id
stringlengths
14
14
page_content
stringlengths
28
1.35k
source
stringclasses
1 value
a68fb0c99f47-1
those that let the child know her emotions are met with empathy, accepted, and reciprocated, in a process Stern calls attunement . The twins’ mother was attuned with Mark, but out of emotional synch with Fred. Stern contends that the countlessly repeated moments of attunement or misattunement between parent and child shape the emotional expectations adults bring to their close relationships— perhaps far more than the more dramatic events of childhood. Attunement occurs tacitly, as part of the rhythm of relationship. Stern has studied it with microscopic precision through videotaping hours of mothers with their infants. He finds that through attunement mothers let their infants know they have a sense of what the infant is feeling. A baby squeals with delight, for example, and the mother affirms that delight by giving the baby a gentle shake, cooing, or matching the pitch of her voice to the baby’s squeal. Or a baby shakes his rattle, and she gives him a quick shimmy in response. In such an interaction the affirming message is in the mother more or less matching the baby’s level of excitement. Such small attunements give an infant the reassuring feeling of being emotionally connected, a
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a68fb0c99f47-2
message that Stern finds mothers send about once a minute when they interact with their babies. Attunement is very different from simple imitation. “If you just imitate a baby,” Stern told me, “that only shows you know what he
emotional_intelligence.pdf
854ba8f7b400-0
did, not how he felt. To let him know you sense how he feels, you have to play back his inner feelings in another way. Then the baby knows he is understood.” Making love is perhaps the closest approximation in adult life to this intimate attunement between infant and mother. Lovemaking, Stern writes, “involves the experience of sensing the other’s subjective state: shared desire, aligned intentions, and mutual states of simultaneously shifting arousal,” with lovers responding to each other in a synchrony that gives the tacit sense of deep rapport. 8 Lovemaking is, at its best, an act of mutual empathy; at its worst it lacks any such emotional mutuality. THE COSTS OF MISATTUNEMENT Stern holds that from repeated attunements an infant begins to develop a sense that other people can and will share in her feelings. This sense seems to emerge at around eight months, when infants begin to realize they are separate from others, and continues to be shaped by intimate relationships throughout life. When parents are misattuned to a child it is deeply upsetting. In one experiment, Stern
emotional_intelligence.pdf
854ba8f7b400-1
had mothers deliberately over- or underrespond to their infants, rather than matching them in an attuned way; the infants responded with immediate dismay and distress. Prolonged absence of attunement between parent and child takes a tremendous emotional toll on the child. When a parent consistently fails to show any empathy with a particular range of emotion in the child—joys, tears, needing to cuddle—the child begins to avoid expressing, and perhaps even feeling, those same emotions. In this way, presumably, entire ranges of emotion can begin to be obliterated from the repertoire for intimate relations, especially if through childhood those feelings continue to be covertly or overtly discouraged. By the same token, children can come to favor an unfortunate range of emotion, depending on which moods are reciprocated. Even infants “catch” moods: Three-month-old babies of depressed mothers, for example, mirrored their mothers’ moods while playing with them, displaying more feelings of anger and sadness, and much less spontaneous curiosity and interest, compared to infants whose mothers were not depressed. 9
emotional_intelligence.pdf
5456bf4c8abb-0
One mother in Stern’s study consistently underreacted to her baby’s level of activity; eventually her baby learned to be passive. “An infant treated that way learns, when I get excited I can’t get my mother to be equally excited, so I may as well not try at all,” Stern contends. But there is hope in “reparative” relationships: “Relationships throughout life—with friends or relatives, for example, or in psychotherapy— continually reshape your working model of relationships. An imbalance at one point can be corrected later; it’s an ongoing, lifelong process.” Indeed, several theories of psychoanalysis see the therapeutic relationship as providing just such an emotional corrective, a reparative experience of attunement. Mirroring is the term used by some psychoanalytic thinkers for the therapist’s reflecting back to the client an understanding of his inner state, just as an attuned mother does with her infant. The emotional synchrony is unstated and outside conscious awareness, though a patient may bask in the sense of being deeply acknowledged and understood. The lifetime emotional costs of lack of attunement in childhood can be great—and not just for the child. A study of criminals who
emotional_intelligence.pdf
5456bf4c8abb-1
committed the cruelest and most violent crimes found that the one characteristic of their early lives that set them apart from other criminals was that they had been shuttled from foster home to foster home, or raised in orphanages—life histories that suggest emotional neglect and little opportunity for attunement. 10 While emotional neglect seems to dull empathy, there is a paradoxical result from intense, sustained emotional abuse, including cruel, sadistic threats, humiliations, and plain meanness. Children who endure such abuse can become hyperalert to the emotions of those around them, in what amounts to a post-traumatic vigilance to cues that have signaled threat. Such an obsessive preoccupation with the feelings of others is typical of psychologically abused children who in adulthood suffer the mercurial, intense emotional ups and downs that are sometimes diagnosed as “borderline personality disorder.” Many such people are gifted at sensing what others around them are feeling, and it is quite common for them to report having suffered emotional abuse in childhood. 11 THE NEUROLOGY OF EMPATHY
emotional_intelligence.pdf
fc83e89bd7d5-0
As is so often the case in neurology, reports of quirky and bizarre cases were among the early clues to the brain basis of empathy. A 1975 report, for instance, reviewed several cases in which patients with certain lesions in the right area of the frontal lobes had a curious deficit: they were unable to understand the emotional message in people’s tone of voice, though they were perfectly able to understand their words. A sarcastic “Thanks,” a grateful “Thanks,” and an angry “Thanks” all had the same neutral meaning for them. By contrast, a 1979 report spoke of patients with injuries in other parts of the right hemisphere who had a very different gap in their emotional perception. These patients were unable to express their own emotions through their tone of voice or by gesture. They knew what they felt, but they simply could not convey it. All these cortical brain regions, the various authors noted, had strong connections to the limbic system. These studies were reviewed as background to a seminal paper by Leslie Brothers, a psychiatrist at the California Institute of Technology, on the biology of empathy. 12 Reviewing both
emotional_intelligence.pdf
fc83e89bd7d5-1
Technology, on the biology of empathy. 12 Reviewing both neurological findings and comparative studies with animals, Brothers points to the amygdala and its connections to the association area of the visual cortex as part of the key brain circuitry underlying empathy. Much of the relevant neurological research is from work with animals, especially nonhuman primates. That such primates display empathy—or “emotional communication,” as Brothers prefers to say— is clear not just from anecdotal accounts, but also from studies such as the following: Rhesus monkeys were trained first to fear a certain tone by hearing it while they received an electric shock. Then they learned to avoid the electric shock by pushing a lever whenever they heard the tone. Next, pairs of these monkeys were put in separate cages, their only communication being through closed-circuit TV, which allowed them to see pictures of the face of the other monkey. The first monkey, but not the second, then heard the dreaded tone sound, which brought a look of fear to its face. At that moment, the second monkey, seeing fear on the face of the first, pushed the lever that prevented the shock—an act of empathy, if not of altruism.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
fc83e89bd7d5-2
prevented the shock—an act of empathy, if not of altruism. Having established that nonhuman primates do indeed read emotions from the faces of their peers, researchers gently inserted long, fine-tipped electrodes into the brains of monkeys. These electrodes allowed the recording of activity in a single neuron.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d0364d9cad51-0
Electrodes tapping neurons in the visual cortex and in the amygdala showed that when one monkey saw the face of another, that information led to a neuron firing first in the visual cortex, then in the amygdala. This pathway, of course, is a standard route for information that is emotionally arousing. But what is surprising about results from such studies is that they have also identified neurons in the visual cortex that seem to fire only in response to specific facial expressions or gestures, such as a threatening opening of the mouth, a fearful grimace, or a docile crouch. These neurons are distinct from others in the same region that recognize familiar faces. This would seem to mean that the brain is designed from the beginning to respond to specific emotional expressions—that is, empathy is a given of biology. Another line of evidence for the key role of the amygdala-cortical pathway in reading and responding to emotions, Brothers suggests, is research in which monkeys in the wild had the connections to and from the amygdala and cortex severed. When they were released back to their troops, these monkeys were able to contend with ordinary tasks such as feeding themselves and climbing trees. But the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d0364d9cad51-1
unfortunate monkeys had lost all sense of how to respond emotionally to other monkeys in their band. Even when one made a friendly approach, they would run away, and eventually lived as isolates, shunning contact with their own troop. The very regions of the cortex where the emotion-specific neurons concentrate are also, Brothers notes, those with the heaviest connection to the amygdala; reading emotion involves the amygdala- cortical circuitry, which has a key role in orchestrating the appropriate responses. “The survival value of such a system is obvious” for nonhuman primates, notes Brothers. “The perception of another individual’s approach should give rise to a specific pattern of [physiological response]—and very quickly—tailored to whether the intent is to bite, to have a quiet grooming session, or to copulate.” 13 A similar physiological basis for empathy in us humans is suggested in research by Robert Levenson, a University of California at Berkeley psychologist who has studied married couples trying to guess what their partner is feeling during a heated discussion. 14 His method is simple: the couple is videotaped and their physiological responses
