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doc100 | Market economy | Anglo-Saxon capitalism refers to the form of capitalism predominant in Anglophone countries and typified by the economy of the United States. It is contrasted with European models of capitalism such as the continental Social market model and the Nordic model. Anglo-Saxon capitalism refers to a macroeconomic policy regime and capital market structure common to the Anglophone economies. Among these characteristics are low rates of taxation, more open financial markets, lower labor market protections, and a less generous welfare state eschewing collective bargaining schemes found in the continental and northern European models of capitalism.[9] |
doc101 | Market economy | The East Asian model of capitalism involves a strong role for state investment, and in some instances involves state-owned enterprises. The state takes an active role in promoting economic development through subsidies, the facilitation of "national champions", and an export-based model of growth. The actual practice of this model varies by country. This designation has been applied to the economies of Singapore, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea and the People's Republic of China. |
doc102 | Market economy | A related concept in political science is the developmental state. |
doc103 | Market economy | This model was implemented by Alfred Müller-Armack and Ludwig Erhard after World War II in West Germany. The social market economic model (sometimes called "Rhine capitalism") is based upon the idea of realizing the benefits of a free market economy, especially economic performance and high supply of goods, while avoiding disadvantages such as market failure, destructive competition, concentration of economic power and the socially harmful effects of market processes. The aim of the social market economy is to realize greatest prosperity combined with best possible social security. One difference from the free market economy is that the state is not passive, but takes active regulatory measures.[10] The social policy objectives include employment, housing and education policies, as well as a socio-politically motivated balancing of the distribution of income growth. Characteristics of social market economies are a strong competition policy and a contractionary monetary policy. The philosophical background is Neoliberalism or Ordoliberalism[11] |
doc104 | Market economy | Market socialism refers to various types of economic systems where the means of production and the dominant economic institutions are either publicly owned or cooperatively owned but operated according to the rules of supply and demand. This type of market economy has its roots in classical economics and in the works of Adam Smith, the Ricardian socialists, and Mutualist philosophers.[12] |
doc105 | Market economy | The distinguishing feature between non-market socialism and market socialism is the existence of a market for factors of production and the criteria of profitability for enterprises. Profits derived from publicly owned enterprises can variously be used to reinvest in further production, to directly finance government and social services, or be distributed to the public at large through a social dividend or basic income system.[13] |
doc106 | Market economy | In the 1930s the economists Oskar Lange and Abba Lerner developed a model of socialism that posited that a public body (dubbed the "Central Planning Board") could set prices through a trial-and-error approach until they equaled the marginal cost of production in order to achieve perfect competition and pareto optimality. In this model of socialism, firms would be state-owned and managed by their employees, and the profits would be disbursed among the population in a social dividend. This model came to be referred to as "market socialism" because it involved the use of money, a price system, and simulated capital markets; all of which were absent from traditional of non-market socialism. |
doc107 | Market economy | A more contemporary model of market socialism is that put forth by the American economist John Roemer, referred to as Economic democracy. In this model, social ownership is achieved through public ownership of equity in a market economy. A Bureau of Public Ownership (BPO) would own controlling shares in publicly listed firms, so that the profits generated would be used for public finance and the provision of a basic income. |
doc108 | Market economy | Libertarian socialists and left-anarchists often promote a form of market socialism in which enterprises are owned and managed cooperatively by their workforce so that the profits directly remunerate the employee-owners. These cooperative enterprises would compete with each other in the same way private companies compete with each other in a capitalist market. The first major elaboration of this type of market socialism was made by Pierre Joseph Proudhon and was called "mutualism". |
doc109 | Market economy | Self-managed market socialism was promoted in Yugoslavia by economists Branko Horvat and Jaroslav Vanek. In the self-managed model of socialism, firms would be directly owned by their employees and the management board would be elected by employees. These cooperative firms would compete with each other in a market for both capital goods and for selling consumer goods. |
doc110 | Market economy | Following the 1978 reforms, the People's Republic of China developed what it calls a "socialist market economy", in which most of the economy is under state ownership, with the state enterprises organized as joint-stock companies with various government agencies owning controlling shares through a shareholder system. Prices are set by a largely free-price system and the state-owned enterprises are not subjected to micromanagement by a government planning agency. A similar system called "socialist-oriented market economy" has emerged in Vietnam following the Đổi Mới reforms in 1986. This system is frequently characterized as "state capitalism" instead of market socialism because there is no meaningful degree of employee self-management in firms, because the state enterprises retain their profits instead of distributing them to the workforce or government, and because many function as de facto private enterprises. The profits neither finance a social dividend to benefit the population at large, nor do they accrue to their employees. |
