Datasets:

charris

/

wikipedia_sample_1

like 0

248127

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tommy%20Lee%20Jones

Tommy Lee Jones

Tommy Lee Jones (born September 15, 1946) is an American actor and film director. He has received four Academy Award nominations, winning Best Supporting Actor for his performance as U.S. Marshal Samuel Gerard in the 1993 thriller film The Fugitive. His other notable starring roles include Texas Ranger Woodrow F. Call in the television miniseries Lonesome Dove, Agent K in the Men in Black film series, Sheriff Ed Tom Bell in No Country for Old Men, Hank Deerfield in In the Valley of Elah, the villain Two-Face in Batman Forever, Mike Roark in disaster film Volcano, terrorist William "Bill" Strannix in Under Siege, Texas Ranger Roland Sharp in Man of the House, rancher Pete Perkins in The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada, which he also directed, Colonel Chester Phillips in Captain America: The First Avenger, CIA Director Robert Dewey in Jason Bourne, and Warden Dwight McClusky in Natural Born Killers. He most recently appeared in science fiction film Ad Astra in 2019 and in the comedy The Comeback Trail in 2020. Jones has also portrayed historical figures such as businessman Howard Hughes in The Amazing Howard Hughes, Radical Republican Congressman Thaddeus Stevens in Lincoln, executed murderer Gary Gilmore in The Executioner's Song, U.S. Army General Douglas MacArthur in Emperor, businessman Clay Shaw, the only person prosecuted in connection with the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in JFK, Oliver Vanetta "Doolittle" Lynn, in Coal Miner's Daughter, and baseball player Ty Cobb in Cobb. Early life Jones was born on September 15, 1946, in San Saba, Texas. His mother, Lucille Marie (), a police officer, school teacher, and beauty shop owner, and his father, Clyde C. Jones (1926–1986), was a cowboy and oil field worker. The two were married and divorced twice. He has said that he is of part Cherokee descent. He was raised in Midland, Texas, and attended Robert E. Lee High School. Jones soon moved to Dallas and graduated from the St. Mark's School of Texas in 1965, which he attended on scholarship. College He attended Harvard College on a need-based scholarship; his roommate was future Vice President Al Gore. As an upperclassman, he stayed in Dunster House with roommates Gore and Bob Somerby, who later became editor of the media criticism site The Daily Howler. Jones graduated cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English in 1969; his senior thesis was on "the mechanics of Catholicism" in the works of Flannery O'Connor. At Harvard, he was a pupil of dramatist Robert Chapman. College football Jones played guard at Harvard from 1965 to 1968. He was a member of the Harvard's undefeated 1968 football team. He was named as a first-team All-Ivy League selection, and played in the 1968 Game. The game featured a memorable and last-minute Harvard 16-point comeback to tie Yale. He recounted his memory of "the most famous football game in Ivy League history" in the documentary Harvard Beats Yale 29-29. Career Early acting and film (1960s–1980) Jones moved to New York to become an actor, making his Broadway debut in 1969's A Patriot for Me in a number of supporting roles. In 1970, he landed his first film role, coincidentally playing a Harvard student in Love Story (Erich Segal, the author of Love Story, said that he based the lead character of Oliver on aspects of two undergraduate roommates he knew while on a sabbatical at Harvard, Jones and Al Gore). In early 1971, he returned to Broadway in Abe Burrows' Four on a Garden where he shared the stage with Carol Channing and Sid Caesar. Between 1971 and 1975 he portrayed Dr. Mark Toland on the ABC soap opera, One Life to Live. He returned to the stage for a short-lived 1974 production of Ulysses in Nighttown, an adaptation of one episode from James Joyce's novel Ulysses, playing Stephen Dedalus opposite Zero Mostel's Leopold Bloom and directed by Burgess Meredith. It was followed by the acclaimed TV movie The Amazing Howard Hughes, where he played the lead role. In films, he played an escaped convict hunted in Jackson County Jail (1976), a Vietnam veteran in Rolling Thunder (1977), an automobile mogul, co-starring with Laurence Olivier in the Harold Robbins drama The Betsy, and Police Detective 'John Neville' opposite Faye Dunaway in the 1978 thriller Eyes of Laura Mars. In 1980, Jones earned his first Golden Globe nomination for his portrayal of country singer Loretta Lynn's husband, Doolittle "Mooney" Lynn, in Coal Miner's Daughter. In 1981, he played a drifter opposite Sally Field in Back Roads, a comedy that received middling reviews. Increased exposure (1983–2004) In 1983, he received an Emmy for Best Actor for his performance as murderer Gary Gilmore in a TV adaptation of Norman Mailer's The Executioner's Song. That same year he starred in a pirate adventure, Nate and Hayes, playing the heavily bearded pirate Captain Bully Hayes. In 1989, he earned another Emmy nomination for his portrayal of Texas Ranger Woodrow F. Call in the acclaimed television mini-series Lonesome Dove, based on the best-seller by Larry McMurtry. In the 1990s, blockbuster hits such as JFK co-starring Kevin Costner, The Fugitive co-starring Harrison Ford, Batman Forever co-starring Val Kilmer, and Men in Black with Will Smith made Jones one of the highest paid and most in-demand actors in Hollywood. His performance as Deputy U.S. Marshal Samuel Gerard in The Fugitive received broad acclaim and an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor and a sequel. When he accepted his Oscar, his head was shaved for his role in the film Cobb, which he made light of in his speech: "The only thing a man can say at a time like this is 'I am not really bald'. Actually I'm lucky to be working". Among his other well-known performances during the 1990s were those of the accused conspirator Clay Shaw/Clay Bertrand in the 1991 film JFK (which earned him another Oscar nomination), as a terrorist who hijacks a U.S. Navy battleship in Under Siege and as a maximum-security prison warden who's in way over his head in Natural Born Killers. He also played the role of "Reverend" Roy Foltrigg in the 1994 film The Client. Jones co-starred with director Clint Eastwood as astronauts in the 2000 film Space Cowboys, in which both played retired pilots and friends/rivals leading a space rescue mission together. Later years (2005–present) In 2005, the first theatrical feature film Jones directed, The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada, was presented at the 2005 Cannes Film Festival. Jones's character speaks both English and Spanish in the film. His performance won him the Best Actor Award at Cannes. His first film as a director had been The Good Old Boys in 1995, a made-for-television movie. Two strong performances in 2007 marked a resurgence in Jones's career, one as a beleaguered father investigating the disappearance of his soldier son in In the Valley of Elah, the other as a Texas sheriff hunting an assassin in the Oscar-winning No Country for Old Men. For the former, he was nominated for an Academy Award. Jones has been a spokesman for Japanese brewing company Suntory since 2006. He can be seen in various Japanese TV commercials of Suntory's Coffee brand Boss as a character called "Alien Jones," an extraterrestrial who takes the form of a human being to check on the world of humans. Many of these commercials can be seen on YouTube. In 2011, Jones appeared in public service announcements on Japanese television, joining a number of other popular figures who sang two sentimental songs in remembrance of those lost in the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami. In 2010, Jones appeared alongside Ben Affleck in the recession drama The Company Men. The film premiered at the Sundance Film Festival, where early reviews praised Jones's performance as "pitch-perfect." Jones had a role in the Marvel Studios film, Captain America: The First Avenger. He also directed, produced and co-starred with Samuel L. Jackson in an adaptation of The Sunset Limited. In 2012, there was another turning point in Jones's career, starting with playing Agent K again in Men in Black 3, portraying Arnold Soames in the romantic dramedy Hope Springs, and co-starring as Thaddeus Stevens in Steven Spielberg's Lincoln. Jones's performance in Lincoln received wide critical acclaim, and he was nominated for an Oscar for the fourth time, for Best Supporting Actor. Personal life Jones was married to Kate Lardner, the niece of screenwriter and journalist Ring Lardner Jr., from 1971 to 1978. He has two children from his second marriage to Kimberlea Cloughley, the daughter of Phil Hardberger, former mayor of San Antonio: Austin Leonard (born 1982) and Victoria Kafka (born 1991). On March 19, 2001, he married his third wife, Dawn Laurel. Jones resides in Terrell Hills, Texas, a city just outside of downtown San Antonio, and speaks Spanish, which he used to good effect in Men in Black. He owns a cattle ranch in San Saba County, Texas, and a ranch near Van Horn, Texas, which served as the set for his film The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada. He owned an equestrian estate in Wellington, Florida, until he sold it in 2019. Jones is a polo player, and he has a house in a polo country club in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He is a supporter of the Polo Training Foundation. He is an avid San Antonio Spurs fan; he is often seen courtside at Spurs games. At the 2000 Democratic National Convention, he gave the nominating speech for his former college roommate, Al Gore, as the Democratic Party's nominee for President of the United States. Filmography Film Television Stage Advertising Awards and nominations Western honors See also Notable alumni of St. Mark's School of Texas References Further reading Grunert, Andrea, "Les bons et les méchants selon Tommy Lee Jones", in: Francis Bordat et Serge Chauvin (eds.) Les bons et les méchants Université Paris X, 2005, p. 339–352, External links Harvard Football player page 1946 births 20th-century American male actors 21st-century American male actors American people of Welsh descent Male actors from Texas American male film actors American football offensive linemen American polo players American male stage actors American male soap opera actors American male television actors Best Supporting Actor Academy Award winners Best Supporting Actor Golden Globe (film) winners Cannes Film Festival Award for Best Actor winners Harvard College alumni Harvard Crimson football players Living people Outstanding Performance by a Lead Actor in a Miniseries or Movie Primetime Emmy Award winners Outstanding Performance by a Cast in a Motion Picture Screen Actors Guild Award winners People from Midland, Texas Male actors from San Antonio People from San Saba, Texas Robert E. Lee High School (Midland, Texas) alumni St. Mark's School (Texas) alumni Male Western (genre) film actors Film directors from Texas Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Supporting Role Screen Actors Guild Award winners People from Wellington, Florida Film producers from Texas American male screenwriters Texas Democrats People from Bexar County, Texas American people who self-identify as being of Native American descent Film directors from Florida Screenwriters from Texas Screenwriters from Florida Film producers from Florida

644791

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Mascolo

Joseph Mascolo

Joseph Peter Mascolo (March 13, 1929 – December 8, 2016) was an American musician and dramatic actor. During his long career, he acted in numerous motion pictures and television series. He was best known for playing Stefano DiMera in 1982 on NBC's soap opera Days of Our Lives and Massimo Marone in 2001 on CBS' soap opera The Bold and the Beautiful. Early life Mascolo was born on March 13, 1929, and raised in West Hartford, Connecticut. His parents, Anna Mascolo (née DeTuccio; 1910–2010) and Peter Mascolo (1901–2008), were immigrants from Naples, Italy, and had their 80th wedding anniversary shortly before his father died. Mascolo had one sister, Marie LaVoie. He attended the United States Military Academy after graduating high school. Mascolo attended the University of Miami. To support himself financially, he studied acting under famed acting coach Stella Adler in New York City. He originally was trained in classical music and opera. Career Theatre Mascolo was in the 1962 production of Night Life as Kazar and the understudy of Neville Brand. He was in the 1966 production of Dinner at Eight as Ricci. Mascolo was in the 1969 production of The Time of Your Life as Blick. His final theatrical appearance was in 1972's That Championship Season as Phil Romano. Film Mascolo's first film appearance was in 1968's Hot Spur as Carlo. He was in 1972's neo-noir action crime–drama film Shaft's Big Score! as Gus Mascola. Mascolo was in 1973's The Spook Who Sat by the Door and 1978's Jaws 2 as Len Peterson. He was in 1981's Sharky's Machine as JoJo Tipps and 1982's Yes, Giorgio Mascolo's last film appearance was in 1986's Heat as Baby. Television Mascolo was best known in the recurring role of Stefano DiMera on Days of Our Lives from 1982 to 1985, returning briefly in 1988, again from 1993 to 2001, and making appearances again since 2007 until Stefano's death in 2016, making his final appearance on February 9, 2017, airing 2 months after his death, and won three Soap Opera Digest Awards. He has also played a wide range of roles on many different series including (but not limited to) a Stefano-like villain named Nicholas Van Buren on General Hospital, and Carlos Alvarez on Santa Barbara. Before achieving his fame, he was seen in the earlier soap operas Where the Heart Is and From These Roots. He also made primetime television appearances on All in the Family, The Eddie Capra Mysteries, Lou Grant and The Rockford Files. Mascolo portrayed Massimo Marone on CBS's The Bold and the Beautiful beginning August 2001. He decided not to renew his contract with the show in July 2006, due to a lack of storyline and decided to return to Days of Our Lives, where his character Stefano DiMera was resurrected after six years. Mascolo also appeared in The Incredible Hulk in October 1979, as Mr. Arnold in the episode "Brain Child". 10 years later, he would appear again in NBC's The Trial of the Incredible Hulk, as Albert G. Tendelli, a police confidant of Daredevil. He also appeared in an episode of Hart to Hart on 1/3/84 as villan Mr. Rhodes. Personal life and death Mascolo married Rose Maimone in 1953. Together they had a son named Peter. Maimone died in 1986. In 2005, he married his second wife, Patricia Schultz. In January 2016, Mascolo told Soap Opera Digest that he had suffered from a stroke in the spring of 2015. "During my rehab, I thought this would be a good time for Stefano to leave." Mascolo died on December 8, 2016, in Santa Clarita, California at the age of 87 after years of battling Alzheimer's disease. Mascolo was interred at Forest Lawn Memorial Park (Hollywood Hills). Theatre Filmography Film Television References Sources External links 1929 births 2016 deaths American male film actors American male soap opera actors American male television actors American people of Italian descent Burials at Forest Lawn Memorial Park (Hollywood Hills) Male actors from Connecticut People from West Hartford, Connecticut University of Miami alumni Military personnel from Connecticut Deaths from Alzheimer's disease Neurological disease deaths in California

1063371

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Massino

Joseph Massino

Joseph Charles Massino (born January 10, 1943) is an American former mobster. He was a member of the Mafia and boss of the Bonanno crime family from 1991 until 2004, when he became the first boss of one of the Five Families in New York City to turn state's evidence. Massino was a protégé of Philip Rastelli, who took control of the Bonanno family in 1973. Rastelli spent most of his reign in and out of prison, but was able to get the assassination of Carmine Galante, a mobster vying for power, approved in 1979. Originally a truck hijacker, Massino secured his own power after arranging two 1981 gang murders, first a triple murder of three rebel captains, then his rival Dominick Napolitano. In 1991, while Massino was in prison for a 1986 labor racketeering conviction, Rastelli died and Massino succeeded him. Upon his release the following year, he set about rebuilding a family that had been in turmoil for almost a quarter of a century. By the dawn of the new millennium, he was reckoned as the most powerful Mafia leader in the nation. Massino became known as "The Last Don", the only full-fledged New York boss of his time who was not in prison. In July 2004, Massino was convicted in a RICO case based on the testimony of several cooperating made men, including Massino's disgruntled underboss and brother-in-law Salvatore Vitale. He was also facing the death penalty if convicted in a separate murder trial due to be held later that year, but after agreeing to testify against his former associates, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for both indictments in 2005. Massino testified twice for the government, helping to win a murder conviction against his acting boss Vincent Basciano in 2011, and was resentenced to time served in 2013, though he will be on supervised release for the rest of his life. Early years Joseph Massino was born on January 10, 1943, in New York City. He was one of three sons of Neapolitan-American Anthony and Adeline Massino. Raised in Maspeth, Queens, Massino has admitted to being a juvenile delinquent by the age of 12 and claimed that at 14 he ran away from home to Florida. He dropped out of Grover Cleveland High School in tenth grade. Massino first met his future wife Josephine Vitale in 1956, and married her in 1960. The couple had three daughters. Massino also befriended Josephine's brother, Salvatore Vitale, who, after briefly serving in the Army, became one of Massino's most trusted allies. While athletic in youth, Massino was an avid cook, and grew overweight in adulthood. His weight gained him the nickname "Big Joey", and during a 1987 racketeering trial, when he asked FBI agent Joseph Pistone who was to play him in a film adaptation of his undercover work, Pistone joked that they could not find anyone fat enough. By 2004, Massino was suffering from diabetes and high blood pressure as well. After he turned state's evidence, Massino claimed his first murder victim was a Bonanno crime family associate named Tommy Zummo, whom he shot dead some time in the 1960s. The killing aroused the ire of Maspeth-based Bonanno caporegime Philip Rastelli, but he remained unaware of Massino's participation, and a nephew of Rastelli ultimately helped Massino become his protégé. Rastelli would set Massino up as a lunch wagon operator as part of his "Workmen's Mobile Lunch Association", an effective protection racket; after paying a kickback to Rastelli in the form of membership dues, Massino was assured no competition where he operated. Bonanno crime family Rise to power By the late 1960s, Massino was a Bonanno associate. He led a successful truck hijacking crew, with the assistance of his brother-in-law Salvatore Vitale and carjacker Duane Leisenheimer, while fencing the stolen goods and running numbers using the lunch wagon as a front. He also befriended another mob hijacker, future Gambino crime family boss John Gotti. Increasingly prosperous, Massino opened his own catering company, J&J Catering, which became another front for his activities. In 1973, boss Natale Evola died. On February 23, 1974, at a meeting at the Americana Hotel in Manhattan, the Commission named Massino's mentor, Rastelli as boss. On April 23, 1976, Rastelli was convicted of extortion, and on August 27, was sentenced to 10 years in prison. In his absence Carmine Galante, a former consigliere and convicted drug trafficker, seized control of the Bonannos as unofficial acting boss. In 1975, Massino and Vitale participated in the murder of Vito Borelli, who Massino claimed was primarily executed by Gotti at the behest of Paul Castellano of the Gambino crime family. The Borelli hit was significant for Massino in that he "made his bones"—proved his loyalty to the Mafia by killing on its behalf—and put him close to becoming a made man, a full member, in the Bonanno family. Massino also arranged the murder of one of his hijackers, Joseph Pastore, in 1976, after having Vitale borrow $9,000 from him on his behalf. While later acquitted of the crime, both Vitale and Massino would admit to participation after turning state's evidence. In March 1975, Massino was arrested along with of one of his hijackers, Raymond Wean, and charged with conspiracy to receive stolen goods. He was scheduled to go on trial in 1977, but the charges were dropped after he successfully argued that he had not been properly mirandized, disqualifying statements Massino gave to police from being used in trial. On June 14, 1977, Massino was inducted into the Bonanno family along with Anthony Spero, Joseph Chilli Jr. and a group of other men in a ceremony conducted by Carmine Galante. He worked as a soldier in James Galante's crew, and later worked in Philip "Phil Lucky" Giaccone's crew. Massino nevertheless remained loyal to Rastelli, then vying to oust Galante despite his imprisonment. Fearing Galante wanted him dead for insubordination, Massino delivered a request to the Commission, the governing body of the American Mafia, on Rastelli's behalf to have Galante killed. The hit was approved and executed on July 12, 1979; Rastelli subsequently took full control of the family and rewarded Massino's loyalty by promoting him to capo. By the beginning of the 1980s, Massino ran his crew from the J&S Cake social club, a property just behind J&J Catering. The building was seized in 1988 during a crackdown on the Bonannos' gambling activities. Three capos and Napolitano murders Following the Galante hit, Massino began jockeying for power with Dominick "Sonny Black" Napolitano, another Rastelli loyalist capo. Both men were themselves threatened by another faction seeking to depose the absentee boss led by capos Alphonse "Sonny Red" Indelicato, Dominick "Big Trin" Trincera and Philip Giaccone. The Commission initially tried to maintain neutrality, but in 1981, Massino got word from his informants that the three capos were stocking up on automatic weapons and planning to kill the Rastelli loyalists within the Bonanno family to take complete control. Massino turned to Colombo crime family boss Carmine Persico and Gambino boss Paul Castellano for advice; they told him to act immediately. Massino, Napolitano and Gerlando Sciascia, a Sicilian-born capo linked to the Montreal Rizzuto crime family, arranged a meeting at a Brooklyn social club with the three capos for May 5, 1981. They had four gunmen, including Vitale and Bonanno-affiliated Montreal boss Vito Rizzuto, hiding in a closet to ambush them. When Trinchera, Giaccone and Indelicato arrived with Frank Lino to meet Massino, they were shot to death, with Massino himself stopping Indelicato from escaping. Lino escaped unscathed by running out the door. The hit further improved Massino's prestige, but was marred by both Lino's escape and the discovery of Indelicato's body on May 28. Massino quickly won Lino over to his side, but Indelicato's son, Anthony "Bruno" Indelicato, vowed revenge. Napolitano assigned associate Donnie Brasco, who he hoped to make a made man, to kill Indelicato. "Brasco", however, was in fact an undercover FBI agent named Joseph Pistone; shortly after the hit was ordered, Pistone's assignment was ended and Napolitano was informed of their infiltration. Already skeptical of Napolitano's support of "Brasco", Massino was deeply disturbed by the breach of security when he learned of the agent's true identity. Vitale would later testify that this was the reason Massino subsequently decided to murder Napolitano as well; as he would later quote Massino, "I have to give him a receipt for the Donnie Brasco situation." In his own testimony, Massino instead claimed Napolitano was targeted for trying to take over the Bonannos himself. On August 17, the former renegade Frank Lino and Steven Cannone drove Napolitano to the house of Ronald Filocomo, a Bonanno family associate, for a meeting. Napolitano was greeted by captain Frank Coppa, then thrown down the stairs to the house's basement by Lino and shot to death. Napolitano's body was discovered the following year. Benjamin "Lefty" Ruggiero, who helped Pistone formally become a Bonanno associate, was also targeted, but was arrested en route to the meeting where he was expected to be murdered. On February 18, 1982, Anthony Mirra, the soldier who first "discovered" Pistone, was assassinated on Massino's orders. Mirra had gone into hiding upon Pistone's exposure but was ultimately betrayed and murdered by his protégé and cousin, Joseph D'Amico. Fugitive and Bonventre murder On November 23, 1981, based on information gained by Pistone's infiltration, six Bonanno mobsters, including the then-missing Napolitano, were indicted on racketeering charges and conspiracy in "the three capos" hit. In March 1982, Massino was tipped off by a Colombo-associated FBI insider that he was about to be indicted and went into hiding in Pennsylvania with Leisenheimer. On March 25, 1982, Massino was also charged with conspiracy to murder Indelicato, Giaccone and Trinchera and truck hijacking. In hiding, Massino was able to see the prosecution's strategy and better plan his defense as well as eventually face trial without association with other mobsters. Pistone later speculated Massino also feared retaliation upon the revelation that his associate, Raymond Wean, had turned state's evidence. Massino was visited by many fellow mobsters, including Gotti, and Vitale would secretly deliver cash to support him. On April 21, 1983, Rastelli was paroled, and he and Massino ordered the murder of Bonanno soldier Cesare Bonventre. Still a fugitive, Massino summoned Vitale, Louis Attanasio and James Tartaglione to his hideout and gave them the order. By this time, even though Rastelli was still officially head of the family, Massino was considered by most mobsters to be the family's street boss and field commander in all but name, as well as Rastelli's heir apparent. According to Vitale, Massino had Bonventre killed for giving him no support when he was in hiding. In April 1984, Bonventre was called to a meeting with Rastelli in Queens. He was picked up by Vitale and Attanasio and driven to a garage. En route, Attanasio shot Bonventre twice in the head but only wounded him; he would kill Bonventre with two more shots when they reached their destination. The task of disposing of Bonventre's corpse was handed to Gabriel Infanti, who promised Vitale that Bonventre's remains would disappear forever. However, after a tipoff, the remains were discovered on April 16, 1984, in a warehouse in Garfield, New Jersey, stuffed into two 55-gallon glue drums. For his part in the hit, Massino had Vitale initiated into the Bonanno family. 1986 conviction and 1987 acquittal Through Gotti associate Angelo Ruggiero, Massino was able to meet with defense attorney John Pollok in 1984 to negotiate his surrender. He finally turned himself in on July 7 and was released on $350,000 bail. That year, Massino and Salvatore Vitale secured no-show jobs with the Long Island based King Caterers in exchange for protecting them from Lucchese extortion. In 1985, Massino was indicted twice more, first as a co-conspirator with Rastelli in a labor racketeering case for controlling the Teamsters Local 814, then with a conspiracy charge for the Pastore murder that was added to the original three capos indictment. The second indictment also charged Vitale as a co-conspirator in the hijacking cases. The labor racketeering trial began in April 1986, with Massino as one of 12 defendants including Rastelli and former underboss Nicholas Marangello. While Massino protested in confidence to other mobsters he never had the opportunity to profit from the racket, he was implicated by both Pistone and union official Anthony Gilberti, and on October 15, 1986, was found guilty of racketeering charges for accepting kickbacks on the Bonannos' behalf. On January 16, 1987, Massino was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment, his first prison term. Rastelli, also convicted and in poor health during the trial, was sentenced to 12 years in prison. Around this time, Massino was believed to be the Bonanno family's official underboss. With Rastelli in declining health, Massino was also reckoned as the operating head of the family, though consigliere Anthony "Old Man" Spero was nominally acting boss. In April 1987, Massino and Vitale went on trial for truck hijacking and conspiracy to commit the triple murder, defended by Samuel H. Dawson and Bruce Cutler respectively. Prosecutor Michael Chertoff, describing Massino's rise in his opening statements, would characterize him as the "Horatio Alger of the mob." Raymond Wean and Joseph Pistone testified against Massino, but both proved unable to conclusively link Massino with any of the murder charges. On June 3, while both men were convicted on hijacking charges, they were cleared of the murder conspiracy charges. Further, the only proven criminal acts took place outside the RICO act's five-year statute of limitations; without evidence that the "criminal enterprise" was still active in this timeframe the jury returned a special verdict clearing Massino and Vitale of these charges as well. During Massino's imprisonment at Talladega Federal Prison for his 1986 conviction, Vitale functioned as his messenger, effectively becoming co-acting boss alongside Spero. On Massino's orders, Vitale organized the murder of Gabriel Infanti, who had also botched a 1982 hit on Anthony Gilberti and was suspected of being an informant. Bonanno boss The family regroups During his meetings with Massino in prison, Vitale, on behalf of the Bonannos' capos, urged his brother-in-law to become boss in name as well as in fact. Rastelli had spent all but two years of his reign behind bars, and many felt Massino would bring the family stability. Massino was reluctant to take over as long as Rastelli was alive. Not only was he respectful of Rastelli's sponsorship of his Mafia career, but Mafia tradition dictates that a boss keeps his title for life unless he abdicates. However, in the spring of 1991, Massino ordered Vitale to "make me boss" as soon as Rastelli died; Rastelli died on June 24, 1991. A few days after his funeral, Massino instructed Vitale to call a meeting of the family's capos, and Massino was acclaimed as boss. Massino was granted two years' supervised release on November 13, 1992. During that time, he could not associate with convicted mafiosi. To get around this restriction, Massino named Vitale underboss and retained him as his messenger for the duration of his supervised release. While the FBI suspected Vitale was a mafioso, he had never been convicted of a Mafia-related crime. The FBI would thus have no reason to be suspicious of him associating with Massino since they were brothers-in-law. He returned to his job at King Caterers, and in 1996 became co-owner of Casablanca, a well-reviewed Maspeth Italian restaurant. Massino was 48 years old at the time of his accession, and knew that he potentially had a long reign ahead of him. With this in mind, he was determined to avoid the pitfalls that landed other Mafia bosses in prison. Inspired by Genovese boss Vincent Gigante, Massino forbade his men from saying his name out loud due to FBI surveillance. Instead, they were to touch their ears when referring to him. Massino gained the nickname "The Ear" because of this. Massino took a great number of precautions in regards to security and the possibility of anything incriminating being picked up on a wiretap. He closed the family's longtime social clubs. He also arranged family meetings to be conducted in remote locations within the United States. In some cases, he held meetings in foreign countries, and had his capos bring their wives along so they could be passed off as vacations. Remembering how Pistone's infiltration had damaged the family, he also decreed that all prospective made men had to have a working relationship with an incumbent member for at least eight years before becoming made, in hopes of ensuring new mafiosi were as reliable as possible. Unusually for bosses of his era, he actively encouraged his men to have their sons made as well. In Massino's view, this would make it less likely that a capo would turn informer, since if that happened the defector's son would face almost certain death. To minimize the damage from informants or undercover investigations Massino decentralized the family's organization. He created a clandestine cell system for his crews, forbidding them from contacting one another and avoiding meeting their capos. He would instead create a new committee that would relay his orders to the crews. In contrast to his contemporaries, particularly the publicity-friendly Gotti and the conspicuous feigned insanity of Gigante, Massino himself was also able to operate with a relatively low public profile; both Pistone and mob writer Jerry Capeci would consequently refer to Massino as the "last of the old-time gangsters." A side effect of these reforms was the reduction of Vitale, in his own words, to "a figurehead." By the time of Massino's release the Bonanno family had grown tired of Vitale, regarding him as greedy and overstepping his authority. In the new structure of the family, Vitale lost the underboss's usual role as a go-between for the boss, as well as the share of the family's profits those duties entailed, and Massino made it clear to Vitale his unpopularity was a factor in these changes. Vitale remained loyal, however, and helped Massino organize the March 18, 1999 murder of Gerlando Sciascia. Massino indicated to fellow mobsters that Sciascia was killed for feuding with fellow Massino-confidant capo Anthony Graziano, accusing him of using cocaine, while in his own testimony Massino claimed Sciascia was killed for killing another mobster's son. Sciascia's body was not covertly buried but instead left to be discovered in a street in the Bronx, an attempt to make the hit look like a botched drug deal rather than a Mafia-ordered hit, and Massino had his capos attend Sciascia's funeral. Shortly after becoming boss, Massino announced that his men should no longer consider themselves as part of the Bonanno family. Instead, he renamed it the Massino family, after himself. Like many mafiosi, he was angered at family namesake Joseph Bonanno's tell-all autobiography, A Man of Honor, and regarded it as a violation of the code of omertà. He told Vitale that in his view, "Joe Bonanno disrespected the family by ratting." The new name was first disclosed after Massino was indicted in 2003 and did not catch on outside the Mafia. Relations with other families Before Massino became boss, John Gotti was one of his closest allies. Massino had backed Gotti in his plot to take over the Gambino family, and as Gambino boss, Gotti tried to get Massino a seat on the Commission as the Bonannos' acting boss. Gotti was reportedly infuriated that Massino had been officially promoted without him being consulted, and Massino would later testify he believed Gotti conspired with Vitale to kill him. Gotti, however, was marginalized by his 1992 racketeering and murder conviction and consequent life imprisonment. Massino, for his own part, was angered at Gotti's high public profile and later criticized Gotti for killing Gotti's predecessor, Paul Castellano. Massino also had a poor relationship with Vincent Gigante, who had backed the opposition to Rastelli and blocked Gotti's attempts to bring Massino onto the Commission. The Bonanno family had been in decline for the better part of the last quarter century since Joe Bonanno's ouster in the 1960s, and it was kicked off the Commission altogether following Pistone's infiltration. By the late 1990s, the situation was reversed and the Bonanno family was now reckoned as the most powerful crime family in New York and the nation, in no small part because Massino was the only full-fledged New York boss who was still on the streets. As it turned out, being thrown off the Commission actually worked in the Bonannos' favor; they were the only family whose leadership wasn't decimated in the Mafia Commission Trial. Wary of surveillance, Massino generally avoided meeting with members of other Mafia families and encouraged his crews to operate independently as well. In January 2000, however, Massino did preside over an informal Commission meeting with the acting bosses of the other four families. As the most powerful Mafia leader in both New York and the nation, Massino was in a position to make general policies for the Five Families. Under his direction, the Commission tightened qualifications to become a made man, requiring candidates have full Italian descent (previously having an Italian-American father was the minimum requirement) and imposed restrictions on initiating associates convicted on drug charges. According to Capeci, the murder of Sciascia soured relations between the Bonanno and Rizzuto families. Originally considered merely a Canadian Bonanno crew, the Rizzutos responded by taking even less heed from New York. Run-up to prosecution At the beginning of his reign as boss, Massino enjoyed the benefit of limited FBI attention. In 1987, with the Bonannos weakened, the FBI merged its Bonanno squad with its Colombo family squad, and this squad was initially preoccupied with the Colombos' third internal war. Another dedicated Bonanno squad would be established in 1996. The Bonanno squad's chief, Jack Stubing, was well aware of the measures Massino had taken to avoid scrutiny. He therefore decided to go after Massino with a rear-guard action. He convinced his bosses to lend him a pair of forensic accountants normally used in fraud investigations, believing that they could easily pinpoint conspirators in the family's money laundering schemes. Stubing believed that the threat of long prison sentences would be sufficient to get any conspirators to turn informer, and thus make it easier to trace how the money flowed to Massino. In the meantime, the FBI also targeted other members of the Bonanno administration. In 1995, consigliere Anthony Spero was sentenced to two years' imprisonment after being convicted of loansharking, then to life imprisonment in 2002 for murder. Graziano would assume Spero's duties, but he too plead guilty to racketeering charges in December 2002 and was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment. Vitale would also plead guilty to loansharking charges in June 2002. Vitale was not immediately sentenced, and was placed under house arrest in the interim, but the relatively low maximum sentence he was eligible for led Massino to wrongly suspect he was cooperating with law enforcement. He secretly ordered that, if he was arrested, Vitale was to be "taken down"—demoted or killed. Until 2002, the Bonannos had been the only family in the modern history of the New York Mafia (i. e., since the Castellammarese War) to have never had a made man turn informant or government witness. Massino used this as a point of pride to rally his crime family. That year Frank Coppa, convicted on fraud and facing further charges from the FBI's forensic accounting investigation, became the first to flip. He was followed shortly by acting underboss Richard Cantarella, a participant in the Mirra murder, who was facing racketeering and murder charges. A third, Joseph D'Amico, subsequently turned state's evidence with the knowledge that Cantarella could implicate him for murder as well. All of these defections left Massino, at last, vulnerable to serious charges. 2004 conviction On January 9, 2003, Massino was arrested and indicted, alongside Vitale, Frank Lino and capo Daniel Mongelli, in a comprehensive racketeering indictment. The charges against Massino himself included ordering the 1981 murder of Napolitano. Massino was denied bail, and Vincent Basciano took over as acting boss in his absence. Massino hired David Breitbart, an attorney he had originally wanted to represent him in his 1987 trial, for his defense. Three more Bonanno made men would choose to cooperate before Massino came to trial. The first was James Tartaglione; anticipating he would shortly be indicted as well he went to the FBI and agreed to wear a wire while he remained free. The second was Salvatore Vitale. In custody Massino again put out the word, to a receptive Bonanno family, that he wanted Vitale killed. After learning of Massino's earlier plans to kill his brother-in-law from Coppa and Cantarella, prosecutors informed Vitale. Vitale was already dissatisfied by the lack of support he and his family received from Massino after his arrest. On the day he was arraigned with Massino, Vitale decided to flip as soon as it was safe to do so; he formally reached a deal with prosecutors in February. He was followed in short order by Lino, knowing Vitale could implicate him in murder as well. Also flipping was longtime Bonanno associate Duane Leisenheimer, concerned for his safety after an investigator for Massino's defense team visited to find out if he intended to flip. With these defections, Massino was slapped with a superseding indictment charging him with seven additional murders: the three capos (this time for participation in the murder itself rather than conspiracy), Mirra, Bonventre, Infanti and Sciascia. Of particular interest was the Sciascia hit, which took place after a 1994 amendment to racketeering laws that allowed the death penalty for murder in aid of racketeering. Massino's trial began on May 24, 2004, with judge Nicholas Garaufis presiding and Greg D. Andres and Robert Henoch heading the prosecution. He now faced 11 RICO counts for seven murders (due to the prospect of prosecutors seeking the death penalty for the Sciascia murder, that case was severed to be tried separately), arson, extortion, loansharking, illegal gambling, and money laundering. By this time, Time magazine had dubbed Massino as "the Last Don", in reference to his status as the only New York boss not serving a prison sentence at that point. The name stuck. Despite a weak start, with opening witness Anthony Gilberti unable to recognize Massino in the courtroom, the prosecution would establish its case to link Massino with the charges in the indictment through an unprecedented seven major turncoats, including the six turned made men. Vitale, the last of the six to take the stand, was of particular significance. He had spent most of his three decades in the Mafia as a close confidant to Massino, and his closeness to his brother in law allowed him to cover Massino's entire criminal history in his testimony. Brietbart's defense rested primarily on cross-examination of the prosecution witnesses, with his only witness being an FBI agent to challenge Vitale's reliability. His defense was also unusual in that he made no attempt to contest that Massino was the Bonanno boss, instead stressing the murders in the case took place before he took over and that Massino himself "showed a love of life...because the murders ceased." Vitale had admitted to 11 murders, but for his cooperation, was sentenced to time served in October 2010, and entered the witness protection program. After deliberating for five days, the jury found Massino guilty of all 11 counts on July 30, 2004. His sentencing was initially scheduled for October 12, and he was expected to receive a sentence of life imprisonment with no possibility of parole. The jury also approved the prosecutors' recommended $10 million forfeiture of the proceeds of his reign as Bonanno boss on the day of the verdict. Turning state's evidence Immediately after his July 30 conviction, as court was adjourned, Massino requested a meeting with Judge Garaufis, where he made his first offer to cooperate. He did so in hopes of sparing his life; he was facing the death penalty if found guilty of Sciascia's murder. Indeed, one of John Ashcroft's final acts as Attorney General was to order federal prosecutors to seek the death penalty for Massino. Massino thus stood to be the first Mafia boss to be executed for his crimes, and the first mob boss to face the death penalty since Lepke Buchalter was executed in 1944. Massino subsequently claimed he decided to turn informer due to the prospect of his wife and mother having to forfeit their houses to the government. Mob authors and journalists Anthony D. DeStefano and Selwyn Raab both consider the turning of so many made men as a factor in disillusioning Massino with Cosa Nostra, the former also assuming Massino had decided to flip "long before the verdict". Massino was the first sitting boss of a New York crime family to turn state's evidence, and the second in the history of the American Mafia to do so (Philadelphia crime family boss Ralph Natale had flipped in 1999 when facing drug charges). It also marked the second time in a little more than a year that a New York boss had reached a plea bargain; Gigante had pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice charges in 2003 after prosecutors unmasked his long charade of feigning insanity. At his advice, that October the FBI revisited the Queens mob graveyard where Alphonse Indelicato's body was found, and unearthed the bodies of Trinchera and Giaccone as well. They also hoped to find the body of John Favara, who accidentally killed Gotti's son, and the body of Tommy DeSimone. Massino also reported that Vincent Basciano, arrested in November, had conspired to kill prosecutor Greg Andres, but after failing a polygraph test regarding the discussion he agreed to wear a wire when meeting the acting boss in jail. While Massino was unable to extract an unambiguous confession regarding Andres, he did record Basciano freely admit to ordering the murder of associate Randolph Pizzolo. By the end of January 2005, when Basciano was indicted for the Pizzolo murder, Massino was identified by news sources as the then-anonymous fellow mobster who secretly recorded his confession, to the public disgust of Massino's family. Further confirmation of Massino's defection came in February as he was identified as the source for the graveyard, then in May when the Justice Department dropped the threat of the death penalty regarding the Sciascia case. In a hearing on June 23, 2005, Massino finalized his deal and pleaded guilty to ordering the Sciascia murder. For this and his 2004 conviction he was sentenced to two consecutive life sentences, with a possible reduction depending on his service as a witness. That same day Josephine Massino negotiated a settlement to satisfy the forfeiture claim, keeping the homes of herself and Massino's mother as well as some rental properties while turning over, among other assets, a cache of $7 million and hundreds of gold bars both of which were kept in his Howard Beach home, and the Casablanca restaurant. Massino was not replaced as Bonanno boss until 2013 when Michael Mancuso, who had replaced Basciano as acting boss, was reported to have formally assumed the title. Massino's testimony and release Massino was conspicuously absent from the prosecution witnesses at the 2006 racketeering trial of Basciano, the prosecution deciding he was not yet needed; he was also expected to testify against Vito Rizzuto regarding his role in the three capos murder, but the Montreal boss accepted a plea bargain in May 2007 before Rizzuto's case went to trial. He finally made his debut as a witness at Basciano's trial for the murder of Randolph Pizzolo in April 2011; Massino's testified both during the trial itself and, after Basciano was convicted, on behalf of the prosecution's unsuccessful attempt to impose the death penalty. During his testimony Massino noted, as a result of his cooperation, "I’m hoping to see a light at the end of the tunnel." Massino testified again in the 2012 extortion trial of Genovese capo Anthony Romanello, primarily to provide background as an expert on the American Mafia. While Massino had not worked closely with Romanello, prosecutors decided to use him after another mobster-turned-witness was dropped; the case ended in an acquittal. Massino had also been considered as a witness in the 2013 murder trial of Colombo acting boss Joel Cacace, but was dropped after he was unable to fully remember the meeting where he claimed Cacace indicated his involvement in the murder of NYPD officer Ralph Dols. In June 2013, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a request to Judge Garaufis for a reduction of Massino's sentence; prosecutors cited both the impact of Massino's unprecedented cooperation and his failing health as reasons for a reduction of his sentence. Garaufis granted their request on July 10, resentencing Massino to time served and supervised release for the remainder of his life. References Sources External links Joseph Massino – Biography.com The Bonanno Family – Crime Library 1943 births American Mafia cooperating witnesses American crime bosses American gangsters of Italian descent American money launderers American people convicted of murder Bonanno crime family Bosses of the Bonanno crime family Capo dei capi Gangsters sentenced to life imprisonment Federal Bureau of Investigation informants Living people People convicted of murder by the United States federal government People convicted of racketeering People from Maspeth, Queens