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d0364d9cad51-2
simple: the couple is videotaped and their physiological responses measured while talking over some troubling issue in their marriage— how to discipline the kids, spending habits, and the like. Each partner reviews the tape and narrates what he or she was feeling from moment to moment. Then the partner reviews the tape a second time,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
6ca093576f8c-0
now trying to read the other’s feelings. The most empathic accuracy occurred in those husbands and wives whose own physiology tracked that of the spouse they were watching. That is, when their partner had an elevated sweat response, so did they; when their partner had a drop in heart rate, their heart slowed. In short, their body mimicked the subtle, moment-to-moment physical reactions of their spouse. If the viewer’s physiological patterns simply repeated their own during the original interaction, they were very poor at surmising what their partner was feeling. Only when their bodies were in synch was there empathy. This suggests that when the emotional brain is driving the body with a strong reaction—the heat of anger, say—there can be little or no empathy. Empathy requires enough calm and receptivity so that the subtle signals of feeling from another person can be received and mimicked by one’s own emotional brain. EMPATHY AND ETHICS: THE ROOTS OF ALTRUISM “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee” is one of the most famous lines in English literature. John Donne’s sentiment
emotional_intelligence.pdf
6ca093576f8c-1
speaks to the heart of the link between empathy and caring: another’s pain is one’s own. To feel with another is to care. In this sense, the opposite of empathy is antipathy . The empathic attitude is engaged again and again in moral judgments, for moral dilemmas involve potential victims: Should you lie to keep from hurting a friend’s feelings? Should you keep a promise to visit a sick friend or accept a last-minute invitation to a dinner party instead? When should a life- support system be kept going for someone who would otherwise die? These moral questions are posed by the empathy researcher Martin Hoffman, who argues that the roots of morality are to be found in empathy, since it is empathizing with the potential victims—someone in pain, danger, or deprivation, say—and so sharing their distress that moves people to act to help them. 15 Beyond this immediate link between empathy and altruism in personal encounters, Hoffman proposes that the same capacity for empathic affect, for putting oneself in another’s place, leads people to follow certain moral principles. Hoffman sees a natural progression in empathy from infancy
emotional_intelligence.pdf
6ca093576f8c-2
Hoffman sees a natural progression in empathy from infancy onward. As we have seen, at one year of age a child feels in distress
emotional_intelligence.pdf
70587728c016-0
herself when she sees another fall and start to cry; her rapport is so strong and immediate that she puts her thumb in her mouth and buries her head in her mother’s lap, as if she herself were hurt. After the first year, when infants become more aware that they are distinct from others, they actively try to soothe another crying infant, offering them their teddy bears, for example. As early as the age of two, children begin to realize that someone else’s feelings differ from their own, and so they become more sensitive to cues revealing what another actually feels; at this point they might, for example, recognize that another child’s pride might mean that the best way to help them deal with their tears is not to call undue attention to them. By late childhood the most advanced level of empathy emerges, as children are able to understand distress beyond the immediate situation, and to see that someone’s condition or station in life may be a source of chronic distress. At this point they can feel for the plight of an entire group, such as the poor, the oppressed, the outcast. That understanding, in adolescence, can buttress moral convictions
emotional_intelligence.pdf
70587728c016-1
understanding, in adolescence, can buttress moral convictions centered on wanting to alleviate misfortune and injustice. Empathy underlies many facets of moral judgment and action. One is “empathic anger,” which John Stuart Mill described as “the natural feeling of retaliation … rendered by intellect and sympathy applicable to … those hurts which wound us through wounding others”; Mill dubbed this the “guardian of justice.” Another instance in which empathy leads to moral action is when a bystander is moved to intervene on behalf of a victim; the research shows that the more empathy a bystander feels for the victim, the more likely it is that she will intervene. There is some evidence that the level of empathy people feel shades their moral judgments as well. For example, studies in Germany and the United States found that the more empathic people are, the more they favor the moral principle that resources should be allocated according to people’s need. 16 LIFE WITHOUT EMPATHY: THE MIND OF THE MOLESTER, THE MORALS OF THE SOCIOPATH Eric Eckardt was involved in an infamous crime: the bodyguard of
emotional_intelligence.pdf
70587728c016-2
skater Tonya Harding, Eckardt had arranged to have thugs attack Nancy Kerrigan, Harding’s archrival for the 1994 women’s Olympic figure skating gold medal. In the attack, Kerrigan’s knee was battered,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7d1f208bcfaa-0
sidelining her during crucial training months. But when Eckardt saw the image of a sobbing Kerrigan on television, he had a sudden rush of remorse, and sought out a friend to bare his secret, beginning the sequence that led to the arrest of the attackers. Such is the power of empathy. But it is typically, and tragically, lacking in those who commit the most mean-spirited of crimes. A psychological fault line is common to rapists, child molesters, and many perpetrators of family violence alike: they are incapable of empathy. This inability to feel their victims’ pain allows them to tell themselves lies that encourage their crime. For rapists, the lies include “Women really want to be raped” or “If she resists, she’s just playing hard to get”; for molesters, “I’m not hurting the child, just showing love” or “This is just another form of affection”; for physically abusive parents, “This is just good discipline.” These self-justifications are all collected from what people being treated for these problems say they have told themselves as they were brutalizing their victims, or preparing to do so. The blotting out of empathy as these people inflict damage on
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7d1f208bcfaa-1
The blotting out of empathy as these people inflict damage on victims is almost always part of an emotional cycle that precipitates their cruel acts. Witness the emotional sequence that typically leads to a sex crime such as child molestation. 17 The cycle begins with the molester feeling upset: angry, depressed, lonely. These sentiments might be triggered by, say, watching happy couples on TV, and then feeling depressed about being alone. The molester then seeks solace in a favored fantasy, typically about a warm friendship with a child; the fantasy becomes sexual and ends in masturbation. Afterward, the molester feels a temporary relief from the sadness, but the relief is short-lived; the depression and loneliness return even more strongly. The molester begins to think about acting out the fantasy, telling himself justifications like “I’m not doing any real harm if the child is not physically hurt” and “If a child really didn’t want to have sex with me, she could stop it.” At this point the molester is seeing the child through the lens of the perverted fantasy, not with empathy for what a real child would feel in the situation. That emotional detachment characterizes everything
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7d1f208bcfaa-2
in the situation. That emotional detachment characterizes everything that follows, from the ensuing plan to get a child alone, to the careful rehearsal of what will happen, and then the execution of the plan. All of it is pursued as though the child involved had no feelings of her own; instead the molester projects on her the cooperative attitude of the child in his fantasy. Her feelings—revulsion, fear, disgust—do not
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7676e6549393-0
register. If they did, it would “ruin” things for the molester. This utter lack of empathy for their victims is one of the main focuses of new treatments being devised for child molesters and other such offenders. In one of the most promising treatment programs, the offenders read heart-wrenching accounts of crimes like their own, told from the victim’s perspective. They also watch videotapes of victims tearfully telling what it was like to be molested. The offenders then write about their own offense from the victim’s point of view, imagining what the victim felt. They read this account to a therapy group, and try to answer questions about the assault from the victim’s perspective. Finally, the offender goes through a simulated reenactment of the crime, this time playing the role of the victim. William Pithers, the Vermont prison psychologist who developed this perspective-taking therapy, told me, “Empathy with the victim shifts perception so that the denial of pain, even in one’s fantasies, is difficult” and so strengthens the men’s motivation to fight their perverse sexual urges. Sex offenders who have been through the program in prison had only half the rate of subsequent offenses after
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7676e6549393-1
release compared to those who had no such treatment. Without this initial empathy-inspired motivation, none of the rest of treatment will work. While there may be some small hope for instilling a sense of empathy in offenders such as child molesters, there is much less for another criminal type, the psychopath (more recently called the sociopath as a psychiatric diagnosis). Psychopaths are notorious for being both charming and completely without remorse for even the most cruel and heartless acts. Psychopathy, the incapacity to feel empathy or compassion of any sort, or the least twinge of conscience, is one of the more perplexing of emotional defects. The heart of the psychopath’s coldness seems to lie in an inability to make anything more than the shallowest of emotional connections. The cruelest of criminals, such as sadistic serial killers who delight in the suffering of their victims before they die, are the epitome of psychopathy. 18 Psychopaths are also glib liars, willing to say anything to get what they want, and they manipulate their victims’ emotions with the same cynicism. Consider the performance of Faro, a seventeen-year-old
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7676e6549393-2
cynicism. Consider the performance of Faro, a seventeen-year-old member of a Los Angeles gang who crippled a mother and her baby in a drive-by shooting, which he described with more pride than remorse. Driving in a car with Leon Bing, who was writing a book about the Los Angeles gangs the Crips and the Bloods, Faro wants to
emotional_intelligence.pdf
4fef1c964d82-0