doc111 | Market economy | In the People's Republic of China, this economic model is presented as a "preliminary stage of socialism" to explain the dominance of capitalistic management practices and forms of enterprise organization in both the state and non-state sectors. |
doc112 | Market economy | The economist Joseph Stiglitz argues that markets suffer from informational inefficiency and the presumed efficiency of markets stems from the faulty assumptions of neoclassical welfare economics, particularly the assumption of perfect and costless information, and related incentive problems. Neoclassical economics assumes static equilibrium, and efficient markets require that there be no non-convexities, even though nonconvexities are pervasive in modern economies. Stiglitz's critique applies to both existing models of capitalism and to hypothetical models of market socialism. However, Stiglitz does not advocate replacing markets, but states that there is a significant role for government intervention to boost the efficiency of markets and to address the pervasive market failures that exist in contemporary economies.[14] A fair Market Economy is in fact a Martingale or a Brownian motion model and for a participant competitor in such a model there is no more than 50% of success chances at any given moment. Due to the fractal nature of any fair market and being market participants subject to the law of competition, which impose reinvesting an increasing part of profits, the mean statistical chance of bankruptcy within the half life of any participant is also 50% [15] and 100% whether an infinite sample of time is considered. |
doc113 | Market economy | Robin Hahnel and Michael Albert claim that "markets inherently produce class division."[16] Albert states that even if everyone started out with a balanced job complex (doing a mix of roles of varying creativity, responsibility and empowerment) in a market economy, class divisions would arise. |
doc114 | Market economy | Without taking the argument that far, it is evident that in a market system with uneven distribution of empowering work, such as Economic Democracy, some workers will be more able than others to capture the benefits of economic gain. For example, if one worker designs cars and another builds them, the designer will use his cognitive skills more frequently than the builder. In the long term, the designer will become more adept at conceptual work than the builder, giving the former greater bargaining power in a firm over the distribution of income. A conceptual worker who is not satisfied with his income can threaten to work for a company that will pay him more. The effect is a class division between conceptual and manual laborers, and ultimately managers and workers, and a de facto labor market for conceptual workers.[16] |
doc115 | Market economy | David McNally argues that the logic of the market inherently produces inequitable outcomes and leads to unequal exchanges, arguing that Adam Smith's moral intent and moral philosophy espousing equal exchange was undermined by the practice of the free markets he championed. The development of the market economy involved coercion, exploitation and violence that Adam Smith's moral philosophy could not countenance. McNally also criticizes market socialists for believing in the possibility of "fair" markets based on equal exchanges to be achieved by purging "parasitical" elements from the market economy, such as private ownership of the means of production. McNally argues that market socialism is an oxymoron when socialism is defined as an end to wage-based labor.[17] |
doc116 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The Tappan Zee Bridge, officially named the Governor Mario M. Cuomo Bridge after former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, is a twin cable-stayed bridge being built to replace the original Tappan Zee Bridge over New York's Hudson River. The new twin spans will be located to the north of–and roughly parallel to–the existing Tappan Zee Bridge, crossing the Hudson River in a parallel east–west direction. |
doc117 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | In the new bridge's final configuration, the north span will carry the northbound and westbound automobile traffic of I-87 and I-287; it will also carry a shared-use path for bicycles and pedestrians. The south span will carry the southbound and eastbound automobile traffic of I-87 and I-287. |
doc118 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | Tappan Zee Constructors began construction in 2013. The north span officially opened to westbound traffic on August 26, 2017; it also opened to eastbound traffic on October 6, 2017. Tappan Zee Constructors then began demolishing the old bridge. Eastbound traffic will be switched to the south span upon its completion. Both spans are expected to be operational by June 15, 2018. |
doc119 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The original Tappan Zee Bridge was a cantilever bridge built during 1952–1955. The bridge was 3 miles (4.8 km) long and spanned the Hudson at its second-widest point. The Tappan Zee river crossing was named by 17th century Dutch settlers. The Tappan Zee Bridge, along with the smaller Bear Mountain Bridge, are the only crossings of the stretch of the Hudson between Westchester and Rockland counties, both of which are part of New York City's populous northern suburbs. |
doc120 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The deteriorating structure bore an average of 138,000 vehicles per day, substantially more traffic than its designed capacity. During its first decade, the bridge carried fewer than 40,000 vehicles per day. Part of the justification for replacing the bridge stemmed from its construction immediately following the Korean War on a low budget of only $81 million. Unlike other major bridges in metropolitan New York, the Tappan Zee Bridge was designed to last only 50 years.[4] The new bridge is intended to last at least 100 years.[5] |
