fell to his knees and cried "Redeemer! Savior! Lord of Grace! If I sin it will efface my guilt" (Wagner 2009, 14). Like most Nazis, Wagner was convinced that Jesus was Aryan. He said that the identification of the God of our Savior with the tribal god of Israel is "one of the most terrible confusions in all world history" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 101). Hitler was a major supporter of Wagner's operas and attended his performances with his close associates (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 197). Although Hitler rejected Catholic rituals during his youth and viewed himself as the new German Messiah, his "enthusiasm for Wagner's chivalrous portrayal of the grail, its guardian knights and their idealism would have made him receptive to Lanz's notion of a crusading order dedicated to thepurity of Aryan blood" (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 197). The religious dimension of the Nazi ideology was illustrated by their support for Wagner's operas. The only sources available in Germany during this period which supported the existence of an Aryan Christ or an Aryan influence on Christianity were the accounts of the European travelers in Asia between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries that are reviewed above. 208 Houston Stewart Chamberlain (1855-1927) was largely influenced by the ideas of de Gobineau and the music of Wagner. Chamberlain was born in Britain but became a German citizen in 1916. In 1882, Chamberlain attended Wagner's Bayreuth Festival and became a friend of the Wagner family. He moved to Austria in 1889. In 1908, he married Wagner's daughter, Eva Von Bülow Wagner. After World


War One, he remained in Bayreuth. Chamberlain's most famous work is Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts [The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century] (1899) which essentially rearticulated de Gobineau's main argument about the superiority of the Aryan race. However, in addition to Germans, Chamberlain included Celts, Slavs, Greeks, and Romans as members of the "noble" Aryan race. These groups were united by the ProtoIndo-European culture. Chamberlain also discussed the concept of mixing, but unlike de Gobineau, his writings were anti-Semitic. Although England can be considered a Germanic nation, Chamberlain favored the German state during World War One. Years before the Nazi movement, a eugenics movement in the United States concluded that the Nordic, Germanic, and Anglo-Saxon peoples were superior to other races. It began in the 1880s with theideas of Francis Galton. Galton was the cousin of Charles Darwin, who was fascinated by Galton's theory of eugenics which largely overlapped with his theories of natural selection and survival of the fittest (Darwin 1859, 27 and Darwin 1871, 161). However, Darwin never accepted the inferiority of various races and referred to slavery as a universal sin (Darwin 1871, 90). By the early 1900s 209 eugenics studies became typical course subjects at the top universities in the United States and Germany. Goodrick-Clarke argued that Ariosophy was a symptom in anticipation of the Nazi movement (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 202). Nazi ideology was influenced by a long history of religious research and debates which overlapped with more recent class tensions and nationalist sentiments. In Mein Kampf, Hitler stated that his experiences


in Vienna as he studied racist pamphlets laid the foundation of his outlook (Hitler 1934, 21). While many biographers believed Hitler was influenced by writers such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Arthur de Gobineau, there is no evidence that he read their scholarly works (Goodrick-Clarke 2003, 194). Goodrick-Clarke claimed it is altogether more likely that he would have picked up ideas to rationalize his own dualist outlook and fixation on Germany from cheap and accessible pamphlets in contemporary Vienna (GoodrickClarke 2003, 194). Austrian scholars were the first to suggest that Hitler gleaned the materials for his racist political ideas from Lanz (Goodrick-Clarke 2003, 194). As early as the 1930s August M. Knoll ridiculed the Nazis at the University of Vienna by observing that the German leader had simply takenhis ideas from the locally notorious and scurrilous Ostara (Goodrick-Clarke 2003, 194). These accusations caused the Nazis to firmly deny any ties to the occultist movements. The Mazdaznan cult was banned by the Nazis in 1935 and Lanz's writings were banned after the Nazis annexed Austria in 1938. "These measures were most probably the result of the general Nazi policy of suppressing lodge organizations and 210 esoteric groups, but it is also possible that Hitler wished to avoid any connection being made to his own political ideas and the sectarian doctrine of Lanz" (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 197-198). While the Nazis will always be remembered as a bunch of thugs who committed genocide, their ideas largely overlapped with contemporary trends in German philosophy and the rise of secret millenarian cults.


Munich source could corroborate Hitler's interest in von List. In 1921, Dr. Babette Steininger, an early Nazi Party member, presented Hitler with Rabindranath Tagore's essay on nationalism as a birthday present. On the flyleaf she wrote a personal dedication: "To Adolf Hitler my dear Armanen brother." Her use of the esoteric term suggests a shared interest in the work of von List. Armanen was a term used by von List to refer to the Aryan priests and rulers of ancient Germany. A final indication that Hitler might have been familiar with von List's themes is provided by Kubizek's description of Hitler's draft for a play he wrote at their shared lodging in 1908. The drama was based on the conflict between Christian missionaries and the Germanic priests ofLudendorff, Rudolf Hess, and Dietrich Eckart (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 199). There were many other high ranking Nazi leaders with ties to religious movements and occult societies. The Leaders of the Nazi Party It is possible that the Germans associated themselves with the cultures and civilizations of Iran and India simply because these places had a long history. The Nazi movement in Germany may also be attributed to the unique personalities of its leaders who used any propaganda within their reach to support their political careers. Consequently, the linguistic and religious evidence which supported their view of the history of the Aryan culture could be a dramatic coincidence.113 This does not hinder the general purpose of this study because it still illustrates the influence of Zoroastrianism. 113 The term Aryan


may refer to a language, class, or setting rather than a race. The term aristocrat derives from this word. 212 Adolf Hitler's elite class of officers and ministers included Alfred Rosenberg, Heinrich Himmler, Erich Ludendorff, Joseph Goebbels, and Rudolf Hess. Rosenberg was the most prominent pagan in the Nazi party which he joined in 1919 (Steigman-Gall 2003, 91). Once Hitler joined the party in October, he was introduced to Rosenberg by Eckart. Both Eckart and Rosenberg were associated with the Thule society (GoodrickClarke 2005, 149). Rosenberg had "pretensions to becoming the movement's great intellect and official ideologue" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 91). Nevertheless, in his role as the "protector" of the Nazi worldview, "scholars have shown that Rosenberg encountered resistance and ultimate defeat at the hands of rival offices withinthe Nazi party and state" (SteigmanGall 2003, 91). According to Steigman-Gall, church historians in particular, including Franklin Littell and Hubert Locke, who contributed to their field of research in The German Church Struggle and the Holocaust (Littell and Locke 1974, 131-132 and Steigman-Gall 2003, 91), have argued that Rosenberg's ideas represented the party's ideology as such. There are other scholars, especially those who espouse "political religion" theories about Nazism such as Robert Pois and Philippe Burrin, who still maintain that Rosenberg's ideas were hegemonic within the party (Steigman-Gall 2003, 91, Pois 1986, 41 and Burrin 1997, 335-336). According to Burrin, at the time of writing Mein Kampf, Hitler publicly rejected the role of religious reformer, but he was aware of the fate of the small völkisch groups, and


fearing to arouse the wrath of the churches, he gave priority to building a political 213 organization capable of victory (Burrin 1997, 335). "Nonetheless, his mentality and sensibility like most of his lieutenants-Hess, Rosenberg, [Martin] Bormann, and Himmler-continued to be marked by the völkisch tradition" (Burrin 1997, 335-336). Hitler appreciated religion not only for its social utility but also for its intrinsic value, adhering, as revealed by statements he made in private, to a belief that blended the two versions of the völkisch religious reform-Germanic pantheism and Germanic Christianity (Burrin 1997, 336). Germanic Christianity in this context included the tradition of an Aryan Christ who was killed by the Jews (Burrin 1997, 336). In 1930, Rosenberg published The Myth of the Twentieth Century which supported theories about anAryan Christ and the Aryan roots of Christianity (Rosenberg 1930, 17). Six months after he submitted a copy of the manuscript to Hitler, he gathered enough courage to ask for some comments on his book, and Hitler said "it was a very clever book; only I ask myself who today is likely to read and understand such a book" (Cecil 1972, 100 and Steigman-Gall 2003, 93). It was a reflection of the insecurity of Rosenberg's position that he replied by asking whether he should suppress it or even resign party office, but Hitler supposedly said "no" to both, maintaining that Rosenberg had a right to publish his book as it was his "intellectual property" (Cecil 1972, 101). Meanwhile, Goebbels regarded the book as a worthless expression of Rosenberg's