show off. Faro tells Bing he’s “gonna look crazy” at the “two dudes” in the next car. As Bing recounts the exchange: The driver, sensing that someone is looking at him, glances over at my car. His eyes connect with Faro’s, widen for an instant. Then he breaks the contact, looks down, looks away. And there is no mistaking what I saw there in his eyes: It was fear. Faro demonstrates the look he flashed at the next car for Bing: He looks straight at me and everything about his face shifts and changes, as if by some trick of time-lapse photography. It becomes a nightmare face, and it is a scary thing to see. It tells you that if you return his stare, if you challenge this kid, you’d better be able to stand your ground. His look tells you that he doesn’t care about anything, not your life and not his. 19 Of course, in behavior as complex as crime, there are many plausible explanations that do not evoke a biological basis. One might be that a perverse kind of emotional skill—intimidating other people —has survival value in violent neighborhoods, as might turning to
emotional_intelligence.pdf
4fef1c964d82-1
crime; in these cases too much empathy might be counterproductive. Indeed, an opportunistic lack of empathy may be a “virtue” in many roles in life, from “bad cop” police interrogator to corporate raider. Men who have been torturers for terrorist states, for example, describe how they learned to dissociate from the feelings of their victims in order to do their “job.” There are many routes to manipulativeness. One of the more ominous ways this absence of empathy may display itself was discovered by accident in a study of the most vicious of wife batterers. The research revealed a physiological anomaly among many of the most violent husbands, who regularly beat up their wives or threaten them with knives or guns: the husbands do so in a cold, calculating state rather than while being carried away by the heat of fury. 20 As their anger mounts, the anomaly emerges: their heart rate drops , instead of climbing higher, as is ordinarily the case with mounting fury. This means they are growing physiologically calmer, even as they get more belligerent and abusive. Their violence
emotional_intelligence.pdf
4fef1c964d82-2
appears to be a calculated act of terrorism, a method for controlling their wives by instilling fear. These coolly brutal husbands are a breed apart from most other men who batter their wives. For one, they are far more likely to be violent outside the marriage as well, getting into bar fights and
emotional_intelligence.pdf
519102e976ea-0
battling with coworkers and other family members. And while most men who become violent with their wives do so impulsively, out of rage after feeling rejected or jealous, or out of fear of abandonment, these calculating batterers will strike out at their wives seemingly for no reason at all—and once they start, nothing she does, including trying to leave, seems to restrain their violence. Some researchers who study criminal psychopaths suspect their cold manipulativeness, such absence of empathy or caring, can sometimes stem from a neural defect. * A possible physiological basis of heartless psychopathy has been shown in two ways, both of which suggest the involvement of neural pathways to the limbic brain. In one, people’s brain waves are measured as they try to decipher words that have been scrambled. The words are flashed very quickly, for just a tenth of a second or so. Most people react differently to emotional words such as kill than to neutral words such as chair: they can decide more quickly if the emotional word was scrambled, and their brains show a distinctive wave pattern in response to the emotional words,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
519102e976ea-1
show a distinctive wave pattern in response to the emotional words, but not the neutral ones. But psychopaths have neither of these responses: their brains do not show the distinctive pattern in response to the emotional words, and they do not respond more quickly to them, suggesting a disruption in circuits between the verbal cortex, which recognizes the word, and the limbic brain, which attaches feeling to it. Robert Hare, the University of British Columbia psychologist who has done this research, interprets these results as meaning that psychopaths have a shallow understanding of emotional words, a reflection of their more general shallowness in the affective realm. The callousness of psychopaths, Hare believes, is based in part on another physiological pattern he discovered in earlier research, one that also suggests an irregularity in the workings of the amygdala and related circuits: psychopaths about to receive an electrical shock show no sign of the fear response that is normal in people about to experience pain. 21 Because the prospect of pain does not trigger a surge of anxiety, Hare contends that psychopaths lack concern about future punishment for what they do. And because they themselves do
emotional_intelligence.pdf
519102e976ea-2
not feel fear, they have no empathy—or compassion—for the fear and pain of their victims. * A note of caution: If there are biological patterns at play in some kinds of criminality—such as a neural defect in empathy—that does not argue that all criminals are biologically flawed, or that there is some biological marker for crime. A controversy has raged on this issue, and
emotional_intelligence.pdf
178b3f01bac9-0
the best consensus is that there is no such biological marker, and certainly no “criminal gene.” Even if there is a biological basis for a lack of empathy in some cases, that does not mean all who have it will drift to crime; most will not. A lack of empathy should be factored in with all the other psychological, economic, and social forces that contribute to a vector toward criminality.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
34c05ab8c08b-0
8 The Social Arts As so often happens to five-year-olds with younger siblings, Len has lost all patience with Jay, his two-and-a-half-year-old brother, who is making a mess of the Lego blocks they’ve been playing with. Carried away by a wave of rage, Len bites Jay, who breaks into tears. Their mother, hearing Jay’s pained yelp, bustles over and scolds Len, ordering him to put away those objects of contention, the Lego blocks. At this—what surely must seem a gross miscarriage of justice—Len bursts out crying. Still peeved, his mother refuses to console him. But Len is proffered comfort from an unlikely source: Jay, who, although the original injured party, is now so concerned by his older brother’s tears that he undertakes a campaign to calm Len down. The exchange goes something like this: 1 “Len, don’t,” Jay implores. “Stop crying, mate. Stop it crying.” But Len still cries. His direct plea a failure, Jay beseeches their mother on Len’s behalf: “Len crying, Mummy! Len crying. Look. Me show you. Len crying.”
emotional_intelligence.pdf
34c05ab8c08b-1
show you. Len crying.” And then, turning to Len, Jay adopts a mothering mode, patting his weeping brother as he reassures him in soothing tones, “Look, Len. No go on crying.” Len’s sobs continue, despite the comforting. So Jay turns to another tactic, lending a helping hand in putting away the Lego blocks in their bag, with a friendly, “Ah, Len. I put it back for Lennie, hey?” Even so, the tears continue. The ever-ingenious Jay tries yet another strategy, distraction. Showing his brother a toy car, Jay tries to draw his attention away from the minor tragedy that has just befallen him. “There’s this man in here. What’s this, Len? What’s this, Len?” Len takes no interest. He’s inconsolable; his tears know no end. Losing her patience with him, his mother resorts to that classic parental threat, “Do you want me to smack you?” to which Len responds with a wavering, “No.” “Then just stop it, please,” says his mother firmly, if a bit exasperatedly.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a05238eb0aa0-0
Through his sobs, Len manages a pathetic, gasping, “I’m trying to.” Which prompts Jay’s final stratagem: borrowing his mother’s firmness and voice of authority, he threatens, “Stop crying, Len. Smack your bottom!” This microdrama reveals the remarkable emotional sophistication that a toddler of just thirty months can bring to bear in trying to manage someone else’s emotions. In his urgent attempts to soothe his brother, Jay is able to draw on a large repertoire of tactics, ranging from a simple plea, to seeking an ally in his mother (no help, she), to physically comforting him, to lending a helping hand, to distraction, threats, and direct commands. No doubt Jay relies on an arsenal that has been tried with him in his own moments of distress. No matter. What counts is that he can readily put them to use in a pinch even at this very young age. Of course, as every parent of young children knows, Jay’s display of empathy and soothing is by no means universal. It is perhaps as likely that a child his age will see a sibling’s upset as a chance for vengeance, and so do whatever it takes to make the upset even worse.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a05238eb0aa0-1
The same skills can be used to tease or torment a sibling. But even that mean-spiritedness bespeaks the emergence of a crucial emotional aptitude: the ability to know another’s feelings and to act in a way that further shapes those feelings. Being able to manage emotions in someone else is the core of the art of handling relationships. To manifest such interpersonal power, toddlers must first reach a benchmark of self-control, the beginnings of the capacity to damp down their own anger and distress, their impulses and excitement— even if that ability usually falters. Attunement to others demands a modicum of calm in oneself. Tentative signs of this ability to manage their own emotions emerge around this same period: toddlers begin to be able to wait without wailing, to argue or cajole to get their way rather than using brute force—even if they don’t always choose to use this ability Patience emerges as an alternative to tantrums, at least occasionally. And signs of empathy emerge by age two; it was Jay’s empathy, the root of compassion, that drove him to try so hard to cheer up his sobbing brother, Len. Thus handling emotions in
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a05238eb0aa0-2
someone else—the fine art of relationships—requires the ripeness of two other emotional skills, self-management and empathy. With this base, the “people skills” ripen. These are the social competences that make for effectiveness in dealings with others; deficits here lead to ineptness in the social world or repeated
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c9c785f5dee5-0
interpersonal disasters. Indeed, it is precisely the lack of these skills that can cause even the intellectually brightest to founder in their relationships, coming off as arrogant, obnoxious, or insensitive. These social abilities allow one to shape an encounter, to mobilize and inspire others, to thrive in intimate relationships, to persuade and influence, to put others at ease. SHOW SOME EMOTION One key social competence is how well or poorly people express their own feelings. Paul Ekman uses the term display rules for the social consensus about which feelings can be properly shown when. Cultures sometimes vary tremendously in this regard. For example, Ekman and colleagues in Japan studied the facial reactions of students to a horrific film about ritual circumcisions of teenage Aborigines. When the Japanese students watched the film with an authority figure present, their faces showed only the slightest hints of reaction. But when they thought they were alone (though they were being taped by a secret camera) their faces twisted into vivid mixes of anguished distress, dread, and disgust. There are several basic kinds of display rules. 2 One is minimizing the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c9c785f5dee5-1