1220101

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Maxwell

Joseph Maxwell

Joseph "Joe" Maxwell, (10 February 1896 – 6 July 1967) was an Australian soldier, writer, and a recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest decoration for gallantry "in the face of the enemy" that can be awarded to members of British and Commonwealth armed forces. Often described as Australia's second most decorated soldier of the First World War, he enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force on 8 February 1915, and served at Gallipoli before being transferred to the Western Front. In just over twelve months he was commissioned and decorated four times for his bravery. An apprentice boilermaker before the war, Maxwell returned to Australia in 1919 and worked as a gardener. In 1932, he published Hell's Bells and Mademoiselles, a book written in collaboration with Hugh Buggy about his war experiences. Attempting to enlist for service during the Second World War, Maxwell was rejected on the grounds of his age before enlisting under an alias in Queensland; his identity was discovered, and after a short period in a training position, he sought discharge. In 1967, aged 71, he died of a heart attack. Early life Maxwell was born in the Sydney suburb of Forest Lodge, New South Wales, on 10 February 1896 to John Maxwell, a labourer, and his wife Elizabeth, née Stokes. A member of the Senior Australian Army Cadets for three years, he worked as an apprentice boilermaker at an engineering works near Newcastle upon leaving school. For two years, he served as a member of the Citizens Military Forces, and on 6 February 1915, he enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force enticed by the prospects of better pay. First World War Training, February 1915 to Western Front, May 1917 Having received his initial training at Liverpool Camp, Maxwell was allotted to "B" Company of the 18th Battalion as a lance corporal, and embarked for Egypt aboard HMAT Ceramic on 25 May 1915. The 18th Battalion trained in Egypt from mid-June until mid-August, before proceeding to Gallipoli, where they landed at Anzac Cove on 22 August. The battalion fought its first battle on the same day, staging an attack on the Turkish-held Hill 60. The engagement lasted until 29 August, with half of the battalion becoming casualties, and Maxwell briefly assuming the duties of a stretcher bearer. Maxwell served at Gallipoli with his unit until 2 December, when he was admitted to 5th Field Ambulance and evacuated from the peninsula suffering from jaundice. Admitted to 3rd Auxiliary Hospital, Heliopolis, he remained there until 11 December, when he was posted to a convalescent camp at Ras el Tin. He rejoined the 18th Battalion on 5 January 1916, which had been evacuated from the Gallipoli Peninsula on 20 December the previous year and posted to Egypt. On 4 February, Maxwell was admitted to the Australian Dermatological Hospital, Abbassia with venereal disease. He returned to his battalion four days before it embarked for France, and the Western Front on 18 March. Arriving in Marseilles, France, Maxwell was admitted to 7th Australian Field Ambulance and then transferred to the 3rd Canadian General Hospital following wounds sustained during battle. He was moved to the 1st Convalescent Depot on 2 May, and then discharged to Base Details eleven days later. He was later found guilty of breaking ranks at the 07:30 parade on the same day and being absent without leave from 08:00 until 13:00 on 24 May; for this transgression, he was reduced to the ranks. Rejoining his battalion on 1 June, he took part in the Battle of Pozières and received a promotion to sergeant in October. Suffering synovitis to his right knee, Maxwell was hospitalised for two days and posted to a training battalion in England on 28 November 1916. He stayed there for five months before embarking for France on 9 May 1917 and rejoining the 18th Battalion five days later. Maxwell was only briefly in France before being selected for officer training. Shortly after arriving in England, he attended a boisterous party with a group of soldiers. The military police raided the party and called the local police for assistance after confronting Maxwell's group. Maxwell was fined £20 and sent back to his unit for his actions. Western Front: May 1917 to August 1918 Maxwell was again selected for officer training, and on 5 July, he was posted to No. 6 Officers' Cadet Battalion. He was promoted to company sergeant major on 7 August, before rejoining the 18th Battalion on 11 September. Nine days later, he was engaged in action near Westhoek during the Third Battle of Ypres when he performed the deeds that earned him the Distinguished Conduct Medal. In the battle, the commander of a platoon was killed; Maxwell took command and led it into attack. Noticing that one of the newly captured positions was under heavy fire, Maxwell dashed to it and led the men to a safer and more tactically secure position, thus minimizing casualties. Commissioned in the field as a second lieutenant on 29 September 1917, Maxwell took part in the engagements around Poelcappelle, Belgium, the following month. He earned promotion to lieutenant on 1 January 1918 and was admitted to the 7th Australian Field Ambulance on 10 January suffering scabies. Having been discharged from the hospital, he rejoined the 18th Battalion on 17 January. On 8 March 1918, Maxwell commanded a scouting patrol that was operating to the east of Ploegsteert. Having obtained the required information, he ordered the patrol to withdraw. He and three of his men were covering the withdrawal of the main body when he noticed about thirty Germans nearby. Recalling the patrol, he led an attack against the party, which had sheltered in an old trench; the Germans quickly withdrew, leaving three dead and one wounded prisoner of war. Maxwell was awarded the Military Cross for his actions during this engagement, news of which was published in a supplement to the London Gazette on 13 May 1918. Throughout the spring of 1918, the 18th Battalion was involved in operations to repel the German offensive. Maxwell took part in these actions until he was granted leave and went back to England on 17 July. He returned to France and rejoined the 18th Battalion on 1 August, before taking part in the Battle of Amiens where he was to earn a Bar to his Military Cross. On 9 August, the battalion was preparing to attack near Rainecourt. Maxwell took command of the company after all of its other officers became casualties. Under his leadership, the company was able to attack on time, despite being subjected to heavy fire. A tank that preceded the advance immediately became the object of enemy fire and was knocked out by a 77 mm gun. Maxwell, who was in close proximity, rushed over and opened the hatch, allowing the crew to escape. After escorting the tank commander to safety, Maxwell returned to lead the company in the attack, which succeeded in reaching and consolidating their objective. The award of the bar was published in a supplement to the London Gazette on 1 February 1919. Victoria Cross, October 1918 to repatriation, August 1919 On 3 October 1918, the 5th Brigade—of which the 18th Battalion was part—became engaged in its last battle of the First World War when breaching the Hindenburg Line close to Beaurevoir and Montbrehain. While taking part in this battle, Maxwell was a member of the attacking party along the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme line when he performed the acts for which he was awarded the Victoria Cross. Early in the advance, Maxwell's company commander was severely wounded, resulting in Maxwell assuming control. Reaching the German barbwire defences under intense machine-gun fire, the company suffered heavy casualties, including all of the officers except Maxwell. Pushing forward alone through a narrow passageway in the wire, Maxwell captured the most dangerous machine gun, killed three Germans and took another four as prisoners; thereby enabling the company to move through the wire and reach their objective. Shortly afterwards, it was noticed that the company on their left flank was held up and failing to advance. Gathering a party of men, Maxwell led the group in an attempt to attack the German force from the rear. They soon came under heavy machine gun fire, and, single-handedly, Maxwell dashed forward and attacked the foremost gun. Firing his revolver, he managed to shoot five of the crew and silence the gun. Later in the advance, Maxwell learnt from an English-speaking prisoner that a group of Germans in the adjacent post wished to surrender, but were afraid to give themselves up. Accompanied by two privates and the prisoner—who was to act as an interpreter—Maxwell approached the post. The three Australians, however, were immediately surrounded by a group of twenty German soldiers and disarmed. They seemed set to become prisoners themselves, before an artillery barrage fell on the position. Taking advantage of the resulting confusion, Maxwell pulled out a concealed revolver and shot two of the Germans before escaping with his men under heavy rifle fire; one of the privates was subsequently wounded. Organising a party of men, he immediately attacked and captured the post. The full citation for Maxwell's Victoria Cross appeared in a supplement to the London Gazette on 6 January 1919, it read: The 18th Battalion was training away from the frontline when the Armistice was declared on 11 November 1918. On 8 March 1919, Maxwell was invested with his Victoria Cross by King George V in the ballroom of Buckingham Palace. He headed for Australia on 1 May aboard HT China, disembarking at Melbourne on 8 June and proceeding to Sydney, where he was discharged from the Australian Imperial Force on 20 August. Later life Following demobilisation, Maxwell worked as a gardener in Canberra, Moree and the Maitland district. Having described himself as a reporter, Maxwell married 19-year-old tailoress Mabel Maxwell (unrelated) in a Catholic ceremony at Bellevue Hill, Sydney on 14 February 1921. The marriage produced a daughter, Jean, before being dissolved in 1926 upon Mabel's instigation. On 11 November 1929, Maxwell attended the New South Wales Dinner for recipients of the Victoria Cross in Sydney, and 1932 saw the publication of Hell's Bells and Mademoiselles, a book written in collaboration with Hugh Buggy about his experiences in the war. At the time, Maxwell was working as a gardener with the Department of the Interior in Canberra. The book was a success, but Maxwell soon spent what money he made from it. In the late 1930s, he wrote the manuscript for a second book entitled From the Hindenburg Line to the Breadline. The book was never published and the manuscript was lost when it was lent to someone to read. In 1933, Maxwell acted as a defence witness in the trial of Alfred Jamieson, who was accused of housebreaking. Maxwell was Jamieson's former platoon commander and testified that Jamieson had been of good character but had been strongly affected by the war. After the outbreak of the Second World War, Maxwell made several attempts to enlist, but was unsuccessful due to his age, and deteriorating health. He eventually travelled to Queensland, where he enlisted under the alias of Joseph Wells on 27 June 1940. However, his identity was soon discovered and he was given a training position; dissatisfied, he took his discharge on 9 September 1940. In 1952, Maxwell joined the contingent of Victoria Cross recipients invited to the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. On 6 March 1956, describing himself as a journalist from Bondi, Maxwell married widow Anne Martin, née Burton, in Sydney. Three years later, he attended the Victoria Cross centenary celebrations in London, before later re-visiting the battlefields in France. In 1964, together with his wife, Maxwell attended the opening of the VC Corner in the Australian War Memorial, Canberra. He was determined that his Victoria Cross would not wind up in the collection, believing that the award would be devalued by "lumping" them together. On 6 July 1967, Maxwell collapsed and died of a heart attack in a street in his home town Matraville, New South Wales. He had been an invalid pensioner for some time. His funeral service took place with full military honours at St Mathias Anglican Church, Paddington. Having been cremated, his ashes were interred at the Eastern Suburbs Crematorium in Botany. Anne Maxwell presented her husband's medals to the Army Museum of New South Wales at Victoria Barracks, Paddington, and subsequently the medals, together with a portrait and a brass copy of his VC citation, were unveiled by the Minister of Defence, Allan Fairhall. In 2003, Maxwell's medals were presented to the Australian War Memorial on a permanent loan basis. Notes References Further reading External links 1896 births 1967 deaths Australian Army officers Australian boilermakers Australian Army personnel of World War II 20th-century Australian non-fiction writers Australian recipients of the Distinguished Conduct Medal Australian World War I recipients of the Victoria Cross People from New South Wales Recipients of the Military Cross Burials at Eastern Suburbs Memorial Park

3558437

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Magliocco

Joseph Magliocco

Joseph Magliocco (born Giuseppe Magliocco; ; June 29, 1898 – December 28, 1963), also known as "Joe Malayak" and "Joe Evil Eye", was an Italian-born New York mobster and the boss of the Profaci crime family (later to become the Colombo crime family) from 1962 to 1963. In 1963, Magliocco participated in an audacious attempt to kill other family bosses and take over the Mafia Commission. The attempt failed, and, while his life was spared, he was forced into retirement. Soon after, he died of a heart attack on December 28, 1963. Background Magliocco was born in Portella di Mare, a frazione in the comune of Misilmeri, in the province of Palermo, in Sicily. Magliocco's nickname, "Joe Malayak," came from the word Maluk, which meant "ruler". Despite weighing over 300 pounds, Magliocco was described as being very energetic and decisive in his work and physical gestures, someone who exuded danger and confidence. Magliocco lived on a six-acre waterfront estate in East Islip, New York. He was the silent partner in a liquor company, Alpine Wine and Liquor, and a linen company, Arrow Linen Supply. In 1963, it was suspected that Magliocco was using his clout to force bars and restaurants to buy from both companies. According to Joseph Bonanno, Magliocco was an excellent Italian chef and loved to eat. Magliocco's son, Ambrose Magliocco, was a capo. Magliocco's second cousin and brother-in-law was mob boss Joseph Profaci, founder of the Profaci crime family. Magliocco was an in-law of consigliere and underboss Salvatore Mussachio, related by marriage to Buffalo crime family boss Stefano Magaddino, and uncle to the wife of Bonanno crime family founder Joseph Bonanno. Early years As a young man, Magliocco became involved in illegal gambling and union racketeering. On December 5, 1928, Magliocco and Profaci attended a meeting of New York mobsters at the Statler Hotel in Cleveland, Ohio. The main topic was dividing the Brooklyn territory of the recently murdered boss Salvatore D'Aquila without causing a gang war. By the end of the meeting, Profaci had received a share of the open territory, and named Magliocco as his second-in-command—a post he would hold for the next 34 years. When the Cleveland Police raided the meeting, Magliocco was briefly detained on an illegal weapons charge. In 1931, the Castellammarese War began in New York between two powerful Italian-American gangs. Both Profaci and Magliocco attempted to stay neutral during this conflict. By the end of 1931, the war was over and the New York gangs were divided into five crime families supervised by a Mafia Commission. Profaci and Magliocco were confirmed as boss and underboss, respectively, of what was now known as the Profaci crime family. Colombo War In 1957, Magliocco was arrested with 60 other mobsters who were attending the Apalachin Conference, a national mob meeting in Apalachin, New York. On January 13, 1960, Magliocco and 21 others were convicted of conspiracy and he was sentenced to five years in prison. However, on November 28, 1960, a United States Court of Appeals overturned the verdicts. On February 27, 1961 the Gallos led by Joe Gallo, kidnapped four of Profaci's top men: underboss Magliocco, Frank Profaci (Joe Profaci's brother), capo Salvatore Musacchia and soldier John Scimone. Profaci himself eluded capture and flew to sanctuary in Florida. While holding the hostages, Larry and Albert Gallo sent Joe Gallo to California. The Gallos demanded a more favorable financial scheme for the hostages' release. Gallo wanted to kill one hostage and demand $100,000 before negotiations, but his brother Larry overruled him. After a few weeks of negotiation, Profaci made a deal with the Gallos. Profaci's consigliere Charles "the Sidge" LoCicero negotiated with the Gallos and all the hostages were released peacefully. However, Profaci had no intention of honoring this peace agreement. On August 20, 1961 Joseph Profaci ordered the murder of Gallo members Joseph "Joe Jelly" Gioielli and Larry Gallo. Gunmen allegedly murdered Gioilli after inviting him to go fishing. Larry Gallo survived a strangulation attempt in the Sahara club of East Flatbush by Carmine Persico and Salvatore "Sally" D'Ambrosio after a police officer intervened. The Gallo brothers had been previously aligned with Persico against Profaci and his loyalists; The Gallos then began calling Persico "The Snake" after he had betrayed them. the war continued on resulting in nine murders and three disappearances. With the start of the gang war, the Gallo crew retreated to the Dormitory. Family boss On June 6, 1962, Profaci died of liver cancer and Magliocco became the family boss. However, the Mafia Commission did not endorse him as the new family leader. Afraid that the other New York families viewed him as weak, Magliocco increased the tempo of violence against the Gallo faction. In turn, car bombs, drive-by shootings, and other murder attempts were made against Magliocco men such as Carmine Persico and his enforcer, Hugh McIntosh. In 1963, with the jailing of Gallo and several associates, the hostilities temporarily ended. Commission plot In 1963, Joseph Bonanno, the head of the Bonanno crime family, made plans to assassinate several rivals on the Mafia Commission—bosses Tommy Lucchese, Carlo Gambino, and Stefano Magaddino, as well as Frank DeSimone. Bonanno sought Magliocco's support, and Magliocco readily agreed. Not only was he bitter from being denied a seat on the Commission, but Bonanno and Profaci had been close allies for over 30 years prior to Profaci's death. Bonanno's audacious goal was to take over the Commission and make Magliocco his right hand man. Magliocco was assigned the task of killing Lucchese and Gambino, and gave the contract to one of his top hit men, Joseph Colombo. However, the opportunistic Colombo revealed the plot to its targets. The other bosses quickly realized that Magliocco could not have planned this himself. Remembering how close Bonanno was with Magliocco (and before him, Profaci), as well as their close ties through marriages, the other bosses concluded Bonanno was the real mastermind. The Commission summoned Bonanno and Magliocco to explain themselves. Fearing for his life, Bonanno went into hiding in Montreal, leaving Magliocco to deal with the Commission. Badly shaken and in failing health, Magliocco confessed his role in the plot. The Commission spared Magliocco's life, but forced him to retire as Profaci family boss and pay a $50,000 fine. As a reward for turning on his boss, Colombo was awarded the Profaci family. Death On December 28, 1963, Joseph Magliocco died of a heart attack at Good Samaritan Hospital Medical Center in West Islip, New York. Magliocco is buried in Saint Charles Cemetery in Farmingdale, New York. In 1969, the authorities exhumed Magliocco's body to determine if he had been poisoned. This action was taken based on FBI phone tapings in which DeCavalcante crime family boss Sam DeCavalcante suggested that Joseph Bonanno poisoned Magliocco. However, no traces of poison were found in the body and it was re-interred at Saint Charles. In popular culture Magliocco was portrayed by Michael Rispoli in the second season of the 2019 TV series Godfather of Harlem. References Further reading Bonanno, Bill, Bound by Honor: A Mafioso's Story. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. Capeci, Jerry, The Complete Idiot's Guide to the Mafia. Indianapolis: Alpha Books, 2002. Cirules, Enrique The Mafia in Havana: A Caribbean Mob Story. Melbourne: Ocean Press, 2004. Bureau of Narcotics, U.S. Treasury Department, "Mafia: the Government's Secret File on Organized Crime, HarperCollins Publishers 2007 1898 births 1963 deaths Bosses of the Colombo crime family American gangsters of Sicilian descent People from Castellammare del Golfo Colombo crime family People from East Islip, New York Burials at Saint Charles Cemetery

5384103

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Joseph%20Mathews

John Joseph Mathews

John Joseph Mathews (November 16, 1894 – June 16, 1979) (Osage) became one of the Osage Nation's most important spokespeople and writers, and served on the Osage Tribal Council during the 1930s. He studied at the University of Oklahoma, Oxford University, and the University of Geneva after serving as a flight instructor during World War I. Mathews' first book was a history, Wah'kon-tah: The Osage and The White Man's Road (1929), which was selected by the Book-of-the-Month Club as their first by an academic press; it became a bestseller. His second book, Sundown (1934) is his most well known, an exploration of the disruption of the people and their society at the time of the oil boom, which also attracted criminal activities by leading whites in the county and state, including murder of Osage. In 1951 Mathews published a biography of E. W. Marland, noted oilman and governor of Oklahoma in the 1930s. His book The Osages: Children of the Middle Waters (1961) was a life work, preserving many collected stories and the oral history of the Osage. In 1996 Mathews was posthumously inducted into the Oklahoma Historians Hall of Fame. The cabin in the Osage Hills where he did much of his writing was acquired about 2014 by the Nature Conservancy of Oklahoma. His gravesite is next to it. Both will be preserved within the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve. Early life and education Mathews was born at Pawhuska, Oklahoma as the only surviving son of five children of William Shirley and Eugenia (Girard) Mathews. His banker father was part Osage, the son of John Allan Mathews, a noted trader, and Sarah Williams, the mixed-race daughter of A-Ci'n-Ga, a full-blood Osage, and "Old Bill" Williams, a noted missionary and later Mountain Man who lived with the Osage. Because the Osage had a patrilineal kinship system, the Mathews descendants were excluded from belonging to one of the tribe's clans, as their Osage ancestry was through the maternal line of A-Ci'-Ga, rather than through a direct male ancestor. Mathews' paternal grandparents had met in Kentucky, where "Old Bill" Williams had sent his daughters for school after his wife A-Ci'n-Ga had died. John Joseph Mathews' mother was Pauline Eugenia Girard, whose family had immigrated from France. The family had an "active interest in Osage culture." The Mathews children were one-eighth Osage by ancestry, as well as Anglo-Scots-Irish and French; they all attended local schools in Pawhuska. John had three sisters and one brother. His brother was killed as a child by a mountain lion that attacked him near their family home. Two of his sisters, Lillian and Marie Mathews, did not marry and lived in the family home at 911 Grandview Avenue in Pawhuska until their deaths. Service in World War I came before college, and John Mathews became a flight instructor and second lieutenant after time in the cavalry. Afterward, he went to the University of Oklahoma, graduating with a degree in geology. He studied (at his own expense) at Oxford University in England, graduating in 1923 with a degree in natural science. He also studied international relations at the University of Geneva and the Graduate Institute of International Studies. In addition, he traveled in Africa before returning to the United States, determined to study the culture and traditions of the Osage. Marriage and family In 1924 in Geneva, Mathews married an American woman, Virginia Winslow Hopper. They first settled in California, where their two children were born: John and Virginia. The couple divorced. Mathews returned to Oklahoma in 1929, where he lived for the rest of his life. Years later, in 1945, he married Elizabeth Hunt. She worked with him on much of his research related to the Osage and their forced migration from Missouri to Oklahoma. He treated her son John Hunt, from her first marriage, as his stepson. Mathews died in 1979 and was buried at his request near the cabin in the Osage Hills where he did much of his writing. He had five surviving great nieces and nephews: Fleur Feighan, William Feighan, Major (U.S. Army, Retired) Howard J. Schellenberg, III; Jeanne (Schellenberg) Hulse, and Maria Schellenberg. Career After his return to Oklahoma in 1929, Mathews began writing in the late 1920s. As a member of the tribe, he had headrights and received money from leases for oil wells, which enabled him to buy land, build a stone cabin, and pursue his writing career. He published his first book, a work of literary non-fiction, Wah'kon-tah: The Osage and The White Man's Road (1932), with the University of Oklahoma Press. This was the first work by an academic press to be selected by the new Book-of-the-Month Club, and with that secondary publication, the book became a bestseller. His most well-known work is Sundown (1934), his only novel. Mathews is described as introducing "the modern American Indian novel", a pattern for future works by Indians. It is marked by its realism, as Mathews wanted to represent the Indian in a way that had not been recognized in European-American cultural stereotypes. The semi-autobiographical work is about Challenge "Chal" Windzer, a young Osage man of mixed-blood ancestry. After leaving home to study at the University of Oklahoma and serve in the military, Chal feels estranged when he returns to his tribal community. He suffers from alienation and hopelessness as his life takes a downward swerve. The novel is set during the turbulence of the oil boom that took place on Osage land in Oklahoma in the early 1920s, which generated great wealth for the many Osage enrolled citizens who had headrights. It depicts the frictions and disruption within the tribal community that accompanied this bonanza of wealth. In addition, it portrayed the swindles and numerous outright murders of Osage during the 1920s, a period they termed the "Reign of Terror", as white opportunists tried to get control of the Osage headrights. (Note: see Osage Indian Murders. Failing to get relief from local law enforcement, the Osage appealed to the federal government for help, as their people were still being killed. Extensive local and corruption has been documented in conspiracies to get control of Osage headrights, involving state many leading whites of the region: ranchers, lawyers, judges, doctors, police, undertakers, and more. Agents of the new Federal Bureau of Investigation were assigned to investigate the murders and successfully prosecuted three men, but many more crimes passed without investigation.) During the 1930s and the Great Depression, when Mathews was still living in his cabin, he was very politically active within the Osage Nation. As the people took advantage of the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 and the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act, Mathews helped the Osage Nation restore its self-government. He was elected to the Tribal Council, serving from 1934 to 1942. He helped found the Osage Tribal Museum, which opened in 1938 in Pawhuska, and donated numerous artifacts to it. From 1939 to 1940 Mathews lived and studied in Mexico on a Guggenheim Fellowship. In 1940, Mathews served as the United States representative to the Indians of the Americas Conference at Michoacan, Mexico. Later, Mathews concentrated again on his writing. His work Talking to the Moon (1945) is a retrospective account of the ten years he spent in the "blackjacks" of his homeland, observing nature and reflecting on the influence of the environment on Osage culture. He wrote much of this in the stone cabin that he built in the Osage Hills in 1929. This area is now preserved as part of the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve. The book is a combination of autobiography, philosophical treatise, and observations by an amateur naturalist. Some critics compared it to Henry David Thoreau's Walden. Lee Schweninger noted that Mathews used irony to create distance between the narrator and himself as the subject of autobiographical reflection. He also wrote about himself as a settler, and critiqued European-American culture, while committing actions similar to those of other settlers who disrupted the natural balance. Mathews's Life and Death of an Oilman: The Career of E. W. Marland (1951) was his only biography; it explores the life of a multi-millionaire Oklahoma oilman and politician, who also served as governor of the state in the 1930s. He created a social scandal by marrying his much younger adoptive daughter, Lydie Marland. Based on years of collecting information from tribal elders through the oral tradition, in addition to conducting historical research, Mathews wrote The Osages: Children of the Middle Waters (1961). It has been described as "his magnum opus and a pioneering achievement for both its reliance on the oral tradition and presentation of a particular tribal history from an Indian point of view." His book was the produce of his working with tribal elders to preserve and interpret their common culture. Two books of Mathews have been published posthumously, in efforts to bring his work to a wider audience. Another autobiography, Twenty Thousand Mornings was published in 2012, edited by Susan Kalter. In the 1960s Mathews wrote a number of short stories, some drawing from folk traditions of the Osage and other cultures, including Scotland. Selected stories from these unpublished manuscripts were published in 2015 as Old Three Toes and Other Tales of Survival and Extinction. Mathews told these stories from the point of view of bird and animal protagonists, an act of imagination that decenters human life. Works Wah'kon-tah: The Osage and The White Man's Road (1929) Sundown (1934) Talking to the Moon (1945), Life and Death of an Oilman: The Career of E. W. Marland (1951) The Osages: Children of the Middle Waters (1961) The following were published posthumously: Twenty Thousand Mornings (2011), autobiography, ed. Susan Kalter Old Three Toes and Other Tales of Survival and Extinction (2015), short stories, ed. Susan Kalter Legacy and honors 1996, Mathews was posthumously inducted into the Oklahoma Historians Hall of Fame. In 2017, a biography, John Joseph Mathews: Life of an Osage Writer, by Michael Snyder was published by the University of Oklahoma. The stone cabin where Mathews did much of his writing is in the Osage Hills. The cabin and gravesite were acquired about 2014 by the Nature Conservancy of Oklahoma and added to its Tallgrass Prairie Preserve, which it administers. The cabin and gravesite will be preserved. Notes References , November 2005, Air Force Museum Native American Authors Project, Internet Public Library (accessed 6 March 2008) Fredrick W. Boling, "Tribute to John Joseph Mathews: Osage Writer", Western Writers of America ROUNDUP Magazine, at Frederick Boling's website "John Joseph Mathews", Enotes.com Guy Logsdon, "John Joseph Mathews", Oklahoma Historical Society's Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History & Culture Further reading Bob L. Blackburn, "Oklahoma Historians Hall of Fame John Joseph Mathews," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 74 (Fall 1996). Bob Foreman, "Mathews' New Book Will Be Whopper," Tulsa (Oklahoma) Tribune, 3 November 1958. Guy Logsdon, "John Joseph Mathews: A Conversation," Nimrod 16 (Spring/Summer 1972). Michael Snyder, "Friends of the Osages: John Joseph Mathews's 'Wah'Kon-Tah' and Osage-Quaker Cross-Cultural Collaboration," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 88.4 (Winter 2012-11). Michael Snyder, John Joseph Mathews: Life of an Osage Writer, University of Oklahoma Press, 2017, External links Book about Osage writer will be released Thursday John Joseph Mathews, Western American Literature Research 1894 births 1979 deaths People from Pawhuska, Oklahoma Osage people Native American novelists American military personnel of World War I University of Oklahoma alumni 20th-century American novelists American male novelists Alumni of the University of Oxford University of Geneva alumni Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies alumni 20th-century American male writers Alumni of Merton College, Oxford

5920469

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Hannah%20Williams

Murder of Hannah Williams

The murder of Hannah Williams was an English case in which a 14-year-old schoolgirl, Hannah Williams (May 1986 – c. 21 April 2001), was murdered after going missing during a shopping trip on 21 April 2001. Robert Howard, a convicted sex offender suspected of other murders including in his native Ireland, was convicted in 2003 and sentenced to life in prison for her murder. The case has been cited (by British charity Missing People, formerly the National Missing Persons Helpline, among others) as an example of missing white woman syndrome. This is because Williams, a working-class girl with a history of running away from home, received far less press coverage than other missing girls of a similar age who disappeared around the same time, in particular Danielle Jones (who disappeared in June 2001 and whose body has never been found) and Milly Dowler, both of whom were middle-class schoolgirls from apparently stable families. Disappearance On 21 April 2001 Hannah Williams told her mother that she was going window shopping in Dartford, but never returned home. For a long time it was presumed that Williams had run away, and the search was not helped by the fact that a friend reported seeing her long after she had probably been killed. Discovery of body and conviction of killer Williams's body was discovered on 15 March 2002 at a cement works in an industrial area of Northfleet, Kent, beside the Thames estuary. Initially it was speculated that the body was that of Danielle Jones, who had been missing from East Tilbury in Essex since 18 June 2001, but Williams's clothing led to a correct identification. The discovery of Williams's body also overlapped with the investigation into the disappearance, and later murder, of Milly Dowler from Surrey, who vanished on 21 March 2002. Robert Howard, a convicted sex offender who had known Williams since 1999, was arrested on 23 March 2002, eight days after her body was found. At his trial at Maidstone Crown Court in October 2003, Howard was found guilty of raping and murdering Williams, and was sentenced to life imprisonment. No minimum term was reported to have been recommended by the trial judge, and there have been no reports of a minimum term subsequently issued by the High Court. Robert Howard Robert Lesarian Howard, of Wolfhill, a village in County Laois, Republic of Ireland, was first convicted of burglary at the age of 13, and at 19 was convicted of attempted rape of a 6-year-old girl in London. He served prison terms for attempted rape and strangulation in London and for burglary and rape in Cork, and was a police suspect in several disappearances of women and girls, including that of Jo Jo Dullard of Callan and Annie McCarrick, a New York tourist in County Wicklow. In 1993, the same year as McCarrick's disappearance, Howard was convicted of unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl under 17 in the case of a 16-year-old in Castlederg, County Tyrone, in Northern Ireland whom he had been accused of raping. On 14 August 1994, while he was on bail, 15-year-old Arlene Arkison, who was also from Castlederg, went missing in Bundoran, County Donegal. She was last seen in a car that Howard was driving. Arkison is presumed dead, but her body has not been found. Howard was arrested six weeks after her disappearance and was tried in 2005 on charges of murdering her; he was acquitted by the jury, who had not been informed of his previous offences or his conviction for Williams's murder. (The jury in his trial for Williams's murder had heard evidence regarding his grooming both Arkison and Williams after befriending family members.) An inquest into Arkison's death began in Belfast in February 2016 and included testimony that his earlier offences made him "extremely dangerous" to Arkison by the time she disappeared. A second inquest in 2021 found him responsible for Arkison's murder; the coroner also ruled that the police should have arrested him immediately given his known history. Howard was born on 20 April 1944 and died in prison on 2 October 2015 at the age of 71. Contrasts in news media coverage Dowler and Jones were both middle-class and received much more media attention than Williams, a girl from a working-class single-parent home who had spent time in care and had a history of running away. Images of Dowler were prevalent on the front pages of national newspapers within days as her disappearance attracted national attention. Most of the coverage of Williams, a total of 62 articles in British newspapers, was at the time of the initial discovery of her body and resulted from the initial interest in the possibility that the body could be that of Danielle Jones. The only regular coverage was by the local newspapers, The Mercury and the South London Press, which covered the disappearance of Williams from two weeks after she first vanished to the day her body was found and beyond to the murder trial of her killer. In contrast, the media coverage of the two 10-year-old girls who were victims in the Soham murders in August 2002 generated 898 articles in under two weeks. A police spokesperson described Williams's mother as "not really press conference material" and the National Missing Persons Helpline noted, in commenting upon the case, that news media often asked for cases where the missing person was female, within a particular age range and with a particular social background. An anonymous Kent police officer was quoted in The Guardian: "There are serious questions to be raised about the original missing persons investigation. This is very sensitive, but if Hannah Williams had been a Milly Dowler, she may not be dead now." Milly Dowler's body was finally found in September 2002, six months after she disappeared, although it was almost a decade before Levi Bellfield was convicted of her murder. Danielle Jones's body has never been found, although enough evidence was found within five months to charge her uncle, Stuart Campbell, with her murder; he was convicted in December 2002. See also List of solved missing person cases References 2000s in Kent 2001 murders in the United Kingdom 2001 in England April 2001 events in the United Kingdom Deaths by person in England Female murder victims Formerly missing people Incidents of violence against girls Incidents of violence against women Missing person cases in England Murder in Kent Murder trials Rape in England

