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of violence that is in practice, if not in principle, as allencompassing |
as that of the absolute pacifist? One might attempt |
to do so by emphasising the hardening effect that the use |
of violence has, how committing one murder, no matter how |
'necessary' or 'justified' it may seem, lessens the resistance to |
committing further murders. Is it likely that people who have |
become inured to acting violently will be able to create a better |
society? This is a question on which the historical record is |
relevant. The course taken by the Russian Revolution must |
shake the belief that a burning desire for social justice provides |
immunity to the corrupting effects of violence. There are, admittedly, |
other examples that may be read the other way; but |
it would take a considerable number of examples to outweigh |
the legacy of Lenin and Stalin. |
The consequentialist pacifist can use another argument - the |
argument I urged against the suggestion that we should allow |
starvation to reduce the populations of the poorest nations to |
the level at which they could feed themselves. Like this policy, |
violence involves certain harm, said to be justified by the prospects |
of future benefits. But the future benefits can never be |
certain, and even in the few cases where violence does bring |
310 |
Ends and Means |
about desirable ends, we can rarely be sure that the ends could |
not have been achieved equally soon by non-violent means. |
What, for instance, has been achieved by the thousands of |
deaths and injuries caused by more than twenty years of the |
Irish Republican Army bombings in Northern Ireland? Only |
counter-terrorism by extremist Protestant groups. Or think of |
the wasted death and suffering caused by the Baader-Meinhoff |
gang in Germany, or the Red Brigade in Italy. What did the |
Palestinian Liberation Organization gain from terrorism, other |
than a less compromising, more ruthless Israel than the one |
against which they began their struggle? One may sympathize |
with the ends some of these groups are fighting for, but the |
means they are using hold no promise of gaining their ends. |
Using these means therefore indicates callous disregard of the |
interests of their victims. These consequentialist arguments add |
up to a strong case against the use of violence as a means, |
particularly when the violence is indiscriminately directed |
against ordinary members of the public, as terrorist violence |
often is. In practical terms, that kind of violence would seem |
never justified. |
There are other kinds of violence that cannot be ruled out so |
convincingly. There is, for instance, the assassination of a murderous |
tyrant. Here, provided the murderous policies are an |
expression of the tyrant's personality rather than part of the |
institutions he commands, the violence is strictly limited, the |
aim is the end of much greater violence, success from a single |
violent act may be highly probable, and there may be no other |
way of ending the tyrant's rule. It would be implausible for a |
consequentialist to maintain that committing violence in these |
circumstances would have a corrupting effect, or that more, |
rather than less, violence would result from the assassination. |
Violence may be limited in a different way. The cases we have |
been considering have involved violence against people. These |
are the standard cases that come to mind when we discuss |
violence, but there are other kinds of violence. Animal Liber- |
311 |
Practical Ethics |
ation Front members have damaged laboratories, cages, and |
equipment used to confine, hurt, or kill animals, but they avoid |
violent acts against any animaL human or non-human. (Other |
organizations claiming to be acting on behalf of animals have, |
however, injured at least two people by explosive devices. These |
actions have been condemned by every well-known animal |
liberation organization, including the Animal Liberation Front.) |
Earth First!, a radical American environmentalist organization, |
advocates 'monkeywrenching' or 'ecotage' - secret acts designed |
to stop or slow down processes that are harmful to the |
environment. Dave Foreman and Bill Haywood of Earth First! |
have co-edited Ecodefense: A Field Guide to Monkeywrenching, a |
book that describes techniques for disabling computers, wrecking |
machinery, and blocking sewerage systems. In their view: |
Monkeywrenching is a non-violent resistance to the destruction |
of natural diversity and wildemess. It is not aimed toward harming |
human beings or other forms of life. ft is aimed at inanimate |
machines and tools .... Monkeywrenchers are very conscious of |
the gravity of what they do. They are deliberate about taking |
such a serious step .... They remember that they are engaged in |
the most moral of all actions: protecting life, defending the Earth. |
A more controversial technique is 'spiking' trees in forests that |
are to be logged. Putting metal spikes in a few trees in a forest |
makes it dangerous to saw timber from the forest, because the |
workers at the sawmill can never know when the saw might |
hit a spike, breaking the saw and sending sharp pieces of metal |
flying around the working area. Ecological activists who support |
spiking say that they warn the tiniber companies that trees in |
a certain area have been spiked, and if they go ahead and log |
the forests, any injuries that occur are the responsibility of the |
timber company managers who made that decision. But it is |
the workers who will be hurt, not the managers. Can the activists |
really shed their responsibility in this way? More orthodox |
environmental activists reject such tactics. |
Damage to property is not as serious a matter as injuring or |
312 |
Ends and Means |
killing; hence it may be justified on grounds that would not |
justify anything that caused harm to sentient beings. This does |
not mean that violence to property is of no significance. Property |
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