doc121 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The collapse of Minnesota's I-35W Mississippi River bridge in 2007 raised worries about the Tappan Zee Bridge's structural integrity.[6] These concerns, together with traffic overcapacity and increased maintenance costs, escalated the serious discussions already ongoing about replacing the Tappan Zee with a tunnel or a new bridge.[7][8] Six options were identified and submitted for project study and environmental review.[9] |
doc122 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The Federal Highway Administration issued a report in October 2011 designating the Tappan Zee's replacement to be a dual-span twin bridge. The new bridge is now under construction a few yards to the north of the existing bridge, and will connect to the existing highway approaches of the New York State Thruway (I-87/I-287) on both river banks.[10] Construction began as scheduled during October 2013,[11][12] with completion targeted for 2017.[13] After some delays, the project is currently expected to be completed by June 15, 2018,[14] at a cost of $3.98 billion.[15] |
doc123 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | Originally, some motorists thought that bridge tolls could more than double (to $12-$15 for automobiles, eastbound only), rising to those of New York City's Hudson River crossings.[5] However, the state passed legislation freezing the toll on the bridge at $5 through 2020 in its 2016 legislative session.[16] |
doc124 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The new Tappan Zee Bridge was proposed to include four vehicle lanes on each span, for a total of eight lanes, as well as a shared-use bicycle and pedestrian path. Like its predecessor, the new Tappan Zee Bridge is to be administered by the New York State Thruway Authority. The authority is the project co-sponsor, along with the state Department of Transportation.[10] |
doc125 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The New York Metropolitan Transportation Council added the Tappan Zee Bridge to its list of projects eligible for federal funds in August 2012.[17] The United States Department of Transportation approved the plan on September 25, 2012. The approval process took fewer than 10 months as opposed to the traditional multi-year process as a result of being placed on a "fast track" for approval by the Obama Administration.[18] On December 17, 2012, New York state officials dropped their proposal for a 45 percent increase on the state Thruway toll for trucks, while advancing a $3.14 billion project to replace the bridge.[19] |
doc126 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The new Tappan Zee Bridge was built by Tappan Zee Constructors, a design-build LLC composed of Fluor Corporation, American Bridge Company, Granite Construction Northeast and Traylor Bros. The Left Coast Lifter was used to install groups of pre-assembled girders one full span at a time.[20] By the end of 2013, General Electric had completed four seasons of dredging to remove contaminants from the river bottom. Approximately 70 percent of the sediments targeted for dredging were removed (totaling more than 1,900,000 cubic yards (1,500,000Â m3) of sediment).[21] |
doc127 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The project timeline originally indicated that the old bridge would be closed in 2016 and that the demolition of the old bridge would begin in February 2017,[22] however, that timeline has since been amended. The first span of the bridge opened to westbound traffic on August 26, 2017,[3] and the project is expected to be completed by June 15, 2018.[14] |
doc128 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | When completed, the new Tappan Zee Bridge will be one of the widest cable-stayed bridges in the world, having a combined width across both decks of 183 feet (56 m).[2] The new spans will equal the width of the relatively short-span, cable-stayed Leonard Zakim Bridge in downtown Boston.[23] Turkey's 3rd Bosphorus bridge, completed in 2016, has a single deck about 192 feet (59 m) wide. The new Tappan Zee Bridge will also be one of the longest cable-stayed spans in the nation.[2][not in citation given] |
doc129 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | On July 19, 2016, a crane used for the construction of the bridge collapsed onto the existing older bridge. Five people were injured, including three drivers and two bridge workers; no one was killed or critically injured.[24][25] |
doc130 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | The new northbound/westbound span opened on August 26, 2017.[3][26] Southbound/eastbound traffic remained on the existing span until October 6, 2017, when it was shifted to the new northbound/westbound span to allow for the completion of the new southbound/eastbound span.[27] |
doc131 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | West of the Tappan Zee, the 680,000 residents of Rockland and Orange counties currently have very limited mass transit to New York City via NJ Transit's Port Jervis Line and Pascack Valley Line commuter rail services or Coach USA's Rockland Coaches bus services. The bridge plan includes as an objective merely, "Providing a crossing that does not preclude future trans-Hudson transit services."[10] |
doc132 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | A proposed bus rapid transit system using the new bridge was shelved as too expensive. However, the bridge was structurally built for expansion with BRT and/or commuter rail at a later date. The existing Tarrytown station of the Metro-North Railroad's Hudson Line is located about 2,000 feet (610Â m) from the new bridge's eastern landing. In 2011, the state estimated that a bus connector to the station would cost about $151 million, about 3 percent of the bridge's projected cost.[28] Responding to widespread concerns about the lack of new public transit service, bridge planners agreed only to build one "dedicated express bus lane" in each direction for use during rush hour.[29] |