2 One is minimizing the show of emotion—this is the Japanese norm for feelings of distress in the presence of someone in authority, which the students were following when they masked their upset with a poker face. Another is exaggerating what one feels by magnifying the emotional expression; this is the ploy used by the six-year-old who dramatically twists her face into a pathetic frown, lips quivering, as she runs to complain to her mother about being teased by her older brother. A third is substituting one feeling for another; this comes into play in some Asian cultures where it is impolite to say no, and positive (but false) assurances are given instead. How well one employs these strategies, and knows when to do so, is one factor in emotional intelligence. We learn these display rules very early, partly by explicit instruction. An education in display rules is imparted when we instruct a child not to seem disappointed, but to smile and say thank you instead, when Grandpa has given a dreadful but well-meant birthday present. This education in display rules, though, is more often through modeling: children learn to do what they see done. In
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c9c785f5dee5-2
educating the sentiments, emotions are both the medium and the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
74505f626c7c-0
message. If a child is told to “smile and say thank you” by a parent who is, at that moment, harsh, demanding, and cold—who hisses the message instead of warmly whispering it—the child is more likely to learn a very different lesson, and in fact respond to Grandpa with a frown and a curt, flat “Thank you.” The effect on Grandpa is very different: in the first case he’s happy (though misled); in the second he’s hurt by the mixed message. Emotional displays, of course, have immediate consequences in the impact they make on the person who receives them. The rule being learned by the child is something like, “Mask your real feelings when they will hurt someone you love; substitute a phony, but less hurtful feeling instead.” Such rules for expressing emotions are more than part of the lexicon of social propriety; they dictate how our own feelings impact on everyone else. To follow these rules well is to have optimal impact; to do so poorly is to foment emotional havoc. Actors, of course, are artists of the emotional display; their expressiveness is what evokes response in their audience. And, no
emotional_intelligence.pdf
74505f626c7c-1
expressiveness is what evokes response in their audience. And, no doubt, some of us come into life as natural actors. But partly because the lessons we learn about display rules vary according to the models we’ve had, people differ greatly in their adeptness. EXPRESSIVENESS AND EMOTIONAL CONTAGION It was early in the Vietnam War, and an American platoon was hunkered down in some rice paddies, in the heat of a firefight with the Vietcong. Suddenly a line of six monks started walking along the elevated berms that separated paddy from paddy. Perfectly calm and poised, the monks walked directly toward the line of fire. “They didn’t look right, they didn’t look left. They walked straight through,” recalls David Busch, one of the American soldiers. “It was really strange, because nobody shot at ’em. And after they walked over the berm, suddenly all the fight was out of me. It just didn’t feel like I wanted to do this anymore, at least not that day. It must have been that way for everybody, because everybody quit. We just stopped fighting.” 3 The power of the monks’ quietly courageous calm to pacify soldiers
emotional_intelligence.pdf
74505f626c7c-2
in the heat of battle illustrates a basic principle of social life: Emotions are contagious. To be sure, this tale marks an extreme. Most emotional contagion is far more subtle, part of a tacit exchange that
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3c7d21a105cf-0
happens in every encounter. We transmit and catch moods from each other in what amounts to a subterranean economy of the psyche in which some encounters are toxic, some nourishing. This emotional exchange is typically at a subtle, almost imperceptible level; the way a salesperson says thank you can leave us feeling ignored, resented, or genuinely welcomed and appreciated. We catch feelings from one another as though they were some kind of social virus. We send emotional signals in every encounter, and those signals affect those we are with. The more adroit we are socially, the better we control the signals we send; the reserve of polite society is, after all, simply a means to ensure that no disturbing emotional leakage will unsettle the encounter (a social rule that, when brought into the domain of intimate relationships, is stifling). Emotional intelligence includes managing this exchange; “popular” and “charming” are terms we use for people whom we like to be with because their emotional skills make us feel good. People who are able to help others soothe their feelings have an especially valued social commodity; they are the souls others turn to when in greatest emotional need. We are all
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3c7d21a105cf-1
part of each other’s tool kit for emotional change, for better or for worse. Consider a remarkable demonstration of the subtlety with which emotions pass from one person to another. In a simple experiment two volunteers filled out a checklist about their moods at the moment, then simply sat facing each other quietly while waiting for an experimenter to return to the room. Two minutes later she came back and asked them to fill out a mood checklist again. The pairs were purposely composed of one partner who was highly expressive of emotion and one who was deadpan. Invariably the mood of the one who was more expressive of emotions had been transferred to the more passive partner. 4 How does this magical transmission occur? The most likely answer is that we unconsciously imitate the emotions we see displayed by someone else, through an out-of-awareness motor mimicry of their facial expression, gestures, tone of voice, and other nonverbal markers of emotion. Through this imitation people re-create in themselves the mood of the other person—a low-key version of the Stanislavsky method, in which actors recall gestures, movements, and other expressions of an emotion they have felt strongly in the past in order
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3c7d21a105cf-2
to evoke those feelings once again. The day-to-day imitation of feeling is ordinarily quite subtle. Ulf
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c5e24b69386c-0
Dimberg, a Swedish researcher at the University of Uppsala, found that when people view a smiling or angry face, their own faces show evidence of that same mood through slight changes in the facial muscles. The changes are evident through electronic sensors but are typically not visible to the naked eye. When two people interact, the direction of mood transfer is from the one who is more forceful in expressing feelings to the one who is more passive. But some people are particularly susceptible to emotional contagion; their innate sensitivity makes their autonomic nervous system (a marker of emotional activity) more easily triggered. This lability seems to make them more impressionable; sentimental commercials can move them to tears, while a quick chat with someone who is feeling cheerful can buoy them (it also may make them more empathic, since they are more readily moved by someone else’s feelings). John Cacioppo, the social psychophysiologist at Ohio State University who has studied this subtle emotional exchange, observes, “Just seeing someone express an emotion can evoke that mood, whether you realize you mimic the facial expression or not. This
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c5e24b69386c-1
whether you realize you mimic the facial expression or not. This happens to us all the time—there’s a dance, a synchrony, a transmission of emotions. This mood synchrony determines whether you feel an interaction went well or not.” The degree of emotional rapport people feel in an encounter is mirrored by how tightly orchestrated their physical movements are as they talk—an index of closeness that is typically out of awareness. One person nods just as the other makes a point, or both shift in their chairs at the same moment, or one leans forward as the other moves back. The orchestration can be as subtle as both people rocking in swivel chairs at the same rhythm. Just as Daniel Stern found in watching the synchrony between attuned mothers and their infants, the same reciprocity links the movements of people who feel emotional rapport. This synchrony seems to facilitate the sending and receiving of moods, even if the moods are negative. For example, in one study of physical synchrony, women who were depressed came to a laboratory with their romantic partners, and discussed a problem in their relationship. The more synchrony between the partners at the nonverbal level, the worse the depressed women’s partners felt after
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c5e24b69386c-2
the discussion—they had caught their girlfriends’ bad moods. 5 In short, whether people feel upbeat or down, the more physically
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7955f0125403-0
attuned their encounter, the more similar their moods will become. The synchrony between teachers and students indicates how much rapport they feel; studies in classrooms show that the closer the movement coordination between teacher and student, the more they felt friendly, happy, enthused, interested, and easygoing while interacting. In general, a high level of synchrony in an interaction means the people involved like each other. Frank Bernieri, the Oregon State University psychologist who did these studies, told me, “How awkward or comfortable you feel with someone is at some level physical. You need to have compatible timing, to coordinate your movements, to feel comfortable. Synchrony reflects the depth of engagement between the partners; if you’re highly engaged, your moods begin to mesh, whether positive or negative.” In short, coordination of moods is the essence of rapport, the adult version of the attunement a mother has with her infant. One determinant of interpersonal effectiveness, Cacioppo proposes, is how deftly people carry out this emotional synchrony. If they are adept at attuning to people’s moods, or can easily bring others under the sway of their own, then their interactions will go more smoothly at the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7955f0125403-1
emotional level. The mark of a powerful leader or performer is being able to move an audience of thousands in this way. By the same token, Cacioppo points out that people who are poor at receiving and sending emotions are prone to problems in their relationships, since people often feel uncomfortable with them, even if they can’t articulate just why this is so. Setting the emotional tone of an interaction is, in a sense, a sign of dominance at a deep and intimate level: it means driving the emotional state of the other person. This power to determine emotion is akin to what is called in biology a Zeitgeber (literally, “time- grabber”), a process (such as the day-night cycle or the monthly phases of the moon) that entrains biological rhythms. For a couple dancing, the music is a bodily zeitgeber. When it comes to personal encounters, the person who has the more forceful expressivity—or the most power—is typically the one whose emotions entrain the other. Dominant partners talk more, while the subordinate partner watches the other’s face more—a setup for the transmission of affect. By the same token, the forcefulness of a good speaker—a politician or an evangelist, say—works to entrain the emotions of the audience. 6 That