own. He referenced the dualistic elements of Manichaeism and various Christian sects which he described as more accurate traditions concerning Aryan struggles against the Jews (Rosenberg 1930, 17). His book also included references to the Zoroastrian religion and its connection to the Nordic homeland (Rosenberg 1930, 6). He wrote, "Ahura Mazda says to Zoroaster: Only once in the year does one see the rising and setting of stars and sun and moon; and the inhabitants hold to be a day, what is a year" (Rosenberg 1930, 7). "This must be for the Persian God of Light a distant memory of the Nordic homeland, for only in the far north do day and night last six months" (Rosenberg 1930, 7). In addition, Rosenberg regarded the Protestant Reformation as anincomplete phase in the resurgence of the Aryan spirit (Rosenberg 1930, 30). Heinrich Himmler was the military commander of the Nazi party. Before the Nazi rise to power, Himmler was a pious Catholic. However, after Hitler's failed coup, his attitude slowly began to change as he criticized the Catholic Church. He stated that it was "too doctrinaire and fanatical" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 107). Nevertheless, he did not completely abandon Christianity and enjoyed reading Ernest Renan's Life of Jesus (1863) 215 (Angress and Smith 1959, 218 and Steigman-Gall 2003, 107). Renan's belief that Jesus was a friend of the Jews was unacceptable as far as Himmler was concerned. According to Himmler's comments for his Books List,114 Jesus was no Jew, and Christianity is the most important protest of the Aryans


against the Jews, and of good against evil (Smith 1971, 145). This is very similar to Eckart's, Goebbels's, and Hitler's religious views (Steigman-Gall 2003, 107). "Following the pattern of other Nazis who would end up pagan, Himmler the Catholic began to have high regard for Protestantism and Germandom and reserved his wrath for Catholics" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 108). During the onset of World War Two, Himmler often related his struggles to Arjuna, the great ancient warrior of the Hindu tradition who played a central role in the Baghavad Gita (Karsten 1956, 149). According to his close confidant Felix Karsten, Himmler claimed he "never moved without" a copy of the Baghavad Gita, which he prized for its Aryan qualities (Karsten 1956, 149-152).115 In 1935, Himmler founded a German intellectual societyknown as "Ahnenerbe" along with Herman Wirth and Richard Walter Darré. This group sponsored research expeditions to West Asia and Tibet 114 Himmler's Book List is part of the Himmler Documents collection which is available at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University (Himmler's Documents Roll 18A – Book List Item 181). 115 After he opened the Baghavad Gita and claimed he never moved without a copy, Himmler quoted a passage which meant: "It is decreed that whenever men lose their respect for law and truth, and the world is given over to injustice, I will be born anew. I have no desire for material gain." He declared that this passage is absolutely about the Führer, who "rose up out of our deepest need, when the German people were


at a dead end. He is one of those brilliant figures which always appear in the Germanic world when it has reached a final crisis in mind, body, and soul. [Johann Wolfgang von]Goethe was one such figure in the intellectual sphere, [Otto von] Bismarck in the political-the Führer in the political, cultural, and military combined. It has been ordained by the Karma of the Germanic world that he should wage war against the East and save the Germanic peoples" (Karsten 1956. 152). 216 in order to learn more about the history of the Aryan race. In Tibet, researchers focused on the Buddhist priests and their possible connections to the Aryan race (Pringle 2006, 11). In West Asia, researchers focused on the Aryan and Semitic conflicts within the RomanEmpire (Pringle 2006, 111). The researchers made it as far east as Iraq in order to study Parthian and Persian ruins in Southern Iraq and Babylon (Pringle 2006, 102). Walter Wust, the president of Himmler's intellectual society, also planned a trip to Iran. Wust hoped to visit the ruins in Bisutun in order to investigate Darius's inscriptions. In these inscriptions, Darius proclaimed himself "the son of an Aryan" (Gershevitch 1985, Image 34). The inscriptions include a relief of Darius standing majestically (Pringle 2006, 184). Wust admired Darius as a great monarch with a particularly relevant story for Nazi Germany (Pringle 2006, 183). As Heather Pringle noted in The Master Plan, "Darius had usurped the throne, ruthlessly extinguished his contenders, stamped out rebellions, and forged a vast empire of


diverse peoples" (Pringle 2006, 183). It was essentially the blueprint for Hitler's career (Pringle 2006, 183). The inscriptions are on a rugged mountain. The sculptors constructed a high stairway on a steep cliff in order to reach a spot that would be difficult to vandalize. They tore down the wooden stairwell when they finished the project (Pringle 2006, 184). It was very expensive and time consuming to rebuild the construction route. Wust proposed that he and his Iranian wife, who happened to be a skilled climber and photographer, would take pictures of the inscription from a balloon mounted camera attached to a cable (Pringle 2006, 183-184). This technology had been recently devised 217 by an American archaeologist (Pringle 2006, 185). The trip was canceled due to the startof World War Two, but the initial plans to make the trip in the first place demonstrate the ideological roots of the Nazi movement. Himmler was largely influenced by Ariosophy through his indirect ties to the Thule Society. His quest to find Germanic roots for his SS ideology led him to patronage of a 66-year-old Austrian Ariosophist named Karl Maria Wiligut (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 178). Wiligut (1866-1946) was introduced to Himmler in September 1933 and became a member of the SS (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 183). He was the head of a department which specialized in the early history of the Aryan race within a main SS office at Munich. Wiligut wrote Seyfrieds Runen (1903), a collection of poems devoted to the legends of the East German Knights. The setting was


a German castle at Znaim on the Austrian-Moravian border (Wiligut 1903, 1). The introduction to Wiligut's book referred to the "Germanic origin" of place-names and reflected the mood of contemporary folklore studies by Guido von List (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 179). It was published by the same person who issued some of von List's early work (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 179). Theodor Czepl of the Order of the New Templars provided useful accounts of Wiligut's pre-war pagan tradition (Czepl 1982, 27-34 and Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 180).116 This mystical organization was founded by Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels in 1894. Lanz gave 116 Goodrick-Clarke used Rudolf J. Mund's Der Rasputin Himmlers (1982) as his main source for information on Wiligut. He gleaned further details from the Wiligut-Weisthor SS file at the Berlin Document Center. 218Czepl the task of making contact with Wiligut. In 1908, Czepl was acquainted with Wiligut's ideas through some occultist associates from Vienna. He met with Wiligut several times in the winter of 1920-1921 in Salzburg (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 180). Wiligut supported the research of Ostara and his ideas were a fusion of Lanz's and List's theories. Nevertheless, Wiligut disagreed with some of List's ideas and eventually used his position in the SS to attack von List's followers and send them to concentration camps. Wiligut believed he was the re-incarnation of regional figures who endured the persecution of Jews and Catholics. He claimed he was able to recall his ancestral memory which also gave him a unique source on ancient German religion and traditions (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 183). He shared these