doc133 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | During construction, the project's website referred to the crossing as the "New NY Bridge".[30] However, other sources referred to the crossing as the "New Tappan Zee Bridge".[31][32] |
doc134 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | Governor Andrew Cuomo was successful in passing legislation to name the bridge after his father, former Governor Mario Cuomo, on June 29, 2017.[33] This has been met with stiff criticism as a Reclaim New York Initiative poll of Rockland and Westchester county residents found only 14.7% of respondents support the new name.[34] Many have cited the timing of the New York State legislature vote at the last session before the summer term ended and the last chance to enact a state budget.[35] As of November 29, 2017, over 100,000 people have signed a Change.org petition called "Return the Cuomo Bridge its original name: The Tappan Zee. That bridge is our history."[36][37] |
doc135 | Tappan Zee Bridge (2017–present) | On December 6, 2017, State Assemblyman Kevin Byrne, a Republican from Mahopac in Putnam County, announced that he would introduce legislation to revert the name of the bridge to "Malcolm Wilson Tappan Zee Bridge", after former Governor Malcolm Wilson.[38] The old Tappan Zee Bridge had been named for Wilson from 1994 to June 2017.[39] |
doc136 | Can't Help Falling in Love | "Can't Help Falling in Love" is a pop ballad originally recorded by American singer Elvis Presley and published by Gladys Music, Presley's publishing company. It was written by Hugo Peretti, Luigi Creatore, and George David Weiss.[2] The melody is based on "Plaisir d'amour",[4] a popular romance by Jean-Paul-Égide Martini (1784). The song was featured in Presley's 1961 film, Blue Hawaii. During the following four decades, it was recorded by numerous other artists, including Tom Smothers, Swedish pop group A-Teens, and the British reggae group UB40, whose 1993 version topped the U.S. and UK charts. |
doc137 | Can't Help Falling in Love | Elvis Presley's version of the song topped the British charts in 1962. The single is certified Platinum by the RIAA, for US sales in excess of one million copies. In the United States, the song peaked at No. 2 on the US Billboard Hot 100 behind Joey Dee and the Starliters' "Peppermint Twist"[5] and went to No. 1 on the Adult Contemporary chart for six weeks.[6][7] |
doc138 | Can't Help Falling in Love | During Presley's late 1960s and 1970s live performances, the song was performed as the show's finale. Most notably, it was also sung in the live segment of his 1968 NBC television special, and as the closer for his 1973 Global telecast, Aloha from Hawaii. A version with a faster arrangement was the closing number in Presley's final TV special, Elvis in Concert. "Can't Help Falling in Love" was also the last song he performed live, at his concert in Indianapolis at Market Square Arena on 26 June 1977.[8] |
doc139 | Can't Help Falling in Love | In 2015, the song was included on the If I Can Dream album, on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of Presley's birth. The version uses archival voice recordings of Presley and his singers, backed by new orchestral arrangements performed by the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra. |
doc140 | Can't Help Falling in Love | 7" single |
doc141 | Can't Help Falling in Love | In 1993, British reggae band UB40 recorded the song as the first single from their 1993 album Promises and Lies. The song was released in May 1993, in the majority of countries worldwide. It eventually climbed to No. 1 on the US Billboard Hot 100 after debuting at No. 100, and remained there for seven weeks. It was also No. 1 in the United Kingdom, Austria, Netherlands, Sweden, Australia, and New Zealand. |
doc142 | Can't Help Falling in Love | The song appears on the soundtrack of the movie Sliver,[9] the trailer for Fools Rush In, and an episode of Hindsight. In the US, and on the Sliver soundtrack, the song title was listed as "Can't Help Falling in Love," rather than what appeared on the record sleeve. The single version of the song also has a slightly different backing rhythm and melody. |
doc143 | Can't Help Falling in Love | The song and band also appear in the 1997 film Speed 2: Cruise Control. |
doc144 | Can't Help Falling in Love | 10" single |
doc145 | Can't Help Falling in Love | 7" single |
doc146 | Can't Help Falling in Love | *sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone |
doc147 | Can't Help Falling in Love | The song was the A-Teens's first single from their first extended play Pop 'til You Drop!, as well as for the Lilo & Stitch movie soundtrack, which was originally scheduled to include several Presley tracks, the A-Teens picking it for inclusion in the soundtrack. It was later also featured as a bonus track on their third studio album, New Arrival for the European market. The video had thus tremendous exposure on several television channels, with the A-Teens eventually including the song in their third album. As a result, the song had two music videos, one to promote the Disney movie, the other for the album. It is also shown in the teen pop compilation album, Disney Girlz Rock. |
doc148 | Can't Help Falling in Love | The song reached No. 12 in Sweden, No. 16 in Argentina, and No. 41 in Australia. |
doc149 | Can't Help Falling in Love | The video was directed by Gregory Dark and filmed in Los Angeles, California. It had two different versions. The "Disney Version", as the fans named it, features scenes of the movie, and also new scenes of the A-Teens with beach costumes. The "A-Teens Version" of the video, features the A-Teens on the white background with different close-ups and choreography, and scenes with puppies and different costumes. |
doc150 | Can't Help Falling in Love | Tracks marked + are not A-Teens tracks. |
doc151 | Can't Help Falling in Love | European 2-track CD single |
doc152 | Can't Help Falling in Love | European/Australian CD maxi |