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7955f0125403-2
6 That is what we mean by, “He had them in the palm of his hand.” Emotional entrainment is the heart of influence.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
60e729f10b38-0
THE RUDIMENTS OF SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE It’s recess at a preschool, and a band of boys is running across the grass. Reggie trips, hurts his knee, and starts crying, but the other boys keep right on running—save for Roger, who stops. As Reggie’s sobs subside Roger reaches down and rubs his own knee, calling out, “I hurt my knee, too!” Roger is cited as having exemplary interpersonal intelligence by Thomas Hatch, a colleague of Howard Gardner at Spectrum, the school based on the concept of multiple intelligences. 7 Roger, it seems, is unusually adept at recognizing the feelings of his playmates and making rapid, smooth connections with them. It was only Roger who noticed Reggie’s plight and pain, and only Roger who tried to provide some solace, even if all he could offer was rubbing his own knee. This small gesture bespeaks a talent for rapport, an emotional skill essential for the preservation of close relationships, whether in a marriage, a friendship, or a business partnership. Such skills in preschoolers are the buds of talents that ripen through life. Roger’s talent represents one of four separate abilities that Hatch
emotional_intelligence.pdf
60e729f10b38-1
Roger’s talent represents one of four separate abilities that Hatch and Gardner identify as components of interpersonal intelligence: • Organizing groups —the essential skill of the leader, this involves initiating and coordinating the efforts of a network of people. This is the talent seen in theater directors or producers, in military officers, and in effective heads of organizations and units of all kinds. On the playground, this is the child who takes the lead in deciding what everyone will play, or becomes team captain. • Negotiating solutions —the talent of the mediator, preventing conflicts or resolving those that flare up. People who have this ability excel in deal-making, in arbitrating or mediating disputes; they might have a career in diplomacy, in arbitration or law, or as middlemen or managers of takeovers. These are the kids who settle arguments on the playing field. • Personal connection —Roger’s talent, that of empathy and connecting. This makes it easy to enter into an encounter or to recognize and respond fittingly to people’s feelings and concerns—the art of relationship. Such people make good “team players,” dependable spouses, good friends or business partners; in the business
emotional_intelligence.pdf
60e729f10b38-2
dependable spouses, good friends or business partners; in the business world they do well as salespeople or managers, or can be excellent teachers. Children like Roger get along well with virtually everyone
emotional_intelligence.pdf
5c861c0b853a-0
else, easily enter into playing with them, and are happy doing so. These children tend to be best at reading emotions from facial expressions and are most liked by their classmates. • Social analysis —being able to detect and have insights about people’s feelings, motives, and concerns. This knowledge of how others feel can lead to an easy intimacy or sense of rapport. At its best, this ability makes one a competent therapist or counselor—or, if combined with some literary talent, a gifted novelist or dramatist. Taken together, these skills are the stuff of interpersonal polish, the necessary ingredients for charm, social success, even charisma. Those who are adept in social intelligence can connect with people quite smoothly, be astute in reading their reactions and feelings, lead and organize, and handle the disputes that are bound to flare up in any human activity. They are the natural leaders, the people who can express the unspoken collective sentiment and articulate it so as to guide a group toward its goals. They are the kind of people others like to be with because they are emotionally nourishing—they leave other people in a good mood, and evoke the comment, “What a pleasure to
emotional_intelligence.pdf
5c861c0b853a-1
be around someone like that.” These interpersonal abilities build on other emotional intelligences. People who make an excellent social impression, for example, are adept at monitoring their own expression of emotion, are keenly attuned to the ways others are reacting, and so are able to continually fine-tune their social performance, adjusting it to make sure they are having the desired effect. In that sense, they are like skilled actors. However, if these interpersonal abilities are not balanced by an astute sense of one’s own needs and feelings and how to fulfill them, they can lead to a hollow social success—a popularity won at the cost of one’s true satisfaction. Such is the argument of Mark Snyder, a University of Minnesota psychologist who has studied people whose social skills make them first-rate social chameleons, champions at making a good impression. 8 Their psychological credo might well be a remark by W. H. Auden, who said that his private image of himself “is very different from the image which I try to create in the minds of others in order that they may love me.” That trade-off can be made if social skills outstrip the ability to know and honor one’s own feelings:
emotional_intelligence.pdf
5c861c0b853a-2
in order to be loved—or at least liked—the social chameleon will seem to be whatever those he is with seem to want. The sign that someone falls into this pattern, Snyder finds, is that they make an
emotional_intelligence.pdf
1837be5ab222-0
excellent impression, yet have few stable or satisfying intimate relationships. A more healthy pattern, of course, is to balance being true to oneself with social skills, using them with integrity. Social chameleons, though, don’t mind in the least saying one thing and doing another, if that will win them social approval. They simply live with the discrepancy between their public face and their private reality. Helena Deutsch, a psychoanalyst, called such people the “as-if personality,” shifting personas with remarkable plasticity as they pick up signals from those around them. “For some people,” Snyder told me, “the public and private person meshes well, while for others there seems to be only a kaleidoscope of changing appearances. They are like Woody Allen’s character Zelig, madly trying to fit in with whomever they are with.” Such people try to scan someone for a hint as to what is wanted from them before they make a response, rather than simply saying what they truly feel. To get along and be liked, they are willing to make people they dislike think they are friendly with them. And they use their social abilities to mold their actions as disparate social
emotional_intelligence.pdf
1837be5ab222-1
use their social abilities to mold their actions as disparate social situations demand, so that they may act like very different people depending on whom they are with, swinging from bubbly sociability, say, to reserved withdrawal. To be sure, to the extent that these traits lead to effective impression management, they are highly prized in certain professions, notably acting, trial law, sales, diplomacy, and politics. Another, perhaps more crucial kind of self-monitoring seems to make the difference between those who end up as anchorless social chameleons, trying to impress everyone, and those who can use their social polish more in keeping with their true feelings. That is the capacity to be true, as the saying has it, “to thine own self,” which allows acting in accord with one’s deepest feelings and values no matter what the social consequences. Such emotional integrity could well lead to, say, deliberately provoking a confrontation in order to cut through duplicity or denial—a clearing of the air that a social chameleon would never attempt. THE MAKING OF A SOCIAL INCOMPETENT There was no doubt Cecil was bright; he was a college-trained expert
emotional_intelligence.pdf
1837be5ab222-2
in foreign languages, superb at translating. But there were crucial
emotional_intelligence.pdf
10f8f62d572a-0
ways in which he was completely inept. Cecil seemed to lack the simplest social skills. He would muff a casual conversation over coffee, and fumble when having to pass the time of day; in short, he seemed incapable of the most routine social exchange. Because his lack of social grace was most profound when he was around women, Cecil came to therapy wondering if perhaps he had “homosexual tendencies of an underlying nature,” as he put it, though he had no such fantasies. The real problem, Cecil confided to his therapist, was that he feared that nothing he could say would be of any interest to anybody. This underlying fear only compounded a profound paucity of social graces. His nervousness during encounters led him to snicker and laugh at the most awkward moments, even though he failed to laugh when someone said something genuinely funny. Cecil’s awkwardness, he confided to his therapist, went back to childhood; all his life he had felt socially at ease only when he was with his older brother, who somehow helped ease things for him. But once he left home, his
emotional_intelligence.pdf
10f8f62d572a-1
ineptitude was overwhelming; he was socially paralyzed. The tale is told by Lakin Phillips, a psychologist at George Washington University, who proposes that Cecil’s plight stems from a failure to learn in childhood the most elementary lessons of social interaction: What could Cecil have been taught earlier? To speak directly to others when spoken to; to initiate social contact, not always wait for others; to carry on a conversation, not simply fall back on yes or no or other one-word replies; to express gratitude toward others, to let another person walk before one in passing through a door; to wait until one is served something … to thank others, to say “please,” to share, and all the other elementary interactions we begin to teach children from age 2 onward. 9 Whether Cecil’s deficiency was due to another’s failure to teach him such rudiments of social civility or to his own inability to learn is unclear. But whatever its roots, Cecil’s story is instructive because it points up the crucial nature of the countless lessons children get in interaction synchrony and the unspoken rules of social harmony. The net effect of failing to follow these rules is to create waves, to make
emotional_intelligence.pdf
10f8f62d572a-2
those around us uncomfortable. The function of these rules, of course, is to keep everyone involved in a social exchange at ease; awkwardness spawns anxiety. People who lack these skills are inept not just at social niceties, but at handling the emotions of those they
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3908262cba21-0