7040085

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel%20Joseph%20May

Samuel Joseph May

Samuel Joseph May (September 12, 1797 – July 1, 1871) was an American reformer during the nineteenth century who championed education, women's rights, and abolition of slavery. May argued on behalf of all working people that the rights of humanity were more important than the rights of property, and advocated for minimum wages and legal limitations on the amassing of wealth. He was born on September 12, 1797, in an upper-class Boston area. May was the son of Colonel Joseph May, a merchant, and Dorothy Sewell, who was descended from or connected to many of the leading families of colonial Massachusetts, including the Quincys and the Hancocks. His sister was Abby May Alcott, mother of novelist Louisa May Alcott. In 1825, he married Lucretia Flagge Coffin with whom he had five children. Author Eve LaPlante, who wrote several books about his sister Abby May Alcott and a book about Sewall ancestor Judge Samuel Sewall, is one of his direct descendants. Education and early career May was born and raised in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1797 to Joseph May and Dorothy May (née Sewall). When he was four years old his six year old brother Edward died while they were at play in their barn. May claimed that the loss of his brother and the dreams he had following the fatal accident led him to devote his life to God and inspired his passion to "rectify the world's wrongs." He started attending Harvard in 1813 at the age of fifteen; during his junior year he chose to become a minister. In addition, while he was at Harvard and afterwards, he taught school in Concord, Massachusetts. During this time, he met many prominent Unitarians and activists, including Noah Worcester, who instilled in May the idea of peaceful opposition. He was in a party that was one of the first to travel on the Crawford Path, opened in 1819 by Abel and Ethan Crawford as a route to the summit of Mount Washington, New Hampshire, and today considered to be the oldest White Mountains trail in continuous use. May graduated from Harvard Divinity School in 1820 and became a Unitarian minister. (See Harvard Divinity School and Unitarianism.) Following his graduation, he considered preaching in New York City and Richmond, Virginia, prior to accepting a position in Brooklyn, Connecticut, as the only Unitarian minister in that state. He came to the forefront of the Unitarian movement and became well known throughout New England as he attempted to make reforms and establish Unitarian churches. In 1825, he married Lucretia Flagge Coffin, with whom he had five children: Joseph May, John Edward May, Charlotte Coffin (May) Wilkinson, Rev. Joseph May and George Emerson May. Their eldest son named Joseph died young. They also named a later son Joseph, in honor of him and May's father, Colonel Joseph May. Early reform May began a biweekly publication, The Liberal Christian, in January 1823; its main goal was to explain the Unitarian theology. He helped in the formation of Windham County Peace Society in 1826; in 1827, May organized a statewide convention for school reform in Connecticut, and he started a series of lectures in 1828. Meanwhile, he also belonged to the American Colonization Society, whose purpose was to send free blacks to (not "back to") Africa. May's belief in perfectionism through imitation of the life of Jesus Christ strongly influenced his involvement in reform movements. A pacifist, he actively participated in establishing peace societies, speaking out against the death penalty, and advocating nonresistance. He practiced this last belief to the extent of rejecting self-defense. He became a leader in the temperance movement, believing it to be a form of abolitionism, since he saw men as "slaves" to drink. He was perhaps most renowned for his work in education reform, as he sought to improve facilities, teachers, and curriculum in public elementary schools. May believed schools should be racially integrated and coeducational, and he advocated the philosophy of Swiss theorist Johann Pestalozzi. He spent time tutoring his sister Abigail May in philosophy and the humanities and wrote in a letter to her, "What you say relative to the need for universal education is certainly true. Nothing is of unimportance in the formation of the mind." Involvement in abolitionism In 1830, May happened to meet and create a strong friendship with Wm. Lloyd Garrison, which pushed him into the abolitionist movement. Although his abolitionist views alienated his family, friends, and other clergymen, he remained true to his beliefs. He helped Garrison found the New England Anti-Slavery Society, the American Anti-Slavery Society, and the New England Non-Resistance Society, in addition to working for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. He served as one of the writers for the constitutions of some of these societies, and as a lecturer and general agent for the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Fighting for racial equality and better schools, May assisted Prudence Crandall in the 1830s when residents of Canterbury, Connecticut, through the state legislature, made it illegal for her to run her Canterbury Female Boarding School for "young Ladies and little Misses of color". This experience caused him to abandon his support for the colonization movement, since Andrew T. Judson, Connecticut's leading colonizationist, led the attack on Crandall's school. May was one of the delegates from the United States who attended the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London in 1840. May became pastor of the Unitarian Church of the Messiah of Syracuse, New York, in 1845, serving until 1868. He fought the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 by making announcements during his sermons of fugitive slaves in the area and taking collections on their behalf, as well as aiding escaped slaves along the Underground Railroad. As a prominent abolitionist in the city, May, with the help of many Liberty Party members, including Gerrit Smith and Samuel Ringgold Ward, planned and successfully executed the rescue of Jerry McHenry, a man arrested as a fugitive slave, from the police. In addition to fighting for the abolition of slavery, he fought for the equality of free Blacks in his congregations by allowing them to sit in the front as opposed to the segregated rear pews. This act resulted in his reproach by white congregation members and also in his quitting some of his parishes. These actions, particularly late in the 1850s and immediately after Lincoln was elected President in 1860, led abolitionism's opponents to violently attack May as well as burn him in effigy. Work for women's rights In addition to speaking and writing pamphlets and articles concerning abolitionism, May was a leading advocate in women's rights and suffrage. Most notably, he wrote The Rights and Condition of Women in 1846 in favor of giving women the right to vote and allowing them equality in all aspects of life. May's work with the women's movement prompted him to move towards socialist economic views including redistribution of the nation's wealth, overhaul of the legal system, and a "soak-the-rich" income tax. He published a variety of other writings including "Education of the Faculties" (Boston, 1846); "Revival of Education" (Syracuse, New York, 1855): and "Recollections of the Anti-Slavery Conflict" (Boston, 1868). Final years and legacy By the time of the American Civil War, May had long been torn between his commitment to pacifism and his growing belief that slavery could not be destroyed without violence. He felt that the use of force against the Southern rebellion was necessary. Following the war and success of emancipation, May continued his work for racial, sexual, economic, and educational equality until the end of his life, including service as president of the Syracuse public school district. Samuel Joseph May died on July 1, 1871, in Syracuse, New York. He is buried at Oakwood Cemetery, Syracuse, New York. The May pamphlet collection May donated a collection of more than 10,000 works to the Cornell University Library in 1870. These included pamphlets, leaflets, and other local, regional, and national anti-slavery documents. Abolitionists Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Gerrit Smith issued an appeal for additional contributions to the collection so that the literature of the anti-slavery movement would be "preserved and handed down, that the purposes and the spirit, the methods and the aims of the Abolitionists should be clearly known and understood by future generations." In 1999, the Cornell University Library received a $331,000 grant "to catalog, conserve, and digitize the collection." This has been completed, and the collection is available online.. Legacy In 1885, the Unitarian Church of the Messiah, in Syracuse, was renamed in May's honor to May Memorial Unitarian Church; it is now the May Memorial Unitarian Universalist Society (MMUUS). See also Fugitive Slave Convention Unitarian Meetinghouse References Notes Further reading Mumford, Thomas J. (1873). Memoir of Samuel Joseph May. Boston: Roberts Brothers. Yacovone,Donald. (1991). Samuel Joseph May and the Dilemmas of the Liberal Persuasion, 1797-1871. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Yacovone, Donald. (2000, February). "May, Samuel Joseph," American National Biography Online. Available by subscription: http://www.anb.org/articles/15/15-00454.html. External links Samuel Joseph May. Born in Boston, Massachusetts, September 12th, 1797. Died in Syracuse, New York, July 1st, 1871. Syracuse: Syracuse Journal Office, 1871. Samuel J. May Anti-Slavery Collection, Cornell Library Collection Description May Memorial Unitarian Universalist Society Dictionary of Unitarian & Universalist Biography 1797 births 1871 deaths Harvard Divinity School alumni Abolitionists from Boston Activists from Syracuse, New York 19th-century Unitarian clergy Underground Railroad people Clergy from Boston Burials at Oakwood Cemetery (Syracuse, New York) Sewall family Quincy family Alcott family American temperance activists American suffragists Underground Railroad locations African-American history of Connecticut People from Brooklyn, Connecticut Religious leaders from Connecticut Religious leaders from Syracuse, New York

10946647

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Maria%20Gordon

Joseph Maria Gordon

Major General Joseph Maria Gordon CB (19 March 1856 – 6 September 1929) was a senior officer in the British Army, later holding the position of Commandant of the South Australian Military Forces and serving in the Second Boer War in South Africa. Gordon subsequently held the position of Chief of the General Staff in the Australian Army before commanding a number of reserve formations during the First World War. Born in Jerez de la Frontera, Spain, he was the son of Carlos Pedro Gordon, of Scottish descent, and Elena Maria Prendergast, of Irish descent. He died in 1929. Early life Gordon was born in Jerez de la Frontera, in southern Spain. At birth, he was named José María Gordon y Prendergast. Following Spanish naming conventions he had two family names, Gordon for his father and Prendergast for his mother. His Spanish-born parents of Scottish and Irish descent were descended from 18th century migrants from Scotland. Spanish was Gordon's mother tongue, but at age seven, in 1867, his family returned to Scotland, when his father had inherited the family estates. Gordon then learnt to speak English, but he retained an accent for many years, if not the rest of his life. He grew up in Britain, where he attended the artillery and engineering military academy at Woolwich, beginning in 1874. At that time, while still a cadet, he met the future King of Spain, Prince Alfonso, who was in exile, attending the military school at Sandhurst. Prince Alfonso was proclaimed King of Spain in December 1874 and received the news while he was dining with Gordon in London. During that time Spain was engaged in a civil war, the Third Carlist War, and Gordon told Prince Alfonso that he had made plans to travel to northern Spain and join his enemy Carlos, Duke of Madrid with the object of gaining military experience. Prince Alfonso told Gordon that he could give him a letter of recommendation so he could join the royalist army, but Gordon declined. Military career After he obtained his commission, Gordon was stationed in Ireland, but in 1879 he resigned in poor health and traveled to New Zealand with the hope of improving his health. In New Zealand he spent time as a drill instructor before moving to Melbourne and working as a journalist. He unsuccessfully tried acting, newspaper publishing, and being a merchant before joining the police force in Adelaide, South Australia in 1881. He subsequently joined the Australian Army as an officer in an artillery regiment. In South Australia he was appointed the first commander for Fort Glanville, the state's first coastal fortification. He was appointed on 8 September 1882 as a lieutenant and took charge of the fort and district. By 1892 he had been promoted to lieutenant colonel. That year he also married Eileen Fitzgerald; the couple had two children, Eileen and Carlos. He was promoted to colonel in 1893 and became the Commandant of South Australia's military forces in the same year, succeeding Major General M.F. Downes. During his career he was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath and temporarily made brigadier general. He wrote the training manual for all South Australian garrison artillery. In 1900 he went to South Africa where he participated in the Second Boer War, serving as chief staff officer for Overseas Colonial Forces. Following the federation of the Australian colonies Gordon was transferred to Victoria where he commanded the new Commonwealth Military Forces in the state until 1905, and later held a similar command in New South Wales between 1905 and 1912. Although he had been passed over for a number of senior appointments previously, Gordon subsequently held the position of Chief of the General Staff without promotion to major general during 1912–1914 in order not to extend his time until retirement. Gordon relinquished this position in July 1914 and was on his way to England on holiday when the First World War broke out. He subsequently offered his services to the Australian Army but was unsuccessful, probably due to his age. However, he subsequently commanded a number of reserve formations of the British Army in England during 1914–1915, and later served with the Army of Occupation in Germany in 1919. In 1921, he was given the honorary rank of major general and placed on the retired list. He published his autobiography the same year. He died of cancer in England in 1929. He was regarded as an able and intelligent officer and during his service he contributed to the foundation of early Australian military aviation and the setting up of the Lithgow Small Arms Factory. Notes References External links Autobiography (Photographic reproduction) The Chronicles of a Gay Gordon at Project Gutenberg South Australia Police Historical Society 1856 births 1929 deaths Australian Army officers Australian generals British Army generals Australian police officers English people of Irish descent English people of Scottish descent British Roman Catholics Deaths from cancer in England Companions of the Order of the Bath Royal Artillery officers Spanish people of Irish descent Spanish people of Scottish descent Spanish emigrants to the United Kingdom People from Jerez de la Frontera Chiefs of Army (Australia)

12176602

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter%20Joseph%20Marm%20Jr.

Walter Joseph Marm Jr.

Walter Joseph "Joe" Marm Jr. (born November 20, 1941) is a retired United States Army colonel and a recipient of the United States military's highest decoration for valor, the Medal of Honor, for his actions in the Vietnam War. Early life Marm was born in Washington, Pennsylvania, to Walter and Dorothy Marm, a Pennsylvania State police officer and retail clerk, respectively. He graduated from Duquesne University with a business degree in 1964. He then joined the United States Army from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, graduated from Officers Candidate School, and attended Ranger School. Military career By September 1965, Marm was serving in the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam). On November 14, he was a second lieutenant and platoon leader of 2nd Platoon, A Company, 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile). On that day, during the Battle of Ia Drang, he single-handedly destroyed an enemy machine-gun position and several of its defenders, suffering severe wounds in the process. Marm survived his wounds and was subsequently promoted to first lieutenant; on December 19, 1966, he was awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions. Marm reached the rank of colonel before retiring from the army in 1995. Marm is a Life Scout. Medal of Honor citation First Lieutenant Marm's official Medal of Honor citation reads: Political endorsement Marm, a conservative Republican, endorsed Donald Trump for president in 2016. Marm traveled with Trump to election rallies and appeared on stage with him at numerous locations including Selma, North Carolina on November 3, 2016. See also List of Medal of Honor recipients for the Vietnam War References External links Walter Marm at the Congressional Medal of Honor's channel on Vimeo 1941 births Living people People from Washington, Pennsylvania United States Army personnel of the Vietnam War United States Army Medal of Honor recipients United States Army colonels Vietnam War recipients of the Medal of Honor Pennsylvania Republicans Military personnel from Pennsylvania

12702784

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tommy%20Le%20Noir

Tommy Le Noir

Thomas "Tommy" E. Le Noir is a 27-year law enforcement veteran with the Arlington Police Department in Arlington, Texas. Currently serving in the Cold Case Unit, Le Noir has worked more than 20 years in the department's homicide division, solving murders. Early life Le Noir was born in Bryan, Texas but spent his early years in Belle Chasse, Louisiana, part of the New Orleans metropolitan area. As a teenager, Le Noir's family returned to Texas, settling in Arlington. Le Noir graduated with a Bachelor of Science in criminal justice from the University of Texas at Arlington. Le Noir himself credits his career in the law enforcement field to his father. Aside from serving in the military, Le Noir's father was a heavyweight professional boxer who was a natural "protector" of not only his family and friends, but of anyone he felt was being abused or mistreated. Police career Le Noir joined the Arlington Police Department in 1980 in the patrol division and in two years earned a spot in the narcotics division and focused on undercover work. Three years later, Le Noir was selected to join the homicide division and was responsible for securing numerous capital convictions. During his distinguished law enforcement career, Le Noir has earned 75 commendations, 11 departmental awards, his Master Police Officer State Certification and the honor of "Officer of the Year." A black belt in martial arts since 1975, Le Noir pioneered the Arlington Police Academy's now required program in defensive tactics. He is also a certified instructor in basic and advanced courses in homicide investigation to outside police agencies at the North Texas Regional Police Academy and lectures extensively at colleges, high schools, civic groups and events and citizen police academies throughout the state. Several of Le Noir's homicide cases have earned national media attention – having been featured on A&E's Cold Case Files, Dick Wolf's Arrest & Trial and Court TV's Forensic Files among others. One of Le Noir's most famous cases was that of serial killer Jack Reeves, which has been featured in eight different documentary programs including HBO's America Undercover: Autopsy series and the subject of the book Mail Order Murder by true crime author Patricia Springer. Presently, Le Noir continues to investigate homicides in the Cold Case Homicide Unit. He is often called on to teach homicide investigation at the regional police academy, and lecture at universities while pursuing a second career in the entertainment venue. He has served in a consulting capacity on such shows as Rescue 911, and as the host for Murder, a Bunim-Murray Production that premiered on Spike TV in 2007. Family life Le Noir resides in Burleson, Texas with his wife and three daughters. References American municipal police officers University of Texas at Arlington alumni Living people People from Burleson, Texas People from Bryan, Texas People from Belle Chasse, Louisiana Year of birth missing (living people)

13632876

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Macleod

Joseph Macleod

Joseph Todd Gordon Macleod (1903–1984) was a British poet, actor, playwright, theatre director, theatre historian and BBC newsreader. He also published poetry under the pseudonym Adam Drinan. Biography Macleod was the son of Scottish parents, and was educated at Rugby School and Balliol College, Oxford. He passed his bar examinations, though never practised as a barrister, preferring a career as an actor, and also had aspirations as a poet. At Rugby he was a close friend of Adrian Stokes, and at Oxford he became a close friend of Graham Greene. From 1927, he was an actor and producer at the experimental Cambridge Festival Theatre. In 1933 he became the theatre's director and lessee. Five of his own plays were staged there, including Overture to Cambridge (1933) and A Woman Turned to Stone (1934). Under Macleod, the theatre became famous throughout Europe for its avant-garde productions, and staging of lesser known works by great playwrights. Macleod staged some of Ezra Pound's Noh plays, and also some Ibsen and Chekhov (his company, The Cambridge Festival Players, was one of the first in the UK to stage Chekhov's play The Seagull). The theatre was forced to close due to financial difficulties in June 1935, and has remained so ever since. He was intermittently involved in theatre production after this, and in 1952 won the Arts Council Silver Medal for his play Leap in September. The Ecliptic, Macleod's first book of poetry – a complex book divided into the signs of the zodiac – was published in 1930. It was approved for publication by T. S. Eliot at Faber and Faber after a strong recommendation from Ezra Pound, who thought highly of Macleod's abilities as a poet. A long-running correspondence was thus begun between the two poets. Macleod's first book was published alongside W. H. Auden's first book, Poems, and the Poetry (Chicago) editor Morton Dauwen Zabel hailed these two poets as "a Dawn in Britain" in his editorial. However, Macleod's next book, Foray of Centaurs, was considered "too Greek" for publication by Faber and Faber, and although this gained publication in Paris and Chicago, it was never to be published in the UK during his lifetime. Basil Bunting was an admirer of this early poetry, and claimed Macleod was the most important living British poet in his 'British' edition of Poetry (Chicago). In 1937 Macleod became secretary of Huntingdonshire Divisional Labour Party and stood as a parliamentary candidate, but failed to gain election. In 1938, Macleod became an announcer and newsreader at the BBC, and he began to write and publish poetry under the pseudonym "Adam Drinan". These poems dealt with the Highland clearances, and described the Scottish landscape in rich detail, using Gaelic assonances. He was one of the first to succeed in rendering the qualities of Gaelic poetry in English. These poems and verse plays won praise from many Scottish writers – Naomi Mitchison, Norman MacCaig, Edwin Muir, Compton Mackenzie, George Bruce, Sydney Goodsir Smith, Maurice Lindsay, and many more. Macleod's "Drinan" poetry was in much demand in both England and Scotland, as well as Ireland and the US. Editors such as Tambimuttu (of Poetry (London)), Maurice Lindsay (Poetry (Scotland)) and John Lehmann (Hogarth Press and New Writing), all requested and published many of his poems in the 1940s. Both "Drinan" and Macleod are included in Kenneth Rexroth's New British Poets anthology (1949), published for New Directions. The "Drinan" pseudonym was not publicly revealed until 1953, after which Hugh MacDiarmid commented it was "so long one of the best-kept secrets of the contemporary literary world". Adrian Stokes received and dealt with Macleod's 'Drinan' correspondence. Macleod moved to Florence in 1955, where he lived until his death in 1984. His work was re-discovered in the late 1990s, and Cyclic Serial Zeniths from the Flux: Selected Poems of Joseph Macleod, edited and with an introduction by Andrew Duncan, was published by Waterloo Press in 2008. Poems From 'Cancer, or, The Crab', a section of The Ecliptic (London: Faber and Faber, 1930) Moonpoison, mullock of sacrifice, Suffuses the veins of the eyes Till the retina, mooncoloured, Sees the sideways motion of the cretin crab Hued thus like a tortoise askew in the glaucous moonscape A flat hot boulder it Lividly in the midst of the Doldrums Sidles The lunatic unable to bear the silent course of constellations Mad and stark naked Sidles The obol on an eyeball of a man dead from elephantiasis Sidles All three across heaven with a rocking motion. The Doldrums: ‘region of calms and light baffling winds near Equator.’ But the calms are rare The winds baffling but not light And the drunken boats belonging to the Crab Club Rock hot and naked to the dunning of the moon All in the pallescent Saragosso weed And windbound, seeking distraction by the light of deliverance For What are we but the excrement of the non-existent noon? (Truth like starlight crookedly) What are we all but ‘burial grounds abhorred by the moon’? And did the Maoris die of measles? So do we. But there is no snow here, nor lilies. The night is glutinous In a broad hearth crisscross thorn clumps Smoulder: distant fireback of copse Throws back silence: glassen ashes gleam in pond The constellations which have stopped working (?) Shimmer. No dead leaf jumps. On edge of a glowworm Hangs out its state-recognized torchlamp Blocks of flowers gape dumb as windows with blinds drawn And in the centre the rugate trees Though seeming as if they go up in smoke Are held like cardboard where they are. Bluehot it is queer fuel to make the moon move. [...] We trap our goldfinch trapping our souls therewinged Sacrifice our mad gods to the madder gods: We hymn the two sons of Leda and Zeus Aegis-bearer We don’t. We drink and drivel. My poor Catullus, do stop being such a Fool. Admit that lost which as you watch is gone. O, once the days shone very bright for you, when where that girl you loved so (as no other will be) called, you came and came. And then there were odd things done and many which you wanted and she didn’t not want. Yes indeed the days shone very bright for you. But now she doesn’t want it. Don’t you either, booby. Don’t keep chasing her. Don’t live in misery, carry on, be firm, be hardened. Goodbye girl: Catullus is quite hardened, doesn’t want you, doesn’t ask, if you’re not keen – though sorry you’ll be to be not asked. Yes, poor sinner . . . what is left in life for you? Who’ll now go with you? Who’ll be attracted? Whom’ll you love now? Whom may you belong to? Whom’ll you now kiss? Whose lips’ll you nibble? - Now you, Catullus, you’ve decided to be hardened. How can I be hardened when the whole world is fluid? O Aphrodite Pandemos, your badgers rolling in the moonlit corn Corn blue-bloom-covered carpeting the wind Wind humming like distant rooks Distant rooks busy like factory whirring metal Whirring metallic starlings bizarre like cogwheels missing teeth These last grinning like the backs of old motor cars Old motor cars smelling of tragomaschality Tragomaschality denoting the triumph of self over civilisation Civilization being relative our to Greek Greek to Persian Persian to Chinese Chinese politely making borborygms to show satisfaction Satisfaction a matter of capacity Capacity not significance: otherwise with an epigram Epigrams – poems with a strabismus Strabismus being as common spiritually as optically the moon The moon tramping regular steps like a policeman past the houses of the Zodiac And the Zodiac itself, whirling and flaming sideways Circling from no point returning to no point Endlessly skidding as long as man skids, though never moving, Wavers, topples, dissolves like a sandcastle into acidity. Is there nothing more soluble, more gaseous, more imperceptible? Nothing. Riddle-me-ree from An Old Olive Tree (Edinburgh: M. MacDonald, 1971) I was afraid and they gave me guts. I was alone and they made me love. Round that wild heat they built a furnace and in the torment smelted me. Out of my fragments came design: I was assembled. I moved, I worked, I grew receptive. Thanks to them I have fashioned me. Who am I? Bibliography Poetry The Ecliptic (Faber and Faber, 1930) Foray of Centaurs (Sections published in This Quarter, Paris, 1931, The Criterion, 1931, and Poetry (Chicago), 1932) The Cove (French & Sons, 1940) The Men of the Rocks (Fortune Press, 1942) The Ghosts of the Strath (Fortune Press, 1943) Women of the Happy Island (MacLellan & Co., 1944) The Passage of the Torch: A Heroical-Historical Lay for the Fifth Centenary of the Founding of Glasgow University (Oliver and Boyd, 1951) Script From Norway (MacLellan & Co., 1953) An Old Olive Tree (M. Macdonald, 1971) Literary Criticism Beauty and the Beast (Chatto and Windus, 1927; Viking Press (USA), 1928; Haskell House (USA), 1974) Novel Overture to Cambridge (Allen & Unwin, 1936) Prose People of Florence (Allen & Unwin, 1968) Theatre History The New Soviet Theatre (Allen & Unwin, 1943) Actors Cross the Volga (Allen & Unwin, 1946) A Soviet Theatre Sketchbook (Allen & Unwin, 1951) Piccola Storia del Teatro Britannico (Sansoni (Florence), 1958. Reissued 1963) The Sisters d'Aranyi (Allen & Unwin, 1969) The Actor's Right to Act (Allen & Unwin, 1981) Autobiography A Job at the BBC (MacLellan & Co., 1946) References External links Joseph Todd Gordon Macleod – with audio recordings Joseph Macleod Collection at the University of Stirling Archives BBC newsreaders and journalists 1903 births 1984 deaths Scottish dramatists and playwrights 20th-century British poets 20th-century British dramatists and playwrights British male poets British male dramatists and playwrights 20th-century British male writers Scottish Renaissance

19101902

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Malta

Joseph Malta

Joseph Malta (November 27, 1918 in Revere, Massachusetts; January 6, 1999) was the United States Army hangman who, with Master Sergeant John C. Woods, carried out the Nuremberg executions of ten former top leaders of the Third Reich on October 16, 1946, after they were sentenced to death during the Nuremberg Trials. Malta was a 28-year-old military policeman when he volunteered for the job. He ultimately hanged a total of 60 Nazi government and military leaders. A floor sander in civilian life, Malta left the Army in 1947 and returned to his former job. "It was a pleasure doing it," noted Malta in 1996, echoing the sentiments of his colleague Woods. References Nuremberg Hangman: No Regrets Joseph Kingsbury-Smith: The Execution of Nazi War Criminals 1918 births 1999 deaths People from Revere, Massachusetts Military personnel from Massachusetts American executioners Nuremberg trials United States Army soldiers American police officers United States Army personnel of World War II

25412426

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andrew%20Jackson%20High%20School%20%28Queens%29

Andrew Jackson High School (Queens)

Andrew Jackson High School is a defunct comprehensive high school in the Cambria Heights section in southeastern Queens, New York. The school was opened in 1937, and named after former United States President Andrew Jackson. However, the city closed down the school in 1994. At its nadir in the late 1970s, police broke up a heroin-processing factory in the school's basement. Since its closure the building was renamed Campus Magnet High Schools (also known as Campus Magnet Educational Campus). It contains several different high schools centered on various professional themes: Finance and Information Technology; Humanities and the Arts; Law, Health Professions; Mathematics, Science Research and Technology. The 2010 graduation rate of the current schools approximated the graduation rate of the original school in 1992. The multi-school campus is at 207-01 116th Avenue, at Francis Lewis Boulevard and 116th Avenue. History The design for Andrew Jackson High School was released in 1931. The plans for the school were approved by the New York City Board of Education on September 26, 1935. Ground broke on the site, at 116th Avenue and what was then Cross Island Boulevard (now Francis Lewis Boulevard), on November 18, 1935. The school, along with Samuel J. Tilden High School, Abraham Lincoln High School, John Adams High School, Walton High School, Bayside High School, and Grover Cleveland High School were all built during the Great Depression from one set of blueprints, in order to save money. The design was based on Kirby Hall in Gretton, Northamptonshire, England. Jackson High School was built with Public Works Administration funds, as was Bayside High School. The schools were designed as small campuses to provide a "somewhat collegiate atmosphere". The design of Jackson High School and the other post-1930 schools, created by architect Walter C. Martin, was considered to be "a modern adaptation of the Adams, Lincoln, and Tilden High Schools", which had all been completed by 1929. Jackson High School opened on May 10, 1937, with 2,500 students, at the cost of $2.5 million. It was the last of the sister schools to be completed. The school was officially dedicated on September 27, 1937, when its first full academic year began, with Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia in attendance. Upon opening, the new school relieved the overcrowded Jamaica High School, as well as John Adams High School. The school originally served a mostly middle-class student demographic. By 1959, the high school operated multiple academic sessions to accommodate its students. By the mid-1960s, the school had transitioned from a predominantly White student body, to an enrollment that was nearly 50 percent Black, disproportionate to the student body of the rest of the borough. The changes coincided with an influx of African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans to the area, along with white flight. Around this time, the State Education Commissioner and the Board of Education began efforts to prevent "de facto" segregation in the school and the entire Queens borough; these efforts would involve transferring students to schools outside of their local district. In September 1965, the New York City Transit Authority created the bus route along Francis Lewis Boulevard, in order to better transport students from other districts to the high school. In May 1967, Schools Superintendent Bernard E. Donovan announced plans to transfer 260 active and prospective students from Jamaica High School and Martin Van Buren High School in Queens Village to Jackson High School, which led to protest from parents in those communities. The plan was rescinded by September of that year. In 1968, Donovan proposed rezoning the entire Queens borough, requiring students to be bused to more distant high schools, which led to similar protests. The situation was compounded by the New York City teachers' strike of 1968. The situation and ensuing civil unrest between the students led to increased police presence at the school, and a walkout on May 19, 1969. Rezoning and busing efforts continued into the 1970s, by which the high school was predominantly Black and Puerto Rican. This included the establishment of gifted programs aimed at attracting students from other areas of Queens, including a offsite specialized school in Corona, Queens. . In 1977, the NAACP sued the Board of Education in Federal District Court for the lack of integration in the school, accusing the Board of intentionally segregating the school "to keep other schools predominantly white." On May 16, 1978, Judge John Francis Dooling Jr. ordered the Board of Education to create a plan to integrate the school within 45 days of the ruling, to be implemented for the 1978–1979 academic year; this deadline was suspended in June of that year. The United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit overturned this decision in April 1979. Around this time, the school gained a reputation for poor academic performance, high truancy and dropout rates, and low graduation rates, which continued into the 1980s and 1990s. Some also accused the city of using the high school as a "dumping ground for the borough's most unwanted minority students." In 1986, Jackson High School was among the five worst city schools in terms of dropout rates and reading proficiency. By 1990, the school was among 14 city high schools that received bi-weekly metal detector screenings due to increasing violence. In 1993, the city planned to create a small high school provisionally called "Andrew Jackson High School Magnet School" within the building by fall of that year, but the opening was pushed back. In November 1993, Schools Chancellor Ramon C. Cortines began drafting new plans to close and reorganize Andrew Jackson High School, as well as James Monroe High School in the Bronx On November 17, 1993, the Board of Education unanimously voted to close the high school and replace it with four smaller "magnet" or "thematic schools". Jackson HS and Monroe were among the first former large high schools in New York City to be reopened as an "educational campus." The school closed in spring 1994, and was reopened during the fall semester as "Campus Magnet High Schools" with new freshman students in four new schools, each occupying a single floor of the facility. At the time of its closure, Jackson was among 10 city schools with the most "violent or illegal incidents". Half of the Jackson High School teachers were retained for the new schools. The building continued to employ metal detectors following its conversion into a campus; other high schools-turned-campuses had ceased screenings as part of their transition. Campus Magnet schools Current schools include: Benjamin Franklin High School for Finance & Information Technology Humanities & Arts Magnet High School Institute for Health Professions at Cambria Heights Mathematics, Science Research and Technology Magnet High School Former schools included: Business, Computer Applications & Entrepreneurship High School Law, Government and Community Service High School Notable alumni 50 Cent (born 1975, did not graduate), rapper Cindy Adams (born 1930), gossip columnist and writer Joel Benenson (born 1952), pollster and consultant known for his role as a strategist for Barack Obama's 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns. Kurt Boone (born 1959), author known for his work documenting street culture, which includes graffiti, urban cycling, street photography, skateboarding, busking, and spoken word. Bob Cousy (born 1928), professional basketball player Lloyd Daniels (born 1967), professional basketball player Bob Gale (1925–1975), All-American college basketball player Linda R. Greenstein (born 1950), politician who represents the 14th legislative district in the New Jersey Senate. Karl Grossman, professor of journalism at the State University of New York at Old Westbury Lani Guinier (1950-2021), civil rights scholar Verna Hart (1961-2019), African-American artist known for her expressionist painting focused on jazz music. Boo Harvey (born 1966), basketball player|All- time leading scorer at Andrew Jackson High School, National JUCO championship 85-86-undefeated season at San Jacinto Junior College,1990 6'under Naismith Best Player in the Nation, 1990 Haggerty Awardee, 4 time Player of the Week - Big East, Best 100 player -SJU History Awardee, MVP 1995 - Austrian Basketball League, European Professional Player, WBL Player, graduate of SJU. Jam Master Jay (1965-2002), musician, DJ, turntablist LL Cool J (born 1968), rapper and actor- but did not graduate Gladys Brown Keating (1923-2014), politician and civic activist Bill Kotsores (1924-1971), basketball player best known for his collegiate career at St. John's University in the 1940s. Robert Levin, American classical pianist, musicologist and composer. Vincent Matthews (born 1947), sprinter, winner of two Olympic gold medals, at the 1968 Summer Olympics and 1972 Summer Olympics. Joe Morton (born 1947), actor Kyle O'Quinn (born 1990), professional basketball player for the New York Knicks William Scarborough (born c. 1945), who represented District 29 in the New York State Assembly. The Shangri-Las, musicians Larry Smith (1952-2014), pioneering African-American musician and hip hop record producer. Lorenzo Thomas (1944-2005), poet and critic. References Cambria Heights, Queens Defunct high schools in Queens, New York Public high schools in Queens, New York Educational institutions established in 1937 Educational institutions disestablished in 1994 Andrew Jackson 1937 establishments in New York City

26041656

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Roberts%20%28motivational%20speaker%29

Joseph Roberts (motivational speaker)

Joseph (Joe) Roberts (born November 25, 1966) also known as the "Skidrow CEO" is a Canadian motivational speaker, author, youth homelessness advocate and co-founder of The Push for Change Foundation. Roberts experienced drug addiction and chronic homelessness as a youth and entered drug treatment in 1991. Roberts worked in sales and web development before he became an inspirational keynote speaker. Roberts is the author of four books. Early life Joe Roberts was born November 25, 1966 and was raised in Midland, Ontario. Roberts’ father died in 1975 when Roberts was 8. Roberts struggled with low self-esteem. At the age of nine, he started using drugs and quickly moved on to alcohol, marijuana, LSD, cocaine, and eventually heroin. He left home at 15 due to family conflict and the inability to get along with his stepfather. After being imprisoned at 16, he dropped out of Barrie North Collegiate at 18 and began regular intravenous drug use. At 19, Roberts relocated to British Columbia and found himself homeless on the streets of Vancouver's Eastside, pushing a shopping cart and collecting recyclables to support his drug dependency. Shortly before Christmas in 1989, Roberts contacted his mother (who was located in Midhurst, Ontario) and she helped him relocate back to Ontario. After a suicide attempt, prevented and intervened by Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) Constable Scott MacLeod. Joe entered the Alcohol and Drug Intensive Treatment Program in Belleville, Ontario in 1991. Roberts then applied and was accepted into the Business and Marketing Program at Loyalist College. He graduated in 1995, and then returned the following year for the Business Sales program. He graduated on the Dean’s list and won the Laurie H. Cameron Memorial Award for academic excellence with a combined GPA of 3.94. Due to success in business, Roberts received the Ontario Premier’s Award for College Graduates (Business) and as a result an annual bursary was created in Roberts’ name at Loyalist College: The Joe Roberts – Courage to Change Bursary. This bursary is awarded to a mature student who has overcome life obstacles and returned to school. Career After graduating college, Joe Roberts moved back to Vancouver in 1996 and began a career in B2B sales for Minolta Canada selling business equipment. Joe quickly advanced and was able to leverage experience that he acquired while homeless "I transferred a lot of the skills I learned from hustling on the street and applied them to business," Roberts said in an interview with the Vancouver Province newspaper. One year later Joe took a management position with Aurora Visual Systems (audio-visual company) at their Vancouver office. His role expanded to manage the office and employees, and sales for the company increased. Another year passed and Joe with partner Dr. Pesi A. Unwalla formed Mindware Design Communications in 1997. Mindware Design Communications was an early adopting content developer shortly after the internet gained traction and popularity. Mindware grew to become a leading Vancouver design company. Joe Roberts led Mindware Design Communications through a rapid business growth period over the following four years. The company employed 15 people with Roberts as President and CEO. Speaking Joe Roberts departed the business sector and focused on inspirational keynote speaking in 2003. Joe is an expert on resiliency and managing change and often speaks on issues related to mental health, addiction and homelessness. He has positioned his brand as the Skid Row CEO to reflect his lived experience with homelessness. He is the author of four books including 7 Secrets to Profit from Adversity (2003) and The Push for Change - Stepping into Possibility (2020). The Push for Change Trek On May 1, 2016 the Push for Change Trek began in St. John’s, Newfoundland and ended on September 29, 2017 in Vancouver, British Columbia. Roberts pushed a modified shopping cart, a symbol of chronic homelessness, 9064 km (approximately 24 kilometers a day) for 517 days. The trek aimed to raise money and awareness about youth homelessness in Canada. The Push for Change, managed by Roberts’ wife Marie Marcoux-Roberts organized/attended 450 school and community events. At these events, students, families, police officers, government officials, and youth focused agencies raised money, heard Roberts speak and felt inspired to make change in their communities. These engagements allowed The Push for Change to raise the issue of youth homelessness and inspire communities to begin implementing strategies to prevent, reduce and end youth homelessness. Ontario Provincial Police joined the Push for Change. By the end of the cross Canada trek, The Push for Change raised over $575,000 which was directed to both community initiatives to end youth homelessness, and to the Upstream Project. The Upstream Project is a "school based youth homeless prevention model developed by The Canadian Observatory on Homelessness and A Way Home and administered by Raising the Roof". Awards Honorary Doctorate from Laurentian University Meritorious Service Medal Canada (MSM) Senate of Canada Sesquicentennial Medal British Columbia Medal of Good Citizenship Shaw Outstanding Canadian Award John Graves Simcoe Medal of Excellence Award Caring Canadian from the Lieutenant Governor of Ontario Maclean’s Magazine – Canadian Honour Roll British Columbia Courage To Come Back Award Ontario Premier’s Award - Business (1994) Business in Vancouver’s 40 under 40 Award Zoomer Magazine 45 over 45 Award Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award References External links The Push For Change Foundation official website Joe Roberts official website Living people Canadian business writers Canadian self-help writers 1966 births