doc153 | Christopher Lloyd | Christopher Allen Lloyd (born October 22, 1938)[1] is an American actor, voice actor, and comedian. He is best known for his roles as Emmett "Doc" Brown in the Back to the Future trilogy, Judge Doom in Who Framed Roger Rabbit (1988), Merlock the Magician in DuckTales the Movie: Treasure of the Lost Lamp (1990), Uncle Fester in The Addams Family (1991) and its sequel Addams Family Values (1993), and Grigori Rasputin in Anastasia (1997). |
doc154 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd has an equally prominent television profile, having won two Primetime Emmy Awards for playing Jim Ignatowski on the comedy series Taxi (1978–1983). He earned a third Emmy for his 1992 guest appearance on Road to Avonlea.[2] He has also done extensive voiceover work for animated programs, most notably voicing The Hacker on the PBS Kids series Cyberchase (2002–present), and as The Woodsman in the Cartoon Network mini-series Over The Garden Wall (2015). The former role earned him two Daytime Emmy Award nominations. |
doc155 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd was born on October 22, 1938, in Stamford, Connecticut, the son of Samuel R. Lloyd, Jr, a lawyer, and his wife Ruth (née Lapham; 1896–1984), a singer and sister of San Francisco mayor Roger Lapham.[1][3] He is the youngest of four girls and three boys, one of whom, Samuel Lloyd, was an actor in the 1950s and 1960s.[4] Lloyd's maternal grandfather, Lewis Henry Lapham, was one of the founders of the Texaco oil company,[5] and Lloyd is also a descendant of Mayflower passengers, including John Howland.[6] Lloyd was raised in New Canaan, Connecticut.[4] |
doc156 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd began his career apprenticing at summer theaters in Mount Kisco, New York, and Hyannis, Massachusetts.[7] He took acting classes in New York City at age 19—some at the Neighborhood Playhouse School of the Theatre with Sanford Meisner[4]—and he recalled making his New York theater debut in Fernando Arrabal's play And They Put Handcuffs on the Flowers, saying, "I was a replacement and it was my first sort of job in New York."[4] He made his Broadway debut in the short-lived Red, White and Maddox (1969), and went on to Off-Broadway roles in A Midsummer Night's Dream, Kaspar (February 1973),[8] The Harlot and the Hunted, The Seagull (January 1974),[9] Total Eclipse (February 1974),[10] Macbeth, In the Boom Boom Room, Cracks, Professional Resident Company, What Every Woman Knows, The Father, King Lear. Power Failure, and, in mid-1972, appeared in a Jean Cocteau double bill, Orphee and The Human Voice, at the Jean Cocteau Theater at 43 Bond Street.[11] |
doc157 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd returned to Broadway for the musical Happy End.[4] He performed in Andrzej Wajda's adaptation of Dostoyevsky's The Possessed at Yale Repertory Theater,[12] and in Jay Broad's premiere of White Pelican at the P.A.F. Playhouse in Huntington Station, New York, on Long Island.[13] |
doc158 | Christopher Lloyd | In 1977, he said of his training at the Neighborhood Playhouse under Meisner, "My work up to then had been very uneven. I would be good one night, dull the next. Meisner made me aware of how to be consistent in using the best that I have to offer. But I guess nobody can teach you the knack, or whatever it is, that helps you come to life on stage."[14] |
doc159 | Christopher Lloyd | His first movie role was as a psychiatric patient in One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest (1975).[15] He is best known for his roles as "Reverend" Jim Ignatowski, the ex-hippie cabbie on the sitcom Taxi, for which he won two Primetime Emmy Awards for Outstanding Supporting Actor in a Comedy Series;[16] and the eccentric inventor Emmett "Doc" Brown in the Back to the Future trilogy for which he was nominated for a Saturn Award. In 1985, he appeared in the pilot episode of Street Hawk. In 1986, he played the reviled Professor B.O. Beanes on the television series Amazing Stories. Other roles include Klingon Commander Kruge in Star Trek III: The Search for Spock (1984) (on suggestion of fellow actor and friend Leonard Nimoy), Professor Plum in Clue (1985), Professor Dimple in an episode of Road to Avonlea (for which he won a Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series); the villain Judge Doom in Who Framed Roger Rabbit (1988); a wacky sound effects man named Zoltan in Radioland Murders (1994); and Uncle Fester in the movie adaptations of The Addams Family (1991). |
doc160 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd portrayed the star character in the adventure game Toonstruck, released in November 1996. In 1999, he was reunited onscreen with Michael J. Fox in an episode of Spin City entitled "Back to the Future IV — Judgment Day", in which Lloyd plays Owen Kingston, the former mentor of Fox's character, Mike Flaherty's who stopped by City Hall to see him, only to proclaim himself God. That same year, Lloyd starred in the movie remake of the 1960s series My Favorite Martian. He starred on the television series Deadly Games in the mid-1990s and was a regular on the sitcom Stacked in the mid-2000s. In 2003, he guest-starred in three of the 13 produced episodes of Tremors: The Series as the character Cletus Poffenburger. In November 2007, Lloyd was reunited onscreen with his former Taxi co-star Judd Hirsch in the season-four episode "Graphic" of the television series Numb3rs. He played Ebenezer Scrooge in a 2008 production of A Christmas Carol at the Kodak Theatre with John Goodman and Jane Leeves.[citation needed] In 2009, he appeared in a comedic trailer for a faux horror film entitled Gobstopper, in which he played Willy Wonka as a horror-movie-style villain.[17] In October 2009, he did a two-man show with comic performer Joe Gallois in several Midwest cities.[citation needed] |
