any use of this expression (or any phrase using "quantitative") in either the Japanese original statement or its English translation. Indeed, the Bank of Japan had for years, including as late as February 2001, claimed that "quantitative easing … is not effective" and rejected its use for monetary policy. Speeches by the Bank of Japan leadership in 2001 gradually, and ex post, hardened the subsequent official Bank of Japan stance that the policy adopted by the Bank of Japan on 19 March 2001 was in fact quantitative easing. This became the established official view, especially after Toshihiko Fukui was appointed governor in February 2003. The use by the Bank of Japan is not the origin of the term quantitative easing or its Japanese original (ryoteki kinyu kanwa). This expression had been used since the mid-1990s by critics of the Bank of Japan and its monetary policy. Quantitative easing was used unsuccessfully by the Bank of Japan (BOJ) to fight domestic deflation in the early 2000s. The Bank of Japan has maintained short-term interest rates at close to zero since 1999. With quantitative easing, it flooded commercial banks with excess liquidity to promote private lending, leaving them with large stocks of excess reserves, and therefore little risk of a liquidity shortage. The BOJ accomplished this by buying more government bonds than would be required to set the interest rate to zero. It also bought asset-backed securities and equities, and extended the terms of its commercial paper purchasing operation. On April 4th 2013 the Bank of Japan announced that they would expand their Asset Purchase Program by $1.4t USD in two years. The Bank of Japan aims hopes to bring Japan from deflation to inflation, aiming for 2% inflation. The amount of purchases is so large that it is expected to double the money supply. After 2007 More recently, similar policies have been used by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Eurozone during the Financial crisis of 2007–2012. Quantitative easing was used by these countries as their risk-free short-term nominal interest rates are either at, or close to, zero. In the US, this interest rate is the federal funds rate. In the UK, it is the official bank rate. During the peak of the financial crisis in 2008, in the United States the Federal Reserve expanded its balance sheet dramatically by adding new assets and new liabilities without "sterilizing" these by corresponding subtractions. In the same period the United Kingdom also used quantitative easing as an additional arm of its monetary policy in order to alleviate its financial crisis. The European Central Bank has used 12-month and 36-month long term refinancing operations (LTRO) (forms of quantitative easing without referring to them as such) through a process of expanding the assets that banks can use as collateral that can be posted to the ECB in return for euros. This process has led to bonds being "structured for the ECB". By comparison the other central banks were very restrictive in terms of the collateral they accept: the US Federal Reserve used to accept primarily treasuries (in the first half of 2009 it bought almost any relatively safe dollar-denominated securities); the Bank of England applied a large haircut. During its QE programme, the Bank of England bought gilts from financial institutions, along with a smaller amount of relatively high-quality debt issued by private companies. The banks, insurance companies and pension funds can then use the money they have received for lending or even to buy back more bonds from the bank. The central bank can also lend the new money to private banks or buy assets from banks in exchange for currency. These have the effect of depressing interest yields on government bonds and similar investments, making it cheaper for business to raise capital. Another side effect is that investors will switch to other investments, such as shares, boosting their price and thus encouraging consumption. QE can reduce interbank overnight interest rates, and thereby encourage banks to loan money to higher interest-paying and financially weaker bodies. Nevin argued that QE failed to stimulate recovery in the UK and instead prolonged the recession between 2009 and 2012 as it caused a collapse in the velocity of circulation, or rate at which money circulates around the economy. This happened because QE drove down gilt yields and annuity rates and forced pensioners, savers and companies to hoard cash to counter the negative impact of QE on their investment income. At the beginning of 2013 the Swiss National Bank had the largest balance sheet relative to the size of the economy it was responsible for, at close to 100% of Switzerland's national output. 