1934) [Bundes Archive in Koblenz] (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 259). 219 Erich Ludendorff (1865-1937) was probably the first pagan member of the Nazi movement and easily the most recognizable of the early Nazis (Steigman-Gall 2003, 87). Ludendorff was a notable military commander during World War One. He served as deputy to Paul von Hindenburg who came out of retirement to win some of Germany's greatest victories. "During the last two years of the war, he and Hindenburg assumed near-dictatorial powers as the civilian authorities began to lose credibility" (SteigmanGall 2003, 87). He advocated a negotiated peace after the collapse of the Western front in 1918, and became involved in romantic nationalist movements (Steigman-Gall 2003, 87). In order to support his nationalist views, he blamed government opponents and rebels for weakeningGermany's ability to carry on the war. Ludendorff took part in a failed military coup against the German Republic in 1920. Shortly afterward, he became a figurehead of the Nazi movement and participated in Hitler's failed coup of 1923. However, his prestigious military record earned him a pardon and he tried to lead the Nazi movement while Hitler was in prison (Steigman-Gall 2003, 87). During this period, Ludendorff attempted to turn Nazism into an explicitly religious movement (Steigman-Gall 2003, 87). Although fellow Nazi Artur Dinter supported Christian reform, Ludendorff proclaimed a complete divorce from Christianity (Steigman-Gall 2003, 87). Like many Nazis, Dinter mostly wanted to erase the Judaic roots of Christianity. He was eventually expelled from the Nazi party in 1924 because he was clearly more concerned with


religion than politics. Ludendorff's role in the Nazi 220 party decreased after Hitler was released from prison, especially after a poor result in the 1925 elections (Steigman-Gall 2003, 88). Ludendorff's and Dinter's career paths demonstrated that polarized religious views threatened the success of the Nazi party. Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945) served as Minister of Propaganda in Nazi Germany. He began serving in 1933 and committed suicide in 1945 to avoid capture. Like Eckart and Dinter, Goebbels had literary pretensions and his religious views were influenced by the story of Jesus (Steigman-Gall 2003, 20). For Goebbels, the Nazi struggle was innately religious as it was a struggle against the Devil himself (SteigmanGall 2003, 21). His rhetoric suggests that he viewed the world in dualistic terms. "Money is the power ofevil and the Jew its servant - Aryan, Semite, positive, negative, constructive, [and] destructive - the Jew has his fateful mission to once more dominate the sick Aryan race" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 21).118 Goebbels regarded Hitler as the instrument of God that would save the Aryans. He was one of the most prolific writers of the movement, both in number of published works and in the quantity of unpublished, private material (Steigman-Gall 2003, 20). Goebbels's publications include Michael (1929 [English tr. 1987]), a fictional account of a German war veteran that is loosely based on the life of Goebbels and his friends. The main character is an angry nationalist and the story tells of his experiences 118 The translation of this quote is based on Goebbels's diary entry for


August 6th 1924 (Fröhlich 2004, XX). His diaries from October 1923 to November 1925 were edited and published by Elke Fröhlich (2004). 221 in Germany after he returned home from World War One. The story reveals his feeling of betrayal by the establishment of the Weimar Republic (Goebbels 1987, 28). He believed the Germans were "tricked out of [their] revolution" by profiteers from beyond German borders who "turned the shards of the old Reich into a new hybrid" (Goebbels 1987, 28). Michael's story also revealed his love for German culture and its tradition of Christian socialism (Goebbels 1987, 38). In the beginning of the story, Michael spent an afternoon reading "Nietzsche's Afternoon Worship from Zarathustra," as he sat in an "old silent cemetery where a fountain sprayed waterinto hot air" (Goebbels 1987, 8). Michael died at the end of the story, and his friends found a note on his desk in which he wrote about being a pioneer of the new Reich (Goebbels 1987, 131). His desk drawer contained Faust, the Bible, Nietzsche's Thus Spoke Zarathustra, and a journal (Goebbels 1987, 131). The book ends with an important account about the symbolism of Michael's death. His friend wrote about how Michael's mother sent him his Thus Spoke Zarathustra after Michael died, which was an old ragged copy that he carried through the war (Goebbels 1987, 131). As his friend leafed through it, he found a passage that Michael had underlined twice with a thick red pencil, which is also the last sentence of Goebbels's novel,


"many die too late and some too soon, the teaching still sounds strange: Die at the proper time" (Nietzsche 2009, 97 and Goebbels 1987, 131). These references confirm that Goebbels was aware of Nietzsche's works which related to Zoroastrianism and religion, although it is unclear 222 how well Goebbels understood the references to Zoroastrianism in Thus Spoke Zarathustra.119 Rudolf Hess (1894-1987) joined the Nazi party in 1920 and attained the rank of Deputy Führer. He participated in Hitler's failed coup and helped transcribe and edit Mein Kampf while he was in prison with him. Schmidt-Falk claimed that both Hess and Hitler read von List's works (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 199). Hess was associated with the Thule Society (Goodrick-Clarke 2005, 221). Erich Koch (1896-1986) was the leader of the East-Prussian branchof the Nazi party. The leaders of regional branches were known as "Gauleiters." Gauleiter Koch spoke at the celebrations commemorating Martin Luther and attributed the Nazi seizure of power to divine will. Koch's speech may seem like typical Nazi propaganda given the occasion, but in addition to being Gauleiter of East Prussia, Koch was also the president of the provincial Protestant church synod (Steigman-Gall 2003, 2). His contemporaries regarded him as a sincere Christian "who had attained his position through a genuine commitment to Protestantism and its institutions" (Steigman-Gall 2003, 2). A prominent Königsberg theologian and leader of the East Prussian Confessing Church stated that Koch spoke "with the deepest understanding of our Church" and consistently dealt with the "central themes of Christianity" (Iwand 1964, 251 and Steigman-Gall


2003, 2). 119 Although scholars such as Max Müller believed that their interest in comparative religions and linguistics would create greater dialogue and unity among different cultures, Müller was deeply saddened to know that the publication of the materials contained in and associated with the Sacred Books of the East contributed to the view that Aryan and Semitic traditions are in opposition to each other (Müller 1879, lviilviii and Murti 2008, 62). The Nazis used this interpretation to their advantage. 223 Koch resigned from his position as president of the provincial church synod in 1943. By the end of the war, Koch gained tremendous notoriety as the Reich Commissar of Ukraine, where he established his credentials as a brutal Nazi. He played a leading role in the murderEugenics Movement was based on the assumption that the Nordic, Germanic, and Anglo-Saxon peoples were superior to other races. It began in the 1880s with the ideas of Francis Galton. The United States and Britain are considered Germanic countries since English is a Germanic language. However, Modern English includes a large number of Latin root words that were added after the Norman conquest 120 Institut für Zeitgeschichte [Institute of Contemporary History in Munich] Manuscript Cancel I (7.15.1945) (Steigman-Gall 2003, 2). Available at http://www.ifz-muenchen.de/. 224 of Britain in the eleventh century. The United States and Britain also have a Protestant legacy which may be traced back to the King of England, Henry VIII (1491-1547), as well as the Dutch Revolt in 1568. Before it became clear that war was


inevitable, Nazi Germany tried to form an alliance with Britain through Aryan propaganda. German state newspapers made references to the linguistic connections between the British and the Aryans. They also praised the British Empire for their imperialist policies and subjugation of inferior peoples. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, British colonists and officers of the East India Company hoped the Germanic connection to the ancient Aryans would justify their colonization efforts in India. They agreed with scholars like Friedrich Max Müller, who suggested that the Aryan warriors invaded ancient India and established themselves as the ruling class (Müller 1888, 89 and Thapar 1996, 6). Müller based his theories on language in order to argue against racism (Müller 1888, 85-89). The Aryans were also credited for their spiritual wisdomwhich they expressed through the Vedic texts. The British colonists believed that India maintained a racial caste system that was directly attributed to an Aryan invasion. Ironically, many Indian nationalists accepted this perspective. They believed it would ultimately raise their status through an ethnic connection to their rulers (Thapar 1996, 7). The histories of Iran and India are very similar in regard to the socioeconomic structure of class distribution. Before and after the spread of Islam, the Iranian social 225 order was characterized by a hierarchy of rulers, priests, warriors, and commoners. The ancient caste system in Iran was not as strict as the system in India, since individuals were expected but not required to follow their father's career paths. As we shall see in the following chapter,