doc161 | Christopher Lloyd | In the summer of 2010, he starred as Willy Loman in a Weston Playhouse production of Death of a Salesman.[18] That September, he reprised his role as Doctor Emmett Brown in Back to the Future: The Game, an episodic adventure game series developed by Telltale Games.[19] On January 21, 2011, he appeared in "The Firefly" episode of the J. J. Abrams television series Fringe.[20] That August, he reprised the role of Dr. Emmett Brown (from Back to the Future) as part of an advertising campaign for Garbarino,[21] an Argentine appliance company, and also as part of the Nike Company's "Back For the Future" campaign for the benefit of The Michael J. Fox Foundation. In 2012 and 2013, Lloyd reprised the role of Brown in two episodes of the stop-motion series Robot Chicken. He was a guest star on the 100th episode of the USA Network sitcom Psych as Martin Khan in 2013. |
doc162 | Christopher Lloyd | In May 2013, Lloyd appeared as the narrator and the character Azdak in the Bertold Brecht play The Caucasian Chalk Circle, produced by the Classic Stage Company in New York.[22] |
doc163 | Christopher Lloyd | On the October 21, 2015, episode of Jimmy Kimmel Live, Lloyd and Michael J. Fox appeared in a Back to the Future skit to commemorate the date in the second installment of the movie trilogy.[23] |
doc164 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd has been married five times but has never had any children.[24] He was first married to Catharine Dallas Dixon Boyd on June 6, 1959.[7] The couple divorced in 1971 after 12 years of marriage.[25] He was next married to actress Kay Tornborg, from 1974 to 1987.[26] Lloyd's third marriage, to Carol Ann Vanek, lasted from 1988 to 1991.[27] His fourth marriage, to screenwriter Jane Walker Wood, lasted from 1992 to 2005.[25][28] |
doc165 | Christopher Lloyd | After his divorce from Wood, in Montecito, California, Lloyd bought a smaller house on March 23, 2007, and that May listed his 8.07-acre old estate for over $11 million; although the price was later dropped to $6.5 million. Wood and he had bought the house in 1997 for $1.6 million. This home, which was on the market at the time, was destroyed in the Tea Fire of November 2008 in Montecito, California.[29] By August 5, 2016, Lloyd was engaged to Lisa Loiacono,[30] a real estate broker. Lloyd married Loiacono in November of 2016 witnessed by Tony Danza.[31] |
doc166 | Christopher Lloyd | Lloyd's philanthropist mother, Ruth Lapham Lloyd, died in 1984 at age 88. Her surviving children at the time aside from Christopher were Donald L. Mygatt, Antoinette L. Mygatt Lucas, Samuel Lloyd III, Ruth Lloyd Scott Ax and Adele L. Kinney.[32] Lloyd's nephew, Sam Lloyd, is best known for playing Ted Buckland, the lawyer on Scrubs. |
doc167 | Tobacco advertising | Tobacco advertising is the advertising of tobacco products or use (typically cigarette smoking) by the tobacco industry through a variety of media including sponsorship, particularly of sporting events. It is now one of the most highly regulated forms of marketing. Some or all forms of tobacco advertising are banned in many countries. |
doc168 | Tobacco advertising | The first known advertisement in the United States was for the snuff and tobacco products of P. Lorillard and Company and was placed in the New York daily paper in 1789. Advertising was an emerging concept, and tobacco-related advertisements were not seen as any different from those for other products: tobacco's negative impact on health was unknown at the time. Local and regional newspapers were used because of the small-scale production and transportation of these goods. The first real brand name to become known on a bigger scale in the USA was "Bull Durham" which emerged in 1868, with the advertising placing the emphasis on how easy it was "to roll your own".[1] |
doc169 | Tobacco advertising | The development of color lithography in the late 1870s allowed the companies to create attractive images to better present their products. This led to the printing of pictures onto the cigarette cards, previously only used to stiffen the packaging but now turned into an early marketing concept.[2] By the last quarter of the 19th century, magazines such as Punch carried advertisements for different brands of cigarettes, snuff, and pipe tobacco. Advertising was significantly helped by the distribution of free or subsidized branded cigarettes to troops during World War I and World War II. The second invention was a cigarette-making machine developed in the 1880s.[3] |
doc170 | Tobacco advertising | Modern advertising was created with the innovative techniques used in tobacco advertising beginning in the 1920s.[4][5] |
doc171 | Tobacco advertising | Advertising in the decades leading up to World War II consisted primarily of full page, color magazine and newspaper advertisements. Many companies created slogans for their specific cigarettes and also gained endorsements from famous men and women. Some advertisements even contained children or doctors in their efforts to sway new customers to their specific brand. Much of these advertisements sought to make smoking appear fashionable and modern to men and women. Also, since the health effects of smoking weren't entirely proven at this time, the only real opposing argument to smoking was made on moral grounds. However, there were still a substantial number of doctors and scientists who believed there was a health risk associated with smoking cigarettes.[6] During World War II, cigarettes were included in American soldier's C-rations since many tobacco companies sent the soldiers cigarettes for free. Cigarette sales reached an all-time high at this point, as cigarette companies were not only able to get soldiers addicted to tobacco, but specific brands also found a new loyal group of customers as soldiers who smoked their cigarettes returned from the war.[7] |