encounter; they inevitably leave disturbance in their wake. We all have known Cecils, people with an annoying lack of social graces—people who don’t seem to know when to end a conversation or phone call and who keep on talking, oblivious to all cues and hints to say good-bye; people whose conversation centers on themselves all the time, without the least interest in anyone else, and who ignore tentative attempts to refocus on another topic; people who intrude or ask “nosy” questions. These derailments of a smooth social trajectory all bespeak a deficit in the rudimentary building blocks of interaction. Psychologists have coined the term dyssemia (from the Greek dys- for “difficulty” and semes for “signal”) for what amounts to a learning disability in the realm of nonverbal messages; about one in ten children has one or more problems in this realm. 10 The problem can be in a poor sense of personal space, so that a child stands too close while talking or spreads their belongings into other people’s territory; in interpreting or using body language poorly; in misinterpreting or misusing facial expressions by, say, failing to make eye contact; or in
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3908262cba21-1
a poor sense of prosody, the emotional quality of speech, so that they talk too shrilly or flatly. Much research has focused on spotting children who show signs of social deficiency, children whose awkwardness makes them neglected or rejected by their playmates. Apart from children who are spurned because they are bullies, those whom other children avoid are invariably deficient in the rudiments of face-to-face interaction, particularly the unspoken rules that govern encounters. If children do poorly in language, people assume they are not very bright or poorly educated; but when they do poorly in the nonverbal rules of interaction, people—especially playmates—see them as “strange,” and avoid them. These are the children who don’t know how to join a game gracefully, who touch others in ways that make for discomfort rather than camaraderie—in short, who are “off.” They are children who have failed to master the silent language of emotion, and who unwittingly send messages that create uneasiness. As Stephen Nowicki, an Emory University psychologist who studies children’s nonverbal abilities, put it, “Children who can’t read or express emotions well constantly feel frustrated. In essence, they don’t
emotional_intelligence.pdf
3908262cba21-2
understand what’s going on. This kind of communication is a constant subtext of everything you do; you can’t stop showing your facial expression or posture, or hide your tone of voice. If you make mistakes in what emotional messages you send, you constantly
emotional_intelligence.pdf
91187db36ff5-0
experience that people react to you in funny ways—you get rebuffed and don’t know why. If you’re thinking you’re acting happy but actually seem too hyper or angry, you find other kids getting angry at you in turn, and you don’t realize why. Such kids end up feeling no sense of control over how other people treat them, that their actions have no impact on what happens to them. It leaves them feeling powerless, depressed, and apathetic.” Apart from becoming social isolates, such children also suffer academically. The classroom, of course, is as much a social situation as an academic one; the socially awkward child is as likely to misread and misrespond to a teacher as to another child. The resulting anxiety and bewilderment can themselves interfere with their ability to learn effectively. Indeed, as tests of children’s nonverbal sensitivity have shown, those who misread emotional cues tend to do poorly in school compared to their academic potential as reflected in IQ tests. 11 “WE HATE YOU”: AT THE THRESHOLD Social ineptitude is perhaps most painful and explicit when it comes to one of the more perilous moments in the life of a young child:
emotional_intelligence.pdf
91187db36ff5-1
being on the edge of a group at play you want to join. It is a moment of peril, one when being liked or hated, belonging or not, is made all too public. For that reason that crucial moment has been the subject of intense scrutiny by students of child development, revealing a stark contrast in approach strategies used by popular children and by social outcasts. The findings highlight just how crucial it is for social competence to notice, interpret, and respond to emotional and interpersonal cues. While it is poignant to see a child hover on the edge of others at play, wanting to join in but being left out, it is a universal predicament. Even the most popular children are sometimes rejected—a study of second and third graders found that 26 percent of the time the most well liked children were rebuffed when they tried to enter a group already at play. Young children are brutally candid about the emotional judgment implicit in such rejections. Witness the following dialogue from four- year-olds in a preschool. 12 Linda wants to join Barbara, Nancy, and Bill, who are playing with toy animals and building blocks. She watches for a minute, then makes her approach, sitting next to
emotional_intelligence.pdf
91187db36ff5-2
Barbara and starting to play with the animals. Barbara turns to her
emotional_intelligence.pdf
41a53b4b65af-0
and says, “You can’t play!” “Yes, I can,” Linda counters. “I can have some animals, too.” “No, you can’t,” Barbara says bluntly. “We don’t like you today.” When Bill protests on Linda’s behalf, Nancy joins the attack: “We hate her today.” Because of the danger of being told, either explicitly or implicitly, “We hate you,” all children are understandably cautious on the threshold of approaching a group. That anxiety, of course, is probably not much different from that felt by a grown-up at a cocktail party with strangers who hangs back from a happily chatting group who seem to be intimate friends. Because this moment at the threshold of a group is so momentous for a child, it is also, as one researcher put it, “highly diagnostic … quickly revealing differences in social skillfulness.” 13 Typically, newcomers simply watch for a time, then join in very tentatively at first, being more assertive only in very cautious steps. What matters most for whether a child is accepted or not is how well he or she is able to enter into the group’s frame of reference, sensing what kind of play is in flow, what out of place.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
41a53b4b65af-1
what kind of play is in flow, what out of place. The two cardinal sins that almost always lead to rejection are trying to take the lead too soon and being out of synch with the frame of reference. But this is exactly what unpopular children tend to do: they push their way into a group, trying to change the subject too abruptly or too soon, or offering their own opinions, or simply disagreeing with the others right away—all apparent attempts to draw attention to themselves. Paradoxically, this results in their being ignored or rejected. By contrast, popular children spend time observing the group to understand what’s going on before entering in, and then do something that shows they accept it; they wait to have their status in the group confirmed before taking initiative in suggesting what the group should do. Let’s return to Roger, the four-year-old whom Thomas Hatch spotted exhibiting a high level of interpersonal intelligence. 14 Roger’s tactic for entering a group was first to observe, then to imitate what another child was doing, and finally to talk to the child and fully join the activity—a winning strategy. Roger’s skill was shown, for instance, when he and Warren were playing at putting “bombs”
emotional_intelligence.pdf
41a53b4b65af-2
(actually pebbles) in their socks. Warren asks Roger if he wants to be in a helicopter or an airplane. Roger asks, before committing himself, “Are you in a helicopter?”
emotional_intelligence.pdf
233b310f7abc-0
This seemingly innocuous moment reveals sensitivity to others’ concerns, and the ability to act on that knowledge in a way that maintains the connection. Hatch comments about Roger, “He ‘checks in’ with his playmate so that they and their play remain connected. I have watched many other children who simply get in their own helicopters or planes and, literally and figuratively, fly away from each other.” EMOTIONAL BRILLIANCE: A CASE REPORT If the test of social skill is the ability to calm distressing emotions in others, then handling someone at the peak of rage is perhaps the ultimate measure of mastery. The data on self-regulation of anger and emotional contagion suggest that one effective strategy might be to distract the angry person, empathize with his feelings and perspective, and then draw him into an alternative focus, one that attunes him with a more positive range of feeling—a kind of emotional judo. Such refined skill in the fine art of emotional influence is perhaps best exemplified by a story told by an old friend, the late Terry Dobson, who in the 1950s was one of the first Americans ever to study the martial art aikido in Japan. One afternoon he was riding
emotional_intelligence.pdf
233b310f7abc-1
home on a suburban Tokyo train when a huge, bellicose, and very drunk and begrimed laborer got on. The man, staggering, began terrorizing the passengers: screaming curses, he took a swing at a woman holding a baby, sending her sprawling in the laps of an elderly couple, who then jumped up and joined a stampede to the other end of the car. The drunk, taking a few other swings (and, in his rage, missing), grabbed the metal pole in the middle of the car with a roar and tried to tear it out of its socket. At that point Terry, who was in peak physical condition from daily eight-hour aikido workouts, felt called upon to intervene, lest someone get seriously hurt. But he recalled the words of his teacher: “Aikido is the art of reconciliation. Whoever has the mind to fight has broken his connection with the universe. If you try to dominate people you are already defeated. We study how to resolve conflict, not how to start it.” Indeed, Terry had agreed upon beginning lessons with his teacher never to pick a fight, and to use his martial-arts skills only in defense. Now, at last, he saw his chance to test his aikido abilities in real life,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7ef76c2703ac-0
in what was clearly a legitimate opportunity. So, as all the other passengers sat frozen in their seats, Terry stood up, slowly and with deliberation. Seeing him, the drunk roared, “Aha! A foreigner! You need a lesson in Japanese manners!” and began gathering himself to take on Terry. But just as the drunk was on the verge of making his move, someone gave an earsplitting, oddly joyous shout: “Hey!” The shout had the cheery tone of someone who has suddenly come upon a fond friend. The drunk, surprised, spun around to see a tiny Japanese man, probably in his seventies, sitting there in a kimono. The old man beamed with delight at the drunk, and beckoned him over with a light wave of his hand and a lilting “C’mere.” The drunk strode over with a belligerent, “Why the hell should I talk to you?” Meanwhile, Terry was ready to fell the drunk in a moment if he made the least violent move. “What’cha been drinking?” the old man asked, his eyes beaming at the drunken laborer. “I been drinking sake, and it’s none of your business,” the drunk bellowed.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7ef76c2703ac-1