the establishment of the Islamic Republic marked the first point in Iranian history when the priests became the ruling class. Conclusion Before World War One, there was a dramatic rise in millenarian spiritual cults in Western Europe and the United States. These groups were influenced by Zoroastrianism while some cults were founded upon explicit Zoroastrian themes. However, it is difficult to find direct links between the Nazis and the mysterious cults because it was politically advantageous for the Nazis to deny such ties. It seems the Nazis used anything within their reach to sustain and justify their racist acts of terror. The Nazis sponsored costly expeditions and research projects to validate the Aryan roots they claimed in their ideology. This suggests that they genuinely hoped to find evidenceand support for their theories. The strict form of monotheism we have today can be traced back to Zoroaster and the philosophy of light and darkness that was common in many cultures. The IndoAryans and Germans likely separated from the Iranians before the spread of Zoroastrianism. Nevertheless, the only texts that the Nazis had to support the Aryan roots of Christianity were based on the accounts of the European travelers in Asia and 226 their interactions with Zoroastrians between the sixteenth and nineteenth century. These texts had a major influence on the religious history of Europe. 227 Chapter Five Zoroastrianism and the Shia Islamic Republic of Iran Any study of Iranian philosophy of religion inevitably overlaps with the history and tradition of a scholarly priesthood. This ancient tradition


plays an important role in contemporary Iranian politics. This chapter examines the role Zoroastrian traditions and rituals play as a subversive religion and a form of protest in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Throughout Iran's long history of conquest, the priesthood maintained an important role in shaping and evolving alongside the religions of the people. After the revolution in 1979 which overthrew the Pahlavi dynasty, the establishment of the Islamic Republic represented a new stage in Iranian history in which priests replaced the monarchs as the official ruling class. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Zoroastrianism has been a major symbol of rebellion since it embodies the pre-Islamic political and religious identity of the Iranian people. While Zoroastrians are only a recognized religious minority in Iran, virtuallyall Iranians, including Muslims and Jews, celebrate Zoroastrian traditions and holidays.121 They continue to celebrate the Now Rooz tradition since they begin their New Year with the Spring Equinox. The Modern Iranian calendar is based on the observation of the Spring Equinox which makes it the 121 In a study on Iranian Jewish rituals as understood by women, Saba Soomekh noted that the rituals practiced by Iranian Jewish women were influenced not only by Shia Islam, but also by Zoroastrian religious tradition. The two Zoroastrian rituals most visibly appropriated by Jews were celebrating Nouruz and lighting esphand (rue) (Soomekh 2009, 29). 228 most accurate calendar in use.122 The Islamic Republic mostly discourages Zoroastrian traditions and New Year festivities during periods of heavy protest. However, as the level of


protest declines, state officials are willing to commemorate Iran's long history and use nationalist rhetoric to gain support at home and abroad. The Iranian New Year is characterized by various pre-Islamic rituals, some of which pre-date Zoroastrianism.123 Most of these rituals are closely associated with Zoroastrianism, especially the celebration of the Spring Equinox. The Spring Equinox represents re-birth. It inspired Zoroaster's worship of Ahura Mazda and the beginning of a new era in Human history. Zoroaster discovered the Universal Spirit during a spring festival commemorating the New Year and the re-birth of the life cycle. He referred to the period after his discovery as "Now Rooz" (Boyce 1975, 175), which translates as the "New Day." He used this term in a millenarian sense, recognizing the transformation in societythat would follow. The "New Day" and the "New Year" allude to the new era in human history marked by the discovery of God (Truth). 122 The current Iranian Calendar was officially instituted in 1925 under the government of Reza Shah (Zirinsky 1992, 649 and Stausberg 2012, 183). The calendar was reformed by introducing a solar year (with Mohammad's migration from Mecca to Medina as the starting point for that era), while the twelve months were given the names of Zoroastrian deities and divine beings, in agreement with the Zoroastrian calendar (Stausberg 2012, 183). 123 For most Iranians, the New Year tradition includes a "haft-seen" decoration, which translates as "sevenS" and thus consists of seven items which begin with the letter "S." It represents the seven "bounteous" creations


of the Universal Spirit (Shahbazi 2003, 1). The letter "S" corresponds to the word "Spenta" which translates as bounteous or generous. On the last Wednesday of the year, Iranians jump over fire during "Chaharshanbe Suri," which is a celebration that translates as the "Wednesday Feast." The festival and tradition may predate Zoroastrianism, but since Zoroastrians considered fire to be a symbol of truth, the act is believed to be a cleansing ritual. 229 I begin this chapter by examining the relationship between Zoroastrianism and Shia Islam. Then I will briefly review the Iranian Revolution and how the movement affected the status of Zoroastrians. A small portion of this chapter will focus on the recent protests and demonstrations in Iran and their connection to Zoroastrianism. I will also citebegins with the death of Mohammad and the election of the new spiritual leader. The Shias regard the overall chain of events following the death of Mohammad as a dramatic injustice (Jafri 1979, 14, Halm 1999, 5, and Nasr 2006, 36). For Shias, the choice of the first successor was the root of the problem, and it was based on human folly rather than God's mandate (Nasr 2006, 36). Mohammad died in 632 BCE and Abu Bakr began ruling as Caliph. Although Ali ibn Abi Talib did not particularly challenge the election of Abu Bakr, a portion of the population suggested that Ali was the true Imam and should have been the first Caliph. The term imam translates as "leader of the community" while the term caliph translates


as "representative or successor" (Halm 1999, 3 and Nasr 2006, 35). The initial supporters of Ali can be described as the "Proto-Shia." The A in Shia refers to Ali and the term Shia means supporter of Ali (Jafri 1979, 3 and Lewis 1987, 21). However, the defining moment of the Shia movement was the martyrdom of Ali's son, Hossayn. Mohammad was Ali's cousin and he was adopted by Ali's father Abi Talib who took him into his home. Later, when Abi Talib became impoverished, "Mohammad took his young cousin Ali into his own household to relieve his uncle's burden" (Halm 1999, 126 Pakistan's population is about 10-15% Shia (CIA World Factbook) and Yemen's population is around 45% Shia (Data from the United Nations Refugee Agency retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,45a5199f2,45a5f8b22,488f180d1e,0.html).231 3). In turn, Mohammad was almost like an older brother for Ali and most Shias regard Ali as the first male to accept Mohammad's message (Jafri 1979, 25).127 Unlike most of the population in Mecca and Medina, the acceptance of Islam by people like Ali and Mohammad is typically not regarded as conversion since they were lifetime monotheists.128 Ali was a heroic warrior who was feared by his enemies. He was admired for his bravery and loyalty in battle. According to some accounts, during the early attacks against the Muslims, Ali helped Mohammad safely escape from Mecca by lying in his bed while wearing his clothing (Halm 1999, 4). Ali married Mohammad's daughter Fatima who gave birth to Hassan and Hossayn. During the time of Mohammad, the


Arab-Islamic Empire was limited to the Arabian Peninsula. As Caliph, Abu Bakr initiated a transnational policy which began with the conquest and conversion of Arabs living under Roman territories but culminated in an attack against Iran in 633. The attack against Iran was an unpopular decision at the time since most Muslims believed it would lead to the spread of their religion among a foreign people deemed unworthy of it. Nonetheless, Iran was a rich empire with a large 127 The comparatively few early writers who mention Abu Bakr as the first Muslim among men do so because of Ali's young age (Jafri 1979, 25). Ali was thirteen years old when he accepted Islam (Jafri 1979, 18), and he was the first to pray with Mohammad and hiswife, Khadija. Abu Bakr publicly announced his faith in Islam before Ali (Jafri 1979, 25). 128 The religion of the Arabs, which varied in strength and importance from locality to locality throughout the peninsula, was originally the worship of tribal symbols, which later became identified with forces of nature represented by numerous deities. The tribal deity, symbolized in a sacred stone, was called the lord of its temple. There was no organized priestly hierarchy, but certain clans acted as guardians of temples and sanctuaries (Jafri 1979, 6) In the Quran, Allah, the supreme deity of the Meccan sanctuary, is described as the "Lord of the House" (Quran 106.3). 232 population of potential taxpayers making it an attractive target for Abu Bakr and his eventual successor, Omar ibn al