doc172 | Tobacco advertising | After World War II, cigarette companies advertised frequently on television programs. To combat this move by the cigarette companies, the Federal Communications Commission required television stations to air anti-smoking advertisements at no cost to the organizations providing such advertisements. In 1970, Congress took their anti-smoking initiative one step further and passed the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act, banning the advertising of cigarettes on television and radio starting on January 2, 1971. After the television ban, most cigarette advertising took place in magazines, newspapers, and on billboards. However, in 1999 all cigarette billboard advertisements were replaced with anti-smoking messages, with some of these anti-smoking messages playing parodies of cigarette companies advertising figures and slogans. Since 1984, cigarette companies have also been forced to place Surgeon's General warnings on all cigarette packs and advertisements because of the passing of the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act.[8] Restrictions on cigarette companies became even tighter in 2010 with the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. The act prohibits tobacco companies from sponsoring sports, music, and other cultural events and also prevents the display of their logos or products on T-shirts, hats, or other apparel.[9] The constitutionality of both this act and the Food and Drug Administration's new graphic cigarette warning labels are being questioned under cigarette companies' first amendment rights.[10] |
doc173 | Tobacco advertising | Some mini motorcycles have a cigarette or other tobacco trademark applied; such branded mini-motorcycles have been found in New Zealand in breach of tobacco advertising legislation.[11] |
doc174 | Tobacco advertising | Before the 1970s, most tobacco advertising was legal in the United States and most European nations. In the United States, in the 1950s and 1960s, cigarette brands frequently sponsored television shows—most notably To Tell the Truth and I've Got a Secret. |
doc175 | Tobacco advertising | One of the most famous television jingles of the era came from an advertisement for Winston cigarettes. The slogan "Winston tastes good like a cigarette should!" proved to be catchy, and is still quoted today. When used to introduce Gunsmoke (gun = smoke), two gun shots were heard in the middle of the jingle just when listeners were expecting to hear the word "cigarette". Other popular slogans from the 1960s were "Us Tareyton smokers would rather fight than switch!," which was used to advertise Tareyton cigarettes, and "I'd Walk a Mile for a Camel". |
doc176 | Tobacco advertising | In 1954, tobacco companies ran the ad "A Frank Statement." The ad was the first in a campaign to dispute reports that smoking cigarettes could cause lung cancer and had other dangerous health effects.[12] |
doc177 | Tobacco advertising | In the 1950s, manufacturers began adding filter tips to cigarettes to remove some of the tar and nicotine as they were smoked. "Safer," "less potent" cigarette brands were also introduced. Light cigarettes became so popular that, as of 2004, half of American smokers preferred them over regular cigarettes,.[13] According to The Federal Government's National Cancer Institute (NCI), light cigarettes provide no benefit to smokers' health.[14][15] |
doc178 | Tobacco advertising | In 1964, Smoking and Health: Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the United States was published. It was based on over 7000 scientific articles that linked tobacco use with cancer and other diseases. This report led to laws requiring warning labels on tobacco products and to restrictions on tobacco advertisements. As these began to come into force, tobacco marketing became more subtle, and a number of advertisements designed to appeal to children, particularly those featuring Joe Camel resulting in increased awareness and uptake of smoking among children.[16] However, restrictions did have an effect on adult quit rates, with its use declining to the point that by 2004, nearly half of all Americans who had ever smoked had quit.[17] |
doc179 | Tobacco advertising | Tobacco companies use advertising to drive brand awareness and brand preference amongst smokers, in order to drive sales and to increase brand and customer loyalty. One of the original forms of this was the inclusion of cigarette cards, a collectible set of ephemera. |
doc180 | Tobacco advertising | Universal Pictures has a "Policy Regarding Tobacco Depictions in Films". In films anticipated to be released in the United States with a G, PG or PG-13 rating, smoking incidents (depiction of tobacco smoking, tobacco-related signage or paraphernalia) appear only when there is a substantial reason for doing so. In that case, the film is released with a health warning in end credits, DVD packaging, etc.[18] |
doc181 | Tobacco advertising | Since May 2007, the Motion Picture Association of America may give a film glamorizing smoking or depicting pervasive smoking outside of a historic or other mitigating context a higher rating.[19] |
doc182 | Tobacco advertising | There have also been moves to reduce the depiction of protagonists smoking in television shows, especially those aimed at children. For example, Ted Turner took steps to remove or edit scenes that depict characters in cartoons such as Tom and Jerry, The Flintstones and Scooby-Doo,[20] which are shown on his Cartoon Network and Boomerang television channels. |
doc183 | Tobacco advertising | Video game content rating systems have also looked at the usage of tobacco in video games; a video game depicting the use of tobacco may have a higher rating. |
doc184 | Tobacco advertising | One movie depicting smokeless tobacco use was the 2003 John Travolta movie Basic where smokeless brand Skoal was used.[21][22] |
doc185 | Tobacco advertising | Both Google and Microsoft have policies that prohibit the promotion of tobacco products on their advertising networks.[23][24] However, some tobacco retailers are able to circumvent these policies by creating landing pages that promote tobacco accessories such as cigar humidors and lighters. |
doc186 | Tobacco advertising | Prior to 1964, many of the cigarette companies advertised their brand by claiming that their product did not have serious health risks. A couple of examples would be "Play safe with Philip Morris" and "More doctors smoke Camels". Such claims were made both to increase the sales of their product and to combat the increasing public knowledge of smoking's negative health effects.[25] |