bellowed. “Oh, that’s wonderful, absolutely wonderful,” the old man replied in a warm tone. “You see, I love sake, too. Every night, me and my wife (she’s seventy-six, you know), we warm up a little bottle of sake and take it out into the garden, and we sit on an old wooden bench …” He continued on about the persimmon tree in his backyard, the fortunes of his garden, enjoying sake in the evening. The drunk’s face began to soften as he listened to the old man; his fists unclenched. “Yeah … I love persimmons, too …,” he said, his voice trailing off. “Yes,” the old man replied in a sprightly voice, “and I’m sure you have a wonderful wife.” “No,” said the laborer. “My wife died.…” Sobbing, he launched into a sad tale of losing his wife, his home, his job, of being ashamed of himself. Just then the train came to Terry’s stop, and as he was getting off he turned to hear the old man invite the drunk to join him and tell him all about it, and to see the drunk sprawl along the seat, his head
emotional_intelligence.pdf
7ef76c2703ac-2
in the old man’s lap. That is emotional brilliance.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
de531c64316b-0
PART THREE EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE APPLIED
emotional_intelligence.pdf
018e26b7a412-0
9 Intimate Enemies To love and to work, Sigmund Freud once remarked to his disciple Erik Erikson, are the twin capacities that mark full maturity. If that is the case, then maturity may be an endangered way station in life— and current trends in marriage and divorce make emotional intelligence more crucial than ever. Consider divorce rates. The rate per year of divorces has more or less leveled off. But there is another way of calculating divorce rates, one that suggests a perilous climb: looking at the odds that a given newly married couple will have their marriage eventually end in divorce. Although the overall rate of divorce has stopped climbing, the risk of divorce has been shifting to newlyweds. The shift gets clearer in comparing divorce rates for couples wed in a given year. For American marriages that began in 1890, about 10 percent ended in divorce. For those wed in 1920, the rate was about 18 percent; for couples married in 1950, 30 percent. Couples that were newly wed in 1970 had a fifty-fifty chance of splitting up or staying together. And for married couples starting out in 1990, the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
018e26b7a412-1
likelihood that the marriage would end in divorce was projected to be close to a staggering 67 percent! 1 If the estimate holds, just three in ten of recent newlyweds can count on staying married to their new partner. It can be argued that much of this rise is due not so much to a decline in emotional intelligence as to the steady erosion of social pressures—the stigma surrounding divorce, or the economic dependence of wives on their husbands—that used to keep couples together in even the most miserable of matches. But if social pressures are no longer the glue that holds a marriage together, then the emotional forces between wife and husband are that much more crucial if their union is to survive. These ties between husband and wife—and the emotional fault lines that can break them apart—have been assayed in recent years with a precision never seen before. Perhaps the biggest breakthrough in
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c3cbca906b76-0
understanding what holds a marriage together or tears it apart has come from the use of sophisticated physiological measures that allow the moment-to-moment tracking of the emotional nuances of a couple’s encounter. Scientists are now able to detect a husband’s otherwise invisible adrenaline surges and jumps in blood pressure, and to observe fleeting but telling microemotions as they flit across a wife’s face. These physiological measures reveal a hidden biological subtext to a couple’s difficulties, a critical level of emotional reality that is typically imperceptible to or disregarded by the couple themselves. These measures lay bare the emotional forces that hold a relationship together or destroy it. The fault lines have their earliest beginnings in the differences between the emotional worlds of girls and boys. HIS MARRIAGE AND HERS: CHILDHOOD ROOTS As I was entering a restaurant on a recent evening, a young man stalked out the door, his face set in an expression both stony and sullen. Close on his heels a young woman came running, her fists desperately pummeling his back while she yelled, “Goddamn you! Come back here and be nice to me!” That poignant, impossibly self-
emotional_intelligence.pdf
c3cbca906b76-1
contradictory plea aimed at a retreating back epitomizes the pattern most commonly seen in couples whose relationship is distressed: She seeks to engage, he withdraws. Marital therapists have long noted that by the time a couple finds their way to the therapy office they are in this pattern of engage-withdraw, with his complaint about her “unreasonable” demands and outbursts, and her lamenting his indifference to what she is saying. This marital endgame reflects the fact that there are, in effect, two emotional realities in a couple, his and hers. The roots of these emotional differences, while they may be partly biological, also can be traced back to childhood, and to the separate emotional worlds boys and girls inhabit while growing up. There is a vast amount of research on these separate worlds, their barriers reinforced not just by the different games boys and girls prefer, but by young children’s fear of being teased for having a “girlfriend” or “boyfriend.” 2 One study of children’s friendships found that three-year-olds say about half their friends are of the opposite sex; for five-year-olds it’s about 20 percent, and by age seven almost no boys or girls say they have a best friend of
emotional_intelligence.pdf
0c471eee4749-0
the opposite sex. 3 These separate social universes intersect little until teenagers start dating. Meanwhile, boys and girls are taught very different lessons about handling emotions. Parents, in general, discuss emotions—with the exception of anger—more with their daughters than their sons. 4 Girls are exposed to more information about emotions than are boys: when parents make up stories to tell their preschool children, they use more emotion words when talking to daughters than to sons; when mothers play with their infants, they display a wider range of emotions to daughters than to sons; when mothers talk to daughters about feelings, they discuss in more detail the emotional state itself than they do with their sons—though with the sons they go into more detail about the causes and consequences of emotions like anger (probably as a cautionary tale). Leslie Brody and Judith Hall, who have summarized the research on differences in emotions between the sexes, propose that because girls develop facility with language more quickly than do boys, this leads them to be more experienced at articulating their feelings and more skilled than boys at using words to explore and substitute for emotional reactions such as physical fights; in contrast, they note,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
0c471eee4749-1
“boys, for whom the verbalization of affects is de-emphasized, may become largely unconscious of their emotional states, both in themselves and in others.” 5 At age ten, roughly the same percent of girls as boys are overtly aggressive, given to open confrontation when angered. But by age thirteen, a telling difference between the sexes emerges: Girls become more adept than boys at artful aggressive tactics like ostracism, vicious gossip, and indirect vendettas. Boys, by and large, simply continue being confrontational when angered, oblivious to these more covert strategies. 6 This is just one of many ways that boys—and later, men—are less sophisticated than the opposite sex in the byways of emotional life. When girls play together, they do so in small, intimate groups, with an emphasis on minimizing hostility and maximizing cooperation, while boys’ games are in larger groups, with an emphasis on competition. One key difference can be seen in what happens when games boys or girls are playing get disrupted by someone getting hurt. If a boy who has gotten hurt gets upset, he is expected to get out of
emotional_intelligence.pdf
0c471eee4749-2
the way and stop crying so the game can go on. If the same happens among a group of girls who are playing, the game stops while everyone
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d594640ab9d6-0
gathers around to help the girl who is crying. This difference between boys and girls at play epitomizes what Harvard’s Carol Gilligan points to as a key disparity between the sexes: boys take pride in a lone, tough-minded independence and autonomy, while girls see themselves as part of a web of connectedness. Thus boys are threatened by anything that might challenge their independence, while girls are more threatened by a rupture in their relationships. And, as Deborah Tannen has pointed out in her book You Just Don’t Understand , these differing perspectives mean that men and women want and expect very different things out of a conversation, with men content to talk about “things,” while women seek emotional connection. In short, these contrasts in schooling in the emotions foster very different skills, with girls becoming “adept at reading both verbal and nonverbal emotional signals, at expressing and communicating their feelings,” and boys becoming adept at “minimizing emotions having to do with vulnerability, guilt, fear and hurt”. 7 Evidence for these different stances is very strong in the scientific literature. Hundreds of studies have found, for example, that on average women are more
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d594640ab9d6-1
empathic than men, at least as measured by the ability to read someone else’s unstated feelings from facial expression, tone of voice, and other nonverbal cues. Likewise, it is generally easier to read feelings from a woman’s face than a man’s; while there is no difference in facial expressiveness among very young boys and girls, as they go through the elementary-school grades boys become less expressive, girls more so. This may partly reflect another key difference: women, on average, experience the entire range of emotions with greater intensity and more volatility than men—in this sense, women are more “emotional” than men. 8 All of this means that, in general, women come into a marriage groomed for the role of emotional manager, while men arrive with much less appreciation of the importance of this task for helping a relationship survive. Indeed, the most important element for women— but not for men—in satisfaction with their relationship reported in a study of 264 couples was the sense that the couple has “good communication.” 9 Ted Huston, a psychologist at the University of Texas who has studied couples in depth, observes, “For the wives, intimacy means talking things over, especially talking about the
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d594640ab9d6-2
intimacy means talking things over, especially talking about the relationship itself. The men, by and large, don’t understand what the wives want from them. They say, ‘I want to do things with her, and all she wants to do is talk.’ ” During courtship, Huston found, men were
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a04267ad1753-0