Khatab (Jafri 1979, 111). Iran was a vulnerable target for various reasons. The Sassanian rulers were involved in costly wars over Roman-Byzantine territories. During the first century BCE, the Sassanian government achieved a regional balance of power with the rival Roman Empire (Yarshater 1983, 600). Both empires maintained alliances with Arab tribes who were used as a buffer population in the border regions (Yarshater 1983, 600). They also protected the empires from attacks by Bedouin Arabs. The balance of power between the Romans and Iranians continued until the second century CE when the Arab tribes revolted in response to a Byzantine consolidation of power and an internal rebellion within the Iranian Empire (Yarshater 1983, 600-601). The pre-Islamic Arabian poets occasionally refer back to Zoroastrian practices, and it musthave been either in central Iraq or in eastern Arabia that they came into contact with the faith with the stationing of Iranian troops and officials (Yarshater 1983, 603). The Sassanian rulers were able to crush the rebellion but their strategy to control the Syrian Desert forced them into burdensome wars with the Byzantines. These wars significantly exhausted the military and fiscal strength of both the Iranian and Roman Empires (Yarshater 1983, 603). The initial internal rebellions against the Sassanian rulers were caused by tense class struggles within Iran. The Sassanian rulers divided classes into a hierarchy of priests, warriors, secretaries, and commoners. Although the 233 Sassanian Empire was a monarchy, its system of government was analogous to today's Islamic Republic in which the Zoroastrian priests were like


Ayatollahs.129 Meanwhile, the commoners were the poorest class and the only tax base. Most of them were unwilling to maintain their loyalty to the Sassanian rulers which made the Iranian people a vulnerable target (Yarshater 1983, 134).130 The Iranians were able to repel the invasions which came from southwest Iran in 633 and the Arab forces retreated several times. Meanwhile, Abu Bakr died in 634 and Omar was named the next Caliph. Once again, Ali did not challenge the election of Omar as Caliph. Meanwhile, after winning several key battles against the Byzantines, the Arabs were able to attack Iran from the less fortified northwestern border and eventually conquered Iran in 637. The Sassanian government disbanded after a decisive Arab victory at the Battle of Nahavand in 642(Jafri 1979, 111-114). The extensive Zoroastrian community in Iran lost the privileges that came with belonging to the religion of the ruling aristocracy. Previously, the Zoroastrian 129 In the spirit of the main point of this study, it is important to emphasize that the political influence of Zoroastrian priests during the Sassanian period was largely overlooked by the people who regretted their initial support for the Ayatollahs after the Iranian revolution in 1979. 130 The Sassanian kings identified themselves and were identifiable as Zoroastrian kings roughly a century before Constantine became the first of the Christian Roman emperors. Besides the affirmation of religious identity, and their use of religious symbols in official documents and their patronage of religious institutions such as ritual fires, they strongly interlinked religion with


the State in terms of administration and law. (This is why many scholars speak of a Sassanian 'state church'). The tightening control over the religious field is also reflected in religious tensions aiming at the destruction of certain sanctuaries and at the elimination of religious variation ('heresy') and 'irreligion' and in reported codifications of the religious tradition. Zoroastrian religious texts from the Islamic era articulate the ideology of a 'religiocracy' by affirming the inseparable unity of kingship and religion. While this idea may well have had its supporters in Sassanian times, reality was far more complex (Stausberg 2012, 174). 234 community possessed the power to determine and enforce its own rules for coexisting and interacting with the non-Zoroastrian communities within the empire (Choksy 1987, 17). After the Arabsconquered Iran, the Zoroastrians lost their political power base and were compelled to negotiate terms for survival with the Muslim Arabs from a position of political and military weakness (Choksy 1987, 17). Meanwhile, Caliph Omar gave orders to wipe out "the sciences of the Persians" (Ibn Khaldun 1989, 39). When one of Omar's main generals, Saad ibn Abi Waqqas, wrote him and asked if he could distribute a large number of Iranian books and scientific papers as spoils of war among the victorious Muslims, Omar replied that they should be thrown in the water (Ibn Khaldun 1989, 373). Omar wrote that "if what they contain is right guidance, God has given us better guidance, and if it is error, God has protected us against it" (Ibn Khaldun 1989,


373).131 Omar died on November 7, 644 after an attack that was organized by a diverse group of conspirators who were seeking revenge for the Muslim conquest of Iran. The group included an Iranian who was forced to convert to Islam, a former Jewish Rabbi who had converted to Islam, an Assyrian Christian, and a former Iranian soldier named Pirouz Nahavandi, who was Zoroastrian, and the person who stabbed Omar a few days before he died. The death of Omar is re-enacted and celebrated in present day Iran and 131 There is a variant of this famous story, according to which Omar ordered the destruction of the celebrated Greek library in Alexandria, Egypt (Ibn Khaldun 1989, 373). "The works catalogued under the name of Zoroaster in the libraryof Alexandria contained two million lines" (Cumont 1911, 138). 235 many Shias regard Omar and Abu Bakr as the unjust usurpers of Ali's rightful position. According to the Shia, most of the Companions of Mohammad conspired after his death to dispossess Ali and his descendants of their right to the leadership of the Muslim community (Zaman 2002, 112). In their view of history, the Companions and their successors were hypocrites and usurpers who never ceased to subvert Islam for their own interests (Zaman 2002, 112). Omar was replaced by Osman Ibn Affan who focused on stability and economic development. Osman was elected by a six-member council which convened after the death of Mohammad (Jafri 1979, 69 and Halm 1999, 4). Ali was part of the council and accepted


the decision even though he was clearly in opposition (Jafri 1979, 65 and Halm 1999, 4). Osman was a descendant of the same tribe as Mohammad but his descendants embraced Islam after they attacked Mohammad and were defeated in battle. Mohammad was part of the Hashemite clan within the tribe of Quraysh. Osman, "who was also an outstanding war comrade of Mohammad, represented the Umayad clan, the established urban [upper class] of Mecca, which long remained heathen-certainly a bone of contention for [Mohammad]" (Halm 1999, 4). The Umayad clan "had since accepted Islam-albeit as an act of expediency-and now they were set once again to regain their previous supremacy within the framework of the new Islamic community" (Halm 1999, 5). Most Shia historians regard Osman as a greedypolitical leader who believed economic prosperity superseded spiritual matters (Jafri 1979, 81-83 and Zaman 2002, 236 112). Osman knew that his strength was based on the support and goodwill of his powerful clansmen, and he did what he could do to satisfy their demands (Jafri 1979, 81). The people were disillusioned when they found the Caliph committed to the improvement of the lot of his own family rather the welfare of the community as a whole (Jafri 1979, 81). This created a large opposition movement, and he was eventually killed by a group of Muslim rebels. The mainstream Shia view is that after the assassination of Osman, the sole legitimate successor to Mohammad finally took power (Halm 1999, 5). Many Shias suggest that all the transitional chaos could


have been avoided if Ali had served as the second Caliph (as Mohammad intended) in the first place. Nevertheless, it exemplifies the core principle of the Shia movement, which is to carry on the struggle for justice even if you are destined for a world of injustice. Ali's opportunity to rule can also be interpreted as an accident. Ali was never meant to rule as "Caliph" because Mohammad never intended for his legacy to evolve into a transnational political empire. While some people regard Islam as a purely political system of government, Mohammad's message can also be interpreted as a spiritual and metaphoric return to a puritan form of monotheism (the legacy of Zoroaster, Abraham, and/or "Ibrahim Zardusht"). After the assassination of Osman, the Islamic Empire was essentiallyin a state of civil war with various rebel factions on one side and the relatives of Osman on the other. According to some accounts, Ali was asked to rule 237 and eventually agreed after the rebels made several convincing arguments. In another account, Ali was essentially forced to lead as the rebels threatened to kill him if he refused. In both accounts, Ali initially tried to deny the request to serve as Caliph since he predicted his eventual assassination by his opponents and figured there was no hope for a legitimate spiritual and political empire without widespread martyrdom. There are many reasons why Iranians admire Ali. Ali struggled against Arabs who regarded non-Arab Muslims as inferior. He remained uninvolved during the most eventful years of Omar's caliphate,


which included the conquests of Iranian and Byzantine provinces (Jafri 1979, 65). Ali's policies did not discriminate against nonArab Muslims and if there was any sort of favoritism, it was on the side of Iranian culture. As Caliph, Ali was forced to leave Medina and moved his capital to Kufa, which is in present day Iraq and was part of Iran before the Muslim conquest (Halm 1999, 5). This was a very symbolic move by Ali since the region had a large population of Iranians and many historic cities that were associated with the legacy of the Persian Empire and the Assyro-Akkadian Empire (Jafri 1979, 114-115). Ali is considered one of the pioneers of the Kufic style script which was based on the earlier forms of writing thatwere used in these empires. The Kufic style script is an elongated flatter version of the Arabic script and is used on the modern Iranian and Iraqi flags. During the Arab conquest of Iran, there were a considerable number of women among the prisoners of war in Kufa who had fallen to the lot of their Arab conquerors (Jafri 1979, 114). "These women became the lawful wives of their Arab captors and bore 238 them children" (Jafri 1979, 114). The result was that in less than twenty years' time, by the time Ali came to Kufa, there was a youthful generation of Kufan Arabs with Iranian mothers (Jafri 1979, 114). The Iranian population of Kufa also included various Iranian nobles, traders, artisans, and soldiers who converted to Islam.