27362227

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gavin%20Williamson

Gavin Williamson

Gavin Alexander Williamson (born 25 June 1976) is a British politician who has served as Member of Parliament (MP) for South Staffordshire since 2010. A member of the Conservative Party, Williamson previously served in Theresa May's Cabinet as Secretary of State for Defence from 2017 to 2019, and as Secretary of State for Education under Boris Johnson from 2019 to 2021. Williamson was born in Scarborough, North Yorkshire and was educated at Raincliffe School, Scarborough Sixth Form College and the University of Bradford. He was Chair of Conservative Students from 1997 to 1998 and served on the North Yorkshire County Council from 2001 to 2005. In the 2005 general election, he unsuccessfully stood to become MP for Blackpool North and Fleetwood. Williamson was elected as MP for South Staffordshire at the 2010 general election. He served in David Cameron's second government as Parliamentary Private Secretary (PPS) to Patrick McLoughlin, the Secretary of State for Transport prior to being appointed Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Prime Minister in October 2013. From 14 July 2016 to 2 November 2017, he served as Chief Whip of the British House of Commons in Theresa May's government. Williamson served as Secretary of State for Defence from November 2017 to 1 May 2019, when he was dismissed as Defence Secretary, following a leak from the National Security Council; Williamson denied leaking the information about Huawei's potential involvement in the British 5G network. After supporting Boris Johnson’s campaign to succeed May as Conservative Leader, Williamson quickly returned to the Cabinet as Education Secretary in July 2019. On 15 September 2021, he was dismissed as Education Secretary when Johnson reshuffled his cabinet. Early life and career Williamson was born in Scarborough, North Yorkshire. His father Ray was a local government worker, and his mother Beverly worked in a job centre. They were both Labour Party voters. He attended East Ayton Primary School and for his secondary education, Raincliffe School, a comprehensive. He studied A Levels in History, Government and Politics, and Economics at Scarborough Sixth Form College. From 1994 to 1997, he completed a BSc in Social Sciences from the University of Bradford. Williamson was national chair of Conservative Students in 1997, the penultimate chair before it was merged into Conservative Future in 1998. As chair he accused the National Union of Students (NUS) of acting like a "branch of the Labour Party." In 2001, he was elected as the Conservative county councillor for Seamer division in North Yorkshire. In 2003, he was appointed as the County Council's "Young People's Champion." He did not stand for re-election in 2005. Williamson is a former Deputy Chairman of Staffordshire Area Conservatives, Chairman of Stoke-on-Trent Conservative Association, and Vice-Chairman of Derbyshire Dales Conservative Association. Williamson worked as manager in fireplace manufacturer Elgin & Hall, a subsidiary of AGA, until 2004. Williamson had become managing director of Aynsley China, a Staffordshire-based pottery firm by 2005. It sold ceramic tableware and he later became co-owner. In April 2005, Williamson was quoted in reports on the consumer rush to buy items with the wrong wedding date on for Charles and Camilla's wedding. He told The Telegraph, "We've literally had fights in our own retail shops. On the first day after the announcement I went into our factory shop in Stoke-on-Trent and we had people fighting over the last plate that we had on the shop floor. I think everybody has decided that this is going to be their pension." He has also worked for NPS North West Limited, an architectural design firm, until he became an MP in 2010. In the 2005 General Election, he stood unsuccessfully as the Conservative Party candidate in Blackpool North and Fleetwood. After 2005, Williamson moved to Derbyshire. Parliamentary career Early parliamentary career (2010–2011) In January 2010, Williamson was selected as the Conservative candidate in South Staffordshire for the 2010 general election. The incumbent, Patrick Cormack, had announced that he was retiring. The selection went to five ballots, but in the end Williamson won out over local councillor Robert Light in the final ballot. Williamson was subsequently elected with a majority of 16,590 votes. Shortly after being elected, he cited his political inspiration as Rab Butler and, when asked what department of any he would most like to lead, he said the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills as it is "business and manufacturing that can lead the way out of difficult economic times". Williamson made his maiden speech on 8 June 2010, on the same day as Nicky Morgan and Kwasi Kwarteng. During his speech, he said that "We do not sing enough the praises of our designers, engineers and manufacturers. We need to change that ethos and have a similar one to that of Germany or Japan. We will have a truly vibrant economy only when we recreate the Victorian spirit of ingenuity and inventiveness that made Britain such a vibrant country, as I am sure it will be again." Williamson campaigned on a number of issues in his first year in Parliament. In July 2010, Williamson called for a new law to allow local authorities to clamp down on car boot sales that disrupted traffic flow, citing villages in his constituency as examples. In June 2011, he expressed support for postwoman Julie Roberts, who had been suspended after clinging for over a mile onto the bonnet of her post van that had been stolen. He said that "People want her back in work and they want the Royal Mail to show some common sense and some common decency" and asked the Royal Mail to reinstate her into her old job. Williamson was one of several MPs who was absent or abstained on 21 March 2011 vote on supporting UN-backed action in Libya. The vote ultimately passed 557–13. Parliamentary Private Secretaryships (2011–2016) In October 2011, Williamson was appointed as Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Minister of State for Northern Ireland, Hugo Swire. He replaced Conor Burns, who became Owen Paterson's new PPS. In September 2012, Williamson became PPS to Patrick McLoughlin, Secretary of State for Transport, and in 2013 became PPS to the Prime Minister, David Cameron. In Parliament, Williamson was a member of the Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee and was Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Motor Neurone Disease. Williamson supported the United Kingdom's remain campaign during the 2016 EU membership referendum. Williamson voted against an investigation into Tony Blair's role in the Iraq War. Chief Whip (2016–2017) Following David Cameron's resignation, Williamson "privately vowed" to stop the front-runner Boris Johnson from becoming Conservative Party leader. He assessed Theresa May to be the likeliest candidate to defeat Johnson, offered his help to her, and was invited to be her parliamentary campaign manager. When May became prime minister, Williamson was appointed Chief Whip. Following the Conservative–DUP agreement after the 2017 General Election, Williamson visited Belfast to discuss arrangements with the DUP. Defence Secretary (2017–2019) Williamson was appointed Secretary of State for Defence on 2 November 2017 after the resignation of Sir Michael Fallon the preceding evening. In February 2018, Williamson dined with Lubov Chernukhin, the wife of a former Putin minister, in exchange for a £30,000 donation to the Conservative party. Later that month, Williamson alleged that the leader of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, in meeting a Czech diplomat (later revealed to be a spy) during the 1980s, had "betray[ed]" his country. In response to the statement, a spokesman for Corbyn stated: "Gavin Williamson should focus on his job and not give credence to entirely false and ridiculous smears". Williamson has supported the Saudi Arabian-led military intervention in Yemen against the Shia Houthis despite concerns from human rights activists and Labour MPs about war crimes allegedly committed by the Saudi military. On 15 March 2018, in the wake of the Salisbury poisoning, Williamson answered a question about Russia's potential response to the UK's punitive measures against Russia by saying that "frankly, Russia should go away, and it should shut up". Meanwhile, Major-General Igor Konashenkov, the spokesman of the Russian Defence Ministry, said: "The market wench talk that British defence secretary Gavin Williamson resorted to reflects his extreme intellectual impotency". Williamson's remark was quoted by the president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, who posted a comment on his official Twitter account: "The Kremlin's 'chemical attack' in the UK is nothing but an encroachment on British sovereignty. And our message to Russia is the same as that of British defense secretary Gavin Williamson: 'shut up and go away'." In December 2018, Williamson expressed "grave" and "very deep concerns" about the Chinese telecommunications company Huawei providing technology to upgrade Britain's services to 5G. He accused China of acting "sometimes in a malign way". China's Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian criticised Williamson's comments, saying: "The remarks just reinforced the deep-rooted ignorance, prejudice and anxiety among some British people." On 11 February 2019, Williamson delivered the speech "Defence in Global Britain" at the Royal United Services Institute outlining the future direction of the British armed forces. The speech, among other things, outlined plans to send Britain's new aircraft carrier to the Pacific; the Chinese Government in turn cancelled trade talks with Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Hammond and prompted Hammond to state that the decision to deploy the aircraft carrier was premature. The Mail on Sunday quoted an unnamed ally of Hammond comparing Williamson to Private Pike, a hapless character in the sitcom Dad's Army. On 1 May 2019, Williamson was asked to resign from his position as Defence Secretary, following the leaking of confidential National Security Council information related to Huawei's potential involvement in the UK's 5G network. He refused to resign because he felt this would incriminate him and be seen as an admission that he was responsible for the leak, and was therefore sacked. Theresa May said that she had "compelling evidence" that Williamson had leaked the information and that she had "lost confidence in his ability to serve in his role". Williamson vehemently denied the allegation, saying that he 'swore on his children's lives he was not responsible', and said that a "thorough and formal inquiry" would have vindicated his position. At the time, Opposition MPs called for a police investigation into the matter, but the matter was closed. Education Secretary (2019–2021) Williamson became Secretary of State for Education after Boris Johnson's election as Prime Minister on 24 July 2019. Following the deplatforming of history professor Selina Todd and former Home Secretary Amber Rudd by student societies at Oxford University, in March 2020 Williamson called for "robust action" to enforce free speech codes, and stated that the government would intervene to protect freedom of speech at universities if they failed to do so themselves. HuffPost reported that Williamson's department had drafted legislation to "strengthen academic freedom and free speech in universities". Williamson brought forward the legislation, titled the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Bill, in May 2021. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Williamson announced that schools in England would close from 20 March 2020 until further notice. He said that exams in that academic year would not go ahead. On 6 January 2021, Williamson announced GCSE, AS and A-Level exams would once again not go ahead for students in the academic year, being replaced with teacher assessed grades. On 15 September 2021, Williamson was dismissed as Education Secretary after Boris Johnson reshuffled his cabinet. Exams controversy In August 2020, he apologised to schoolchildren for the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. He said "...where we haven't got everything great, of course, I'm incredibly sorry for that". There was a lot of concern over the A Level results which, due to all exams having been cancelled in 2020, were based on Ofqual-moderated teacher assessments rather than on moderated exam results. About 39% of results were below the teacher assessment (compared to 79% in 2019) – Ofqual accused some teachers of submitting "implausibly high" predictions. Ofqual rescinded the advice it had given on how the appeals system would operate. The Daily Telegraph reported that Williamson had repeatedly defended the algorithm method as the fairest way to produce grades avoiding grade inflation, though several Ofqual board members had come to believe the algorithm method had been shown to be politically unacceptable. On 17 August 2020, Ofqual and Williamson announced that the algorithm method for calculating A Level results would be abandoned, and teacher assessments would be used instead, after pressure from within the Conservative Party and the claim that they had lost the confidence of the teaching profession. There were calls for Williamson to resign, for what The Daily Telegraph called "the fiasco". University admission caps were relaxed, as places had already been allocated based on the algorithm results and the change meant many more students would now meet their first-choice university admission offer grades. Teacher assessment would also be used instead of the Ofqual algorithm for GCSE results due to be announced three days later. In January 2021, GCSE exams were cancelled. The education secretary stated that schools can use optional exams to decide their students' grades. In April 2021, Williamson said that a mobile phone policy ban would be introduced in schools; he also commented that students' behaviour had become worse over the period of lockdown in January. This comment was criticised by some parents, teachers, and headteachers, claiming that "schools already had bans in place" and that Williamson was "not focusing on important matters". Personal life and honours Williamson married Joanne Eland, a former primary school teacher, in 2001. The couple have two daughters. He was a charity trustee at a Citizen's Advice Bureau, and a school governor. Williamson is a patron of the World Owl Trust and while chief whip kept a Mexican redknee tarantula, known as Cronus, in his parliamentary office, for which he was criticised by parliamentary authorities in November 2016. In May 2015, he was sworn in as a member of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, giving him the Honorific Title "The Right Honourable" for life. In the 2016 Resignation Honours List of David Cameron, Williamson was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) "for political and public service". In January 2018, it was reported that Williamson, while he was managing director of fireplace firm Elgin & Hall in 2004, had an affair with a married colleague. He discussed the affair in an interview with the Daily Mail which he called a "dreadful mistake". The Sunday Telegraph reported that a senior co-worker stated that the woman involved was in tears when reporting the relationship to her line manager and that Williamson was subsequently the subject of a meeting with managers. Days after this meeting, he left the firm. References External links Official site Conservative Party South Staffordshire Conservative Association |- |- |- |- 1976 births English people of Irish descent Living people Alumni of the University of Bradford Commanders of the Order of the British Empire Conservative Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies Members of North Yorkshire County Council Parliamentary Private Secretaries to the Prime Minister Politicians from Scarborough, North Yorkshire UK MPs 2010–2015 UK MPs 2015–2017 UK MPs 2017–2019 UK MPs 2019–present Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom Politicians from Yorkshire Russia–United Kingdom relations Secretaries of State for Defence (UK)

36353294

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andrew%20Jackson%20School%20%28Philadelphia%29

Andrew Jackson School (Philadelphia)

Fanny Jackson Coppin School, previously Federal Street School and then Andrew Jackson School, is a public K-8 school located in the Passyunk Square neighborhood of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. It is a part of the School District of Philadelphia. The school was previously named for United States President Andrew Jackson before changing the name in 2021 to honor former Philadelphia teacher Fanny Jackson Coppin. The historic school building was designed by Irwin T. Catharine and built in 1924–1925. It is a three-story, brick and limestone in the Late Gothic Revival-style. It features a projecting center two-story bay, projecting building ends with decorative brick panels, compound arched entrance, and a brick parapet. The roof of the school includes a garden that is used by the local community. History The original Federal Street School was renamed the Jackson School in 1848. It had two property deeds, February 28, 1838 and January 1, 1842. The current school building, designed by B. Fennimore and Irwin T. Catharine, opened in 1924. It uses a Late Gothic Revival style. It was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1986, in the register as the "Federal Street School". Kristen Graham of The Philadelphia Inquirer wrote that circa 2009 the school had a "tough reputation", a previously smaller student body, and constant interaction with the police; it improved after Lisa Ciaranca Kaplan became the principal. In 2013 Albert Stumm of the Passyunk Post stated that by that year the school had "made great progress" due to actions from the principal, who was highly regarded by the parents; in addition, improvement came from the efforts of the Passyunk Square Civic education committee and other neighborhood activists. In 2013 the school district passed a severe budget cut which would eliminate the nurse, security monitors, counselors, aides, and secretaries; as well as eliminating funding for the school's rock band and school supplies. Stumm stated that there was still the possibility that "an 11th-hour solution" could prohibit the layoffs. Kaplan won the 2015 Escalante-Gradillas Prize for Best in Education. That year, real estate agents promoted residences within the Jackson attendance zone, using the school as a selling point. Student body Circa 2009 Jackson had 230 students. As of 2013 the school had 410 students, with almost all of them qualifying for free or reduced lunch, an indicator of poverty. As of that year, the students spoke 14 languages. By 2015 the student body had increased to 530, 30% of whom spoke English as a second language, and 94% of whom lived below the poverty line. As of that year 33% of the students were Hispanic; many Mexicans had immigrated to the area where the school resides. there are 17 languages and 24 countries of origin represented in the student body. That year 85% of the students were other than non-Hispanic white. Programs The school's music program has a rock band, "Home," consisting of pupils. As of 2013, it was known in the local area. The 2013 funding crisis caused the district to eliminate the budget for the band. In 2015 the Wawa Foundation, the charity of Wawa Inc., donated $2,500 to the music program. As of 2011 the school has a summer school program that admits children from the surrounding area. Graham stated that it had "robust" attendance. Feeder patterns Neighborhoods assigned to Jackson are also assigned to Furness High School. Gallery References External links Andrew Jackson School Friends of Jackson 2015 Annual Report PDF version - A map of the attendance boundary is in page 5/10 of the PDF School buildings on the National Register of Historic Places in Philadelphia Gothic Revival architecture in Pennsylvania School buildings completed in 1926 South Philadelphia Public K–8 schools in Philadelphia School District of Philadelphia Andrew Jackson 1926 establishments in Pennsylvania

40028188

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohamed%20Ibrahim%20Moustafa

Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa

Mohamed Ibrahim Moustafa, often referred to simply as Mohamed Ibrahim (; born 10 April 1953) was the Minister of Interior of Egypt, from January 2013 until March 2015. Career Ibrahim has worked for the Interior Ministry in several roles. At one point he was an assistant minister for the prisons department. He succeeded Ahmed Gamal El Din to take a place in the Qandil Cabinet in January 2013. He attracted criticism after police violence against anti-Morsi protests at the main Muslim Brotherhood headquarters in Cairo. Mohamed Ibrahim was one of the ministers who kept his cabinet place after the July 2013 military coup; he was re-appointed to Hazem El-Beblawi's interim cabinet, formed later in the same month. On 26 July 2013 Mohamed Ibrahim told al Ahram that Cairo sit-in protests by supporters of deposed president Mohamed Morsi would be "brought to an end soon and in a legal manner." After tens died in violence through the following night, he denied that officers had fired live ammunition rounds at protesters in Nasr City. Activist Mohamed Adel said that the April 6 Youth Movement condemned the killing of protestors, and called for Mohamed Ibrahim's resignation. August 2013 Egyptian raids On 14 August 2013, police under the command of Ibrahim raided two protest camps held by supporters of President Mohamed Morsi resulting in at least 638 killed of which 595 were civilians. The raids were described by Human Rights Watch as the most serious incident of mass unlawful killings in modern Egyptian history. On 10 December, thirteen Egyptian and international human rights organizations urged Cairo's interim authorities to probe the mass killing of protesters in the capital on August 14. The joint call issued by organizations that included Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, said an investigation must be launched into the killing of "up to 1,000 people by security forces" almost four months ago when they dispersed sit-ins by supporters of deposed president Mohamed Morsi. "There can be no hope for the rule of law and political stability in Egypt, much less some modicum of justice for victims, without accountability for what may be the single biggest incident of mass killing in Egypt's recent history," said Gasser Abdel-Razak, associate director at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. "As a first step toward accountability, the government should establish an effective independent fact-finding committee to investigate responsibility throughout the chain of command for the unlawful killings," the rights groups said. They said that on August 14 a "small minority of protesters used firearms... but the police responded excessively by shooting recklessly, going far beyond what is permitted under international law." "After the unprecedented levels of violence and casualties seen since the ousting of Mohamed Morsi, investigations must provide real answers and cannot be another whitewash of the security forces' record," Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui of Amnesty International said in the statement. "Egypt's authorities cannot deal with the carnage through PR in world's capitals, rewriting events and locking up Morsi's supporters." The groups also said the probe should determine whether there is any evidence of a policy to kill protesters or commit other serious crimes. Assassination attempt On 5 September 2013, a car bomb detonated in Ibrahim's convoy as it traveled through Nasr City. Ibrahim was unharmed, but more than 21 people were injured, with one of the injured dying on 6 September. Egyptian Islamic Jihad denied that it was the perpetrator of the attack, stating that it stopped using bombings as a method during the rule of Hosni Mubarak. A jihadist group named Ansar Bait al-Maqdis claimed responsibility. References Interior Ministers of Egypt 1953 births Living people

40901659

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Andy%20Lopez

Killing of Andy Lopez

The fatal shooting of Andy Lopez by Sonoma County sheriff's deputy Erick Gelhaus took place on October 22, 2013, in Santa Rosa, California. 13-year-old Lopez was walking through a vacant lot and carrying an airsoft gun that was designed to resemble an AK-47 assault rifle. Gelhaus opened fire on Lopez, presumably mistaking the airsoft gun for a real firearm. The shooting prompted many protests in Santa Rosa, and throughout California. On November 4, 2013, the Lopez family filed a federal civil rights lawsuit at the U.S. District Court. On July 7, 2014, District Attorney Jill Ravitch announced no charges would be filed against Gelhaus. On July 1, 2015, the FBI announced no criminal charges would be filed against Gelhaus, due to lack of evidence to prove that he violated Lopez's civil rights. Backgrounds Andy Lopez (June 2, 2000 – October 22, 2013) was a 13-year-old boy who attended Cook Middle School in Santa Rosa. He was raised in the Moorland Avenue neighborhood in southwest Santa Rosa. He transferred to Lewis Opportunity School from Cook Middle School one week prior to his death. Erick Gelhaus is a Sonoma County sheriff's deputy, and has worked with the agency for 24 years. He is also an Iraq War veteran. Gelhaus is a firearms instructor and is a contributing writer to gun publications. He was an instructor for ten years at Gunsite Academy, an Arizona-based company that teaches gun-handling, marksmanship, and law enforcement to "elite military personnel, law enforcement officers and free citizens of the U.S." He specialized in teaching pistol, carbine, shotgun and rifle lessons. He accidentally shot himself in the leg in 1995 while on duty with the sheriff's office, reportedly while holstering a gun during an attempt at searching a teenager for weapons. In his 24 years in law enforcement, he had never shot a suspect until the shooting of Lopez. Shooting According to Santa Rosa Police Lieutenant Paul Henry, two Sonoma County sheriff's deputies (Gelhaus and Michael Schemmel; Schemmel was driving the patrol car) were patrolling the Moorland Avenue neighborhood when they spotted Andy Lopez approximately ahead carrying an airsoft replica of an AK-47 assault rifle while he was walking on Moorland, just past the corner of West Robles Avenue. The rifle appeared to be a real weapon, since its orange tip has been previously broken off. As the sheriff's deputies approached the child from behind, Gelhaus radioed an observation of "Code 20, two units" at 3:13:58 p.m. Schemmel activated the light bar and briefly sounded the siren as he parked the patrol vehicle, and Gelhaus exited the passenger's side, calling out to demand that Lopez drop the weapon. Lopez turned to his right, towards the deputies and the barrel allegedly began to ascend. At 3:14 p.m., Gelhaus fired eight shots at Lopez from his department-issued 9mm handgun. The deputies broadcast "shots fired" to dispatch at 3:14:17 p.m., indicating the total time from initial contact to the shooting was seventeen seconds. By Gelhaus's own testimony, he opened fire "a couple seconds" after issuing the command for Lopez to drop the airsoft gun. Seven bullets hit Andy within six seconds. Two of the shots delivered fatal wounds, with one round hitting Lopez on his side while he was turning to face the police, at least four entering from the rear, according to an autopsy. The deputies remained in defensive position until backups arrived, then approached Lopez with guns drawn; after separating the airsoft gun from Lopez he was handcuffed. He was pronounced dead by medical personnel on the scene. Lopez was found to be under the influence of marijuana after an autopsy. The missing orange tip is a US legal requirement for all toy guns for import. However, airsoft and pellet rifles are exempted from the marking requirements. It is also a violation of California law to "openly display or expose any imitation firearm in a public place unless the entire exterior surface of the imitation firearm is painted with a specified color". The 13 year old friend from whom Andy had borrowed the replica later reported that he felt responsible "because he allowed Andy to borrow the gun even though the orange tip of the barrel was broken off making it look real, although he'd told his friend not to take it since it was broken." Investigation On October 26, 2013, the Federal Bureau of Investigation started to conduct an independent investigation in Lopez's death. Sonoma County Sheriff Steve Freitas announced in a statement on October 25 that he will cooperate fully with federal investigators. It is the first time the FBI has investigated an officer-involved shooting in Sonoma County since the 1997 shooting death of Kuanchung Kao in Rohnert Park. Investigators said Gelhaus feared for the safety of himself and his partner, and had to make an immediate decision to shoot when Lopez turned around and allegedly began raising the apparent assault weapon in their direction. The gun was later found to be an AK-47 replica air-soft pellet gun with the orange barrel tip marking, required to help distinguish it from a real weapon, broken off, and most witnesses believed it was real or might be real. Witnesses testified that Gelhaus had by then once or twice loudly called upon Lopez to drop the weapon. Gelhaus was in a deputy sheriff's uniform and marked sheriff's patrol car; however, Lopez would not have seen the uniform or patrol car since the officers approached him from behind; In the autopsy, Lopez was found to have significant levels of THC in his blood, consistent with smoking marijuana 60 to 75 minutes previously; he was also found to have a joint in his pocket. 'A 13-year-old boy high on marijuana would likely have suffered "impaired judgment, slowed decision making and increased mental processing time, particularly when having to deal with performance of a sudden, unanticipated tasks, including decisions that needed to be quickly responded to.'" Gelhaus was cleared to return to duty on December 9, 2013, but was able to work at his desk and not on patrol. On July 7, 2014, District Attorney Jill Ravitch announced no charges would be filed against Gelhaus. In August 2014, Gelhaus was allowed to return to patrolling the streets. The district attorney, Jill Ravich, referred the completed investigative report to the Sonoma County Grand Jury, but the civil Grand Jury declined to review it, citing lack of expertise. On July 1, 2015, the U.S. Department of Justice announced that it would not file criminal charges of violating one's civil rights against Gelhaus. According to a Justice Department spokesman, the decision to not file charges against Gelhaus was due to insufficient evidence that he willfully used excessive force that resulted in Lopez's death. A group of federal prosecutors and FBI agents reviewed the case and determine there was a lack of evidence Gelhaus violated Andy Lopez's civil rights. Aftermath Civil action Arnoldo Casillas, the lawyer representing Lopez's family, said that the shooting was unconstitutional because it violated the Fourth Amendment's limits on police authority. On November 4, the Lopez family filed a lawsuit at the U.S. District Court in San Francisco, claiming that Deputy Erick Gelhaus shot Lopez "without reasonable cause." The civil action trial was initially scheduled to start in April 2016. In February 2016, the trial was delayed by Sonoma County's challenge to the January ruling by U.S. District Court Judge Phyllis Jean Hamilton that allowed the case brought by the parents of Andy Lopez to go forward. Hamilton had dismissed three of the five claims that Gelhaus violated Lopez's civil rights but said she would leave it to a jury to decide whether he acted unreasonably. Steven Mitchell, the attorney who would have defended Sonoma County in the federal lawsuit filed by Lopez's parents, committed suicide two weeks after the decision to delay the case was made. On June 25, 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court denied Sonoma County's petition, clearing the way for the case against the Sonoma County sheriff's deputy to proceed toward a trial. In December 2018, the lawsuit was settled for $3 million. Protests A series of protests were organized and held following Lopez's death. The protests were mainly organized by immigrant, religious and community groups and activists. Many protesters have stated that Lopez's shooting was a case of police brutality, and that Lopez, who was Latino, was a victim of racial profiling by the deputies. On October 25, 2013, more than 100 people, consisting mostly of middle school and high school students, protested at the Santa Rosa City Hall. On October 29, over 1,000 people attended a protest in downtown Santa Rosa, in the form of a mass march. The march initiated in the Courthouse Square in downtown Santa Rosa, and ended at the Sonoma County Sheriff's Office. Lawyer John Burris, who represented the family of police shooting victim Oscar Grant, gave a speech at the rally. Attendees traveled from all over the San Francisco Bay Area to attend the event. Many protesters held picket signs demanding justice. Up to 200 people attended a march in Santa Rosa on November 5, 2013, including activist Cindy Sheehan. They also demanded that District Attorney Jill Ravitch issue an arrest warrant for Gelhaus or put together a grand jury, but she declined to do either until the fact gathering investigation was complete, stating that the investigation would take time. Rallies were held statewide on November 9, 2013, in Santa Rosa, Oakland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, and Merced. On November 26, 2013, several people were detained during protests in Santa Rosa. A dozen demonstrators were cited for blocking traffic, and one demonstrator was arrested and booked for resisting arrest. There were 80 people attending that protest, consisting of local middle and high-school students, and several members of By Any Means Necessary (BAMN), a Bay Area-based civil rights group. On December 3, 2013, protesters targeted Ravitch at her re-election fundraiser. On December 9, 2013, Gelhaus was cleared to return to duty, which resulted in additional protests. A 31-year-old man was arrested for battery on a police officer for allegedly punching a police officer and hitting another officer with a picket sign during a protest at the Santa Rosa City Hall on December 10, 2013. Charges were dropped against him in May 2014. A second person was arrested for obstructing a police officer and violating probation. Multiple protesters vandalized the front door of the Sonoma County Jail, breaking its glass. On February 17, 2014, protesters for Andy Lopez gathered at the Santa Rosa Plaza food court to eat lunch while wearing shirts displaying "RIP Andy Lopez". Several mall security guards came up to them and asked them to remove their T-shirts or leave the mall. The attorney for Simon Malls, owner of Santa Rosa Plaza, apologized in a letter issued to relatives of Andy Lopez, stating that they were disappointed that the security guards did not comply with the mall's policies and procedures. The head of security for Santa Rosa Plaza was fired one month later in connection with the incident. On July 12, 2014, more than 100 protesters held a rally at the Old Courthouse Square in Santa Rosa, demonstrating their disapproval with prosecutors' decision to not file charges against Erick Gelhaus. A small group of protesters marched onto northbound Highway 101, blocking traffic. On June 2, 2020, a memorial and march was held in Santa Rosa in Lopez’s honor, on what would have been his 20th birthday, and coinciding with the George Floyd protests. Tributes A memorial park was created for Lopez in December 2013, located near the site of his death. In March 2016, the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors approved an additional $1.2 million of fund money for the park and a name for it. The park is named "Andy's Unity Park" and encompasses 4.22 acres. The park's estimated cost was $4 million, with $3 million for the construction. The park was opened in June 2018 with a final cost of $3.7 million. LandPaths, a Sonoma county non-profit, helped create Andy’s Unity Park Community Garden and maintains the park along with community involvement. See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States, October 2013 Police misconduct Shooting of Michael Brown and the subsequent 2014 Ferguson unrest Shooting of Tamir Rice Shooting of Akai Gurley Shooting of John Crawford III Shooting of Ezell Ford Death of William Corey Jackson Shooting of Kuanchung Kao Death of Eric Garner Entertech shooting deaths Emmett Till References External links 2013 in California Deaths by firearm in California History of Santa Rosa, California History of Sonoma County, California Latino people shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Incidents of violence against boys Protests in the United States Law enforcement in California

46616143

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting%20of%20Kendall%20Carroll

Shooting of Kendall Carroll

Kendall Carroll was shot and killed on March 19, 2013, just two weeks after the fatal Albuquerque Police Department (APD) shooting of Parrish Dennison. Kendall and his brother were both involved in an officer stand off. The stand off lasted for more than four hours. Michael the younger brother surrendered midway while Kendall continued on. State police sniper Shane Todd fired the lethal shot to end the stand off. Throughout the altercation police threw tear gas into the apartment that the men were shooting at them from. Police were originally called to the scene because Kendall was a suspect in an earlier shooting which involved wounding an APD officer. See also Shooting of James Boyd Alfred Redwine shooting List of Albuquerque police shootings References Year of birth missing 2013 deaths People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States 2013 in New Mexico Albuquerque Police Department

46767376

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Meagan%20Hockaday

Killing of Meagan Hockaday

Meagan Hockaday was a 26-year-old African American resident of Oxnard, California who was shot and killed by police officer Roger Garcia in the early hours of Saturday, March 28, 2015. Garcia responded to a 911 call made by Hockaday's fiancé, Luis Morado, reporting a domestic dispute at The Timbers, an apartment complex in Oxnard. Within twenty seconds of officers arriving at the family's apartment, Hockaday, who was wielding a knife and apparently advanced at the officers, was fatally shot by Garcia. The couple's three children were in the apartment at the time. They were subsequently evaluated by Child Protective Services and released to family. Aftermath Investigation While the case remains under investigation, Roger Garcia has been placed on administrative leave. As is standard with officer-involved shootings, the Oxnard Police Department will complete an investigation that will then be submitted to Ventura County District Attorney's Office. Following this, the District Attorney's Office will conduct its own investigation. A second officer who responded to the call with Garcia remains on duty. Garcia's name was released the Tuesday following the shooting, along with the 911 call made by Morado. Roger Garcia was involved in another, non-fatal, shooting of an Oxnard resident in February 2014. He had reportedly completed Crisis Intervention Team training after the February shooting. It was reported that August 18th The D.A.'s office found the shooting justified as Hockaday was charging at both the officer and her husband Luis Morado. News coverage The case was covered by local newspapers, and national magazines and entertainment outlets that are directed toward African American markets, such as Ebony and BET. The #SayHerName protest, created to raise awareness about police shootings of African American women and girls, renewed interest in Hockaday's case. Her death was mentioned in The Nation, Boing Boing, and The Independent. Protests On April 11, 2015, a peaceful march in honor of Meagan Hockaday took place primarily on Oxnard Boulevard. The march was broken up by police for disrupting traffic at the intersection of Oxnard Boulevard and Vineyard Avenue. A vigil was also held to commemorate Hockaday on the one-month anniversary of her death on April 28, 2015. It coincided with an Oxnard City Council meeting where supporters of Hockaday spoke out against police brutality in Oxnard. Speakers included Meagan Hockaday's sister. A benefit concert for Hockaday's family was held in Oxnard on May 9, 2015. Meagan Hockaday's name has also been included in lists of black women killed by police, read out during protests connected to the Black Lives Matter movement in 2015. References External links Oxnard Police press release 2015 deaths 2015 controversies in the United States African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Deaths by firearm in California 2015 in California African-American-related controversies Law enforcement in California Law enforcement controversies in the United States Deaths by person in the United States Black Lives Matter Oxnard, California African-American history of California

47596739

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Malerba

Joseph Malerba

Joseph Malerba (born 5 October 1962) is a French actor known for his role as police detective Walter Morlighem in the French TV series Braquo. He has appeared in numerous films, television productions, and theatre plays since 1992. Selected filmography Film Television External links 1962 births Living people French male film actors French male television actors Male actors from Paris 20th-century French male actors 21st-century French male actors Alumni of the Cours Florent