doc187 | Tobacco advertising | A majority of people do not start smoking at adulthood because of informed decision-making. As a result, much cigarette advertising was intended to target youth and depicted youths smoking and using tobacco as a form of leisure and enjoyment.[26] Major cigarette companies would advertise their brands in popular TV shows such as The Flintstones and The Beverly Hillbillies, which were watched by many children and teens.[27] In 1964, after facing much pressure from the public, The Cigarette Advertising Code was created by the Tobacco companies, which prohibited advertising directed to youth.[25] |
doc188 | Tobacco advertising | The use of celebrities and famous athletes would also encourage smoking for youth. Popular comedian Bob Hope was used to advertise for cigarette companies.[25] The African-American magazine Ebony often used athletes to advertise major cigarette brands.[28] |
doc189 | Tobacco advertising | Before 2009, many tobacco companies made flavored tobacco packaged often in colorful candy like wrappers to attract new users, many of which were a younger audience. However these flavored cigarettes were banned on September 22, 2009 by the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. Despite this initiative, flavored cigarettes are still on the rise because tobacco companies change their products slightly so they are filtered or slim cigarettes, which are not banned by the act.[clarification needed][29] |
doc190 | Tobacco advertising | The intended audience of tobacco advertising has changed throughout the years, with some brands specifically targeted towards a particular demographic. According to Reynolds American Inc, the Joe Camel campaign in the United States was created to advertise Camel brand to young adult smokers. Class action plaintiffs and politicians described the Joe Camel images as a "cartoon" intended to advertise the product to people below the legal smoking age. Under pressure from various anti-smoking groups, the Federal Trade Commission, and the U.S. Congress, Camel ended the campaign on 10 July 1997. |
doc191 | Tobacco advertising | Tobacco companies have frequently targeted the female market, seeing it as a potential growth area as the largest market segment has traditionally been male. The introduction of the 1960s Virginia Slims brand, and in particular its "You've Come a Long Way Baby" and "Slimmer than the fat cigarettes men smoke" campaigns, was specifically aimed at women.[30] |
doc192 | Tobacco advertising | When marketing cigarettes to the developing world, tobacco companies use the Western lifestyle as a mechanism to lure this demographic into purchasing their products.[31] The tobacco industry targeted young rural men by creating advertisements with images of cowboys, hunters, and race car drivers.Teens in rural areas are less likely to be exposed to anti-tobacco messages in the media. Low income and predominantly minority neighborhoods often have more tobacco retailers and more tobacco advertising than other neighborhoods.[32] |
doc193 | Tobacco advertising | Tobacco industry have been targeting marginalized groups over the years, including African Americans,[33] sexual minorities,[34] and even the homeless and the mentally ill.[35] According to the CDC Tobacco Product Use Among Adults 2015 report, American Indian/Alaska Native, non-Hispanic, 0–12 yrs (no diploma) and GED level of education, annual household income <$35,000, the LGB population, the uninsured, and those under serious psychological distress have the highest reported percentage of any tobacco product use.[36] Tobacco industry focus their advertisement towards these vulnerable groups, contributing to the large disparity in smoking and health problems.[37] |
doc194 | Tobacco advertising | Tobacco companies have had particularly large budgets for their advertising campaigns. The Federal Trade Commission claimed that cigarette manufacturers spent $8.24 billion on advertising and promotion in 1999, the highest amount ever at that time. The FTC later claimed that in 2005, cigarette companies spent $13.11 billion on advertising and promotion, down from $15.12 billion in 2003, but nearly double what was spent in 1998. The increase, despite restrictions on the advertising in most countries, was an attempt at appealing to a younger audience, including multi-purchase offers and giveaways such as hats and lighters, along with the more traditional store and magazine advertising.[30] |
doc195 | Tobacco advertising | Marketing consultants ACNielsen announced that, during the period September 2001 to August 2002, tobacco companies advertising in the UK spent £25 million, excluding sponsorship and indirect advertising, broken down as follows: |
doc196 | Tobacco advertising | Figures from around that time also estimated that the companies spent £8m a year sponsoring sporting events and teams (excluding Formula One) and a further £70m on Formula One in the UK.[38] |
doc197 | Tobacco advertising | The £25 million spent in the UK amounted to approximately $0.60 USD per person in 2002. The 15.12 billion spent in the United States in 2003 amounted to more than $45 for every person in the United States, more than $36 million per day, and more than $290 for each U.S. adult smoker. |
doc198 | Tobacco advertising | The European Union and World Health Organization (WHO) have both specified that the advertising of tobacco should not be allowed. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which came into effect on 27 February 2005, requires that all of the 168 countries that agreed to the treaty ban tobacco advertising unless their constitution forbade it. |
doc199 | Tobacco advertising | Some countries also impose legal requirements on the packaging of tobacco products. For example, in the countries of the European Union, Turkey, Australia[39] Iran [40] and South Africa, cigarette packs must be prominently labeled with the health risks associated with smoking.[41] Canada, Australia, Thailand, Iceland, Colombia, Mexico, Brazil and some EU countries have also imposed labels upon cigarette packs warning smokers of the effects, and they include graphic images of the potential health effects of smoking. In Canada, cards are also inserted into cigarette packs, explaining reasons not to smoke and different methods of quitting smoking. |