descendants as governor of a province in Iraq. Salman was a friend of Mohammad who converted to Islam after initially converting from Zoroastrianism to Christianity (Razwy 1999, 19-25). Salman is credited with the idea of digging a trench around Medina in order to defend the early Muslims from the Meccans (Razwy 1999, 78). Salman "the Persian" was a lot more familiar with static war tactics than his Arab companions, who were more experienced in hit-and-run style desert warfare. Ali appointed Salman governor of Madaen (part of Iraq) but Salman died at the age of 88 shortly after his arrival (Razwy 1999, 99). Salman is contrasted with the 239 rapacious governors appointed by other caliphs as he is said to have rented half a shoemaker's stall as his office(Fischer 1980, 149). Similarly, there are accounts that Ali conducted business at night under a tree by candle light but would extinguish the flame when he left for personal matters since the candle belonged to the community (Fischer 1980, 149). During his time as governor, "Salman wished to demonstrate that the true message and mission of Islam was very broad in orientation and scope, and was not confined to an isolated thing called 'religion,' and that it was a way of life encompassing the whole range of thought, feeling, speech, and deed" (Razwy 1999, 98). Ali's decision to appoint Salman governor of Madaen demonstrates his admiration for non-Arabs. Ali was eventually assassinated in 661 by a plot organized by his major opponents, some of whom were traitors who


supported him in the beginning. Ali was killed by Abdol Rahman Ibn Moljam (Halm 1999, 6), who attacked him with a poisoned sword while he was praying. Ali's death led to the rule of Moaviyeh (Muawiyah), who was a relative of Osman. Although he lacked religious authority, Sunni Muslims accepted Moaviyeh's rise since he guaranteed the basic order that the faith was thought to need (Nasr 2006, 36). During his rule, Osman assigned Moaviyeh a position as governor of Syria. As Caliph, Ali removed him from his position but Moaviyeh resisted. "Aside from the mentioned tension in the umma, regional differences also surfaced in the conflict between Ali and Moaviyeh: Syrian Arabs opposed Iraqi Arabs [Damascus versus Kufa]" (Halm 1999, 6). Some of Moaviyeh's opponents became supporters ofAli once they recognized him as a champion of the political independence of Iraq who would stand 240 up to Syrian domination (Jafri 1979, 80). These opponents "were for the time being of the same mind as the religious supporters of Ali, who believed in his right to the caliphate based on the theocratic principle" (Jafri 1979, 80). After Ali was assassinated, Moaviyeh proclaimed himself the leader of the Caliphate and moved the capital from Kufa to Damascus. Ali's sons Hassan and Hossayn refused to recognize the political rule of Moaviyeh and his successors. However, while Hassan resisted passively, Hossayn resisted actively. Hassan did not die in battle, but according to both Shia and Sunni accounts, he was poisoned by one of his wives (Ju'da bint al-Ashath) during


the rule of Moaviyeh which caused his death in 669 (Al-Masudi 1894, 426, Halm 1999, 8, and Jafri 1979, 158). Moaviyeh appointed his son Yazid as the next Caliph, and he called for an oath of allegiance once he took power (Nasr 2006, 159). Hossayn refused and was killed in the Battle of Karbala (680) where his supporters were greatly outnumbered by Yazid's forces (Halm 1999, 9-15).132 The martyrdom of Hossayn was the defining moment in the history of the Shia movement. The Shia movement may be described as a protestant struggle for Islamic justice. Due to their lust for power and wealth, Ali's opponents created a violent empire which 132 The earliest reports of the events of Karbala were written down by Abu Mikhnaf (died 774) of[his or her] face, hands, and feet, which is a prescription adopted, with the times of prayer, by Islam" (Boyce 1975, 310). According to Ibn Khaldun, Mohammad said that "if scholarship hung suspended in the highest parts of heaven, the Persians would attain it" (Ibn Khaldun 1967, 313). While this quote seems to give some level of recognition to the diligence of Iranian scholarship, it may have a much deeper meaning. Perhaps this is a reference to Zoroaster, who found truth through astronomical observation. There are also passages which suggest that the Magians, a term that refers to Zoroastrians, are entitled to the same status as the "people of the book" (Quran 22.17). Throughout the Islamic scriptures, the Jews and Christians are referred to as "people of the


book" in reference to the divine revelations in the form of written texts. Zoroastrians were initially treated as people of the book during the early stages of Islamic conquest in Iran but this policy ended with the Umayad Caliphate (Tabari 1994, 67 and Tabari 1998, 23). There are records from Mohammad bin Jareer Tabari (838-923 CE) which indicate that under the Umayads, Arab tax-collectors mistreated Zoroastrians 242 (Tabari 1994, 67, Choksy 1987, 26, and Boyce 2001, 148). According to Mary Boyce, "a further blow came when Iranian Muslims succeeded in shaping a tradition which made Islam appear as a partly Iranian religion (which indeed by remote origin it is), so that national pride was disarmed" (Boyce 2001, 150-151). "Many Iranian converts espoused the Shia cause, which enabled themto oppose the Umayads with their harsh executions and narrow Arab nationalism, to uphold the claims of the heirs, through the princess Shahrbanu,133 of the Sassanian royal house; and so it was no longer the Zoroastrians alone who stood for patriotism and loyalty to the past" (Boyce 2001, 151). Mazdak of Bamdad Before the Shia movement, Sassanian rule was highlighted by a major socialist and cultural movement led by Mazdak of Bamdad. Mazdak was the son of Bamdad and gained notoriety during the sixth century under Sassanian King Kavadh. Mazdak was known to support vegetarianism and early forms of communitarian thought. During periods of drought where there were threats of famine, Mazdak encouraged the people to loot storage sites belonging to the aristocracy (Dorraj 1990, 69). Mazdak believed


he was a Zoroastrian puritan and strongly criticized religious ritualism and materialism (Yarshater 1983, 150). His ideas are comparable to the ancient cynicism associated with Diogenes of Sinope (Diogenes Laertius 1972, 39). Diogenes minimized his material 133 In an effort to synthesize Iranian and Arab cultures, many Shia historians, and a substantial number of Sunni historians, maintain that Hossayn Ibn-Ali married a Sassanian Princess called Shahrbanu, who gave birth to a son named Ali Ibn-Hossayn (Al-Qummi 1982, 195-196, Boyce 1967 33-34, and Boyce 2001, 151-152). 243 possessions and lived in a ceramic wine-vat (barrel) in order to ensure his free movement throughout the community (Diogenes Laertius 1972, 25 and 39).134 Like Diogenes, Mazdak embraced the human condition and supported altruism. Mazdak had numerous followers including King Kavadh himself.Opponents of his ideology alleged that Kavadh offered Mazdak a chance to sleep with his wife in order to prove his communitarian loyalty (Yarshater 1983, 150). Mazdak is said to have refused the offer after his close friends and the Crown Prince suggested that it was not a good idea. Manochehr Dorraj claims that "any serious attempt at a historical overview of IranoIslamic populism must refer back to the social thought of Mazdak" (Dorraj 1990, 66). Magi and Sufis The mystical approach to religion is characterized by a desire to attain a more direct path to God through extraordinary circumstances. "Sufism can be described as a specific kind of mysticism developed by Muslims" (Küçük 2008, 292). "Brought up in the highly developed and seasoned philosophical climate of the