48644641

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Laquan%20McDonald

Murder of Laquan McDonald

The murder of Laquan McDonald took place on October 20, 2014, in Chicago, Illinois. McDonald was a 17-year-old African American youth who was fatally shot by a white Chicago Police Officer, Jason Van Dyke. Police had initially reported that McDonald was behaving erratically while walking down the street, refusing to put down a knife, and that he had lunged at officers. Preliminary internal police reports described the incident similarly, leading to the shooting being judged a justifiable and Van Dyke not being charged at the time. On November 24, 2015, thirteen months after the shooting, a court ordered the police to release a dash cam video of the shooting. It showed that McDonald was walking away from the police when he was shot 16 times by Officer Van Dyke. That same day, Van Dyke was charged with first-degree murder and initially held without bail at the Cook County Jail. He was released on bail on November 30. The city reached a settlement with McDonald's family for $5 million in April 2015. On October 5, 2018, Van Dyke was found guilty of second-degree murder, as well as 16 counts of aggravated battery with a firearm. Protests followed the shooting of McDonald, demanding changes in police and judicial procedure, and for the dismissal or resignation of city and county officials. Rahm Emanuel won a second term in 2015 as Mayor of Chicago (prior to the release of the dash cam video), but Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez lost her bid for reelection in 2016. At the request of Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan, the United States Department of Justice initiated a civil rights investigation into McDonald's death and the activities of the Chicago Police Department. It released its report in January 2017, describing the police as having a culture of "excessive violence", especially against minority suspects, and of having poor training and supervision. DOJ and city officials signed a consent decree for a plan for improvement to be overseen by the courts. Moreover, three Chicago police officers were tried for allegedly attempting to cover up events related to the shooting and were found not guilty by the Cook County Circuit Court on January 17, 2019. Profiles Laquan McDonald Laquan Joseph McDonald (September 25, 1997 – October 20, 2014) was from the 37th Ward of Chicago. According to NBC Chicago news, McDonald earned $1,100 working after school in the Youth Advocate Program in 2014. His final report card showed that he had earned an A in personal finance and music, a B in world studies and reading, and Cs in biology and algebra. He had a younger sister and brother. One of McDonald's teachers described him as "very respectful and reserved". The teacher added that McDonald "was not aggressive". Toxicology reports later revealed that McDonald had PCP in his blood and urine at the time of the encounter with police. Defense expert pharmacologist James Thomas O’Donnell testified that the amount found was enough to suggest he had taken the drug on the day of the shooting and that it could cause "significant bizarre behavior". Jason Van Dyke Jason D. Van Dyke (born 1978) was born in Hinsdale, Illinois, and graduated from Hinsdale South High School in 1996. He earned a bachelor's degree in criminal justice from St. Xavier University in Chicago. A 14-year veteran of the Chicago Police Department and earning a salary of $78,012, Van Dyke is married and has two children. Since 2001, some 20 citizen complaints have been filed against Officer Van Dyke, but none resulted in disciplinary action. Ten of the complaints allege he used excessive force, and two involve the use of a firearm. A jury awarded a Chicago man $350,000 after determining Van Dyke employed excessive force during a traffic stop. One complaint involved verbal abuse by Van Dyke, who used a racial slur. Van Dyke was involved in preparing questionable documentation of a separate shooting in 2005. According to CNN, "the Chicago Police Department has about 12,000 officers. Like Van Dyke, 402 officers have 20 or more complaints on file in the database. The most complaints against any officer, according to the database, is 68. The database shows that of the 20 complaints against Van Dyke none resulted in discipline. Five complaints in the database were "not sustained", five were unfounded, four resulted in exoneration, five had unknown outcomes and one resulted in no action taken." Events Shortly before 10:00 p.m., police were called to investigate McDonald at 4100 South Pulaski Road, responding to reports that he was carrying a knife and breaking into vehicles in a trucking yard at 41st Street and Kildare Avenue. When officers confronted McDonald, he used a knife with a blade to slice the tire on a patrol vehicle and damage its windshield. McDonald walked away from police after numerous verbal instructions from officers to drop the knife, at which point responding officers requested Taser backup, according to radio recordings released December 30, 2015, to Politico and NBC Chicago in response to Illinois Freedom of Information Act requests. Video of the shooting shows that Van Dyke was advancing on McDonald, while McDonald was walking away from Van Dyke when the first shot was fired. The first shot hit McDonald, who spun and fell to the ground. As McDonald lay on the ground, still holding the knife, Van Dyke fired more shots into him. In total, Van Dyke fired 16 shots at McDonald in 14–15 seconds, expending the maximum capacity of his 9 mm semi-automatic firearm. Van Dyke was on the scene for less than 30 seconds before opening fire and began shooting approximately six seconds after exiting his car. The first responding officer said that he did not see the need to use force, and none of the at least eight other officers on the scene fired their weapons. Laquan McDonald was taken to Mount Sinai Hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 10:42 p.m. Initial police report The initial police portrayals of the incident, consisting of about 400 pages of typed and handwritten reports, prompted police supervisors to rule the case a justifiable homicide and within the bounds of the department's use of force guidelines. The reports did not say how many times McDonald was shot and said McDonald was acting "crazed" and lunged at officers after refusing to drop his knife. Michael D. Robbins, one of the attorneys representing the McDonald estate, said his initial thoughts were that "I didn't think there was a case if he had lunged at a police officer", adding, "The police narrative, without exception, is that the use of force is justified and necessary, which it sometimes is." One police report described that McDonald "raised the knife across chest" and pointed it at Van Dyke. Van Dyke told investigators that he feared McDonald would rush him with the knife or throw it at him, and he also recalled a 2012 Police Department bulletin warning about a knife that was also capable of firing a bullet, as well as throwing knives and also spring-loaded knives capable of propelling the blade. One report noted that McDonald's knife "was in the open position" but, when announcing charges against Van Dyke, Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez said the knife was found folded at the scene. Medical report According to the Cook County Medical Examiner's Office's autopsy report, which was revealed by journalist Jamie Kalven through a public records request, McDonald was shot in his neck, chest, back, both arms, right leg and a graze wound to his left scalp. Nine of the 16 shots hit McDonald's back, and he was shot as he lay on the ground. His death was ruled a homicide. Dash-cam video Five police videos of the incident are known to exist, including the view from a camera mounted in the marked police SUV that Van Dyke was riding in as he and his partner responded to the scene. The videos show that at least eight police vehicles responded to the scene, but no video has been released from the other three vehicles. Chicago police officers are required to make sure that their video systems are working properly, and that they should "submit a ticket if they are unable to download digitally recorded data." There were no repair tickets requested by any of the three vehicles missing video on the scene that night. When video footage was initially released, it did not contain audio, although Chicago Police dashboard cameras should automatically record audio when the video recording is activated. According to a CPD video, "The in-car camera system automatically engages both the audio and the video recording when the vehicles' emergency roof lights are activated" and each vehicle has a front and rear camera and microphone. City officials initially blamed a technical problem. It was later revealed that the audio recording equipment in officer Van Dyke's vehicle had been "intentionally damaged" according to records from police technicians. Another car's audio was disabled because the microphones were in the glove compartment with the batteries inserted backwards. For another, a mobile start-up recorder was corrupted, and a third was processing other video at the time. The Sun-Times published that a sergeant reported officers throwing their microphones on the roof of the Jefferson Park police station to the Internal Police Review Authority a month and a half before the release of the Laquan McDonald dashcam video in an apparent protest against being recorded. Fraternal Order of Police president Dean Angelo defended officers in an interview, saying that operator error could be any number of accidents, adding, "Things always trickle downhill so it winds up the responsibility of the beat officer—God forbid it's the responsibility of the agency." Burger King surveillance video There was also a security camera at a nearby Burger King restaurant that may have captured the shooting, but during the time of the shooting there is a gap of 86 minutes in the recording. The manager of the restaurant said that on the night of the shooting, five Chicago police officers gained access to the video and passwords on the equipment, and that by the time the Independent Police Review Authority requested to view the footage the next day, it had been erased. The Tribune later obtained footage showing a Chicago police employee working on the restaurant's computers after the shooting. However, according to FBI sources, the video taken from the Burger King surveillance camera was not altered, and there were gaps throughout the surveillance video because the system at Burger King was a "mess". $5 million settlement Attorneys for the estate of Laquan McDonald entered into negotiations with the City of Chicago to settle claims arising out of his death. The Chicago City Council approved a $5 million settlement to McDonald's family on April 15, 2015, although the family had not yet filed a wrongful-death lawsuit. Emails from the mayor's office surrounding the case later revealed the settlement deal was finalized the day after the Mayor of Chicago, Rahm Emanuel, secured his second term by a run-off election. Part of the settlement agreement required that the video be sealed until investigations were completed, which could have delayed the release of the video for years. Aldermen were not shown the dash-cam video before approving the settlement, although city Corporation Counsel Stephen Patton said the existence of the video influenced the council's decision to settle before a lawsuit, and details about the video were given to the Finance Committee during a hearing. The decision took only "5 seconds out of a two hour, 45 minute meeting" to approve. Dick Simpson, a UIC political scientist and former Chicago alderman, said "It's odd not only in this case but maybe in others that there isn't more debate on the floor because that's where the public gets informed." Legal proceedings Requests for documents Reporters noted inconsistencies between the narrative police told reporters, the autopsy, and an anonymous eyewitness account before the video was publicly released. A whistle-blower expressed concern over the handling of the McDonald shooting a few weeks after the shooting, revealing "that there was a video and that it was horrific", to journalist Jamie Kalven and attorney Craig Futterman. The pair issued a statement calling on Chicago police to release the dash-cam video of the incident. The city of Chicago denied at least 15 requests for its release. Brandon Smith, a freelance journalist, and William Calloway, a community activist, filed a request for the video under the Freedom of Information Act in May 2015. When the request was denied, Smith filed a lawsuit against the City of Chicago in Cook County Circuit Court. Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan sent a letter to the Police Department the day before a court hearing, stating that they cannot withhold the video. She said that they had not substantiated their claim that releasing the video would interfere with an ongoing investigation or jeopardize a fair trial if any officer was charged. On November 19, Cook County Judge Franklin Valderrama denied the city's request for a stay, ordering the video to be released to the public no later than November 25. The city did not appeal the judge's decision. On November 24, after a press conference, the video was released that showed an officer fatally shooting McDonald. Investigations A criminal investigation also began weeks after the shooting, when the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA) forwarded the case to the state's attorney's office and the FBI. The U.S. attorney's office confirmed on April 13, 2015, that they had been conducting a federal criminal investigation of the McDonald case in conjunction with the state attorney's office, after contradictions were found between the initial police report and the dash-cam video. The police report said that McDonald had lunged at an officer, but the video footage showed that McDonald made no lunges. The video does show that McDonald was swinging the knife in his right hand in a wide, but aimless manner as he walked down the street, and also appears to show that McDonald turns slightly to look briefly at Van Dyke and another officer who are pointing guns at him, but that he continues to walk away from both officers at the moment Van Dyke opens fire on him. On December 2, 2015, Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan asked the U.S. Justice Department to launch a separate civil rights investigation of Chicago police tactics. DOJ enlarged the scope of their investigation based on early findings, issuing a report in January 2017. (See later section on this). Van Dyke's trial On November 24, 2015, the same day the video was released, Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez announced that Van Dyke was charged with first-degree murder, and Van Dyke turned himself in to authorities. He was initially held without bail at Cook County Jail for six days. Crowd funding website GoFundMe shut down a page that was set up to raise funds for his legal defense shortly after it had raised just over $10,000. On November 30, Van Dyke was granted bail, set at $1,500,000. He posted $150,000—ten percent of the bail—and was released from jail. On December 16, Van Dyke was indicted by a grand jury on six counts of first-degree murder and one count of official misconduct. The six counts of first-degree murder were: Murder/Intent to Kill/Injure With Firearm, Murder/Strong Probability to Kill/Injure With Firearm, Murder/Intent to Kill/Injure Discharge Firearm, Murder/Strong Probability to Kill/Injure Discharge Firearm, Murder/Intent to Kill/Injure Discharge Firearm Proximately, and Murder/Strong Probability to Kill/Injure Discharge Firearm Proximately. On December 29, 2015, Van Dyke pleaded not guilty to the charges. Van Dyke's attorney, Daniel Herbert, said that his client fears for his life. Protesters yelled at him and called him names as he approached the courthouse for his arraignment. Van Dyke had a history of complaints in his police career but was cleared in most cases. After the arraignment, Herbert said he was looking for evidence to clear his client's name. On January 29, 2016, Herbert accused Chicago's mayor of tainting possible jurors, as he considered an effort to move the trial outside of Cook county: It's been dozens and dozens of comments where [Rahm Emanuel] essentially indicted my client. He's characterized my client's actions as being heinous without even seeing the videotape. So when the mayor of the city in which the pool of jurors is drawn from has taken such an adamant stance, it makes it extremely difficult for us to get a juror in here who is not predisposed to a finding of guilt. If convicted of first-degree murder, Van Dyke would have faced a prison sentence of 20 years to life. The case marked the first time in nearly 35 years that a Chicago police officer had been charged with first-degree murder for an on-duty fatality. On March 23, 2017, the charges against Van Dyke were six counts of first degree murder and 16 counts of aggravated battery, one for each shot fired at Laquan McDonald. Jury selection began on September 5, 2018, and the trial commenced on September 17. On October 5, 2018, Van Dyke was found guilty of second degree murder and 16 counts of aggravated battery with a firearm, but was found not guilty of official misconduct. On January 18, 2019, Van Dyke was sentenced to 6.75 years in prison for the second-degree murder conviction alone instead of the other more serious charges, which was contrary to Illinois Supreme Court precedent. Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul filed a request with the Illinois Supreme Court to vacate Van Dyke's sentence for second-degree murder and impose a sentence on each of the 16 aggravated battery counts. A majority of Illinois Supreme Court Justices voted to deny this request without a hearing or explanation. Two Justices authored dissenting opinions stating that the decision of the sentencing judge had been unlawful. The Illinois Department of Corrections refused to disclose the state prison where Van Dyke was initially incarcerated to serve his sentence, citing safety reasons. He was transferred on February 5, 2019, to the Federal Correctional Institution in Danbury, Connecticut. During his first week at this facility, he was assaulted by other inmates while in the general population. Sometime after the assault, he was transferred to the Federal Correctional Institution, Otisville in Otisville, New York. In November 2019 he was moved from the Otisville federal prison to a state prison outside Illinois. On February 3, 2022, Van Dyke was released from prison after serving 39 months of his 81-month sentence. He was eligible to be released early due to good behavior in prison. He was subsequently on mandatory supervised release, i.e. parole. Trial of March, Walsh, and Gaffney On June 27, 2017, three current or former Chicago police officers were charged with conspiracy, official misconduct, and obstruction of justice connected with a coverup of the shooting. Those charged were David March, the lead detective in this case, Joseph Walsh, Van Dyke's partner on the night of the shooting, and Thomas Gaffney. Their bench trial began on November 27, 2018, and a verdict was expected by January 15, 2019. On January 17, 2019, Cook County Judge Domenica Stephenson found them not guilty of the charges. Reactions Protests November protests After the release of the video on November 24, 2015, a few hundred people blocked the intersection of Roosevelt and Michigan Avenue in protest. On November 25, 2015, more protests were held. On the second night of protest, marchers tore off lights from a public Christmas Tree in Daley Plaza and multiple marchers were arrested. On Friday, November 27, a major day for Christmas shopping in the U.S., a group of protesters chanted "sixteen shots" and other slogans while marching on Michigan Avenue, the city of Chicago's central shopping district. This caused some businesses to shut their doors and the police closed Michigan Avenue, a six-lane street. December protests A 16-hour sit-in at the Cook County building on December 3, 2015, proceeded after Alvarez refused to resign on December 2. Protests erupted in the Loop after Mayor Emanuel called a special council meeting to apologize for his slow reaction to fix problems within the Chicago police department. On December 24, a month after the video had been published, protests disrupting Christmas-season shopping were again held on Michigan Avenue. Protesters also stood in the alley behind Emanuel's home the last three days in a row in December, promising to continue for 13 more days—to symbolize the 16 shots McDonald took from police—in an effort to force Emanuel to resign. On New Year's Eve, protesters temporarily took over parts of City Hall and a Hyatt hotel lobby, chanting "Rahm gotta go." January protests Over 100 African-American pastors boycotted the 30-year tradition of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. Interfaith Breakfast, hosted by Chicago's mayor Rahm Emanuel. The breakfast was attended by Rev. Matthew Ross, who interrupted the proceedings when he stood up and began to chant "16 shots and a cover-up" during a musical performance. The day after Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, about 200 Black Youth Project 100 Chicago Chapter members, dressed in black T-shirts with the words "Fund Black Futures" written across them, blocked the entrance of the Chicago Patrolmen's Federal Credit Union in an effort to protest the Fraternal Order of Police's advocacy of the Chicago police department. City officials continue to deal with the aftermath of the McDonald shooting and are working to change the long-standing policy of keeping police shooting video under wraps. Protesters chanted "16 shots and a cover-up!" as Officer Van Dyke walked into court for a status hearing on January 29, 2016. February protests Laquan McDonald protesters hijacked a rally to support Apple's decision to fight back in the FBI–Apple encryption dispute in front of the Apple store on Michigan Avenue on February 24, 2016. Protesters started chants against Alvarez and Emanuel, but the crowd dispersed after several in the crowd got into a shoving match with police. March protests A rally started at State and Jackson consisting of "less than 50 people" on March 2, 2016, to mark 500 days since the shooting of Laquan McDonald. Other protesters were arrested for blocking the flow of traffic on Adams near Michigan Avenue. Other reactions On November 25, 2015, Senator and presidential candidate Bernie Sanders released a statement sending condolences to McDonald's family and criticizing the Emanuel administration and Chicago's police force. On November 29, 2015, Jabari Dean, a student at the University of Illinois at Chicago, posted an online threat to kill 16 unspecified white males—one for every shot fired at McDonald, plus any white police officers who might intervene—at the University of Chicago. The university announced that classes would be cancelled the next day. The same day, the FBI arrested Dean, who was charged with "transmitting in interstate commerce communications containing a threat to injure the person of another." Federal prosecutors stated they did not believe Dean had the means to carry out the attack he had threatened. The federal charge was later dropped against Dean. Chance the Rapper referred to the shooting on Saturday Night Live on December 12, 2015. He would refer to the shooting again on his second appearance on the show with Kanye West on February 13, 2016. On June 2, 2016, Vic Mensa released a song entitled "16 Shots", referring to McDonald's death. Aftermath Chicago Police Accountability Task Force On December 1, 2015, Rahm Emanuel created the Chicago Police Accountability Task Force, led by then-President of the Chicago Police Board Lori Lightfoot, "to review the system of accountability, oversight and training that is currently in place for Chicago's police officers." The Task Force's final report, published April 13, 2016, found racism and systemic failures in the city's police force, validating complaints made for years by African-American residents. Firing of Superintendent Garry McCarthy Emanuel fired Superintendent Garry McCarthy on December 1, 2015, under political pressure from protesters. McCarthy knew of the dash-cam video a few weeks after the shooting and stripped Officer Van Dyke of his police powers. Due to the IPRA investigation under way, McCarthy could not fire the officer, nor discipline him or put him on a "no pay" status. McCarthy refused to resign, so Emanuel fired him. Calls for Anita Alvarez's resignation Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez was criticized by political challengers and others for the delay in the release of the dash-cam video, which she viewed weeks after the shooting, and the long wait to charge Van Dyke for McDonald's death. This took more than a year and was completed only hours before the court-ordered release of the video. She faced a difficult primary election in March 2016. Calls for her resignation came from within her own party, including Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle. As of December 2, 2015, Alvarez had refused to resign, which prompted a 16-hour sit-in by protesters at the Cook County building on December 3, 2015. Alvarez said she had been cooperating with the FBI investigation since November 2014, and asked her critics why she would call in the FBI if she was attempting a cover-up. She also defended Mayor Rahm Emanuel's comments that it would be premature to release the dash-cam video in light of the investigation, saying it "was in the best interest of the investigation". Kim Foxx, a former prosecutor running against Alvarez with support by Jesse Jackson and other civil rights leaders, disagrees: By waiting so long to press charges in this case, State's Attorney Alvarez has done the McDonald family and the entire criminal justice system a heinous disservice. She waited until her hand was forced by intense political and media pressure surrounding the release of this painful video. She waited even after City Hall was prepared to pay the McDonald family $5 million in damages. In the 2016 election for Cook County State's Attorney, Alvarez was the subject of an activist campaign (sometimes referred to as "#ByeAnita") that criticized her for her handling of the Lacquan McDonald and Rekia Boyd cases, along with her broader role in the criminal justice system. Alvarez lost her bid for reelection in the March 2016 primary, earning 29 percent of the votes. Challenger Kim Foxx, who ran on a platform of criminal justice reform, won with 58 percent of the votes, and went on to win the general election. Calls for Rahm Emanuel's resignation McDonald's killing occurred four months before Emanuel faced a difficult campaign for reelection in February 2015. (He failed to win the majority and was elected by 56 percent in a runoff election—the first in Chicago's history— against Jesús "Chuy" García). The delayed timing of release of the video, the Chicago City Council's awarding the family $5 million within weeks of McDonald's death, and Emanuel firing Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy, prompted some commentators to accuse the city of cover-up. Journalist Ben Joravsky wrote in the Chicago Reader: Just imagine [if] Mayor Emanuel had released the video in, say, November [2014]—without being forced to by a lawsuit.... But of course, he didn't do the right thing. He buried the video. He allowed officials to mislead the public. He hid the tapes because most likely he [...] assumed it would hurt his reelection campaign. Thus he not only did the immoral thing, he did the politically stupid thing. Cook County state's attorney Anita Alvarez probably would've quickly responded with an indictment—just like she did earlier this week, when the tape actually was released. I mean, it's really hard to look at that tape and not call for an indictment. If the mayor had done that, he wouldn't be the villain in this sordid story. He'd be the hero. Or at least the guy who finally, for once in his life, did the right thing. Emanuel subsequently created the Task Force on Police Accountability to review current training and oversight for Chicago's police officers. He also maintained he never saw the dash-cam video until it was publicly released and would not resign. Emanuel's image received a blow when U.S. District Judge Edmond Chang accused city attorney Jordan Marsh, an attorney who handled cases in the office that represents the city in police misconduct lawsuits, of hiding evidence in a fatal police shooting. There was no legal mechanism to force Emanuel's resignation. State representative La Shawn K. Ford filed House Bill 4356 to set up the mechanism for a recall election, but it was not passed. Illinois Republican governor Bruce Rauner said he would sign such a bill. Video released of shooting of Ronald Johnson III On December 1, 2015, the city announced that there was a video of a fatal police shooting that took place on October 12, 2014. Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez's office investigated possible criminal charges against Officer George Hernandez (whose name was revealed on December 7), who shot Ronald Johnson III in the back during a foot chase. The officer opened fire seconds after arriving on the scene, when Johnson was moving away from police. Johnson was allegedly a known gang member and also allegedly armed; a gun was recovered at the scene. The attorney for Johnson's family contends police planted the weapon. The city fought to keep the video of the incident secret so as not to jeopardize the officer's right to a fair trial should he be indicted. As in the McDonald case, the video lacks audio. The city released the video on December 7 due to pressure for transparency prompted by the McDonald case. No charges have been filed against Hernandez. De-escalation and Taser training On December 30, 2015, Emanuel announced sweeping reforms within the police department, including new police training for handling tense situations and equipping every officer with a Taser, to be used to control suspects. All officers were to be equipped and trained by June 2016. Officers at the McDonald scene were waiting for a Taser to arrive before Van Dyke shot the suspect. At that time, 21.5 percent of officers had been trained to use a Taser. Dean Angelo, president of the Chicago chapter of the Fraternal Order of Police, said on the subject: "I know there are people on the job for 9 or 10 years who have not been trained. I can't say they have all requested training, but I am sure some have. It's very hard to get the proper training as a Chicago police officer and that's something that has been going on for a very long time. There is certainly a percentage of my members who believe that the Chicago Police Department doesn't offer the same level of training, or the same opportunities to obtain training, as many other police departments in the country. I think the general attitude is that's just 'Welcome to the Chicago Police Department.'" Emails from the mayor's office released On December 31, 2015, 3,085 pages of emails split across seven PDFs regarding the McDonald case and other police-related matters were obtained under the Illinois Freedom of Information Act. The timing of the release (on New Year's Eve) has been described by reporters as "strategic". The exchanges show that the mayor's staff had been communicating with both the IPRA and the office of the Cook County state attorney since the October 2014 shooting. They document fact-gathering and news-monitoring, to crafting a unified "message" on how to respond to media inquiries regarding the McDonald shooting. The emails included several highly redacted speech drafts to use if the video was released, prepared nearly a year before the release of the dash-cam video, which Emanuel's top aides knew existed. The emails also cover the topics of discrepancies between the police reports and dash-cam video, the lack of audio on the dash-cam videos (which senior mayoral adviser David Spielfogel noted: "The number of malfunctions seems a bit odd."), express exasperation with statements made by the IPRA, note the missing Burger King footage, and reports on protests and social media activity—all of which is highly redacted. The media characterized the emails as calling into question the "independence" of the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA), an agency approved by Chicago City Hall in 2007 to investigate allegations of police misconduct and made up entirely of civilian members. Aides to the mayor have responded that the communications were routine and did not interfere with the IPRA's investigation. Scott Ando, the former head of the IPRA who was fired by Emanuel in December, concurred that the mayor's office never interfered in the agency's investigations. He said: "We were generally asked to clear every messaging or release to the press ... I really think if I'd been allowed to be more responsive to the questions that were posed, it would have cleared the air a lot sooner." Adam Collins, a spokesperson for the mayor, has defended the mayor's office to the media, saying, "The mayor's office obviously does not direct investigations, nor are any employees involved in those investigations." In a May 26 email to Janey Rountree, Deputy Chief of Staff for Public Safety, Collins wrote: "Against my recommendation, IPRA has already provided this response that was a little antagonistic. I've asked that they follow up with this as well to soften and reinforce their message." The emails also reveal communication from the mayor's office with influential religious leaders Reverend Jesse Jackson and Father Michael Pfleger, asking them to soften their critical remarks on the case and explain the city could not fire Officer Van Dyke due to the IPRA investigation. Several persons, including Streetsblog Chicago reporter Steven Vance, Chicago Teachers Union member Luke Carman, and Twitter user "natalie solidarity", and others, collaborated on an effort to catalog the documents for easier access by readers. Request for emails from Van Dyke and other police officers In January 2016, CNN submitted a Freedom of Information Act request for emails regarding the McDonald case from Van Dyke, his partner, and other police officers. CNN requested emails from both official CPD email accounts and personal email accounts. However, after CNN appealed to the Public Access Counselor, CPD officials revealed that they had not attempted to look through the officers' personal email accounts, arguing that personal emails are not public records subject to disclosure. In August that year, Attorney General Lisa Madigan ruled that emails on personal accounts that pertain to public business must be disclosed to the public. Her ruling was a binding opinion, requiring CPD to search the officers' email accounts and comply with the decision within 35 days. CPD appealed the ruling in court, and lost in September 2017. Ultimately, CNN never received the emails that it had requested. Each of the officers, individually or through their attorneys, either refused to provide emails, ignored the request, or denied having any relevant emails. Documents from 2005 Incident In May 2016, CNN revealed documents of a 2005 incident, in which Van Dyke had written a police report without speaking to any of the personnel or witnesses at the scene of another police shooting. Records of the investigation indicated that Van Dyke had also inappropriately thrown out the original documents pertaining to the case. Two recommendations that officers be fired On August 16, 2016, inspector Joseph Ferguson recommended that 10 officers be fired, followed up by Superintendent Eddie T. Johnson's recommendation on August 18, that 7 police officers be fired for false or misleading statements made about the incident. 2017 DOJ Report and agreement for oversight of city police DOJ announced the completion of their investigation and issued a "scathing report" in early January 2017, noting problems in a police culture of excessive violence, especially against minorities; and lack of training and oversight. DOJ and the city have a preliminary agreement to undertake broad reforms for improvement, with the goal of increasing the safety of both citizens and officers. It noted the department's improvements, such as training in de-escalation to avoid use of force, issuance of Tasers, officers wearing body cameras, and the reshaping of a police oversight body. Also in January 2017, the city and DOJ signed "an agreement in principle to work together, with community input, to create a federal court-enforceable consent decree addressing the deficiencies uncovered during the investigation. An independent monitor, who has yet to be chosen, will oversee compliance." In February 2017, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions signaled that the Trump administration would "pull back" on federal civil rights probes of local police departments. He would not commit to enforcing the consent decree signed by Chicago and the Department of Justice. In June 2017, Mayor Emanuel backed off his commitment to enter a court-enforced agreement with the federal government. He said that an independent monitor selected by the city could work with the Justice Department to pursue police reforms without court oversight. Later that month, a group of civil rights organizations filed a federal lawsuit seeking court enforcement of police reforms. Also in June, Toni Preckwinkle, the president of the Cook County Board of Commissioners, and Jesús "Chuy" García, another member of the Cook County Board, advocated for judicial oversight, as did Chicago Inspector General Joseph Ferguson. In August 2017, Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan filed a lawsuit in federal court requesting that a judge oversee police reform in Chicago. In July 2018, Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel and Illinois attorney general Lisa Madigan announced a proposed court settlement that was the first draft of a consent decree that would eventually serve as a court-enforced mandate governing reforms of the Chicago Police Department. Documentary film 16 Shots is a documentary film about the shooting of Laquan McDonald and the subsequent police cover-up. It was directed by Richard Rowley, and produced by Jacqueline Soohen and Jamie Kalven. Originally titled The Blue Wall, it premiered on May 1, 2018, at the Hot Docs Canadian International Documentary Festival in Toronto. Rowley subsequently updated the film to include later events, and re-titled it 16 Shots. The revised documentary premiered on June 14, 2019, on the Showtime network. See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States, October 2014 Skullcap Crew Dismissal of Robert Rialmo References External links External video dashcam footage Catalog of emails from the mayor's office regarding the case 2014 in Illinois 2015 in Illinois 2010s in Chicago 2014 murders in the United States African-American-related controversies Black Lives Matter Chicago Police Department Filmed killings by law enforcement Murder in Chicago Police brutality in the United States Protests in the United States Articles containing video clips October 2014 events in the United States October 2014 crimes in the United States People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Murders by law enforcement officers in the United States Incidents of violence against boys

50778662

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rizwan%20Farook%20and%20Tashfeen%20Malik

Rizwan Farook and Tashfeen Malik

Syed Rizwan Farook (June 14, 1987December 2, 2015) and Tashfeen Malik (July 13, 1986December 2, 2015) were the two perpetrators of a terrorist attack at the Inland Regional Center in San Bernardino, California, on December 2, 2015. In the attack, they killed 14 people and injured 22 others. Both died in a shootout by law enforcement later that same day. Backgrounds Rizwan Farook Farook was born in Chicago, Illinois, and was a U.S. citizen. His parents had immigrated from Pakistan. Personal life According to sources, Farook had a "troubled childhood" and grew up in an abusive home in which his father was often violent towards his mother. Farook grew up in Riverside, California, and attended La Sierra High School, graduating in 2004, one year early. He attended California State University, San Bernardino, and received a bachelor's degree in environmental health in either 2009 or 2010. He was a student for one semester in 2014 at California State University, Fullerton in their graduate program for environmental engineering, but never completed the program. Farook had a profile on the dating website iMilap.com, in which he listed backyard target practice as a hobby. A lawyer for Farook's family also said that he would go to firing ranges by himself. Farook worked as a food inspector for the San Bernardino County Department of Public Health for five years before the shooting. From July to December 2010, he was a seasonal employee for the county. He was hired as an environmental health specialist trainee on January 28, 2012, and became a permanent employee on February 8, 2014. Coworkers described Farook as quiet and polite, and said that he held no obvious grudges. Religious views and travels According to family members and coworkers, Farook was a devout Sunni Muslim, and traveled to Saudi Arabia several times, including to complete the hajj in 2013. Farook attended prayers at the Islamic Center of Riverside twice a day, in the mornings and the evenings, according to an interview in The New York Times with Mustafa H. Kuko, the center's director. According to the Times, Farook stood out as especially devout and "kept a bit of a distance" from other congregants. During that time, according to friends, he never discussed politics. Farook abruptly stopped going to the mosque in 2014 following his marriage. The Italian newspaper La Stampa reported that Farook's father said that his son "shared the ideology of Al Baghdadi to create an Islamic state" and that he was fixated with Israel. A spokesperson for the Council on American–Islamic Relations (CAIR) later claimed the father did not recall making these statements about his son. Tashfeen Malik Malik was born in Pakistan, but lived most of her life in Saudi Arabia. Her original hometown was Karor Lal Esan, southwest of Islamabad, Pakistan. Her landowning family was described as politically influential in the town. Studies in Multan Malik returned to Pakistan to study pharmacology at Bahauddin Zakariya University in Multan, beginning the program in 2007 and graduating in 2012. Saudi Interior Ministry spokesman Major General Mansour Al-Turki denied reports that Malik grew up in his country, saying that she visited Saudi Arabia only for a few weeks in 2008 and again in 2013. The city of Multan has been linked to jihadist activity. While in Multan, Malik attended the local center of the Al-Huda International Seminary, a women-only religious academy network with seminaries across Pakistan and branches in the U.S. and Canada that was founded in 1994. The school is aligned with the Wahhabi form of Sunni Islam. According to school records, Malik enrolled in an eighteen-month Quranic studies course with Al-Huda on April 17, 2013, and left on May 3, 2014, telling administrators that she was leaving to get married. Malik expressed an interest in completing the course by correspondence, but never did so. According to experts, Al-Huda "draws much of its support from women from educated, relatively affluent backgrounds." Faiza Mushtaq, a Pakistani scholar that studied the organization, said that "these Al-Huda classes are teaching these urban, educated, upper-middle-class women a very conservative interpretation of Islam that makes them very judgmental about others around them." According to the Los Angeles Times, Al-Huda seminaries promote anti-Western views and hard-line practices in a fashion that "could encourage some adherents to lash out against non-believers." The New York Times reported that the institute "teaches a strict literalist interpretation of the Quran, although it does not advocate violent jihad." An Al-Huda administrator from the head office in Islamabad said that terrorism "is against the teachings of Islam" and that the school's curriculum did not endorse violence. Marriage and entry into United States According to one of Farook's coworkers, Malik and her husband married about a month after he traveled to Saudi Arabia in early 2014; the two had met over the Internet. Malik joined Farook in California shortly after their wedding. A U.S. marriage certificate reported their marriage in Riverside on August 16, 2014. At the time of her death, Malik and Farook had a six-month-old daughter. Malik entered the United States on a K-1 (fiancée) visa with a Pakistani passport. According to a State Department spokesman, all applicants for such visas are fully screened. Malik's application for permanent residency (a "green card") was completed by Farook on her behalf in September 2014, and she was granted a conditional green card in July 2015. Obtaining such a green card would have required the couple to prove that the marriage was legitimate. As is standard practice, as part of her visa application with the State Department and application for a green card, Malik submitted her fingerprints and underwent "three extensive national security and criminal background screenings" using Homeland Security and State Department databases. Malik also underwent two in-person interviews, the first with a consular officer in Pakistan and the second with an immigration officer in the U.S. after applying for a green card. No irregularities or signs of suspicion were found in the record of Malik's interview with the Pakistani consular officer. Malik reportedly had become very religious in the years before the attack, wearing both the niqab and burqa while urging others to do so as well. Pakistani media reported that Malik had ties to the radical Red Mosque in Islamabad, but a cleric and a spokesman from the mosque vehemently denied these claims, saying that they had never heard of Malik before the shooting. Malik's estranged relatives say that she had left the moderate Islam of her family and had become radicalized while living in Saudi Arabia. Saudi Interior Ministry spokesman Al-Turki rejected this claim, stating that Saudi officials received no indication that Malik was radicalized while living there. Internet activities On December 16, 2015, FBI Director James Comey said, "We can see from our investigation that in late 2013, before there is a physical meeting of these two people [Farook and Malik] resulting in their engagement and then journey to the United States, they are communicating online, showing signs in that communication of their joint commitment to jihadism and to martyrdom. Those communications are direct, private messages." Early reports had erroneously stated that Malik had openly expressed jihadist beliefs on social media, leading to calls for U.S. immigration officials to routinely review social media as part of background checks, which is not part of the current procedure. Comey subsequently clarified that the remarks were "direct private messages" that were not publicly accessible and that "So far, in this investigation, we have found no evidence of posting on social media." Comey said that the FBI's investigation had revealed that Farook and Malik were "consuming poison on the Internet" and both had become radicalized "before they started courting or dating each other online" and "before the emergence of ISIL." As a result, Comey said that "untangling the motivations of which particular terrorist propaganda motivated in what way remains a challenge in these investigations, and our work is ongoing there." Planning of the attack A Senate Judiciary Committee testimony given on December 9, 2015, FBI Director James B. Comey said that the FBI investigation has shown that Farook and Malik were "homegrown violent extremists" who were "inspired by foreign terrorist organizations." Comey also said that Farook and Malik "were talking to each other about jihad and martyrdom," before their engagement and as early as the end of 2013. They reportedly spent at least a year preparing for the attack, including taking target practice and making plans to take care of their child and Farook's mother. Comey has said that although the investigation has shown that Farook and Malik were radicalized and possibly inspired by foreign terrorist organizations, there is no indication that the couple were directed by such a group or part of a broader cell or network. The FBI has said that there were "telephonic connections" between the couple and other people of interest in FBI probes. Comey said that the case did not follow the typical pattern for mass shootings or terrorist attacks. A senior U.S. law enforcement official said that Farook contacted "persons of interest" who were possibly tied to terrorism, although these contacts were not "substantial." A senior federal official said that Farook had some contact with people from the Nusra Front, the official al-Qaeda affiliate in Syria, and Shabaab of Somalia, but specifics were unclear. Weapons Farook and Malik used two .223-caliber semi-automatic rifles, two 9 mm caliber semi-automatic pistols, and an explosive device in the attack. The rifles used were variants of the AR-15: one was a DPMS Panther Arms A15, the other was a Smith & Wesson M&P15. The two rifles were purchased by Enrique Marquez Jr., a next-door neighbor of Farook's until May 2015 who is related to him by marriage. After their purchases, the rifles were illegally transferred to Farook. The two pistols were legally purchased by Farook from federally licensed firearms dealers in Corona, California, in 2011 and 2012. One of the handguns was a Llama Model XI-B and the other was a Springfield Armory XD Bi-Tone. The couple altered the guns: there was a failed attempt to modify the Smith & Wesson rifle to fire in fully automatic mode, they made a modification that defeated the ban on detachable magazines, and they used a detachable high-capacity magazine. California laws limit magazines to a maximum of ten rounds, and the magazine must be fixed by a recessed button mechanism to the rifle and require a tool such as a bullet, pen, or other implement to remove it, thereby creating a delay in the rate at which spent magazines can be replaced. According to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the modifications made the guns illegal assault weapons. The couple also taped magazines together to make switching them out easier. They had a total of 2,363 rounds (1,879 for the rifles and 484 for the handguns) with them at the time of the shootout. The explosive device left at the Inland Regional Center comprised three explosive devices connected to one another. It was contained inside the backpack left by Farook during the departmental event. The devices were described as pipe bombs constructed with Christmas lights and tied together, combined with a remote controlled car that was switched on. The poorly constructed devices failed to explode. The large stockpile of weapons used by Farook and Malik led investigators to believe that they intended to carry out further attacks. An examination of digital equipment recovered from their home suggested that the couple was in the final planning stages of a much larger attack. Shooting range video After law enforcement sources confirmed that Farook spent time on November 2930, 2015, at the Riverside Magnum Shooting Range, about away from the couple's Redlands home, the FBI obtained surveillance video from the range. During these visits, one lasting several hours, Farook shot an AR-15 and a pistol, which he had brought to the range. One of the paper torso silhouette targets used in the video was later recovered from the couple's SUV following their deaths. Bank transaction Two weeks before the shooting, Farook took out a loan of which was deposited in his bank account. The San Francisco-based online lender Prosper Marketplace made the loan to Farook; Prosper evaluates borrowers and the loans are originated by a third-party bank, the Salt Lake City-based WebBank.com. On or about November 20, 2015, Farook withdrew in cash, and later on two transfers were made to what appears to be Farook's mother's bank account. Investigators were exploring the possibility that the was used to reimburse someone for the purchase of the rifles used in the shooting. WebBank said that it was fully cooperating with the investigation. Terrorist attack On the morning of the December 2 attack, Farook and Malik left their six-month-old daughter with Farook's mother at their Redlands home, telling her that they were going to a doctor's appointment. Farook then attended a departmental event at the banquet room of the Inland Regional Center. The event began as a semi-annual all-staff meeting and training event, and was in the process of transitioning into a department holiday party/luncheon when the shooting began. Farook arrived at the departmental event at about 8:30am and left midway through it at around 10:30am, leaving a backpack containing explosives atop a table. Coworkers reported that Farook had been quiet for the duration of the event. He posed for photos with other coworkers. At 10:59am PST, Farook and Malik armed themselves and opened fire on those in attendance. During the attack, they wore ski masks and black tactical gear. The entire shooting took less than four minutes, and Farook and Malik fired between 65 and 75 bullets. The couple departed the scene before police arrived. The explosive devices placed by Farook were later detonated by a bomb squad. The attack was the second-deadliest mass shooting in California after the 1984 San Ysidro McDonald's massacre. It was also the deadliest mass shooting in the U.S. since the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, until the 2016 Orlando nightclub shooting six months later. Malik was one of a small number of female mass shooters in the U.S.; women constituted only 3.75 percent of active shooters in the U.S. from 2000 to 2013. Deaths After the attack, a witness recognized Farook and identified him to police. When officers responded to Farook and Malik's Redlands home, both fled in a sports utility vehicle (SUV), resulting in a police pursuit. At least one fake explosive was thrown at the police during the chase. The chase ended in a suburban neighborhood about away from the scene of the initial attack. There, Farook and Malik exchanged gunfire with officers. The gunfire lasted for around five minutes before both Farook and Malik were killed by police bullets. Farook died from 26 gunshot wounds, sustained mostly in the legs and including one in the chin where the bullet fragmented into his neck. Malik died from fifteen gunshot wounds, thirteen to the body and two to the head. Aftermath After Farook and Malik's corpses were released by law enforcement, local Islamic cemeteries refused to accept the remains. It took a week to find a willing cemetery, and the burial ultimately took place in Rosamond, California. According to two members of the mosque, many of the city's Muslim community refused to attend the funeral on December 15, 2015, which was attended by around ten mourners including relatives of Farook. Farook and Malik's corpses were buried per traditional Muslim rituals at an Islamic cemetery, according to Reuters. In one Arabic-language online radio broadcast, ISIL described Farook and Malik as "supporters" following the attack. During the police investigation into the attack, The New York Times reported that this language indicated "a less direct connection" between the shooters and the terrorist group. In a December 5, 2015, English-language broadcast on its Bayan radio station, ISIL referred to Farook and Malik as "soldiers of the caliphate," which is a phrase ISIL uses to denote members of the terrorist organization. The New York Times reported that it was unclear why the two versions differed. On February 9, 2016, the FBI announced that it was unable to unlock one of the mobile phones they had recovered from Farook and Malik's home because of the phone's advanced security features. The phone was an iPhone 5C owned by the county and issued to Farook during his employment with them. When asked by the FBI to create a new version of the phone's iOS operating system that could be installed and run in the phone's random access memory to disable certain security features, Apple Inc. declined due to its policy to never undermine the security features of its products. The FBI responded by successfully applying to a United States magistrate judge to issue a court order under the All Writs Act of 1789, mandating Apple to create and provide the requested software. Citing security risks posed towards their customers as a result of such software, Apple announced their intent to oppose the order, resulting in a dispute between the company and the FBI. The dispute eventually ended on March 28, 2016, when the U.S. Department of Justice announced that it had unlocked the iPhone. The San Bernardino County Sheriff's Department released autopsies for the 14 victims on May 27, 2016. In the fall of 2020 in response to a Denver radio program's public records request the department released the autopsies for Farook and Malik. On May 31, 2016, federal prosecutors filed a lawsuit against Farook's family. This lawsuit would allow them to seize both the proceeds of two life insurance policies (and the policies themselves) held by Farook, both of which listed Farook's mother as the beneficiary. One policy worth was taken out by Farook in 2012 when he started working for the county, while the other, worth , was taken out the following year. According to NBC News, "Under federal law, assets derived from terrorism are subject to forfeiture. A federal judge must approve an application before the government can seize the money." In the six-page lawsuit, the life insurance company claimed that Farook's mother was aware of her son's intentions to carry out the attack, and reasoned that she should not be entitled to the benefits as a result. On September 2, 2016, government officials said they wanted to give the money to the victims' families. On March 3, 2020, Farook's mother, Rafia Farook, agreed to plead guilty to a federal criminal charge of intending to impede a federal criminal investigation by shredding a map. On February 11, 2021, she was sentenced to 18 months in federal prison. In October 2020, Sayeed Farook's confidant, Enrique Marquez Jr., received a 20-year federal prison term for helping acquire the semiautomatic rifles. See also List of rampage killers (religious, political, or ethnic crimes) Notes References American mass murderers American Muslims American people of Pakistani descent American people of Punjabi descent Criminal duos Deaths by firearm in California Islamist mass murderers Married couples Pakistani emigrants to the United States Pakistani expatriates in the United States Pakistani mass murderers Pakistani Sunni Muslims People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States