12% of its reserves were in foreign equities. The Federal Reserve's holdings equaled about 20% of U.S. GDP while the ECB's assets were 30% of GDP. The U.S. Federal Reserve held between $700 billion and $800 billion of Treasury notes on its balance sheet before the recession. In late November 2008, the Fed started buying $600 billion in Mortgage-backed securities (MBS). By March 2009, it held $1.75 trillion of bank debt, MBS, and Treasury notes, and reached a peak of $2.1 trillion in June 2010. Further purchases were halted as the economy had started to improve, but resumed in August 2010 when the Fed decided the economy was not growing robustly. After the halt in June holdings started falling naturally as debt matured and were projected to fall to $1.7 trillion by 2012. The Fed's revised goal became to keep holdings at the $2.054 trillion level. To maintain that level, the Fed bought $30 billion in 2–10-year Treasury notes a month. In November 2010, the Fed announced a second round of quantitative easing, or "QE2", buying $600 billion of Treasury securities by the end of the second quarter of 2011. A third round of quantitative easing, or "QE3", was announced by the Federal Reserve in September 2012. The third round includes a plan to purchase US$40 billion of mortgage-backed securities (MBS) per month. Additionally, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) announced that it would likely maintain the federal funds rate near zero "at least through 2015." The Bank of England had purchased around £165 billion of assets by September 2009 and around £175 billion of assets by end of October 2010. At its meeting in November 2010, the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) voted to increase total asset purchases to £200 billion. Most of the assets purchased have been UK government securities (gilts), the Bank has also been purchasing smaller quantities of high-quality private sector assets. In December 2010 MPC member Adam Posen called for a £50 billion expansion of the Bank's quantitative easing programme, whilst his colleague Andrew Sentance has called for an increase in interest rates due to inflation being above the target rate of 2%. In October 2011, the Bank of England announced it would undertake another round of QE, creating an additional £75 billion, in February 2012 it announced an additional £50 billion, in July 2012 it announce another £50 billion, bringing the total amount to £375 billion. The Bank of England has said that it will not buy more than 70% of any issue of government debt. This means that at least 30% of any issue of government debt will have to be purchased and held by institutions other than the Bank of England. The Bank of Japan (BOJ) increased the commercial bank current account balance from ¥5 trillion yen to ¥35 trillion (approximately US$300 billion) over a 4-year period starting in March 2001. As well, the BOJ tripled the quantity of long-term Japan government bonds it could purchase on a monthly basis. In early October 2010, the BOJ announced that it would examine the purchase of ¥5 trillion (US$60 billion) in assets. This was an attempt to push the value of the yen versus the U.S. dollar down to stimulate the local economy by making their exports cheaper; it did not work. On 4 August 2011 the bank announced a unilateral move to increase the amount from ¥40 trillion (US$504 billion) to a total of ¥50 trillion (US$630 billion). In October 2011 the Bank of Japan expanded its asset purchase program by ¥5 trillion ($66bn) to a total of ¥55 trillion. QE1, QE2, and QE3 The expression "QE2" became a "ubiquitous nickname" in 2010, when used to refer to a second round of quantitative easing by central banks in the United States. Retrospectively, the round of quantitative easing preceding QE2 may be called "QE1". Similarly, "QE3" refers to the third round of quantitative easing following QE2. QE3 was announced on 13 September 2012. In an 11-to-1 vote, the Federal Reserve decided to launch a new $40 billion a month, open-ended, bond purchasing program of agency mortgage-backed securities and also to continue extremely low rates policy until at least mid-2015. According to NASDAQ.com, this is effectively a stimulus program which allows the Federal Reserve to relieve $40 billion dollars per month of commercial housing market debt risk. As a result of its open-ended nature, QE3 has earned the popular nickname of "QE-Infinity," a term first coined by Minyanville author Jason Haver. On 12 December 2012, the FOMC announced increased the amount of open-ended purchases from $40 billion to $85 billion per month. This is sometimes referred to as "QE4". According to the IMF, the quantitative easing policies undertaken by the central banks of the major developed countries since the beginning of the late-2000s financial crisis have contributed to the reduction in systemic risks following the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers. The IMF states that the policies also contributed to the improvements in market confidence and the bottoming out of the recession in the G7 economies in the second half of 2009. Economist Martin Feldstein argues that QE2 led to a rise in the stock-market in the second half of 2010, which in turn contributed to increasing consumption and the strong performance of the U.S. economy in late 2010. Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan calculated that as of July 2012 there was "very little impact on the economy" and noted "I'm very surprised at the data". Federal Reserve Governor Jeremy Stein has said that measures of quantitive easing such as large-scale asset purchases "have played a significant role in supporting economic activity". Economic impact Quantitative easing may cause higher inflation than desired if the amount of easing required is overestimated, and too much money is created by the purchase of liquid assets. On the other hand, quantitative easing can fail to be effective at spurring demand if banks remain reluctant to lend money to businesses and households. Even then, quantitative easing can still ease the process of deleveraging as it lowers yields. However, there is a time lag between money growth and inflation, inflationary pressures associated with money growth from QE could build before the central bank acts to counter them. Inflationary risks are mitigated if the system's economy outgrows the pace of the increase of the money supply from the easing. If production in an economy increases because of the increased money supply, the value of a unit of currency may also increase, even though there is more currency available. For example, if a nation's economy were to spur a significant increase in output at a rate at least as high as the amount of debt monetized, the inflationary pressures would be equalized. This can only happen if member banks actually lend the excess money out instead of hoarding the extra cash. During times of high economic output, the central bank always has the option of restoring the reserves back to higher levels through raising of interest rates or other means, effectively reversing the easing steps taken. Increasing the money supply tends to depreciate a country's exchange rates versus other currencies. This feature of QE directly benefits exporters residing in the country performing QE and also debtors whose debts are denominated in that currency, for as the currency devalues so does the debt. However, it directly harms creditors and holders of the currency as the real value of their holdings decrease. Devaluation of a currency also directly harms importers as the cost of imported goods is inflated by the devaluation of the currency. Savings and pensions In November 2010, a group of conservative Republican economists and political activists released an open letter to Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke questioning the efficacy of the Fed's QE program. The Fed responded that their actions reflected the economic environment of high unemployment and low inflation. In the European Union, World Pensions Council (WPC) financial economists have also argued that QE-induced artificially low interest rates will have an adverse impact on the underfunding condition of pension funds as “without returns that outstrip inflation, pension investors face the real value of their savings declining rather than ratcheting up over the next few years”. Housing market over-supply and QE3 "The impetus ... is to aid the housing market. That's an area that's fallen short in this recovery. In most other U.S. postwar recoveries, we've seen a pretty sharp snap back in housing. Of course, the reason it hasn't come back in this recovery is that this recession was essentially caused by us building too many houses prior to the recession. We still have a huge overhang of houses that haven't been sold that are vacant. And it's going to take us a while before we want the houses we have, much less need to build more." Capital flight The new money could be used by the banks to invest in emerging markets, commodity-based economies, commodities themselves and non-local opportunities rather than to lend to local businesses that are having difficulty getting loans. Criticism by BRIC Countries QE rounds by the central banks of developed nations are criticized by BRIC countries. They share the argument that such actions amount to protectionism and competitive devaluation. As net exporters whose currencies are partially pegged to the dollar, they protest that it causes their inflation to rise and penalizes their industry. Comparison with other instruments Qualitative easing Professor Willem Buiter, of the London School of Economics, has proposed a terminology to distinguish quantitative easing, or an expansion of a central bank's balance sheet, from what he terms qualitative easing, or the process of a central bank adding riskier assets onto its balance sheet: Quantitative easing is an increase in the size of the balance sheet of the central bank through an increase [in its] monetary liabilities (base money), holding constant the composition of its assets. Asset composition can be defined as the proportional shares of the different financial instruments held by the central bank in the total value of its assets. An almost equivalent definition would be that quantitative easing is an increase in the size of the balance sheet of the central bank through an increase in its monetary liabilities that holds constant the (average) liquidity and riskiness of its asset portfolio. Qualitative easing is a shift in the composition of the assets of the central bank towards less liquid and riskier assets, holding constant the size of the balance sheet (and the official policy rate and the rest of the list of usual suspects). The less liquid and more risky assets can be private securities as well as sovereign or sovereign-guaranteed instruments. All forms of risk, including credit risk (default risk) are included. Credit easing In introducing the Federal Reserve's response to the 2008–9 financial crisis, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke distinguished the new program, which he termed "credit easing" from Japanese-style quantitative easing. In his speech, he announced: Our approach—which could be described as "credit easing"—resembles quantitative easing in one respect: It involves an expansion of the central