Balkhi (1203-1273), also known as Rumi. "Few have experienced as deeply the amazing mystery of love- both human and divine-as did Rumi, a brilliant teacher, religious scholar, philosopher, poet, and lover" (Qamber 1991, 64). The Seljuq Prince Ala al-Din Kayqobad (11881237) offered Rumi a teaching position at a religious school in Qonya (Konya), and after he traveled to Syria to formally study Islamic law, he eventually gained recognition as an Islamic jurist and returned to Qonya to resume teaching (Masroori 2010, 245). However, the turning point in Rumi's life was his meeting with Shams al-Din Tabrizi in 1244 (Masroori 2010, 245). Shams's name means "sun," and he converted Rumi from an 136 "The mere assertion that there are esoteric doctrines within Zoroastrianism has been criticized" (Russell 1993, 73).considering he was a respected Islamic jurist and teacher, he eventually realized that Shams wanted to show that Rumi's devotion to God was much more important than his reputation within the community. Rumi preached about the unity of faith. "Some Sufis, like Rumi, argue that the essence of all religions is the same. In Rumi's words, 'Ahmad's name is the name of all prophets'" (Masroori 2010, 249).139 Meanwhile, he closely experienced the relationship between Islam and Zoroastrianism, as well as debates concerning the enduring problem of evil. For instance, "the notion of 'two principles' [good and evil] is perceived [by many] as being at odds with the Islamic concept of tawhid, the unity or oneness of God. Rumi in his Fihi ma Fihi ('Discourses'), remarks that it is


this Magian (Zoroastrian) teaching that good and evil come from separate sources which leads to debate with Muslims, for whom good and evil cannot be separate, since there is only one God, not two pre-existent forces. From Rumi's perspective, the co-existence and inseparability of good and evil, knowledge and ignorance, is necessary to propel humans towards God" 138 "Orthodox Sufis believed in the austere following of religious edicts and obligations as prescribed by the Quran and the sayings of the Prophet Mohammad. They believed exact obedience to be essential to salvation. Meanwhile, Rejoicing Sufis sometimes argued that literal following of Quranic obligations was only for the masses, who had not achieved the spiritual awareness of the real Sufis. They believed in reaching God through spiritual awakening. Among meansto such awakenings were playing music, singing, and ritual (ecstatic) dancing, behaviors frequently and strongly condemned by the Orthodox" (Masroori 2010, 245). 139 Ahmad is one of the titles of Prophet Mohammad. Ahmad and Mohammad have a common linguistic root known as "hamd," which translates as praise. 246 (Rumi 1975, 159 and Rose 2011, 169).140 Rumi was also influenced by ancient Iranian traditions concerning life after death. "The Zoroastrian concept that the thoughts, words and actions of the individual meet the soul of the deceased prior to judgment seems to have had a profound impact on both Hakim Sanayee (1080-1131) and Rumi, for they both expressed the idea that every thought would be made visible on the day of judgment, and that 'death will meet each human like


a mirror, which either a beautiful or an ugly face according to their good or evil deeds'" (Rose 2011, 169). The Shia Character and the Birth of Modern Iran The rule of the Safaviyeh dynasty was highlighted by a major cultural revival. Their rule further solidified the connection between the Shia movement and Iranian identity. The people of Iran were especially susceptible to Shia influences because they generally despised the Arabs by whom they had been conquered, and in espousing the cause of Ali and his descendants they found an opportunity for expressing their national spirit and maintaining something of their independence (Miller 1974, 5). The Safaviyeh claimed to be descendants of the Sassanian rulers, the Prophet Mohammad, and his cousin Ali Ibn-Abi Talib (Newman 2006, 13). Theyalso claimed to be descendants of Safi al-Din, the founder of the Safaviyeh, which is a prominent Sufi order in the Azerbaijan region of Iran. Safi al-Din lived from 1252-1334 and was from the Iranian region of Ardabil (Newman 2006, 2). He is believed to be of Aryan origin, either Iranian 140 "So evil and good are one and indivisible" (Rumi 1975, 159). 247 or Kurdish. In the fifteenth century, the Safaviyeh began adapting an extremist Shia stance, and declared their intentions to rule Iran. In 1501, Esmael Safavi, a Grandmaster of the Safaviyeh order, believed to be of Iranian, Turkic, and Pontic Greek origin consolidated control of the Azerbaijan province (Newman 2006, 14). The Safaviyeh were strongly supported by the local Turkish speaking tribes, as well as


many of the tribes that were fighting against persecution of the Shia in the Ottoman Empire (Newman 2006, 15). In 1502, Esmael declared that Iran was under the control of the Safaviyeh, whose dynasty eventually established full control of Iran by 1510, including Baghdad, and several Shia shrines in Najaf and Karbala. In an effort to appeal to the heterodox sentiments of his subjects, Esmael declared the Shia view as the state's official denomination of the Islamic faith. It significantly increased the loyalty of his subjects. It also helped Esmael differentiate himself from the Sunni Ottoman Turks who were planning on annexing Iran (Hiro 2005, 212). The prevalent Shia character of Iran was largely influenced by the rule of Esmael and the Safaviyeh. During his rule, Esmael implementeda policy of mandatory conversion to the Shia faith (Newman 2006, 14). The rulers of the Safaviyeh dynasty also encouraged many philosophers and Shia scholars (olama) to study in Iran (Newman 2006, 14). In the sixteenth century, the Iranian Shia olama made a deal in which they agreed to affirm the monarchy's legitimacy as long as the throne defended Shia identity and the Shia realm (Nasr 2006, 121). This partnership remained in place until the 248 nineteenth century when European commercial interests and political pressure weakened the Qajar Monarchy's ability to support the Shia character of Iran (Nasr 2006, 121). Since they were worried that the Shah's power would remain a tool of colonialism, the olama leaned toward vesting more authority than ever in the people (Nasr 2006,


122). This led to an increase in popular support for the ayatollahs who stepped in to defend national rights and interests. The Shia movement is a synthesis of Iranian culture and Islamic conquest. It can be described as a Persianization of Islam as well as Zoroastrian Islam (Dorraj 1990, 9). It is essentially a protestant form of Islam which emphasizes populism and political justice. The complex historical relationship between Zoroastrianism and Shia Islam continues to influence the political status of Zoroastrians in the Islam Republic of Iran. Zoroastrianism in Modern Iran According to the Statistical Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the number of Zoroastrians counted in Iran was 25, 271 at the time of the 2012 census.141 Zoroastrians are currently a recognized religious minority in IranQajar era which tried to impose limits on the power of the Shah as well as the clerics. After the revolution in 1979 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, there were certain factions that viewed the Zoroastrian legacy as a dormant threat to the Islamic character of Iran. While the Zoroastrian community was not directly persecuted, the preIslamic identity of Iran was perceived as having a somewhat subversive character. This section focuses on how the establishment of the Islamic Republic affected Zoroastrianism in modern Iran. During the Pahlavi Era, the government emphasized the glory of the pre-Islamic history of Iran (Ansari 2001, 3 and Hiro 2005, 120). Although the government mainly focused on political symbols and achievements, Zoroastrianism inevitably re-emerged as a symbol of Iranian nationalism. The


second Pahlavi monarch, Mohammad Reza Shah, largely emphasized the connection between the Persian Empire and Modern Iran. There were a few cases in which he relaxed the policies of his father and made some 142 During the early twentieth century Constitutional Revolution, the leading Zoroastrians contributed by providing shelter, weapons, and funds for the revolutionaries (Stausberg 2012, 179). 250 concessions to supporters of Islamic practices.143 Nevertheless, he gradually pushed to revive the Persian identity of Iran hoping to facilitate the survival of a secular authoritarian regime with close ties to the United States and Europe. However, American diplomats often grew impatient and urged him to modernize at a much more rapid pace (Ansari 2001, 1-8). Many Iranians viewed the Shah's cultural policies as authoritarian and hypocritical since hissense of nationalist pride was clearly supported by foreign powers. The alienation of Islamic culture by the supporters of the Imperial Government was a major factor which led to the eventual establishment of a Shia rogue state. In 1971, a rebellious Ayatollah named Ruhollah Khomayni criticized the Shah for a controversial celebration organized by the government.144 Khomayni was exiled from Iran for previously criticizing the Shah and was declared an Ayatollah to save him from 143 Mohammad Reza Shah practically abolished the enforcement of his father's laws against hejabs, chadors, and veils. Ironically, there are accounts that Reza Shah himself was very religious and reluctantly asked his own family to abandon Islamic dress for the sake of political modernity (Chehabi 1993, 213-214). Similarly, in order to attain important