51236487

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting%20of%20Korryn%20Gaines

Shooting of Korryn Gaines

The shooting of Korryn Gaines occurred on August 1, 2016, in Randallstown, Maryland, near Baltimore, resulting in the death of Gaines, a 23-year-old woman, and the shooting of her son, who survived. According to the Baltimore County Police Department, officers sought to serve Gaines a warrant in relation to an earlier traffic violation. She had refused to vacate her vehicle or show her driver's license, and resisted arrest. Immediately after the first officer entered her home to serve the warrant, Gaines pointed a shotgun at him, prompting him to withdraw without shots being fired. The Baltimore County SWAT team responded and a standoff began. She recorded and live streamed to Facebook where Gaines's friends told her to "continue on". She is seen to have told her son that "the police are coming to kill us". Upon her refusal to let them in, police got a key from the rental office but found the chain lock blocked their entry. An officer then kicked in the door. Police say Gaines pointed a shotgun at an officer, telling him to leave. Upon police request, Facebook deactivated Gaines' Facebook and Instagram accounts, leading to criticism of the company's involvement in the incident. In 2018, a jury awarded the Gaines family $38 million in damages after finding that the first shot, fired by Royce Ruby and killing Gaines, was not reasonable, and thus violated their civil rights. That verdict was overturned in February 2019 by Judge Mickey Norman who ruled that physical evidence suggests Gaines' was raising her weapon when shot, thus posing a threat to Ruby and his team. Judge Norman described Ruby's actions as 'objectively reasonable'. In July of 2020, an appeal court reinstated the $38 million award. Background Korryn Shandawn Gaines was a 23-year-old woman from Randallstown, Maryland, and was employed as a hairstylist. Her father, Ryan Gaines, had worked as a police dispatcher, according to depositions of Gaines' family in a 2012 civil suit. Her mother, Rhonda Dormeus, aged 49, is a registered nurse. She also has a 32-year-old sister and 26-year-old brother. Gaines was wanted on a bench warrant for failing to appear in court on charges related to previous cases of disorderly conduct and resisting arrest following a March 10 traffic stop and other traffic offenses, according to Baltimore County Police. Gaines was pulled over by a police officer for driving without a license plate. March incident According to police reports, Gaines was stopped for a traffic violation for having a piece of cardboard with writing on it in place of a license plate. The cardboard plate read "Any government official who compromises this pursuit of happiness and right to travel, will be held criminally responsible and fined, as this is a natural right and freedom." Gaines was pulled over for invalid license plates which she contends was valid under constitutional law. She did not have the car registered in the state of Maryland and a citation from the police officers was in order along with repossession of the vehicle. Upon being stopped, the police removed her keys from the vehicle as to stop her from driving off since the officer deemed her non-compliant with police. The officers gave her the citation, ordering her to exit her vehicle, and informing her that they would be impounding it as it has no license and was no longer registered in the state of Maryland. A subsequent verbal conflict ensued. She replied to the officer, "You're not going to kidnap me." After the officers ordered her to get out of the vehicle, she told them, "You will have to kill me". At that point, she began holding her child. Shooting Baltimore County Police Department officers arrived at Gaines' apartment at Carriage Hill Apartments on Sulky Court to serve her a warrant. Gaines was in the apartment with her five-year-old son, and, according to a police statement, armed herself with a Mossberg shotgun; a standoff between Gaines and police ensued. Police say that after several hours of standoff, Gaines threatened officers with a shotgun. One police officer fired a shot and Gaines fired back with buckshot. Officers responded with three shots, hitting Gaines. Gaines' five-year-old son, Kodi, was shot by police in the crossfire. Kodi's arm was struck by bullets and suffered an elbow injury and bullet fragments in his face. Gaines' boyfriend, Kareem Kiean Courtney (age 39), who was living with Gaines, was able to leave the apartment with Gaines' 1-year-old daughter, upon which he was briefly detained by police before being released. The shooting was not recorded as officers were not wearing police bodycams; initially police reported they were unsure if that was the case, as their bodycam program had recently begun. However, portions of the standoff were recorded by Gaines and posted to social media. Police later stated that while there is no police footage of inside the apartment, some officers assigned to support roles outside were wearing body cameras. Filming and social media According to news reports, during the standoff with police, Gaines posted videos on Facebook and Instagram during the incident. The videos appear to show Gaines talking with police in the doorway to her apartment and to her son. In one clip, she asks her son what the police are trying to do. He replies "They trying to kill us." She then asks: "Do you want to go out there?" "No," the boy replies. She then asks "What'd you wanna do?" He appears confused and stays silent. Gaines says, "there is no wrong answer." Police contacted Facebook via the company's "law enforcement portal" and requested the account be taken offline. According to a police spokesperson, the account had been suspended but not deleted, adding that the video would be used as evidence. This was the first instance where Baltimore County police requested Facebook to deactivate an account in such a situation. In a statement following the incident, Baltimore County police reported that they asked Facebook to suspend Gaines' Facebook and Instagram accounts during the standoff because of comments made by others to her video posts encouraging her to not comply with orders from officers. Facebook complied with the emergency request. In early November, a new video was released from the incident showing Gaines talking into the camera, expressing her exhaustion but concurrent refusal to back down from arriving officers: "I'm at peace. I'm in my home. I ain't trying to hurt nobody. ... They been quiet a while so they plotting to come in here and disturb the peace. ... I am not a criminal." Reactions The death of Gaines, who was of African-American descent, received international news coverage. Activists have called for protests under the "Say Her Name" banner, noting that black women who are killed by police receive less media attention than black males. Gaines was the ninth black woman to be killed by police in the United States in 2016 and although in nearly every incident questions were raised as to whether or not the women attacked police, only Gaines' death received nationwide coverage. Police allege that Gaines, though not actively affiliated with any specific anti-government group, identified and behaved as a 'free person' who does not recognize governmental authority. Police say there have been multiple threats to police following the incident, and have called for patience while the incident is being investigated. Because of threats against officers, police have opted not to identify the officer who killed Gaines during the incident, though the department's standard procedure is to release the names of officers involved in shootings about 48 hours after such an incident. In a county report, the officer is described as a 46-year-old white male. Some conservative outlets criticized the extensive coverage of the event, and the allegations of racial disparity as a contributing factor, stating that the police officers involved behaved rationally and did not provoke the shootout, and that Gaines unlawfully threatened police. In the days following the shooting, local artists in Baltimore gathered to sell works to raise money for Gaines' family. A candlelit vigil was held at sunset at the entrance of Baltimore City College, the school where Gaines graduated from in 2010. In a number of cities across the United States, upon the urging of Black Feminist Future, a number of altars were laid to honor Gaines' and other black women killed by police. A number of the altars used the phrase "defend black womanhood" alongside other slogans. The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund requested information and records from Baltimore County police including body camera footage, policies on the execution of arrest warrants and a copy of the department's agreement with the county police union. Police stated there is no body camera footage from inside the apartment, but that some officers assigned to support roles outside were wearing cameras. Following the publicized NAACP request, Baltimore County police published their response providing some of the requested details and documents but declined to release certain information, stating that the public would need to wait until after the investigation is complete. Protests According to some reports, Gaines' death was initially protested by supporters of the Black Lives Matter movement. In the days following the incident, a protest was held in New York City, approximately 100 people attended, with the involvement of Black Youth Project 100 and a local group named "NYC Shut It Down" as part of a reoccurring protest event titled "People's Monday". The Phoenix chapter of the African National Women's Organization held a protest for Gaines and two others recently killed by police. On August 13, 2016, in Portland, Oregon, protesters associated with Black Lives Matter and "Don't Shoot Portland" conducted a sit-in demonstration near Pioneer Courthouse Square and disrupted train services. On August 15, 2016, a protest was held outside of the Maryland Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) conference at the Hyatt-Regency hotel. The protest was organized by Baltimore Bloc and the Black Youth Project 100. Twelve protesters were arrested for trespassing on private property. A local police union official was suspended for describing the protesters as "thugs" in a department-wide email. A small protest occurred on August 27, 2016, at McKeldin Square in the Inner Harbor area of Baltimore; the group was led by the People's Power Assembly. The protest marched from McKeldin Square to the Randallstown police station. Criticism of police The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Maryland condemned the shooting, releasing a statement saying that the police "decided that they needed to use deadly force to execute that warrant, and needed to expose themselves to the known risk of deadly force being used on them, knowing that a five year old child might be in the line of fire" The National Organization for Women called for the United States Department of Justice to investigate Gaines' death, arguing that police were only at Gaines' home to serve warrants (not to arrest her) and were unable to deescalate the standoff. The National LGBTQ Task Force condemned the shooting, calling on state and federal authorities to investigate the incident. Members of Gaines family have voiced skepticism of the police account of the shooting. Civil rights activists cautioned against the authenticity of police reports released following such events. Gaines' mother was reportedly at the scene before the fatal shooting, however, she stated she was not allowed to intervene in the standoff, though she had pleaded to negotiate to end the confrontation. Gaines' family members reported being prevented by police from seeing Gaines' son when the boy was in the hospital. Some news outlets have called into question why the Baltimore County Crisis Intervention Team was not deployed. Police say trained negotiators were involved but could not respond as to why the unit was not dispatched. Others suggest there are deficiencies in the way law enforcement attempt to deescalate interactions in minority communities, suggesting that Gaines' interactions with police may have been shaped by attitudes and beliefs regarding police and the justice system in urban black communities. According to Vox Media reports, legally, the police officers only must reasonably believe that their lives were in immediate danger, but are not required to ascertain whether the shooting victim actually posed a threat; however, activists maintain the police should have sought other means of resolving the conflict. Others have called for the hiring of more female police officers, arguing that policewomen would be less likely to use lethal force to resolve conflicts. Criticism of Facebook The incident is noted as being further evidence of a trend of live-streaming confrontations between citizens (specifically, black Americans) and police in the United States. A senior ACLU attorney questioned the request by Baltimore County police to shut down Gaines' accounts, and Facebook's decision to comply, stating that Facebook must exercise caution when dealing with requests by police to censor content. Artist and journalist Ferrari Sheppard also criticized Facebook's involvement in the incident on Twitter, saying "Facebook helped Baltimore police kill #KorrynGaines in the dark." The corporate watchdog group SumOfUs criticised Facebook for setting a precedent of censorship by orders of police, stating that the move is a threat to civil liberties, owing to the current use of shareable video on social media as an instrument in exposing police violence in the United States. Activists maintain that cutting off an account or otherwise controlling social media access becomes a strike against those fighting police abuse. The police may then have an advantage in controlling the narrative of the incident. Legal proceedings On September 11, 2016, Gaines family lawyers filed a wrongful death lawsuit, alleging officers shot Gaines out of a loss of patience from the prolonged standoff. On September 21, Scott Shellenberger announced the officer who shot Gaines would not receive any charges. On October 11, Gaines family lawyers said that they had filed an amended lawsuit, naming Officers John Dowell and Allen Griffin as defendants; the Gaines family alleged they entered the apartment illegally, though this had previously been dismissed by Shellenberger and police officials. In February 2018, a jury of 6 women awarded more than $37 million (more than $36 million by other accounts) in damages to the Gaines family after finding that the first shot, fired by Royce Ruby and killing Gaines, was not reasonable, and thus violated their civil rights. A statement from Baltimore County government attorney Mike Field said the county was disappointed with the verdict and reviewing its options, including an appeal. On March 19, 2018, Baltimore County filed an appeal. On February 14, 2019, Judge Mickey J. Norman dismissed the original complaint and consequently remitted the award of over $37 million. The family had stated they would file an appeal. On Wednesday, July 1, 2020, after appealing, an appeal court reinstated the original $38 million verdict and ruled it was for the jury to decide questions of fact, not Judge Norman. List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States References 2016 deaths 2016 in Maryland August 2016 events in the United States Black Lives Matter Deaths by firearm in Maryland African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Law enforcement in Maryland Randallstown, Maryland Sovereign citizen movement Facebook criticisms and controversies

51841197

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Joseph%20Mann

Killing of Joseph Mann

On July 11, 2016, Randy Lozoya and John Tennis, two Sacramento police officers, attempted to run over, and later shot and killed Joseph Mann, a 51-year-old mentally ill and homeless African-American man armed with a knife. Incident Police received 9-1-1 calls about a man standing in the street waving a knife. Dispatchers told police that Mann had a knife and gun, and that he was acting erratically. Mann was carrying a 4-inch knife when police encountered him, but no gun was ever found. Mann did not cooperate with the first officers who arrived at the scene. Mann's family describes him as "doing karate moves and zigzagging back and forth across the street as he tried to walk away from the officers." The initial responding officers ordered Mann to drop his knife, and get on the ground. He did not comply, and instead threw a thermos at the police cruiser, and shouted threats as he walked down Del Paso Boulevard. When Lozoya and Tennis arrived, their cruiser's dash cam audio recorded one of them as saying, "Fuck this guy. I'm going to hit him." The other officer replies, "Okay. Go for it. Go for it." They missed Mann the first time, and attempted again to try to hit him with their cruiser. As they accelerated toward Mann, one officer said, "Watch it! Watch! Watch", as Mann jumped into the median strip to avoid the cruiser. After missing Mann the second time, the other officer said, "We'll get him. We'll get him." They stopped the cruiser, exited it, and chased Mann on foot. The officers fatally shot Mann moments later. Police fired 18 shots, 14 of which hit Mann. The Sacramento Bee suggested that Mann was about 27 feet from the officers when he was shot. Mann died at the scene. Aftermath The shooting led to protests by local religious leaders and Black leaders. Black Lives Matter demanded the release of the dash cam videos, and criticized the police for escalating the situation. The Sacramento Police Department initially did not release the videos, but later released three dash cam videos, a surveillance camera video, and two 9-1-1 call audios after pressure from city officials, including Sacramento Mayor Kevin Johnson, as well as The Sacramento Bee, obtaining cellphone footage from a citizen showing the shooting of Mann. The audio of the dash cam videos was enhanced by The Sacramento Bee. A toxicology report found that Mann had methamphetamine in his system. Police spokesperson Bryce Heinlein told reporters that using a vehicle as a deadly weapon is something covered in use of force training. According to Heinlein, Lozoya and Tennis were placed on "modified duty". Mann's family has filed both a claim against Sacramento, and also a federal lawsuit. In addition to other shootings by police officers around the country, Mann's shooting prompted the Sacramento City Council to propose a use-of-force policy change which restricts the use of lethal force, and examines the use of police vehicles. On January 27, 2017, the Sacramento County District Attorney cleared the two officers of any legal wrongdoing, concluding that they were justified in shooting Mann, but after an internal investigation by the Sacramento Police Department, neither Tennis nor Lozoya remain on the force. Gallery See also Shooting of Stephon Clark – an African-American man shot by the Sacramento Police Department Gidone Busch – a mentally disturbed man shot by the New York City Police Department List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States Police brutality in the United States References 2016 in California Black Lives Matter Deaths by firearm in California Deaths by person in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Law enforcement in California African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States July 2016 events in the United States Sacramento, California

53934339

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jordan%20Edwards

Jordan Edwards

Jordan Edwards may refer to: Jordan Edwards (2001/02–2017), 15-year-old African American boy fatally shot by a police officer, see Shooting of Jordan Edwards Jordan Edwards (footballer) (born 1999), English footballer

53941776

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Jordan%20Edwards

Murder of Jordan Edwards

On April 29, 2017, Jordan Edwards, a 15-year-old African American boy, was fatally shot by police officer Roy Oliver in Balch Springs, Texas, within the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex. He was shot in the back of the head while riding in the front passenger's seat of a vehicle driving away from officers that attempted to stop it. He was unarmed during the encounter. Oliver was fired from the department and arrested on May 5, 2017. On August 28, 2018, he was found guilty of murder. On August 29, 2018, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison. Murder According to initial reports, the officers were responding around 11:00 p.m. to a 911 call "reporting several underage kids drunk walking around" at a party of approximately 100 people. Upon arrival, the officers allegedly heard gunshots, which created panic and caused party-goers to flee. Officer Roy Oliver fired three rifle rounds into a vehicle, striking Edwards in the head and killing him. Oliver was reportedly armed with a Modern Carbine MC5 rifle. Along with Edwards, the car contained two of Edwards's brothers and two friends. Edwards's 16-year-old brother was driving the car. Lee Merritt, a lawyer for Edwards's family, said Oliver shot through the front passenger side window. Edwards was pronounced dead at a local hospital. According to police, Edwards's brother was held in police custody overnight for the purpose of questioning him as a witness. Police originally said there was an "unknown altercation with a vehicle backing down the street towards the officers in an aggressive manner". After reviewing body cam footage, Police Chief Jonathan Haber later admitted that the vehicle was not moving toward the officers, but rather away from them. Haber said he "misspoke", saying, "I was unintentionally incorrect yesterday when I said that the victim's vehicle was backing down the road." A later statement by the police department said, "The vehicle then pulled forward as the officer continued to approach the vehicle giving verbal commands. The vehicle continued [on] the main roadway driving away from the officer as an officer shot into the vehicle striking the passenger." Oliver was fired from the police department as a result of the shooting. He had been a member of the Balch Springs Police Department for six years. Victim Jordan Edwards was a 15-year-old boy who lived in Balch Springs, Texas. He was a first-year student (freshman) at Mesquite High School where he played football. Aftermath Oliver, the officer who killed Edwards, was placed on administrative leave following the shooting and fired on May 2, 2017. Chief Haber said Oliver's behavior "did not meet our core values". The Dallas County Sheriff's Department and the Dallas County District Attorney's Office conducted an investigation into the shooting. On May 5, 2017, Oliver was charged with murder and a warrant was issued for his arrest. He turned himself into police later that day and was released after posting $300,000 in bail. On May 3, 2018, Oliver's murder trial was postponed for a second time and was rescheduled to begin August 20. On August 28, 2018, Oliver was found guilty of Edwards's murder. On August 29, 2018, Oliver was sentenced to 15 years in prison. His attorneys stated they intend to appeal both the sentence and guilty verdicts. On August 10, 2020, Texas' Fifth Court of Appeals rejected Oliver's appeal, upholding Oliver's murder conviction and sentence in an opinion that rejected all issues raised by Oliver's lawyers. Responses A vigil was held at Edwards's school on the evening of May 1, 2017. A lawyer for Edwards's family demanded the arrest of Oliver. Public and media reaction compared Edwards's death to the killings of other young black children by police officers. Reactions also noted the discrepancy between the original police account of the incident stating that the vehicle carrying Edwards had backed up aggressively toward the officers, and the body cam video showing the vehicle pulling away from the officers. Thousands of people began using the hashtag #jordanedwards on social media in response to the shooting. The American Civil Liberties Union's division in Texas tweeted, "We need answers. @BalchSpringsPD should immediately release footage of #JordanEdwards shooting. #BlackLivesMatter". Shaun King published an article in the New York Daily News calling for the arrest of Oliver. A local protest rally was postponed at the request of Edwards's family. See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States Death of Samantha Ramsey References 2017 crimes in Texas 2017 controversies in the United States African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States April 2017 crimes in the United States Dallas County, Texas Deaths by firearm in Texas Deaths by person in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Law enforcement in Texas Murder in Texas Oliver, Roy Incidents of violence against boys

55860440

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James%20Joseph%20Mannion

James Joseph Mannion

James (Jim) Joseph Mannion (1 August 1912 - 18 September 1968) was a renowned policeman and soldier who worked in the Northern Territory of Australia. He is best known for an act of bravery clearing a burning building of occupants, an act which saw him awarded a George Medal. Early life Mannion was born in Broken Hill, New South Wales on 1 August 1912. His father was Martin Henry Mannion and his mother, Marcella Ellen (née Marron) who died when he was two years old. He went to school in Adelaide and began is career working on farms in South Australia. At the age of 18, he began writing about boxing for The Ring as their Australian correspondent. He continued to write about boxing throughout his life. Career He joined the Northern Territory Police Force on 29 March 1936. He first worked in Darwin and was involved in a number of violent incidents during that time. In January 1937 he was posted to Tennant Creek, where he met and married Nancy Gwennyth Collins on 26 February 1938. Mannion enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force on 7 August 1940 in Adelaide, South Australia, serving in both the Middle East and New Guinea as part of the 2/27th Battalion. He was honourably discharged on 5 October 1944. After World War II, Mannion returned to work in Tennant Creek and Katherine. He received the George Medal for his work at a fire at Campbell's Store in Tennant Creek on 3 December 1956. He entered the burning building to clear any remaining occupants. In another notable incident, Mannion was shot in the leg when responding to the shooting of Constable Bill Condon in Katherine. The incident was turned into a cartoon which was published in The Eagle magazine in 1962. Mannion later worked at the Police and Citizens Boys Club in Darwin as a boxing trainer. In 1964, he became the founding editor of police magazine Citation. Mannion was awarded a Police Long Service Medal and a Good Conduct Medal in March 1965. Mannion died on 18 September 1968 while still serving. Legacy Mannion's photographs and home videos are held by the NT Police Museum and Historial Society. Mannion Street in Katherine is named after him. References 1912 births 1968 deaths People from Broken Hill, New South Wales Australian police officers Australian recipients of the George Medal

56352643

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Maskell

Joseph Maskell

Anthony Joseph Maskell (April 13, 1939 – May 7, 2001) was an American Catholic priest who was removed from the ministry because of sexual abuse toward female students at Archbishop Keough High School between 1969 and 1975. He served the Archdiocese of Baltimore as a counselor from 1965 to 1994. The Netflix documentary series The Keepers alleges Maskell's involvement in the murder of Catherine Cesnik in 1969, after a former Keough student and alleged abuse victim, Jean Hargadon Wehner, claimed he showed her Cesnik's body to threaten Wehner into silence. Maskell denied all accusations until his death in 2001. Early life Anthony Joseph Maskell was born in Baltimore, Maryland, to Joseph Francis Maskell and Susie Helen Jenkins, and grew up in Northeast Baltimore. He preferred to be called Joseph in deference to St. Joseph. After graduating from Calvert Hall College High School, Maskell went to St. Mary's Seminary in Roland Park for priesthood training. His father died in 1963. Maskell was ordained on May 22, 1965, at the age of 26. His peers described him as "deeply intelligent" and "fascinated with psychology". In 1972, Maskell earned a master's degree in school psychology from Towson State University, and then a certificate of advanced study in counseling from Johns Hopkins University. Career After his ordination, Maskell worked at Sacred Heart of Mary in Baltimore from 1965 to 1966, then transferred to St. Clement Church in Lansdowne, where he worked from 1966 to 1968, and then to Our Lady of Victory from 1968 to 1970. He simultaneously worked at the all-girls Archbishop Keough High School in Baltimore from 1967 to 1975 as a counselor and chaplain, but was removed from the school by a new headmistress after she received complaints about him from parents. Maskell was transferred to the Division of Schools from 1975 to 1980, and served at Annunciation from 1980 to 1982. He transferred to Holy Cross from 1982 to 1992. The Archdiocese of Baltimore sent Maskell for treatment at The Institute of Living, a psychiatric facility in Connecticut, from 1992 to 1993 over allegations of sexual abuse. He was finally sent to St. Augustine Roman Catholic Church in Elkridge as a pastor from 1993 to 1994, before being "prohibited" from the ministry after further abuse allegations surfaced in 1994. Maskell had also concurrently in his career served as chaplain for the Maryland State Police, the Baltimore County Police Department (BCPD), the Maryland National Guard, and the Air National Guard where he was a lieutenant colonel. He kept a police scanner and a loaded gun in his car. Abuse allegations Prior to accusations of sexual abuse against female students at Keough High School, Maskell was first accused of forcing an altar boy at St. Clement Church, Charles Franz, to drink wine before sexually abusing him. Franz and his mother came forward in 1967. The next year, instead of charging or removing Maskell from the ministry, the Archdiocese of Baltimore simply removed him from St. Clement and sent him to a neighboring parish, Our Lady of Victory. There, his duties included acting as the moderator of the Catholic Youth Organization (CYO). During CYO dances, Maskell frequently left a BCPD auxiliary officer to act as security while he went on ride-alongs with other BCPD officers. When sent to Our Lady of Victory, he was also assigned the position of chaplain/counselor at the all-girl Keough High School. While there, his alleged abuse continued and became progressively worse. Archbishop Keough High School Jean Hargadon Wehner, a student at Keough, alleged she first confided in Father E. Neil Magnus (1937–1988) in 1968 about sexual abuse she allegedly was subjected to at the hands of her uncle when she was a child, beginning at age 14, and continuing from 1968 to 1972. Wehner alleges Magnus then sexually abused Wehner and blamed her for being promiscuous. Later, Wehner alleges Maskell joined in the abuse. Wehner stated she was far more frightened of Maskell, who she found to be more intimidating and threatening. Wehner alleges Maskell repeatedly called her a "whore" and forced her to swallow his semen, claiming she was "receiving the Holy Spirit." Wehner has stated these memories of abuse had been recovered after twenty years. Repressed memories are very controversial. Teresa Lancaster, another alleged victim at Keough, stated that on Halloween of 1970, Maskell drove her to a popular location where students gathered. Two police officers arrived and directed other students to leave, then raped Lancaster while Maskell waited outside the car. It is believed that approximately 30 people claim Maskell was sexually abusive towards them. Murder of Catherine Cesnik In 1969, toward the end of the school year, Wehner allegedly confided about the abuse to Catherine Cesnik, a popular nun among the students. Cesnik promised she would help, but was then transferred along with her friend, Sister Helen Russell Phillips, to Western High School for a public school outreach teaching program. Cesnik disappeared on November 7, 1969, and her body was eventually discovered on January 3, 1970. Four days after her disappearance, 20-year-old Joyce Malecki also disappeared in a nearby region. Wehner alleged that shortly after Cesnik's disappearance, Maskell took her to a wooded area to see Cesnik's decomposing body and stated, "You see what happens when you say bad things about people?" After his death Maskell was exhumed. His DNA did not match; he was not ruled out as a suspect formally. Lawsuit In 1992, the first sexual abuse allegation against Maskell was made public by Wehner. He was removed from the ministry that year, and sent for evaluation and "treatment" at The Institute of Living. Maskell was reinstated in 1993 after the Archdiocese claimed it was unable to corroborate the allegation through an internal investigation. However, on September 8, 1993, criminal charges regarding Wehner's allegation were filed through Maryland Deputy Attorney General Ralph S. Tyler III. The lawsuit was dropped after the court rejected repressed memories as a scientifically proven memory mechanism. In 1994, another lawsuit was filed by Wehner, this time with Lancaster and four others, included allegations against gynecologist Christian Richter, who engaged in abuse with Maskell. Lawyers representing the Archdiocese were able to have the second lawsuit dropped due to the statute of limitations. Maskell was removed from the ministry on July 31, 1994. That same year, following the abuse allegations, Maskell fled to Wexford, Ireland, and was placed on "temporary leave". He was ordered not to perform any of his priestly duties. However, Maskell continued to practice psychology. According to Lancaster, "We do have word that there are two victims coming forward in Ireland." The Roman Catholic Diocese of Ferns was not made aware of Maskell's presence in Ireland by the Archdiocese and it was only discovered after Maskell performed Mass without approval. Ferns Diocese kept a file on Maskell dating from April 19, 1995, to September 22, 1998. On June 25, 1996, Ferns Diocese, after requesting information from Baltimore regarding Maskell, was informed that he was placed on leave following accusations of sexual abuse and that his whereabouts were unknown to the Archdiocese. Death He claimed his innocence until his death due to a stroke on May 7, 2001. Maskell's body was exhumed on February 28, 2017, prior to the release of the Netflix documentary series The Keepers, for DNA testing involving the murder of Cathy Cesnik. Maskell's DNA did not match the forensic profile from 1970, although investigators noted that this did not definitively rule him out as a suspect. Though never formally charged, the Archdiocese of Baltimore had settled with sixteen of Maskell's possible victims for a total of $472,000. HSE investigation in Ireland In July 2017, the Health Service Executive (HSE) in Ireland opened an investigation into the employment of Maskell. As of October 2019, the HSE refused to offer any timeframe for the investigation. Abbie Schaub, a former student of Cesnik, expressed frustration that the HSE refused to release documentation to her concerning how Maskell was hired by the Eastern Health Board in 1995. She said: "Fr Maskell’s employment, working with youngsters for the Irish health board, after he fled a trial for sexual abuse of minors in America, is cause for public concern. If there were problems in the background check system, these should be discussed and corrected." References External links 1939 births 2001 deaths Religious leaders from Baltimore St. Mary's Seminary and University alumni Towson University alumni Johns Hopkins University alumni Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Baltimore School sexual abuse scandals Catholic Church sexual abuse scandals in the United States 20th-century American Roman Catholic priests United States Air National Guard

56940497

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph%20Marie%20Pi%C3%A9tri

Joseph Marie Piétri

Émile Joseph Marie Piétri (25 February 1820 – 4 January 1902), known as Joachim Pietri, was a French lawyer and public servant who was prefect of several departments, a repressive police chief of Paris in the last years of the Second French Empire and Bonapartist Senator of Corsica from 1879 to 1885. Early years Joseph Marie Piétri was born in Sartène, Corsica, on 25 February 1820. His parents were Angelo Francesco Pietri (1784–1848) and Giulia Pietri (1786–1853). His family was not wealthy. His brother was Pierre-Marie Piétri(fr), who later became prefect of the police of Paris from January 1852 to January 1858. Piétri studied law in Paris, then practiced as an advocate in Sartène. By ordinance of 31 August 1838 he was appointed justice of the peace in the Corsican canton of Rogliano. He was an enthusiastic supporter of the Revolution of 1848. On 9 August 1848 thanks to the support of his brother he was appointed sub-prefect of Argentan. He then became a supporter of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte. On 29 April 1850 Piétri married Palma de Rocca Serra (1830–1885) in Sartène. They had several children including Marinette (c. 1843–1941), Pomponne (1855–1880) and Louis (born 1872). Piétri was appointed sub-prefect of Brest on 9 May 1852. He became Prefect of Ariège on 3 April 1853. He was made an Officer of the Legion of Honour on 3 January 1855 for his dedication during an outbreak of cholera. He became Prefect of Cher on 6 November 1855, Prefect of Hérault on 5 January 1861 and of Prefect of Nord on 12 November 1865. He became known for his administrative qualities and support of the Bonapartist regime. Prefect of Police On 21 February 1866 Piétri was appointed Prefect of Police of Paris in place of Symphorien Boittelle. He was aged 46. By decree of 19 December 1866 he was made a member of the Imperial Commission of the Exposition Universelle of 1867. On 13 August 1867 he was made a Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour. Piétri was energetic in repressing unrest. On 2 November 1867 he surrounded Montmartre Cemetery in Paris where 1,500 Republicans had gathered at the grave of the deputy Jean-Baptiste Baudin, who had been killed on a barricade on 4 December 1851 after the coup d'état of 2 December 1851 that brought Napoleon III to power. He also suppressed the demonstration in honour of Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve, who had defended Ernest Renan in the senate. Piétri did not moderate the violence of his agents, and in December 1867 sent a circular to the police commissioners "to guard against any hesitation or failure." At the same time, he declared that "individual liberty has never been, under any regime, better guaranteed or better respected." During the general elections of 1869 Piétri took a tough line with men who were hostile to the regime, and in a report to Napoleon on 28 November 1869 attacked powerful men such as Rouher and Persigny. After discovery of the plot that was judged at Blois in 1870 he encouraged the demonstrations on the boulevards of Paris in favour of war with Prussia. A decree of 27 July 1870, which was not published, made him a senator. After the defeat of France at the Battle of Sedan during the Franco-Prussian War he left France hastily on 4 September 1870 and joined Napoleon III in exile. Later career In 1872 Piétri applied to the government of Adolphe Thiers for a retirement pension. Although he did not qualify on age or years of service, a decree in April 1873 fixed his pension arrears at 6,000 francs. Léon Renault, the prefect of police, reported in January 1875 that Piétri was one of the most active members of the Bonapartist committee. He became a general councilor of Corsica. On 22 June 1879 Piétri was elected Senator of Corsica on an imperialist platform by 256 votes against 227 for his opponent, Tomasi. He sat on the right with the Appel au peuple group. He voted against the application of laws to religious congregations, against changes to the judicial oath, against reform of the magistrature and against restoration of divorce. He left office on 24 January 1885. In the general election of 25 January 1885 he failed to be reelected, winning only 212 out of 744 votes. He was defeated by Paul de Casabianca, who won 477 votes. Piétri retired from politics after this. He died on 4 January 1902 in Sartène at the age of 82. Notes Sources 1820 births 1902 deaths 19th-century French lawyers Prefects of Ariège (department) Prefects of Nord (French department) Prefects of police of Paris French Senators of the Third Republic French general councillors Senators of Corsica Grand Officiers of the Légion d'honneur

57313808

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lynching%20of%20Samuel%20Smith