bank's balance sheet. However, in a pure QE regime, the focus of policy is the quantity of bank reserves, which are liabilities of the central bank; the composition of loans and securities on the asset side of the central bank's balance sheet is incidental. Indeed, although the Bank of Japan's policy approach during the QE period was quite multifaceted, the overall stance of its policy was gauged primarily in terms of its target for bank reserves. In contrast, the Federal Reserve's credit easing approach focuses on the mix of loans and securities that it holds and on how this composition of assets affects credit conditions for households and businesses. Credit easing involves increasing the money supply by the purchase not of government bonds, but of private sector assets such as corporate bonds and residential mortgage-backed securities. When undertaking credit easing, the Federal Reserve increases the money supply not by buying government debt, but instead by buying private sector assets including residential mortgage-backed securities. In 2010, the Federal Reserve purchased $1.25 trillion of mortgage-backed securities (MBS) in order to support the sagging mortgage market. These purchases increased the monetary base in a way similar to a purchase of government securities. Printing money Quantitative easing has been nicknamed "printing money" by some members of the media, central bankers, and financial analysts. However, central banks state that the use of the newly created money is different in QE. With QE, the newly created money is used for buying government bonds or other financial assets, whereas the term printing money usually implies that the newly minted money is used to directly finance government deficits or pay off government debt (also known as monetizing the government debt). Central banks in most developed nations (e.g., UK, US, Japan, and EU) are forbidden by law to buy government debt directly from the government and must instead buy it from the secondary market. This two-step process, where the government sells bonds to private entities which the central bank then buys, has been called "monetizing the debt" by many analysts. The distinguishing characteristic between QE and monetizing debt is that with QE, the central bank is creating money to stimulate the economy, not to finance government spending. Also, the central bank has the stated intention of reversing the QE when the economy has recovered (by selling the government bonds and other financial assets back into the market). The only effective way to determine whether a central bank has monetized debt is to compare its performance relative to its stated objectives. Many central banks have adopted an inflation target. It is likely that a central bank is monetizing the debt if it continues to buy government debt when inflation is above target, and the government has problems with debt-financing. Ben Bernanke remarked in 2002 that the US Government had a technology called the printing press, or today its electronic equivalent, so that if rates reached zero and deflation was threatened the government could always act to ensure deflation was prevented. He said, however, that the Government would not print money and distribute it "willy nilly" but would rather focus its efforts in certain areas (for example, buying federal agency debt securities and mortgage-backed securities). According to economist Robert McTeer, former president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, there is nothing wrong with printing money during a recession, and quantitative easing is different from traditional monetary policy "only in its magnitude and pre-announcement of amount and timing". Richard W. Fisher, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, warned that a potential risk of QE is, "the risk of being perceived as embarking on the slippery slope of debt monetization. We know that once a central bank is perceived as targeting government debt yields at a time of persistent budget deficits, concern about debt monetization quickly arises." and later in the same speech states that the Fed is monetizing the government debt, "The math of this new exercise is readily transparent: The Federal Reserve will buy $110 billion a month in Treasuries, an amount that, annualized, represents the projected deficit of the federal government for next year. For the next eight months, the nation’s central bank will be monetizing the federal debt." Altering debt maturity structure Based on research reassessing the effectiveness of the US Federal Open Market Committee action in 1961 known as Operation Twist, The Economist, based on research by economist Eric Swanson, has posited that a similar restructuring of the supply of different types of debt would have an effect equal to that of QE. Such action would allow finance ministries (e.g., the US Department of the Treasury) a role in the process now reserved for central banks. See also - "Loose thinking". The Economist. 15 October 2009. - Publications | Learning the Lessons from QE and Other Unconventional Monetary Policies: 17–18 November. Bank of England (18 November 2011). - Quantitative Easing Explained. London: Bank of England. 2011. "The MPC's decision to inject money directly into the economy does not involve printing more banknotes. 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