much more willing to spend time talking in ways that suited the wish for intimacy of their wives-to-be. But once married, as time went on the men—especially in more traditional couples—spent less and less time talking in this way with their wives, finding a sense of closeness simply in doing things like gardening together rather than talking things over. This growing silence on the part of husbands may be partly due to the fact that, if anything, men are a bit Pollyannaish about the state of their marriage, while their wives are attuned to the trouble spots: in one study of marriages, men had a rosier view than their wives of just about everything in their relationship—lovemaking, finances, ties with in-laws, how well they listened to each other, how much their flaws mattered. 10 Wives, in general, are more vocal about their complaints than are their husbands, particularly among unhappy couples. Combine men’s rosy view of marriage with their aversion to emotional confrontations, and it is clear why wives so often complain that their husbands try to wiggle out of discussing the troubling things about their relationship. (Of course this gender difference is a
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a04267ad1753-1
about their relationship. (Of course this gender difference is a generalization, and is not true in every case; a psychiatrist friend complained that in his marriage his wife is reluctant to discuss emotional matters between them, and he is the one who is left to bring them up.) The slowness of men to bring up problems in a relationship is no doubt compounded by their relative lack of skill when it comes to reading facial expressions of emotions. Women, for example, are more sensitive to a sad expression on a man’s face than are men in detecting sadness from a woman’s expression. 11 Thus a woman has to be all the sadder for a man to notice her feelings in the first place, let alone for him to raise the question of what is making her so sad. Consider the implications of this emotional gender gap for how couples handle the grievances and disagreements that any intimate relationship inevitably spawns. In fact, specific issues such as how often a couple has sex, how to discipline the children, or how much debt and savings a couple feels comfortable with are not what make or break a marriage. Rather, it is how a couple discusses such sore points that matters more for the fate of their marriage. Simply having
emotional_intelligence.pdf
a04267ad1753-2
reached an agreement about how to disagree is key to marital survival; men and women have to overcome the innate gender differences in approaching rocky emotions. Failing this, couples are vulnerable to emotional rifts that eventually can tear their relationship apart. As we
emotional_intelligence.pdf
56a9da709186-0
shall see, these rifts are far more likely to develop if one or both partners have certain deficits in emotional intelligence. MARITAL FAULT LINE Fred: Did you pick up my dry cleaning? Ingrid: (In a mocking tone) “Did you pick up my dry cleaning.” Pick up your own damn dry cleaning. What am I, your maid? Fred: Hardly. If you were a maid, at least you’d know how to clean. If this were dialogue from a sitcom, it might be amusing. But this painfully caustic interchange was between a couple who (perhaps not surprisingly) divorced within the next few years. 12 Their encounter took place in a laboratory run by John Gottman, a University of Washington psychologist who has done perhaps the most detailed analysis ever of the emotional glue that binds couples together and the corrosive feelings that can destroy marriages. 13 In his laboratory, couples’ conversations are videotaped and then subjected to hours of microanalysis designed to reveal the subterranean emotional currents at play. This mapping of the fault lines that may lead a couple to divorce makes a convincing case for the crucial role of emotional intelligence in the survival of a marriage.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
56a9da709186-1
intelligence in the survival of a marriage. During the last two decades Gottman has tracked the ups and downs of more than two hundred couples, some just newlyweds, others married for decades. Gottman has charted the emotional ecology of marriage with such precision that, in one study, he was able to predict which couples seen in his lab (like Fred and Ingrid, whose discussion of getting the dry cleaning was so acrimonious) would divorce within three years with 94 percent accuracy , a precision unheard of in marital studies! The power of Gottman’s analysis comes from his painstaking method and the thoroughness of his probes. While the couples talk, sensors record the slightest flux in their physiology; a second-by- second analysis of their facial expressions (using the system for reading emotions developed by Paul Ekman) detects the most fleeting and subtle nuance of feeling. After their session, each partner comes separately to the lab and watches a videotape of the conversation, and narrates his or her secret thoughts during the heated moments of the exchange. The result is akin to an emotional X-ray of the marriage.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
8814b046ac2f-0
An early warning signal that a marriage is in danger, Gottman finds, is harsh criticism. In a healthy marriage husband and wife feel free to voice a complaint. But too often in the heat of anger complaints are expressed in a destructive fashion, as an attack on the spouse’s character. For example, Pamela and her daughter went shoe shopping while her husband, Tom, went to a bookstore. They agreed to meet in front of the post office in an hour, and then go to a matinee. Pamela was prompt, but there was no sign of Tom. “Where is he? The movie starts in ten minutes,” Pamela complained to her daughter. “If there’s a way for your father to screw something up, he will.” When Tom showed up ten minutes later, happy about having run into a friend and apologizing for being late, Pamela lashed out with sarcasm: “That’s okay—it gave us a chance to discuss your amazing ability to screw up every single plan we make. You’re so thoughtless and self-centered!” Pamela’s complaint is more than that: it is a character assassination, a critique of the person, not the deed. In fact, Tom had apologized.
emotional_intelligence.pdf
8814b046ac2f-1
But for this lapse Pamela brands him as “thoughtless and self- centered.” Most couples have moments like this from time to time, where a complaint about something a partner has done is voiced as an attack against the person rather than the deed. But these harsh personal criticisms have a far more corrosive emotional impact than do more reasoned complaints. And such attacks, perhaps understandably, become more likely the more a husband or wife feels their complaints go unheard or ignored. The differences between complaints and personal criticisms are simple. In a complaint, a wife states specifically what is upsetting her, and criticizes her husband’s action , not her husband, saying how it made her feel: “When you forgot to pick up my clothes at the cleaner’s it made me feel like you don’t care about me.” It is an expression of basic emotional intelligence: assertive, not belligerent or passive. But in a personal criticism she uses the specific grievance to launch a global attack on her husband: “You’re always so selfish and uncaring. It just proves I can’t trust you to do anything right.” This kind of criticism leaves the person on the receiving end feeling ashamed,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
8814b046ac2f-2
criticism leaves the person on the receiving end feeling ashamed, disliked, blamed, and defective—all of which are more likely to lead to a defensive response than to steps to improve things. All the more so when the criticism comes laden with contempt, a particularly destructive emotion. Contempt comes easily with anger; it is usually expressed not just in the words used, but also in a tone of
emotional_intelligence.pdf
95c88b1472a2-0
voice and an angry expression. Its most obvious form, of course, is mockery or insult—“jerk,” “bitch,” “wimp.” But just as hurtful is the body language that conveys contempt, particularly the sneer or curled lip that are the universal facial signals for disgust, or a rolling of the eyes, as if to say, “Oh, brother!” Contempt’s facial signature is a contraction of the “dimpler,” the muscle that pulls the corners of the mouth to the side (usually the left) while the eyes roll upward. When one spouse flashes this expression, the other, in a tacit emotional exchange, registers a jump in heart rate of two or three beats per minute. This hidden conversation takes its toll; if a husband shows contempt regularly, Gottman found, his wife will be more prone to a range of health problems, from frequent colds and flus to bladder and yeast infections, as well as gastrointestinal symptoms. And when a wife’s face shows disgust, a near cousin of contempt, four or more times within a fifteen-minute conversation, it is a silent sign that the couple is likely to separate within four years. Of course, an occasional show of contempt or disgust will not undo
emotional_intelligence.pdf
95c88b1472a2-1
a marriage. Rather, such emotional volleys are akin to smoking and high cholesterol as risk factors for heart disease—the more intense and prolonged, the greater the danger. On the road to divorce, one of these factors predicts the next, in an escalating scale of misery. Habitual criticism and contempt or disgust are danger signs because they indicate that a husband or wife has made a silent judgment for the worse about their partner. In his or her thoughts, the spouse is the subject of constant condemnation. Such negative and hostile thinking leads naturally to attacks that make the partner on the receiving end defensive—or ready to counterattack in return. The two arms of the fight-or-flight response each represent ways a spouse can respond to an attack. The most obvious is to fight back, lashing out in anger. That route typically ends in a fruitless shouting match. But the alternative response, fleeing, can be more pernicious, particularly when the “flight” is a retreat into stony silence. Stonewalling is the ultimate defense. The stonewaller just goes blank, in effect withdrawing from the conversation by responding with a stony expression and silence. Stonewalling sends a powerful, unnerving message, something like a combination of icy distance,
emotional_intelligence.pdf
95c88b1472a2-2
unnerving message, something like a combination of icy distance, superiority, and distaste. Stonewalling showed up mainly in marriages that were heading for trouble; in 85 percent of these cases it was the husband who stonewalled in response to a wife who attacked with
emotional_intelligence.pdf
d16ea231a5db-0
criticism and contempt. 14 As a habitual response stonewalling is devastating to the health of a relationship: it cuts off all possibility of working out disagreements. TOXIC THOUGHTS The children are being rambunctious, and Martin, their father, is getting annoyed. He turns to his wife, Melanie, and says in a sharp tone, “Dear, don’t you think the kids could quiet down?” His actual thought: “She’s too easy on the kids.” Melanie, responding to his ire, feels a surge of anger. Her face grows taut, her brows knit in a frown, and she replies, “The kids are having a good time. Anyhow, they’ll be going up to bed soon.” Her thought: “There he goes again, complaining all the time.” Martin now is visibly enraged. He leans forward menacingly, his fists clenched, as he says in an annoyed tone, “Should I put them to bed now?” His thought: “She opposes me in everything. I’d better take over.” Melanie, suddenly frightened by Martin’s wrath, says meekly, “No, I’ll put them to bed right away.” Her thought: “He’s getting out of control—he could hurt the kids.
emotional_intelligence.pdf