Lynching of Samuel Smith

Samuel Smith was a 15-year-old African-American youth who was lynched by a white mob, hanged and shot in Nolensville, Tennessee, on December 15, 1924. No one was ever convicted of the lynching. Smith's memory was honored in June 2017 with a plaque at St. Anselm Episcopal Church in Nashville; two other lynching victims from Nashville have also been memorialized there. Lynching Nolensville is about 22 miles from Nashville. At 1 a.m. on December 13, 1924, a white grocer named Ike Eastwood reportedly heard noises outside his house, grabbed a gun, and found an African-American man, Jim Smith, in his garage. He thought Smith was stealing spark plugs from his car. Eastwood shot Smith, but the man was joined by his nephew, Samuel Smith, age 15, who shot and wounded Eastwood. The grocer fired back, wounding the younger Smith as well. Samuel Smith ran away, and tried to hitch-hike to Nashville. The next morning, Sam Smith was arrested 100 yards from Eastwood's house. The police took him to Nashville's General Hospital for treatment, where he was chained to his bed. His uncle Jim Smith was captured by police at the garage, and was taken to the county jail. At midnight on December 15, 1924, Samuel Smith was seized by a group of six or seven masked and armed men from his hospital room in Nashville. They were joined by a larger masked mob outside the hospital. Smith was taken to Frank Hill Road in Nolensville, where he had been arrested near Eastwood's house. He was stripped, hanged from a tree, and riddled with bullets. The lynching was watched by onlookers in thirty cars, many of whom shot guns as soon as Smith was hanged, before they drove away. At 12:50 a.m., an unidentified individual called The Tennessean newspaper and reported the lynching. Smith's body was found hanging from an oak tree by W. F. Fly, a farmer who had been woken by the gunshots, at 1 a.m. Shortly after, the hospital superintendent called the police, and County Sheriff Robert Riley drove to Nolensville, where he saw the hanged and shot youth. Riley was joined by county coroner J. R. Allen, and several police officers. They left the body hanging at the scene, about 200 yards north of the Williamson county line along the Nolensville Pike. The Nashville Tennessean noted that it was reminiscent of the 1892 lynching of Ephraim Grizzard. The lynching was denounced by Nashville Mayor Hilary Ewing Howse. Prominent city residents wrote an open letter to Governor Austin Peay and Sheriff Riley asking them to bring the perpetrators of the lynching to justice. The Nashville Chamber of Commerce offered a reward of $5,000 to identify and arrest the lynchers. Members of the Vine Street Temple condemned the lynching, and leaders of the Agora Club, an African-American club, wondered if they should encourage fellow blacks to move to other parts of the country. An article in The Leaf-Chronicle noted, "Such open defiance and violation of law cannot escape detection unless public opinion in that community approves it. Somebody knows who did it and somebody will tell unless somebody is afraid or unwilling to tell." No one was ever convicted of the lynching. According to the Tennessee Tribune, this is "believed to be the last lynching" in the Nashville area. Fisk University Dean Reavis L. Mitchell Jr. said, "There may have been others, but there’s no public record." Legacy In June 2017, a worship service was held at the chapel at Fisk University Memorial Chapel, entitled "Reclaiming Hope Through Remembering", in memory of lynching victims Sam Smith and brothers Ephraim and Henry Grizzard, killed in 1892. In addition, a plaque was installed in their memories in St. Anselm's Episcopal Church in Nashville. The ceremonies were related to three years of work by a diocesan task force working on policy and community discussions related to racism in Nashville. The services were open to all the public. References 1924 deaths 1924 in Tennessee Lynching deaths in Tennessee African-American history in Nashville, Tennessee 1924 murders in the United States December 1924 events

58077523

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting%20of%20Bijan%20Ghaisar

Shooting of Bijan Ghaisar

On November 17, 2017, Bijan C. Ghaisar, a 25-year-old American, was fatally shot by US Park Police officers Lucas Vinyard and Alejandro Amaya after a vehicular chase that followed a traffic collision along the George Washington Memorial Parkway in Northern Virginia. Ghaisar was unarmed and died ten days later in a hospital. A video of the shooting was released by Fairfax County Police, who had assisted with the chase. The incident was investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. In December 2019 Fairfax County prosecutors announced that they would seek an indictment for the killing that occurred in their jurisdiction but the assumption of a new prosecutor to that office resulted in further review. In October 2020, Vinyard and Amaya were charged with one count of manslaughter and one count of reckless discharge of a firearm. In court filings, they stated they acted in self defense. Persons involved Bijan C. Ghaisar was born at Inova Fairfax Hospital in 1992 to Iranian immigrants. After graduating from Langley High School and Virginia Commonwealth University, he worked for his father's accounting firm in Tysons Corner, Virginia. He was single with no children and had no criminal record. He had attended a Buddhist temple and made a Facebook post opposing guns. Alejandro Amaya is a US Park Police officer. Lucas Vinyard is a US Park Police officer. Shooting Ghaisar was driving a Jeep Grand Cherokee southbound along the George Washington Memorial Parkway in Alexandria City to his parents' house for dinner. When he suddenly stopped in traffic he was rear-ended by an Uber driver in a Toyota Corolla with a female passenger in the back seat. The driver and the passenger both reported the incident to 911. According to a report of the accident, Ghaisar pulled away without giving his information to the Uber driver, an action that would have been a misdemeanor. A lookout for his vehicle was announced and a Park Police car followed in pursuit with Fairfax County Police assisting. The Park Police pulled Ghaisar over with Ghaisar stopping his vehicle. He was approached on foot by a Park Police officer with his gun drawn. As Ghaisar drove off the officer banged on the car with the butt of his gun, dropping his weapon. The pursuit continued at 57 miles per hour. Ghaisar was stopped a third time in the Fort Hunt area. Park Police parked a vehicle in front of Ghaisar's Jeep to prevent him from fleeing again. As his vehicle slowly rolled away a few feet, Park Police fired ten shots in three different bursts. It was initially reported that there were nine shots fired, but after almost two years the FBI clarified that there were 10 shots. All four fatal shots were fired by the officer who was driving during the pursuit. Following the shooting, Bijan Ghaisar was hospitalized for ten days in intensive care and he died ten hours after he was taken off a respirator on November 27, 2017. Aftermath In January 2018, Fairfax Police released a five-minute video of the chase filmed from one of their vehicles. Fairfax police were involved in the chase but not in the investigation. The shooting was being investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which has not released any information about the case. The probe was being overseen by the Department of Justice. The FBI has refused to release any information about the case. Seven months after the shooting, FBI crime scene investigators returned to the intersection with agents using metal detectors to search for additional evidence. The Ghaisar family organized protests to draw more attention to the slaying and to the fact that few details had been released. Signs erected on the spot of the shooting have been taken down multiple times. After a sign that read "One year, zero answers" was removed twice, a larger and sturdier sign was constructed near the stop-sign where Ghaisar had been shot. This sign had permission from the landowner to be erected there and was built with the help of a Virginia state delegate. It was, however, also removed by persons unknown. Park Police The Park Police have limited jurisdiction in 5 states, including the Maryland and Virginia counties that surround Washington DC plus the city of Alexandria, Virginia, but have no authority to follow a vehicle outside their jurisdiction unless a felony has been committed. According to Park Police policy, lethal force can be used only when there is "imminent danger of death or serious bodily harm" and that “Officers shall not fire at a moving vehicle nor fire from a moving vehicle except when the officer has a reasonable belief that the subject poses an imminent danger of death or serious physical injury to the officer or to another person.” Park Police have provided almost no information about the incident. According to a lawsuit filed by the family, it was twelve hours following the incident before the family learned that Park Police were involved. Two days after the shooting, Park Police Chief Robert MacLean met with the family. MacLean offered condolences but provided no information about what had happened. The Ghaisar family was not allowed to touch their son for three days following the incident, when he was guarded by the department’s officers. According to the family, when a doctor arrived to examine Ghaisar for organ donation, the Park Police denied access, declaring the brain-dead man "under arrest" and his body "evidence". For 16 months, Park Police refused to identify the officers involved in the shooting. In response to a wrongful death lawsuit by the family, Park Police identified the shooters as officers Alejandro Amaya and Lucas Vinyard. Both officers were placed on paid administrative duty after the fatal shooting, and after their indictment in state court in October 2020, the officers were placed on paid leave. The Park Police had not launched an internal investigation into the matter, saying that it would not do so until the conclusion of the criminal case. Recordings of the 911 calls fielded by Arlington’s public safety communications center were transferred to the Park Police, who are keeping the calls and their recordings secret. Sometime after the shooting, the Park Police changed their pursuit policies. The policies had remained largely unchanged since the late 1990s and the changes were made public in February 2020. Civil lawsuit In August 2018, Ghaisar's parents filed a civil lawsuit in federal court, naming the United States as a defendant and seeking $25 million in damages. The parents alleged that the Park Police's pursuit and killing of Ghaisar was improper, and that the Park Police treated the family insensitively in the hours and days immediately after the shooting, including by failing to promptly inform the family, barring the parents from accessing and touching their mortally wounded son, and declaring the brain-dead Ghaisar "under arrest" and his body "evidence." As part of the proceedings the two sides in the lawsuit filed a list of uncontested facts stating that Amaya and Vinyard have each been the subject of three separate complaints and investigations (dating from 2008 for Vinyard and 2013 for Amaya). The nature of the complaints or how the complaints were resolved was not disclosed. The stipulation of facts also states that on the night of the shooting marijuana and a pipe were found in Ghaisar’s vehicle. In June 2019, the officers made a court appearance in the civil lawsuit and stated they acted in self defense. The officers invoked Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination. The officers sought to deny that they were federal agents operating under federal law, as police officers often have greater legal protection. In September 2020, the officers' lawyers in the Ghaisar family's civil suit released some documents from the two-year FBI investigation. These documents included Amaya and Vinyard's statements from that investigation and the information that Ghaisar's autopsy showed marijuana in his system. In 2021, the civil suit was close to trial, but the proceedings were stayed by U.S. District Judge Claude Hilton pending the resolution of a parallel case involving the Park Police officers' claims of immunity from state prosecution. Criminal investigations and prosecution The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) investigated the incident for two years, but decided in November 2019 that it would not bring federal charges against the two U.S. Park Police officers, Alejandro Amaya and Lucas Vinyard.Tom Jackman, Justice Dept. will not allow FBI to testify in Fairfax investigation of Bijan Ghaisar killing, ''(February 14, 2020). State prosecutors in Fairfax County, Virginia, separately investigated, and in December 2019, Fairfax county prosecutors announced that they would seek an indictment for the two officers responsible for shooting Ghaisar and had tried to empanel a grand jury. Fairfax Commonwealth’s Attorney Raymond F. Morrogh obtained documents from the FBI investigation in December 2019, although the FBI withheld about 260 documents from the prosecutor's office.Tom Jackman, FBI withholds hundreds of documents from Fairfax in probe of Bijan Ghaisar killing, Washington Post (June 5, 2020). Testimony was delayed as the FBI considered whether to allow its officers to testify. In February 2020, the DOJ announced that it would block the FBI agents who investigated the Ghaisar killing from testifying before a Fairfax County grand jury. Eric Dreiband, the head of the DOJ Civil Rights Division, said in a letter to Fairfax prosecutors that allowing the FBI agents to testify would create a conflict of interest if DOJ ultimately decided to defend the officers in the civil lawsuit, and also invoked the legal precedent that "a federal officer may not be prosecuted by a State for actions undertaken in the course of performing the officer’s official duties" if the officer's actions are “objectively reasonable." Newly elected Fairfax prosecutor Steve Descano responded that his office's investigation would continue and that they "continue to request and expect the Department's future cooperation when necessary." In October 2020, the two officers were indicted in Fairfax County Circuit Court by a special grand jury conveyed by Descano. The indictment charged the officers with manslaughter and reckless use of a firearm. The officers were booked in Fairfax County jail and later released on $10,000 bond. As part of Virginia's legal proceedings, radio conversations between police dispatch and the two officers were released in August 2021 which showed that Amaya and Vinyard were told by dispatch that Ghaisar's vehicle was not at-fault in the rear-end accident. Recordings of the communications were included in the 320-page expert witness report on the incident authored by City University of New York criminal justice professor Christopher Chapman for the prosecution. The officers argued that the Supremacy Clause blocked their prosecution in state court, while Descano and Virginia Attorney General Mark R. Herring argued that the Supremacy Clause did not bar the indictment. Under the Supremacy Clause, federal agents are immune from prosecution in state court if their actions are "necessary and proper" and undertaken as part of official duties. In November 2020, the officers removed the case to federal court, specifically the U.S. District Court in Alexandria, Virginia. Tom Jackman, Park Police officers who killed Bijan Ghaisar seek to move their cases to federal court, Washington Post (November 17, 2020). A hearing was held in August 2021 to consider whether the two officers are entitled to immunity. Vinyard and Amaya did not testify at the hearing. In October 2021, U.S. District Judge Claude Hilton dismissed all criminal criminal charges against Vinyard and Amaya, ruling that the officers were entitled to immunity because under the circumstances, "The officers' decision to discharge their firearms was necessary and proper under the circumstances and there is no evidence that the officers acted with malice, criminal intent, or any improper motivation." The Virginia Attorney General's Office and the Fairfax County Commonwealth's Attorney are appealing the ruling to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Legislative and public response In January 2018, the Washington, D.C. representative to the U.S. Congress, Democrat Eleanor Holmes Norton, introduced a bill to require uniformed federal police officers to wear body cameras and have dashboard cameras in marked vehicles. The legislation was directly in response to Ghaisar's death. Park Police Chief Robert MacLean backed out of a scheduled meeting with Holmes Norton to discuss the matter, prompting Holmes Norton to make a statement to "express our astonishment" at his absence". Following the release of the video, U.S. Senators (both D-VA) Tim Kaine and Mark Warner, and U.S. Representative Don Beyer called on the FBI for more transparency. Beyer unsuccessfully requested a meeting with FBI Director Christopher A. Wray. Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke refused requests to release the names of the Park Police involved in the shooting. In multiple letters to the FBI, Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA) requested information about the killing. Three months after his first letter, the FBI provided a short response that offered no new information and said the matter remained under investigation. Following the FBI's November 2019 announcement that Vinyard and Amaya would not be charged for their actions, Beyer stated that the announcement was "not justice". Grassley and Warner also issued statements expressing disapproval. Holmes Norton, Beyer, and U.S. Representative Jennifer Wexton (D-VA), called for the release of 911 tapes related to the shooting. Norton said she believes that U.S. Park Police violated their department policies during the incident. The National Iranian American Council released a statement asserting that the facts of the case "strongly suggests that the police's shooting was not justified or proportionate." See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States, November 2017 References External links Official Fairfax County Police Department Video of the US Park Police Shooting of Bijan Ghaisar 2017 deaths 2017 in Virginia Deaths by firearm in Virginia Deaths by person in the United States November 2017 events in the United States Law enforcement in Virginia People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Crimes in Virginia History of Alexandria, Virginia Police brutality in the United States Protests in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Fairfax County, Virginia George Washington Memorial Parkway

62050220

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Atatiana%20Jefferson

Killing of Atatiana Jefferson

Atatiana Koquice Jefferson, a 28-year-old woman, was shot to death in her home by a police officer in Fort Worth, Texas, United States, in the early morning of October 12, 2019. Police arrived at her home after a neighbor called a non-emergency number, stating that Jefferson's front door was open. Police body camera footage showed officers walking outside the home with flashlights for a few minutes while one of them yells, "Put your hands up! Show me your hands!", while discharging his weapon through a window. Police stated that they found a handgun near her body, which according to her eight-year-old nephew, she was pointing toward the window before being shot. On October 14, 2019, Officer Aaron Dean, the shooter, resigned from the Fort Worth Police Department and was arrested on a murder charge. On December 20, 2019, Dean was indicted for murder. Jefferson was black and the officer who shot her is white, prompting news outlets to compare Jefferson's shooting to the September 2018 murder of Botham Jean in nearby Dallas. People involved Atatiana Jefferson Atatiana Koquice Jefferson, a 28-year-old African American woman, was a pre-medical graduate of Xavier University of Louisiana. Relatives said she worked in human resources. She lived in the house to care for her mother and nephew. Aaron Dean On October 14, 2019, Interim Police Chief Ed Kraus identified Officer Aaron Dean as the shooter. Dean was commissioned as an officer with the Fort Worth Police Department in April 2018 after completing the Fort Worth Police Academy in March, 2018. At the time of the shooting, Dean had been with the department approximately 18 months. Prior to the shooting, the only substantial entry in his Fort Worth police personnel file was about a traffic collision. In 2004, Dean received a citation from the Arlington, Texas police for assault by contact, a class C misdemeanor, while at the University of Texas at Arlington for touching a woman's breast in the campus library. The incident was discussed during his videotaped job interview with the Fort Worth Police. He pled no contest and paid a fine. According to the Fort Worth Police Department, a Class C misdemeanor would not prevent employment with their department as a police officer. Dean's training records from his first year on the job note concerns from supervisors. These concerns included that he had "tunnel vision" and "needs improvement on communicating with the public and fellow officers." Dean's most recent performance evaluation was made in spring 2019, where he received high marks from a supervisor. Shooting Welfare call Just prior to 2:30 a.m on the morning of October 12, 2019, police received a "welfare call" from the neighborhood of Hillside Morningside, noting that the front door to someone's home was open. According to Jefferson's family, prior to police arriving at her home, she was playing video games in her home with her nephew. Body camera footage Body camera footage released by the Fort Worth Police Department shows that two officers had walked quietly around the side of the home. Officer Aaron Dean had walked into Jefferson's backyard. Seeing Jefferson in the window of her home, the officer yelled "put your hands up! Show me your hands!" and then fired a single shot through Jefferson's window. Describing the video, the BBC wrote that Dean fired "within seconds" of seeing Jefferson. The BBC also wrote that the footage does not appear to show police identifying themselves or whether she was armed. The footage also does not show any indication if Dean could see the gun that Jefferson held, as the view through the window was obstructed by the reflection from his flashlight. The officer partnered with Dean told authorities that she could only see Jefferson's face through the window. Nephew's account Jefferson's eight-year-old nephew told the authorities that while playing video games they heard noises outside the window. Jefferson took her gun from her purse and pointed it at the window, before she was shot. The nephew's account was used as the basis for the arrest warrant. Interim Chief Kraus stated that it, "makes sense that she would have a gun if she felt that she was being threatened or there was someone in the backyard." According to the Jefferson family attorney Lee Merritt, the firearm was lawfully owned and Jefferson had a concealed carry license. Death Jefferson was killed by the shot and pronounced dead at 3:05 a.m at the scene. Police officers stated that they attempted to provide emergency medical care to Jefferson and were unsuccessful. Investigation Police officials stated that the officer fired after perceiving a threat. Fort Worth Police Chief Ed Kraus stated that Dean resigned before he could be fired for what Kraus said included violating departmental policies on use of force, de-escalation, and unprofessional conduct. The separation paperwork for Dean was to be sent to the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement, and it would reflect that he was dishonorably discharged from the department. Manny Ramirez, the president of the Fort Worth Police Officers Association, said Dean has never been the subject of a police investigation. Kraus said Dean has refused to cooperate with investigators and has not allowed Kraus to question him. Dean has not given an oral or written statement to investigators. Ramirez said he and other officers with knowledge of the situation were dumbfounded as to why Dean would have fired his weapon in this situation. Ramirez also said there was no way to explain Dean's actions. Arrest, indictment and trial Based on footage from Dean's body camera which captured the shooting, a warrant was issued for his arrest. He was arrested at his attorney's office on October 14, 2019, and charged with murder. He was given a $200,000 bond, which he posted, and was released about three hours later. Kraus said that Dean had not provided a written statement or answered questions. On October 25, 2019, Tarrant County District Attorney Sharen Wilson said evidence will also be presented to a grand jury for a formal indictment. Dean is the only officer to face a murder charge in Tarrant County for a shooting committed while on duty. He was indicted by a grand jury on a murder charge on December 20, 2019. In October 2020, a Tarrant County judge set a tentative date of August 2021 for Dean's trial. After being initially delayed due to a backlog in the courts stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic the trial rescheduled in November 2021 to begin on January 10, 2022. A month later, the trial was delayed again due to two defense witnesses being unavailable in January. The trial is now set to begin in May 2022. Dean's defense attorneys have filed a motion for a change of venue, claiming that local media coverage has made it impossible for their client to receive a fair and impartial trial in Tarrant County. Reactions Fort Worth Mayor Betsy Price called the event "tragic" and promised a "complete and thorough investigation" by police chief Ed Kraus. CBS News reported that the investigation would then be forwarded to the Law Enforcement Incident Team for the Tarrant County District Attorney. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People called Jefferson's death unacceptable. The neighbor who called for the welfare check told reporters that he never intended for an aggressive law enforcement response. He stated: "No domestic violence, no arguing. Nothing that they should have been concerned with, as far as them coming with guns drawn to my neighbor's house. There wasn't any reason for a gun shot that I know of." Jefferson's funeral was paid for by two professional athletes; former Dallas Mavericks player Harrison Barnes and Philadelphia Eagles player Malik Jackson. A GoFundMe was also created by the family lawyer on behalf of the family. The case has been cited as a cause of loss of trust in law enforcement. During a press conference in the days following the shooting, Kraus became emotional as he compared the erosion of public trust to ants working to build an anthill, when “somebody comes with a hose and washes it away and they just have to start from scratch.” References 2010s in Fort Worth, Texas 2019 controversies in the United States 2019 in Texas African-American history of Texas African-American-related controversies Black Lives Matter Deaths by firearm in Texas Deaths by person in the United States Fort Worth Police Department Law enforcement in Texas October 2019 events in the United States African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States History of women in Texas

63948073

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Breonna%20Taylor

Killing of Breonna Taylor

Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old African-American woman, was fatally shot in her Louisville, Kentucky, apartment on March 13, 2020, when white officers Jonathan Mattingly, Brett Hankison, and Myles Cosgrove of the Louisville Metro Police Department (LMPD) forced entry into the apartment as part of an investigation into drug dealing operations. Taylor's boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, was inside the apartment with her when the plainclothes officers knocked on the door and then forced entry. The officers said that they announced themselves as police before forcing entry, but Walker said he did not hear any announcement, thought the officers were intruders, and fired a warning shot at them. The shot hit Mattingly in the leg, and the officers fired 32 shots in return. Walker was unhurt but Taylor, who was behind Walker, was hit by six bullets and died. According to police, Taylor's home was never searched. Walker was charged with assault and attempted murder of a police officer, but the charges were dismissed with prejudice 12 months later. On June 23, 2020, the LMPD fired Hankison for blindly firing through the covered patio door and window of Taylor's apartment. On September 15, the city of Louisville agreed to pay Taylor's family $12 million and reform police practices. On September 23, a state grand jury indicted Hankison on three counts of wanton endangerment for endangering Taylor's neighbors with his shots. None of the officers involved in the raid have been charged in Taylor's death. Cosgrove was determined to have fired the fatal shot that killed Taylor. On October 2, 2020, recordings from the grand jury investigation into the shooting were released. Two of the jurors released a statement saying that the grand jury was not presented with homicide charges against the officers. Several jurors have also accused Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron and the police of covering up what happened. The shooting of Taylor by police officers led to numerous protests that added to those across the United States against police brutality and racism. When a grand jury did not indict the officers for her death, further civil unrest ensued. Persons involved Breonna Taylor worked for University of Louisville Health as a full-time ER technician and was a former emergency medical technician. Her funeral was on March 21, 2020. Kenneth Walker was Taylor's boyfriend, who was present with her in the apartment at the time and fired the shots at what he thought were intruders. Jonathan Mattingly is an LMPD police officer who joined the department in 2000, became a sergeant in 2009, and joined the narcotics division in 2016. Brett Hankison is a former LMPD detective. Hankison joined the department in 2003. The LMPD fired him on June 23, 2020. Myles Cosgrove is an LMPD police officer who was transferred to the department's narcotics division in 2016. Background The LMPD investigation's primary targets were Jamarcus Glover and Adrian Walker (not related to Kenneth Walker), who were suspected of selling controlled substances from a drug house approximately away. Glover said the police had pressured him to move out of his residence for unspecified reasons. Glover and Taylor had been in an on-off relationship that started in 2016 and lasted until February 2020, when Taylor committed to Kenneth Walker. In December 2016, Fernandez Bowman was found dead in a car rented by Taylor and used by Glover. He had been shot eight times. Glover had used Taylor's address and phone number for various purposes, including bank statements. Jamarcus Glover's statements In a variety of statements, Glover said that Taylor had no involvement in the drug operations, that as a favor she held money from the proceeds for him, and that she handled money for him for other purposes. In different recorded jailhouse conversations Glover said that Taylor had been handling his money and that she was holding $8,000 of it, that he had given Taylor money to pay phone bills, and that he had told his sister that another woman had been keeping the group's money. In the recorded conversations and in an interview with The Courier-Journal of Louisville, Glover repeatedly said that Taylor was not involved in any drug operations and that police had "no business" looking for him at her residence, and denied that he had said in the recorded conversations that he kept money at her residence. Taylor was never a co-defendant in Glover's case. Incident Warrant LMPD obtained a "no-knock" search warrant for Taylor's apartment at 3003 Springfield Drive in Louisville. The search warrant included Taylor's residence because it was suspected that Glover received packages containing drugs there, might have been "keeping narcotics and/or proceeds from the sale of narcotics" there, and because a car registered to Taylor had been seen parked in front of Glover's house several times. Specifically, the warrant alleges that in January 2020, Glover left Taylor's apartment with an unknown package, presumed to contain drugs, and took it to a known drug apartment soon afterward. The warrant states that this event was verified "through a US Postal Inspector". In May 2020, the U.S. postal inspector in Louisville publicly announced that the collaboration with law enforcement had never actually occurred. The postal office said it was actually asked by a different agency to monitor packages going to Taylor's apartment, but after doing so, it concluded, "There's no packages of interest going there." This public revelation put the investigation and especially the warrant into question and resulted in an internal investigation. The warrant was applied for by LMPD detective Joshua C. Jaynes among a total of five warrants approved the preceding day by Jefferson County Circuit Judge Mary M. Shaw "within 12 minutes", and which was stamped as filed with the court clerk's office on April 2. All five warrants contain similar language involving a justification for no-knock entry that concludes with "due to the nature of how these drug traffickers operate". Christopher Slobogin, director of Vanderbilt University's Criminal Justice Program, said that unless police had a reason to suspect that Taylor's residence had surveillance cameras "a no-knock warrant would be improper." Brian Gallini, a professor at the University of Arkansas, also expressed skepticism about the warrant, writing that if it was appropriate in this particular search, "then every routine drug transaction would justify grounds for no-knock". Detective Jaynes attested in the affidavit that, But Sergeant Timothy Salyer, supervisor of the Shively, Kentucky, police department's Special Investigations Unit, told LMPD internal investigators in May that due to "bad blood" between the United States Postal Inspection Service () and the LMPD, inquiries related to the drug trafficking investigation had been routed through the Shively . In his interview with internal investigators, Jaynes said that before the raid on Taylor's apartment Mattingly told him that the Shively PD had reported that the United States Postal Service had not delivered any suspicious packages to that address. Jaynes was reassigned from his duties with the LMPD in June. According to The New York Times, before the execution of the no-knock warrant, orders were changed to "knock and announce". Police entry into the apartment Shortly after midnight on March 13, 2020, Louisville police dressed in plain clothes knocked on Taylor's door before forcing entry using a battering ram. There is dispute as to whether the officers announced themselves before forcing entry. Walker contends that Taylor asked, "Who is it?" several times after hearing a loud bang at the door. Hearing no answer, he then decided to call his mother instead of the police. After calling his mother he dialed 911 and armed himself. The police officers involved have testified that they announced themselves multiple times before using the battering ram to enter the apartment. The New York Times interviewed roughly a dozen neighbors and alleged that only one of them, who was on the exterior staircase immediately above Taylor's apartment, heard the officers shout "Police!" once and knock at least three times, while approximately 11 other neighbors heard no knock or announcement, including one who was outside smoking a cigarette. According to a statement by Attorney General Cameron, an independent investigation concluded that the no-knock warrant was indeed served as a knock-and-announce warrant, which was corroborated by one independent witness who was near Taylor's apartment. But on September 30, this witness's lawyer said that police announced themselves "only in passing" and implied that the witness was quoted out of context or that video was deceptively spliced. According to VICE News, the witness originally said "nobody identified themselves" when interviewed by police a week after the shooting. But when the police called him two months later, he said he heard, "This is the cops." Shooting and aftermath Walker said that he and Taylor believed intruders were breaking into the apartment. He initially told police during his arrest that Taylor had opened fire, but later reversed his statement, stating that he had fired the warning shot in self-defense. According to officials, the shot struck Mattingly in the leg. Walker's legal team asserts that because forensic photography shows no blood in the part of the apartment where Mattingly says he was shot, because a court-sealed photograph of the single hollow-point bullet from Walker's firearm shows no blood, and because, based on consultations with pathologists, they believe that a hollow-point bullet would have done "considerably" more damage to Mattingly's thigh, the evidence suggests Mattingly was shot by police officers. A Kentucky State Police ballistics report is inconclusive, saying that "due to limited markings of comparative value", the bullet that hit Mattingly and exited his thigh was neither "identified nor eliminated as having been fired" from Walker's gun. But it was fired from a 9mm pistol like Walker's, whereas all officers were carrying 40-caliber guns. Police then fired 32 rounds into the apartment during two "flurries" or waves of shots separated by one minute and eight seconds. Mattingly, the only officer who entered the residence, fired six shots. At the same time, Cosgrove fired 16 shots from the doorway area in a matter of seconds. Hankison fired 10 times from outside through a sliding glass door and bedroom window, both of which were covered by blinds or curtains. The officers' shots hit objects in the living room, dining room, kitchen, hallway, bathroom, and both bedrooms. Taylor was struck by five or six bullets in the hallway and pronounced dead at the scene. Cosgrove fired the shot that killed her. Walker was uninjured. According to police grand-jury testimony, the warrant was never executed and Taylor's apartment was not searched for drugs or money after the shooting. More than a month after the shooting, Glover was offered a plea deal if he would testify that Taylor was part of his drug dealing operations. Prosecutors said that that offer was in a draft of the deal but later removed. Glover rejected the deal. On November 19, 2020, Glover's associate Adrian Walker was fatally shot. The Louisville police stated that they had no suspects in the killing. Investigations Autopsy and death certificate An autopsy was conducted on Taylor, and her cause of death was determined to be homicide. The death certificate also notes that she received five gunshot wounds to the body. The coroner denied The Courier-Journals request for a copy of the autopsy. The newspaper was appealing to the attorney general's office as of July 17, 2020. Investigations into the three police officers The police filed an incident report that claimed that Taylor had no injuries and that no forced entry occurred. The police department said that technical errors led to a nearly entirely blank malformed report. Local and state investigation All three officers involved in the shooting were placed on administrative reassignment pending the outcome of an investigation by the police department's internal Professional Integrity Unit. On May 20, 2020, the investigation's findings were given to Daniel Cameron, Attorney General of Kentucky, to determine whether any officer should be criminally charged. Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer also asked the FBI and U.S. Attorney's Office to review the findings. In early June, Fischer called for Officer Hankison to be removed from the Louisville Police Merit Board, which reviews appeals from police offices in departmental disciplinary matters. Hankison was one of five members of the board, which consists of three civilians and two police officers selected by the River City Fraternal Order of Police. On June 19, three months after Taylor's killing, Louisville Metro Police interim chief Robert Schroeder sent Hankison a letter notifying him that Schroeder had begun termination proceedings against him. The letter accused Hankison of violating departmental policies on the use of deadly force by "wantonly and blindly" firing into Taylor's apartment without determining whether any person presented "an immediate threat" or whether there were "any innocent persons present". The letter also cited past disciplinary action taken against Hankison by the department, including for reckless conduct. Hankison was formally fired four days later (June 23); he had ten days (until July 3) to appeal his termination to the Louisville Police Merit Board. That appeal was delayed until the criminal investigation is finished. On September 23, 2020, a state grand jury indicted Hankison on three counts of wanton endangerment for endangering a neighboring white family of three when shots he fired penetrated their apartment. Conviction could include a sentence of up to five years in prison and a fine for each count. Bullets also entered the upstairs apartment of a black family but no charges were filed. Neither Hankison nor the two other officers involved in the raid were indicted for Taylor's death. The Louisville Courier Journal raised questions about whether the grand jury had been allowed to decide whether charges should be pressed against Mattingly and Cosgrove or whether prosecutors decided that the officers acted in self-defense without submitting the issue to the grand jury. Hankison's and Walker's attorneys requested the release of the grand jury transcript and related evidence. On September 28, a grand juror filed a court motion stating that Cameron had mischaracterized the grand-jury proceedings and was "using grand jurors as a shield to deflect accountability and responsibility" for charging decisions. A judge ordered the release of the grand jury proceedings' recording; Cameron's office and Hankison's attorney opposed the ruling. A day later, Cameron said that he did not recommend murder charges to the grand jury, but maintained that he presented "a thorough and complete case". While recordings of testimony and some other parts of the proceedings were released, the juror deliberations and prosecutor recommendations were not released and according to the state attorney general's office were never recorded. On October 22, a second grand juror criticized Cameron, how the grand jury was operated, and how Cameron presented the grand jury's conclusion. The juror agreed with the first juror's statement, including that members of the grand jury wanted to consider other charges against the officers, including homicide charges. But "the panel was steered away from considering homicide charges and left in the dark about self-defense laws during deliberations." These statements contradict Cameron's claims that the grand jury "agreed" the officers who shot Taylor were justified in returning fire after Taylor’s boyfriend shot at them. The first grand juror said the panel "didn’t agree that certain actions were justified". One of the anonymous jurors said that the police "covered it up. That's what the evidence that I saw. And I felt like there should have been lots more charges on them." Federal investigation The FBI is conducting its own independent investigation, announced by its Louisville field office on May 21. After the state grand jury charges were announced, the FBI stated, "FBI Louisville continues its federal investigation into all aspects of the death of Breonna Taylor. This work will continue beyond the state charges announced today." Photographic and video evidence On May 14, 2020, photos were released to the public in The Courier-Journal by Sam Aguiar, an attorney representing Taylor's family. The photos show bullet damage in her apartment and the apartment next door. The Louisville police claimed that none of the officers were wearing body cameras, as all three were plainclothes narcotics officers. On September 4, several news sources, including The Courier-Journal, reported that photographs of police officers taken late that day showed that at least one wore a body camera. In the later photographs, one of the officers who fired his weapon, Myles Cosgrove, was wearing a mount for a body camera; another detective who was present wore a body camera, although it is not known whether it was active. Legal proceedings Neighbor's lawsuit On May 20, 2020, the occupants of a neighboring apartment filed a lawsuit against Hankison, Cosgrove, and Mattingly. The occupants were a pregnant woman, her child and a man. The lawsuit alleged that the officers fired blindly into their apartment and nearly hit the man's head, shattered a sliding glass door, and hit objects in three rooms and a hallway. Kenneth Walker Walker initially faced criminal charges of first-degree assault and attempted murder of a police officer. The LMPD officers said they announced themselves before entering the home and were immediately met with gunfire from Walker. According to their statement, Walker discharged his firearm first, injuring an officer. Walker's lawyer said Walker thought that someone was entering the residence illegally and that Walker acted only in self-defense. A 911 call later released to the public provided a recording of Walker telling the 911 operator, "somebody kicked in the door and shot my girlfriend". Walker was later released from jail due to coronavirus concerns, which drew criticism from Louisville Metro Police Department Chief Steve Conrad. Judge Olu Stevens released Walker from home incarceration on May 22. Commonwealth's Attorney Tom Wine then moved to dismiss all charges against Walker in late May, but that meant that the case could be presented to a grand jury again, once the results of the FBI's and the Kentucky Attorney General's Office's investigations had been reviewed. Wine wanted the charges dropped because the officers had never mentioned Taylor by name to the grand jury, or said had they shot her. Walker's close friends said that his job was to protect Taylor at any cost. On May 26, 2020, Judge Olu Stevens granted Wine's motion to drop all charges against Walker. Rob Eggert, an attorney representing Walker, released a statement saying, "he just wanted to resume his life." At the same time, his attorney said that he could be charged again later as more facts emerge. On June 16, Eggert filed a motion to permanently dismiss the indictment charging Walker with attempted murder and assault. The motion asked Stevens to grant Walker immunity because he was within his rights to defend himself and Taylor under Kentucky's stand-your-ground law. On March 8, 2021, Stevens dismissed the criminal charges against Walker with prejudice, meaning he cannot be recharged for the shooting. The judge denied the motion for immunity, saying it was "moot". In September 2020, Walker filed a suit against the Louisville Metro Police Department, accusing it of misconduct and asserting he did not fire the bullet that injured Mattingly. His lawyer, Steve Romines, has raised claims that Walker fired only one bullet and that the recovered round had no blood on it, demonstrating that it had not hit anyone. Taylor's family On May 15, Taylor's family filed a wrongful death lawsuit in Jefferson County Circuit Court on behalf of the estate of Breonna Taylor, against the officers who were present as well as the city of Louisville. It states that Taylor and Walker were sleeping in the bedroom before the incident happened, and that the police officers were in unmarked vehicles. The lawsuit states that Taylor and Walker thought the apartment had been broken into by criminals and that "they were in significant, imminent danger." The lawsuit alleges that "the officers then entered Breonna's home without knocking and without announcing themselves as police officers. The Defendants then proceeded to spray gunfire into the residence with a total disregard for the value of human life." The lawsuit was resolved in mid-September 2020. The Louisville Metro Government (LMG) agreed to pay Taylor's estate $12 million, "one of the highest settlement amounts ever paid in America for the wrongful death of a Black woman by police", according to family attorney Benjamin Crump. The officers and the LMG admitted no liability nor wrongdoing and were absolved of any medical expenses related to Taylor's death; the settlement also prevents Taylor's family from suing the city. The city agreed to initiate a housing credits program for police officers to live in the Louisville Metro area, considered by some a fundamental community policing measure, to institute policing changes such as requiring more oversight by top commanders, and to make mandatory safeguards that were only "common practice" before the raid. Jonathan Mattingly Mattingly was one of three officers who took part in the raid that killed Taylor, and the officer allegedly wounded by Walker. In October 2020, Mattingly's lawyer announced that he was filing a countersuit against Walker for his injury. He alleged that the gunshot wound caused severe damage and that Mattingly was "entitled to, and should, use the legal process to seek a remedy for the injury that Walker caused." The lawsuit details that Mattingly underwent five hours of surgery because the shot severed his femoral artery, and alleges battery, assault and emotional distress. The suit also claims that Walker's response to the officers raid via a no-knock warrant was "outrageous, intolerable and offends all accepted standards of decency or morality". Policy and administrative changes Police department On May 21, Police Chief Steve Conrad announced his retirement after intense local and national criticism for the department's handling of the case, to be effective June 30. Conrad was fired on June 1 after the fatal shooting of black business owner David McAtee. The LMPD announced in May that it would require all sworn officers to wear body cameras, and will change how it carries out search warrants. Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer indefinitely suspended the use of no-knock warrants on May 29. On January 5, 2021, the LMPD fired Cosgrove, who shot and killed Taylor, and Jaynes, who obtained the warrant for the raid. Legislative proposals In June 2020, Democrats in Congress introduced the Justice in Policing Act of 2020, a broad bill containing measures to combat misconduct, excessive force, and racial bias in policing. The bill would prohibit the issuance of no-knock warrants in federal drug investigations and provide incentives to states to enact a similar prohibition. In June, Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) introduced the Justice for Breonna Taylor Act, which would prohibit federal law enforcement from carrying out a warrant "until after the officer provides notice of his or her authority and purpose". It would also apply to state and local law enforcement that receive funding from the Justice Department. On June 10, the Louisville city council voted unanimously to ban no-knock search warrants. Called "Breonna's Law", it requires all officers who serve warrants to wear body cameras, and to have them turned on from at least five minutes before the warrant is served until at least five minutes afterward. Reactions As the shooting occurred during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, at the beginning of an escalating nationwide wave of quarantines and lockdowns, for weeks after Taylor's death there was very little public reaction, little response from government officials, and the LMPD did not provide many details about the shooting or answers to questions about the case. Individuals involved In a September 2020, Mattingly sent a personal email to several hundred of his police colleagues wherein he blamed the city's mayor and police chief for failing "all of us in epic proportions for their own gain and to cover their asses", faulted senior staff and the FBI for being unwilling "to hold the line", and urged his colleagues, "Do what you need to do to go home your family." Mattingly gave an interview in October to ABC News and The Louisville Courier Journal in which he reiterated his accusations that city officials had not come to his and the other officers' defense in the incident's aftermath. In the interview he highlighted the tragedy of the shooting but claimed that it was unlike the murder of George Floyd, saying, "This is not us going, hunting somebody down. This is not kneeling on a neck. It's nothing like that. [...] She didn't deserve to die. She didn't do anything to deserve a death sentence." Politicians and public officials On May 13, 2020, Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear responded to reports about Taylor's death and said the public deserved to know everything about the March raid. He requested that Attorney General Cameron and local and federal prosecutors review the Louisville police's initial investigation "to ensure justice is done at a time when many are concerned that justice is not blind". On May 14, Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer and LMPD Chief Steve Conrad announced they had asked the FBI and the United States Attorney to review the local findings of the Public Integrity Unit's investigation when it is completed. Protests For weeks after Taylor's death, her family, members of the community, and protesters around the world requested that officers involved be dehired and criminally charged. Many, including Taylor's family and friends, protested outside Mayor Fisher's office. Celebrities and public figures Commentators such as Arwa Mahdawi and Brittney Cooper suggested Taylor's killing would likely not have received so much attention if not for the George Floyd protests, as black women are often neglected. Mahdawi related this to the #SayHerName campaign and Malcolm X's statement "The most disrespected person in America is the black woman" and called for further protest until justice for Taylor is secured. "Arrest the cops that killed Breonna Taylor" has become a common Internet meme. It has been criticized for trivializing the incident by being akin to the meme "Epstein didn't kill himself". In late July 2020, American record producer J. W. Lucas, who is white, made controversial statements on Twitter that seemed to justify the shooting of Taylor, which received extremely negative reactions, including from activist Tamika Mallory, with whom he later had a heated exchange on Instagram Live. Rapper Jack Harlow, whose single "Whats Poppin" Lucas produced, publicly denounced Lucas, saying that he did not know who Lucas was and was not aware of his involvement in the song. The September 2020 edition of O magazine featured Taylor on the cover instead of the usual image of Oprah Winfrey as a way to honor "her life and the life of every other black woman whose life has been taken too soon". It was the first issue in the magazine's 20-year history that did not have Winfrey's image on its cover. Until Freedom and O magazine put up 26 billboards—one for every year of Taylor's life—around Louisville. Winfrey released a video five months after Taylor's death calling for the arrest of the officers involved. Professional sports teams and individual athletes have honored Taylor and called for the end of racial injustice. Before the 2019–20 NBA season restarted, the Memphis Grizzlies wore shirts with Taylor's name and "#SayHerName" as they arrived at the arena. At the 2020 Tuscan Grand Prix, Lewis Hamilton wore a T-shirt on the podium with the words "Arrest the cops who killed Breonna Taylor." The governing body, the FIA, considered investigating Hamilton for violating the protocols for political messaging, but decided no investigation was necessary. The September 2020 edition of Vanity Fair featured a painting of Taylor by Amy Sherald on the cover. The issue included an interview with Taylor's mother by author Ta-Nehisi Coates. In September 2020, George Clooney issued a statement in which he said that he was "ashamed" by the decision to charge Hankison with wanton endangerment rather than with Taylor's death. Vandalism On December 26, 2020, a ceramic bust of Taylor that was installed near City Hall in downtown Oakland, California, was smashed, apparently with a baseball bat. The statue stood on a pedestal bearing the words, "Say Her Name, Breonna Taylor". Change.org petition Shortly after Taylor's killing, a petition was started on the public benefit corporation website change.org asking for "Justice for Breonna Taylor." The petition quickly gathered enough signatures to become one of the site's top three most-signed petitions, among others such as those seeking justice for George Floyd and Elijah McClain. See also Pecan Park raid Berwyn Heights, Maryland mayor's residence drug raid Jose Guerena shooting Duncan Lemp shooting Killing of Bernardo Palacios-Carbajal Shooting of Atatiana Jefferson George Floyd protests 2020–2021 United States racial unrest Lists of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States Notes References External links 2020 controversies in the United States 2020 in Kentucky 2020–2021 United States racial unrest African-American history in Louisville, Kentucky African-American-related controversies Articles containing video clips Black Lives Matter African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Deaths by person in the United States Law enforcement controversies in the United States March 2020 events in the United States No-knock warrant Protests in the United States Law enforcement in Kentucky

65404306

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breonna%20Taylor%20protests

Breonna Taylor protests

The Breonna Taylor protests are an ongoing series of police brutality protests surrounding the shooting of Breonna Taylor. Taylor was a 26-year-old African-American woman who was fatally shot in her Louisville, Kentucky, apartment on March 13, 2020, by plainclothes officers of the Louisville Metro Police Department conducting a "no-knock" search warrant. For months after the shooting, there were demands from Taylor's family, members of the local community, and protesters worldwide that the officers involved in the shooting be fired and criminally charged. Timeline May 2020 On May 26, multiple protesters, including friends and family of Taylor, protested outside Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer's office and demanded the three officers be arrested and charged with murder. On May 27, one Louisville police sergeant said that "The comment section is full of 'All cops need to die' and 'Kill pigs' and things like that" and that several days earlier, while responding to a 911 call near Taylor's apartment, multiple people threw pieces of concrete at police officers (who were uninjured) and then ran away. On May 28, 500 to 600 demonstrators marched in Downtown Louisville, chanting, "No justice, no peace, prosecute police!" and "Breonna, Breonna, Breonna!" The protests continued into the early morning of May 29, when seven people were shot; one was in critical condition. At the same time, Taylor's sister, Juniyah Palmer, posted on her Facebook page, "At this point y'all are no longer doing this for my sister! You guys are just vandalizing stuff for NO reason, I had a friend ask people why they are there most didn't even know the 'protest' was for my sister." These protests and demonstrations were part of the nationwide reaction to the murder of George Floyd, an African-American man who was killed in police custody on May 25, 2020. June 2020 On June 1, 2020, David McAtee, a 53-year-old African-American man, was fatally shot by the Kentucky Army National Guard in Louisville during nationwide protests following the murder of George Floyd and the killing of Breonna Taylor. The Louisville Metro Police Department (LMPD) and National Guard were in the area to enforce a curfew. According to officials, the police and soldiers were fired upon by McAtee, and two Louisville officers and two National Guardsmen returned fire. McAtee was killed by a shot fired from a guardsman. The body cams of the police involved were deactivated during the shooting, in violation of department policy. Hours later, police chief Steve Conrad was fired by Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer. On June 27, Steven Lopez was arrested after firing shots on the crowd of protesters gathered at Louisville's Jefferson Square Park, killing one and injuring another. Lopez had previously taken part in the Breonna Taylor protests before the incident took place as well, but later got into arguments with other Jefferson Park protesters which resulted in at least three reported physical confrontations. Lopez was also among a group of 17 Louisville protesters who had been arrested on June 17 for inciting a riot, disorderly conduct, harassment and possession of drug paraphernalia. In Saint Paul, Minnesota, protesters seeking justice for Breonna Taylor held a "Red Sunday" march on June 26 and gathered at several locations in the Twin Cities. July 2020 On July 4, over 100 people participated in the Youth March for Freedom in downtown Louisville. The participants stopped at historical civil rights sites, and speakers called for the end of racial injustice and told the stories of the people affiliated with the sites. On July 14, the national social justice organization Until Freedom organized a march of over 100 people to Attorney General Cameron's house, where protesters occupied his lawn, demanding charges against the officers involved in the killing. Police officers and a police helicopter were present as 87 protesters, including Houston Texans wide receiver Kenny Stills and The Real Housewives of Atlanta star Porsha Williams, were arrested and removed from the lawn. By mid-July, there had been about 50 days of protests. According to LMPD, 435 protesters had been arrested. On July 24, protesters marched into the NuLu area of Louisville, blocked the 600 block of E. Market Street with metal barricades and set up long metal tables for an impromptu block party to highlight demands for NuLu business owners, including hiring a more proportionate number of black workers. Police cleared the street and arrested 76 protesters who refused to leave. On July 25, 300 members of the Atlanta-based black militia NFAC (Not Fucking Around Coalition) marched to Louisville's Metro Hall with the street lined with local protesters. NFAC founder John "Grandmaster Jay" Johnson gave a speech calling on officials to speed up and be more transparent about the investigation into Taylor's death. August 2020 As of August 10, LMPD had arrested 500 protesters over 75 days of protests. September 2020 On September 23, the night after the grand jury verdict was announced, protesters gathered in the Jefferson Square Park area of Louisville as well as many other U.S. cities, including Los Angeles, Dallas, Minneapolis, New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Cincinnati, Denver, Nashville, Philadelphia, Seattle, San Diego, Las Vegas, and Portland. The previous day, a state of emergency had been declared in Louisville in anticipation of the verdict announcement. In Louisville, two LMPD officers were shot during the protest and one suspect was kept in custody. Two reporters from the right-wing website The Daily Caller were arrested and charged with breaking curfew and unlawful assembly. In Buffalo, a pickup truck was driven through a crowd of protesters, striking and injuring one. In Seattle, 13 were arrested for charges ranging from failure to disperse, obstruction, property damage, resisting arrest, and assaulting an officer. One officer was struck on the head with a baseball bat cracking his helmet. In the early morning of September 24, a Seattle Police Officer is seen in a video riding his bicycle over the head of a protester lying on the ground. As a result of a Seattle Police Department use of force investigation, an unnamed police officer was placed on administrative leave after rolling both wheels of his bicycle over the head of a protester lying in the street. The incident was referred to the King County Sheriff's Office for a potential criminal investigation. In December, the Seattle Police Department was held in federal contempt by the U.S. District Judge Richard Jones for the "indiscriminate" use of blast balls and pepper spray during 2020 BLM protests. "On Sept. 23, an officer who was several rows back from the front of the police line threw a blast ball into a crowd, then immediately turned around, demonstrating a "clear lack of care for where the blast ball landed."" On September 24, Kentucky state representative and former member of the Louisville Metro Council Attica Scott, the only black woman in the Kentucky General Assembly, was arrested in Louisville before the start of the curfew and spent the night in jail. Along with 17 others Scott was charged with felony first-degree rioting, misdemeanor failure to disperse and misdemeanor unlawful assembly. The charge of rioting was dismissed on October 6 and the misdemeanor charges were dropped on November 16. In Denver, one person was detained for driving into a protester. No injuries were reported. On September 27, a peaceful demonstration in solidarity with Breonna Taylor occurred at Riverside Park in Wichita, Kansas. December 2020 On December 3rd, 2020, the founder of the NFAC, a Black separatism movement, John "Grandmaster Jay" Johnson, was indicted on charges of allegedly pointing his rifle at Police Officers. He is being investigated by the F.B.I. March 2021 On and around the anniversary of the killing, hundreds of people gathered for protests and civil unrest in cities across the United States including Louisville, Atlanta, Boston, Denver, Grand Rapids, Portland, New York, Washington D.C. and Seattle. Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore said that three officers received minor injuries, nine businesses were vandalized and 11 protesters were arrested. Kentucky Republicans work to pass the controversial 'Kentucky Senate Bill 211', which would make it a misdemeanor to insult Kentucky Police Officers, thus being punishable by up to 90 days in jail. It has been criticized as an infringement on free speech, and as a form of suppression of protesters for Police Accountability. The bill is currently on hold until 2022 and until further notice. See also 2020–2021 United States racial unrest George Floyd protests Daunte Wright protests Police Brutality in the United States References Black Lives Matter 2020 controversies in the United States 2020 protests Taylor African-American-related controversies Post–civil rights era in African-American history Race-related controversies in the United States Articles containing video clips

65551181

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Alvin%20Cole

Killing of Alvin Cole

On the evening of February 2, 2020, Alvin Cole, a 17-year-old black male, was shot by a Wauwatosa, Wisconsin black male police officer Joseph Mensah, outside Mayfair Mall in Wauwatosa. The shooting occurred after Cole refused a command from the police to drop the stolen gun he was holding and Cole fired a bullet as he tried to flee. Two shots were fired when Cole was on his hands and knees, and the remaining three shots were fired by Mensah while Cole was face down on the ground. Mensah was the only officer among the five other officers at the scene who fired his weapon. The demonstrations played out against a backdrop of protests worldwide over the murder of George Floyd. Death Black Wauwatosa officer Joseph Mensah shot 17-year-old Cole outside Mayfair Mall on February 2 after police responded to a call of a reported disturbance at the shopping center. Police said Cole fled from the scene carrying a stolen 9 mm handgun. They cited squad car audio evidence, along with testimony from Mensah and two police officers, that Cole had fired a shot at the police while fleeing and refused commands from the officers to drop the gun. It was determined that Mensah fired his weapon five times. Cole was the third person Mensah had fatally shot in the five years since he became a police officer, and his death sparked protests in Wauwatosa. Mensah is the only officer who has shot and killed anyone since 2010 in Wauwatosa, Wisconsin. The teenager's death sparked protests throughout the summer in Wauwatosa, Wisconsin, a city located west of Milwaukee. Cole's family is being represented by the prominent attorney Kimberley Motley. Motley is also representing the families of the two other men shot and killed by Mensah: 25-year-old Jay Anderson Jr. on June 23, 2016; and 29-year-old Antonio Gonzales on July 16, 2015. Video There is video of the shooting. Police videos and video evidence from the nearby businesses seem to show police shouting "drop the gun," before shots are fired. Reactions On October 7, 2020 Milwaukee County District Attorney John T. Chisholm announced that Officer Mensah would not be charged because he had reasonable belief that deadly force was necessary. Governor Tony Evers announced earlier on October 7 that he had activated Wisconsin National Guard members as a precaution, which were later confirmed to be "hundreds" of troops. Wauwatosa Police Chief announced on social media that his police department agreed with the decision not to charge Officer Joseph Mensah with a crime. Also on October 7, 2020, an independent investigator, Steven M. Biskupic, a former federal prosecutor, released an 81-page report that stated officer Mensah should be fired. One of the reasons the report recommended termination: the investigator concluded that Mensah made less than truthful statements. The report went on to say that keeping Mensah on as a police officer would be "an extraordinary, unwarranted and unnecessary risk". Subsequent protests Protests have occurred each day since the announcement that Officer Mensah would not be charged. The Wauwatosa Police Department and Wisconsin National Guard have been the main agencies present at each protest since October 7. The city of Wauwatosa issued a nightly 7:00 p.m. curfew on October 7. Some people ignored the curfew and started marching peacefully in the city. Later that evening and past the curfew, a group of protesters confronted a police line. Police said some people were throwing rocks at law enforcement and buildings and that they used tear gas to disperse the protesters. Local media reported windows were broken at several businesses on the city's north side, including a pharmacy, coffee shop, wall coverings store, cleaners and fitness centre. In additional protests on October 8, among the most prominent people arrested were 17-year-old Alvin Cole's mother, Tracy Cole and his three sisters who claimed that they were assaulted and arrested by police according to Attorney Kimberley Motley, who is representing the family. Mrs. Cole and her daughter were taken to the hospital and 24 people were arrested for peacefully protesting, according to police. Police and the National Guard were both actively working to patrol the city. On October 10, Rapper/entertainer Jay-Z and his company Team ROC, offered to pay fines for those arrested during the Wauwatosa protests. The rapper also called for the termination of Officer Mensah. The rapper posted bond for several protesters including the mother of Alvin Cole, Tracy. In a further escalation of protests on October 9, 28 protesters were arrested in a third night of clashes between police and protesters. Police deployed tear gas to stop peaceful protestors. Two arrests were on felony charges, one was a misdemeanor arrest, and 25 were municipal arrests. An unspecified number of protesters were arrested in the fourth night of demonstrations, October 10, after the usual 7:00 p.m. curfew began. According to police, protesters occupied the Wauwatosa City Hall lawn and blocked traffic on the fourth night of demonstrations. The protests began in Washington Park where demonstrators marched to City Hall where a group of hundreds had assembled to protest. The crowd dispersed at 8 pm when National Guard troops police warned the protestors that they were violating the 7:00 pm curfew. The Wauwatosa Police Department released a statement describing incidents from the fourth night of protests and stating that no property damage was reported. On October 11, at 5:30 pm protestors gathered near 69th and North Avenue in Wauwatosa. The police arrived at 7:00 pm and told the crowd to disperse. Several protestors refused to leave and were arrested. The curfew expired on October 12. See also 2020–2021 United States racial unrest George Floyd protests George Floyd protests in Wisconsin Kenosha unrest References External links Edited video of police shooting of Alvin Cole Video from protests and unrest in Wauwatosa 2020 controversies in the United States 2020 in Wisconsin 2020 riots 2020–2021 United States racial unrest Black Lives Matter Deaths by firearm in Wisconsin February 2020 events in the United States Law enforcement controversies in the United States October 2020 events in the United States Post–civil rights era in African-American history Protests in Wisconsin Protests

66862513

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Christian%20Hall

Killing of Christian Hall

Christian Joseph Hall (October 31, 2001 – December 30, 2020) was a 19-year-old Chinese American man from Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania who was shot and killed by Pennsylvania State troopers on December 30, 2020. The police had been responding to a report about Hall, who was suspected to be suicidal and found with a firearm. Though he appeared to surrender, Hall was shot while his hands were up. Background Hall was born Chen Zhi Bo on October 31, 2001, in Shanghai, Mainland China. Shortly before age one, he was adopted by Gareth J. Hall and Fe Hall, who are of African-American and Asian-American descent respectively. He had his name officially changed to Christian Joseph Hall. Incident On December 30, 2020, Pennsylvania State Police arrived on the Pennsylvania Route 33 overpass above Interstate 80 responding to a call about a distraught man, later identified as Christian Hall. Footage of the scene showed him pacing around and clutching what appears to be a gun. Initial reports said Hall placed it on the ground after being ordered to do so, and began negotiating with the officers, but soon picked it back up. Around 1:38 p.m., Hall was shot seven times by the troopers. Hall was carrying a pellet gun with his hands raised when he was shot. He was taken to the Lehigh Valley Hospital-Pocono in East Stroudsburg, where he later died from his injuries. Investigation Initial reports from authorities stated that when the officers told Hall to put the gun on the ground, he complied, but at one point during negotiations, he picked up the gun and pointed it in the direction of the police, causing them to shoot him. A video of the incident with evidence contradicting the claims surfaced in February 2021. The video shows Hall raising his hands before he is shot and falls. Hall's adoptive parents reported that he had been experiencing a mental health problem. Fe Hall told WNEP-TV, "He needed help. He was looking for help, but instead of getting help, he was killed in cold blood by those who were supposed to help him." Civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump also stated that Hall was in need of help and seemed to be contemplating suicide. Hall's family has started a petition to reopen the investigation of his shooting, with a goal of 150,000 votes. On February 12, 2021, Hall's death was protested by people outside the Philadelphia City Hall. Twitter users have demanded #JusticeforChristian after the video of the incident emerged. In March 2021, Michael Mancuso, an assistant district attorney, called Hall's death a "classic suicide by cop scenario" at a news conference. In November 2021, a new video was released which shows Hall holding the pellet gun with his hands raised at the time of his killing. The video is unblurred, unlike video previously released by the Monroe County district attorney, and was obtained through subpoena by a lawyer representing Hall's parents. References 2020 deaths 2020 in Pennsylvania 2020–2021 United States racial unrest Asian-American-related controversies Deaths by firearm in Pennsylvania Deaths by person in the United States December 2020 events in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Filmed deaths in the United States Law enforcement controversies in the United States People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States

67463653

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Ma%27Khia%20Bryant

Killing of Ma'Khia Bryant

On April 20, 2021, Ma'Khia Bryant, a 16-year-old Black girl, was fatally shot by police officer Nicholas Reardon in southeast Columbus, Ohio. Released body camera and security camera footage show Bryant brandishing a knife and charging two women consecutively, leading up to the moment Officer Reardon fired four shots; Bryant was struck at least once. Bryant immediately collapsed and was unresponsive. Reardon and other officers on the scene administered first aid. Bryant was transported to the hospital in critical condition, where she was later pronounced dead. The case was investigated by state authorities and then referred to local authorities. Reactions from the public included both support of the actions of the officer and protests against the killing. People involved Ma'Khia Bryant Bryant was a 16-year-old black girl who lived in suburban Columbus, Ohio. In February 2019, she and three of her siblings were removed from their mother and lived with their paternal grandmother for 16 months. After the landlord refused to allow their grandmother to have the children, Bryant and her sister were placed in group homes in foster care with the Franklin County Children Services system. On February 14, 2021, she moved into the private foster home where the shooting later occurred, joining her 15-year-old sister who had already been living there for a year. Bryant's foster mother described her as a quiet, untroubled girl who did not start fights. Nicholas Reardon Reardon is a police officer who was 23 years old at the time of the incident, and had been hired by the Columbus Division of Police in December 2019. He served in the Ohio Air National Guard 121st Security Forces Squadron for almost two years before becoming a police officer. Incident Bryant and her younger sister resided in foster care at the home of Angela Moore. On April 20, 2021, one of Moore's former foster children, 22-year-old Tionna Bonner, was alone with Bryant and her younger sister after they returned home from school. Following a dispute over housework, Bonner called another former foster child of Moore's, Shai-Onta Lana Craig-Watkins, now 20 years old, and Bryant's sister called her grandmother. When Moore came home from work, she was told that Bryant and the two women were arguing about housekeeping. Bryant's sister and grandmother have said Bonner pulled out a knife, and Bryant took a steak knife from the kitchen. Bryant's sister called 911 at 4:32 p.m., saying, "We got Angie's grown girls trying to fight us, trying to stab us, trying to put her hands on our grandma. Get here now!" Around 4:45 pm EDT, officers from the Columbus Division of Police responded to a 911 call reporting an attempted stabbing at the foster home. As Officer Reardon arrived at the home, surveillance footage from multiple angles showed several people in the driveway, including Bryant, who had emerged from behind the house. Reardon can be heard saying, "Hey. What's going on?" Bryant then pushed Craig-Watkins in front of Reardon and fell over her. Bryant's father tried to kick Craig-Watkins. Reardon drew his service pistol and shouted "Hey!" four times. Brandishing a knife, Bryant then lunged toward Bonner, and pinned her to a car. Reardon yelled at Bryant "Get down!" four times. As Bryant reached back with the knife, Reardon fired four shots, striking Bryant, who collapsed on the driveway. Police officers administered CPR until emergency responders arrived. Bryant was transported to Mount Carmel East, where she was pronounced dead at 5:21 pm EDT. Reactions Later that evening, Interim Chief of Police Michael Woods held a press conference about the shooting. Woods stated that the department's use of force policies permitted deadly force to protect the officer's own life or the life of another person. On April 21, Woods held another press conference, during which he released more body camera footage and played two 911 calls relating to the shooting. During the first, the caller tells the dispatcher that there were girls trying to stab them. Mayor Andrew Ginther said that the footage from the cruiser camera would be released later that day or the following morning. Over the following days, multiple experts on use of force policies stated that Reardon acted with reasonable use of force that was legally justified. Those interviewed included Philip Stinson, a Bowling Green State University criminal justice professor, and James Scanlon, a Columbus Division of Police veteran and former trainer who has served as an expert witness at use-of-force trials. The two said guns are an appropriate response to situations involving lethal force, and that police are trained to target a person's center mass, in order to effectively neutralize the threat. Stinson stated that if Reardon failed to act, it would likely have led to serious bodily harm or death. Geoffrey Alpert and Seth Stoughton, criminology and criminal justice professors and use-of-force experts at the University of South Carolina, concurred that the use of deadly force seemed appropriate. Some supported the police officer's actions. Mayor Ginther said that, "based on this footage, the officer took action to protect another young girl in our community", calling the shooting a tragic day. On Face the Nation, Democratic Congresswoman and former police chief Val Demings said, "But the limited information that I know in viewing the video, it appears that the officer responded as he was trained to do with the main thought of preventing a tragedy and a loss of life of the person who was about to be assaulted." CNN commentators Chris Cuomo and Don Lemon agreed that if the officer did not react in the time that he did, Bonner could have been killed, resulting in two tragic deaths instead of one. Conservative commentator Meghan McCain stated "she was about to stab another girl and I think the police officer did what he thought he had to do." However, some others did not support the measures taken by police. Jen Psaki, the White House Press Secretary, told reporters that President Joe Biden had been briefed on the situation, and that the shooting was tragic, underscored the systemic racism in policing, and made reference to higher rates of police violence experienced by black and Latino communities and the particular vulnerabilities of children in foster care. In addition to Psaki, Senators Cory Booker and Raphael Warnock voiced concerns that the killing pointed to the need for police reform to address "systemic racism and implicit bias". Professional basketball player LeBron James posted a tweet of an image of Reardon captioned "YOU'RE NEXT", referring to the conviction of Derek Chauvin, and then deleted it. Liberal commentator Joy Behar stated that the police should have shot the air and there is "something wrong if the only solution to someone potentially killing another human is to use deadly force." Bryant's parents, Paula Bryant and Myron Hammonds reacted to their daughter's killing with outrage, with Bryant saying "my daughter dispatched Columbus police for protection, not to be a homicide", and Hammonds calling his daughter "my peacemaker" and saying "to know Ma'Khia is to know life." Bryant's funeral was held on April 30 in Columbus. About 50 protesters gathered in Downtown Columbus on the night of the shooting; more gathered as they marched to the police headquarters to protest the shooting. At 2 p.m. on April 21, over 500 Ohio State University students marched from the Ohio Union to the Ohio Statehouse, chanting "Black Lives Matter" and "Say her name". More than 150 protesters gathered for a vigil for Bryant followed by a march to Columbus Division of Police headquarters later that day. At 9:30 p.m., a group of between 200 and 250 protesters marched to the Ohio Judicial Center. Within a few days of the killing, other protests occurred in Denver, Colorado, Miami, Florida, and Sacramento, California. Investigation Investigation of the shooting was transferred to the Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation (BCI), which is routine for all police shootings in Columbus. On July 7, 2021, it was announced that the BCI completed its investigation. Following normal procedure, the investigation did not include the determination of fault or charges. The case was referred to the Franklin County Prosecutor G. Gary Tyack, who then assigned Columbus attorneys H. Tim Merkle and Gary Shroyer to handle the case as Special Prosecutors. It will eventually go to a grand jury. On April 28, 2021, the family of Ma'Khia Bryant and their lawyer, Michelle Martin, held a press conference and called for a federal investigation into Bryant's death and Ohio's foster care system. In August, a Coroner ruled the death a homicide. See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States, April 2021 References External links 2021 controversies in the United States Bryant 21st century in Columbus, Ohio African-American-related controversies April 2021 events in the United States Articles containing video clips African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States Child deaths Deaths by person in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Law enforcement in Ohio Stabbing attacks in 2021 [[Category:Stabbing attacks in the United States] Self defense Justifiable homicide

67548379

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Anthony%20Alvarez

Killing of Anthony Alvarez

On March 31, 2021, Anthony Alvarez, a 22-year-old Latino man, was shot and killed by a Chicago Police Department officer in the Portage Park neighborhood on the Northwest Side of Chicago. Police body camera footage of Alvarez' death was released on April 28, showing Alvarez being shot in the back while fleeing from police with a firearm in his hand. The footage of Alvarez' death was the third high-profile release of footage showing police killing a young Latino in the month of April 2021, following Adam Toledo and Mario Gonzalez. People involved Anthony Alvarez Anthony Alvarez was a 22-year-old Latino man from Chicago. He was a father. Evan Solano Evan Solano also a Latino was identified as the officer who shot Alvarez. He has been an officer for the Chicago Police Department since 2015. Investigations and legal proceedings The Civilian Office of Police Accountability has launched an investigation into the incident. A spokesperson for the organization recommended that Solano should “be relieved of police powers during the pendency of this investigation.” The Cook County State's Attorney’s office is also investigating the incident but has not commented on whether it plans to file charges. Incident In body cam footage of Alvarez' death, Solano can be seen pursuing Alvarez on Laramie Avenue, after what Mayor Lightfoot described as a minor traffic violation. At the intersection of Laramie and Eddy, a gun is visible in Alvarez's hand, Solano shouted "Drop the gun! Drop the gun!" before immediately firing five shots in quick succession at Alvarez' back. Alvarez asks “Why are you shooting me?” to which Solano replies “Because you had a gun.” Alvarez was later pronounced dead at the hospital. Reactions Family Alvarez’s father said “I can’t believe he is gone. I really miss my son. I just want some answers; why did they do this to Anthony?” At a protest for Alvarez, his aunt stated, "He didn’t deserve to get killed this way. What these cops did to him, it’s not right. They murdered my nephew. They killed them and they killed a part of me, a part of our family. We’re never going to be the same." Protests On May 1, about a hundred people marched through Portage Park in Chicago from West Irving Park Road and North Central Avenue to the site of Alvarez' death. Alvarez' family was amongst the protestors; his daughter held a sign reading "I miss my daddy." Protestors chanted "Hands up, don’t shoot" and “If Anthony don’t get no justice, then they don’t get no peace.” Activists stated, "We want that cop charged. We want the police defunded and that money put back into the communities." Institutions In response to Alvarez' death, the ACLU released a statement, saying, "Chicago communities also suffer trauma with each of these releases - especially Latino communities, which once again see how police respond to people from their neighborhoods... Chicago residents deserve meaningful changes to policing. They deserve a new policy on foot pursuits that is informed by community voices and driven by community needs - and one that actually results in changes in how police officers treat human beings." Public officials Chicago mayor Lori Lightfoot stated in a press conference prior to the video's release, "We can’t live in a world where a minor traffic offense results in someone being shot and killed. That’s not acceptable to me, and it shouldn’t be acceptable to anyone." Ald. George Cardenas stated, "The guy didn’t look like he was a threat to the officer. If he faces the officer with the gun, then maybe that’s a reason to kind of react... But if he’s not facing you, you’ve got to give him time to get on his knees, put his hands behind his back. The whole thing was, 'Drop the gun. Drop the gun.' Then, pow, pow, pow... The situation is not good." Cardenas also said that Illinois state law "allows you to carry a gun, so a lot of people are gonna have guns in their hands. That’s not a reason to shoot anybody.” U.S. House Representative Jesus "Chuy" Garcia wrote on twitter, "Whether it’s a 13yo or a 22yo, police encounters shouldn’t end in death. The killings of Adam Toledo & Anthony Alvarez aren’t isolated, rather the tip of an iceberg revealing a system tilted against Black & Brown communities. Whatever the circumstances, the killings must end." Illinois State Representative Will Guzzardi said, "There’s nothing you can do, no record on your background, no affiliations, no history, nothing you can do to deserve being shot in the back while you run. Let me repeat that. There is nothing Anthony could have done to deserve the fate that befell him. This is not an inditement of any bad apples. But rather of the very role that we have given to law enforcement, a role that they didn’t ask for and that they don’t want, and a role that leads inexorability to the kind of tragedy that we mourn yet again today." Aftermath Foot pursuits In the aftermath of both Alvarez' and Toledo's shootings, Mayor Lori Lightfoot and Chicago Police Superintendent David Brown said that changes to the city’s foot-pursuit policy would be in place by the end of the summer of 2021. The city's practice has been under scrutiny since 2017, when a Department of Justice report called foot pursuits "'inherently dangerous' because officers can experience fatigue or adrenaline, which can compromise their ability to make sound judgments or use less force as the threat diminishes." The city's police is currently under a federal consent decree, which requires the department to make reforms to its policing practices. In 2020, a civil rights lawsuit forced Chicago to retrain its officers on foot pursuit tactics, but the court-mandated independent monitoring team has warned that officers don't have "the requisite buy-in" on the reforms, because "There is a sense that these concepts go against the culture of the organization." See also Lists of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States Police violence against Mexican Americans References External links Body camera footage posted by COPA, via Vimeo Chicago Police Consent Decree, per Illinois Attorney General 2020s in Chicago 2021 controversies in the United States 2021 in Illinois Chicago Police Department Deaths by person in the United States Filmed killings by law enforcement Latino people shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States March 2021 events in the United States

67915951

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Iremamber%20Sykap

Killing of Iremamber Sykap

On April 5, 2021, Micronesian 16-year-old Iremamber Sykap was killed on Kalākaua Avenue when Honolulu police officer Geoffrey Thom fired 10 rounds at Sykap through the rear window of a stolen car after it had stopped at an intersection following a police pursuit. Thom was charged with second-degree murder for the shooting, and two other Honolulu Police Department officers were charged with attempted second-degree murder. The charges were dismissed in district court on August 18, 2021. Background On April 5, 2021, officers from the Honolulu Police Department shot at a stolen Honda Accord with six occupants between the ages of 14 and 22, killing 16-year-old Micronesian teen Iremamber Sykap. The department stated that Sykap had been driving the car, that the car was stolen from Kailua, and that it was linked to multiple crimes including an armed robbery in Moiliili that occurred 20 minutes before the shooting. Hours after the shooting, chief of police Susan Ballard told reporters that officers had fired at the car while it rammed two marked police vehicles and drove through a fence into Kalakaua Canal, attributing the decision to open fire to the officers' knowledge that the occupants of the car had been involved in recent crimes. Shooting In May 2021, Hawaii News Now obtained bodycam footage of the shooting from a camera on the officer who shot first. In the footage as described by Hawaii News Now, the officer is a passenger in a squad car, and repeatedly says "stop the vehicle" during the pursuit. The Honda Accord stops, and the officer subsequently gets out of the squad car, drops and then recovers his rifle, moves behind the Honda, and fires ten shots at the back of the driver's seat. The Honda then accelerates through a fence and into the canal. Legal proceedings On May 21, 2021, Sykap's mother and grandmother filed a wrongful death lawsuit against the involved officers and the City & County of Honolulu. The suit alleged that the Honolulu Police Department had intimidated relatives of Sykap and was withholding information about the shooting. Eric A. Seitz, the attorney representing Sykap's mother and grandmother in the suit, said that witness statements and bodycam video showed that the car was not moving when officers fired into it and that "the shooting was entirely unnecessary and unwarranted". Also in May 2021, the Civil Beat Law Center for the Public Interest made a public records request for all police bodycam footage to be released, then sued the Honolulu Prosecutor's office after they denied the request on the basis that the investigation was still open and release of the footage could "poison the jury pool". The suit argued that the existence of an open investigation is not a valid reason to block government records from the public. , the Honolulu Police Department continued to consider the shooting justifiable and had not officially released any bodycam footage. A medical report released by Eric Seitz showed that a shot to the back of the head was the cause of Sykap's death, and that he was also hit by two bullets in the back of his right shoulder and one in the back of his left. On the afternoon of June 9, 2021, the Honolulu Prosecutor's office released a statement that it had presented evidence to a grand jury, which declined to indict any of the three officers that the office intended to prosecute. Eric Seitz expressed a desire to access transcripts of the jury proceedings, which William S. Richardson School of Law professor Kenneth Lawson said would be the only way for the public to know what evidence was presented. On June 17, 2021, prosecutors charged Officer Geoffrey H.L. Thom with second-degree murder, and Officers Christopher Fredeluces and Zackary K. Ah Nee with attempted second-degree murder. The trial marked the first time in over 40 years that a Honolulu police officer has been charged in a fatal shooting. On August 18, District Court Judge William Domingo dismissed charges against all three officers, ruling that there was "no probable cause" for murder or attempted murder. Honolulu Prosecutor Steve Alm expressed disappointment and disagreement with the dismissal of charges, but indicated that his office would appeal the ruling or continue to pursue legal action against the three officers involved. On September 30, 2021, Hawaii state judge Jeffrey Crabtree ruled that all police bodycam footage connected to the killing must be released. A spokesman for the office of Honolulu County Prosecutor Steve Alm declined to say whether the office would release the footage or appeal the ruling. Public response On September 7, 2021, retired Honolulu police training officer John Frierson publicly criticized the actions of the three officers involved in the shooting. Frierson, who was previously called to testify for the prosecution at a preliminary hearing but was barred from doing so because the judge said the defense had not had time to prepare, said that the involved officers did not follow their training. See also Killing of Lindani Myeni References April 2021 events in the United States Anti-indigenous racism in Oceania Deaths by firearm in Hawaii Filmed killings by law enforcement Incidents of violence against boys Killings by law enforcement officers in the United States Micronesian American Pacific Islands-American culture in Honolulu Pacific Islands American history People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States