social positions or government jobs, some Iranian men were known to hire stunt doubles to temporarily pose as a "modern" wife at social gatherings arranged by the government (Chehabi 1993, 221). The veil became a marker of backwardness for educated Iranians, which gave unveiling a measure of societal support (Chehabi 1993, 211). Since the nineteenth century, upper class Iranians who traveled to Europe began adopting the local dress in order to fit in, and maintained this style when they returned to Iran since it was believed to symbolize progress (Chehabi 1993, 209). As the French writer Pierre Loti noted when he visited the Crown Prince of the Qajar Dynasty Sho'a' al-Saltaneh in 1900, "if it had not been for the precious silk rugs on the floor and, onto wear trendy cosmopolitan hats and claimed that they were influenced by the brimmed hats of the Sassanian rulers (Wilber 1975, 166 and Chehabi 1993, 226). 144 Khomayni's family name may also be transliterated as Khomeini. 251 execution.145 The law which specifically prohibited the execution of an Ayatollah was established during the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1906 (Iranian Constitution Article 2). Although he was arrested and eventually exiled, Khomayni continued to criticize the Shah until the revolution in 1979. The controversial celebration of 1971 commemorated the 2,500th anniversary of the Persian Empire and government officials proudly served imported wine and caviar to foreign delegates and guests of the Shah. The feast was held at the site of the ruins from a major administrative palace of the Achaemenian Empire known


as "Takhte Jamshid" and "Persepolis." During the celebration, students and local merchants organized a hunger strike in order to undermine the extravagant event arranged by the monarchy (Hiro 2005, 120). The protest symbolized the virtue of the faithful Muslims and their opposition to the insatiable elitism of the materialistic Imperial Government. They mocked the Shah's claim that his rule allowed Cyrus to rest in peace by shouting, "wake up Cyrus, and look at the mess the Shah made." Mohammad Reza Shah's extravagant event which aimed to bring respect to the long history of monarchy in Iran probably helped to end the tradition it sought to celebrate (Stausberg 2012, 183). 145 An Ayatollah is a high-ranking Shia cleric and the virtual equivalent of a Doctorate of Philosophy in theart of Islamic jurisprudence. It translates to "reflection of God" or "sign of God." The term for sign (ayah) is also used to refer to the verses of the Quran. According to the Quran, there are signs of God on earth (Quran 51.20). 252 In 1975, Khomayni condemned the government for their establishment of a monopolistic political party that favored the monarchy (Hiro 2005, 121). It motivated the other clerics to close a seminary in Qom (Hiro 2005, 121). The closure of the seminary, as well as the Algiers Agreement which promoted safe travel between Iran and Iraq, increased the amount of Iranian pilgrims traveling to Shia cites in Najaf and Karbala (Hiro 2005, 121). These travelers helped Khomayni smuggle his subversive cassette tapes across Iranian borders (Hiro


2005, 121). The tapes assisted the opposition in their efforts to organize operations, demonstrations, and worker strikes (Hiro 2005, 121). The tectonic shifts in Iranian Shia politics that took place under Mohammad Reza Shah coincided with a period of strong socialist activism in Iran (Nasr 2006, 126). "Young clerics read Marxist works and found themselves impressed by communist ideas and activism" (Nasr 2006, 126). Some shared jail cells with socialist activists and learned more about revolution and organizational values from these prison-mates (Nasr 2006, 126). Realizing that the Quran would have to match the Communist Manifesto if religion were to remain relevant in modern Iran, many clerics, including Ayatollah Mahmoud Taleghani, became determined to show that Islam was just as progressive and revolutionary as Marxism (Nasr 2006, 126).Ali Shariati (1933-1977), one of the most influential intellectuals in the movement against the Shah, saw Imam Hossayn as a seventh-century Che Guevara and Karbala as a revolutionary drama (Nasr 2006, 128). 253 For Shariati, "Shia history was none other than the famous dialectic of class war, culminating in a revolution" (Nasr 2006, 128). Shariati believed that the revolutionary drama that began in Karbala would end with an Iranian revolution. He criticized the Shia olama for having turned a revolutionary creed into a quietist faith (Nasr 2006, 128). In his opinion, the Shia movement had lost its way during the Safaviyeh period, to become a creed of scholarship and piety rather than social justice and revolution (Nasr 2006, 128-129). Shariati's attacks against the olama caused some people to


perceive him as a "closet Sunni" (Nasr 2006, 128-129). The Iranian Revolution in 1979 was the last great social revolution.146 Although the Shah's opponents were a diverse group of ideologues including secular nationalists and socialists, the history of covert operations created a dramatic sense of paranoia which facilitated the consolidation of power by Islamic radicals during the rule of the Interim Government. In other words, a person wearing a tie would be suspected of collaborating with the CIA. A popular slogan during the revolution was, "neither East nor West" (Keddie 1990, 6). 146 A social revolution is a drastic political, economic, and cultural change which affects every aspect of daily life. The prime examples are the French Revolution (1789), the Russian Revolution in (1917), the Chinese Revolution (1949),the Cuban Revolution (1959), and the Iranian Revolution (1979). The Iranian Revolutionary Guard evolved from a group that was initially known as the "Komiteh," which was a direct reference to the French Revolution (Arjomand 1988, 135 and 208-210 and Fisk 2007, 111). 254 Tradition and Modernity The militant nationalism associated with the Pahlavi dynasty may be attributed to their genuine admiration for Iran's pre-Islamic past, but it clearly served a political purpose. It undermined the social role of the priestly class and glorified the monarchical tradition. As Abdolkarim Soroush noted, "We observed how a group of literati and historians entered the service of the monarchy, and how, in the name of establishing authenticity and superiority of the Iranian race over the aliens, they perpetrated inequities, deceptions, and the


on the local population which reduced the relative income of the priestly class who relied on large donations from traditional 147 "The Academy of Persian language, a worthy institution in itself, also followed extremist paths and attempted to wipe out the religious culture under the guise of cleansing the vestiges of alien cultural domination" (Soroush 2002, 159). 255 merchant classes known as bazaaris.148 The paradoxical vision of Iranian nationalism under the Pahlavi regime was further complicated by Iran's close relationship with the West. In Gharbzadegi, which can be translated as "West toxication, Westoxification, Westruckness, and Occidentosis," Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-1969), described European influences as a plague or disease that is threatening and exploiting Iran's traditional culture and crafts (Al-e Ahmad 1982, 11, Al-i Ahmad 1984, 27, and Soroush151 "Of course this observation is not meant as a boast. Over these ages, before 'we' (this motley of peoples) became engrossed with the Far East (India, China, and Indo-China), eager to receive their chinaware, printing, korsi, gnosis, painting, asceticism (Yoga), meditation (Zen), saffron, spices, samanu juice, and so on, we looked to the West: to the shores of the Mediterranean, to Greece, to the Nile Valley, to Lydia (Central Anatolia), to the far West and the ambergris-bearing seas of the north" (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 36). 257 nothing more than primitiveness and Arab poetry until it reached the settled lands of the Tigris and the Euphrates (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 40).152 Al-e Ahmad acknowledged that the historical rivalry and competition between "East and the West" was a justification for


saints of Christianity and Islam" (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 43). Nevertheless, there is a difference between competition and worship, as one side declines into a helpless state of regret. During the time of Al-e Ahmad (the age of the machine), the Islamic character of Iran seemed to be the nation's last line of defense against Western domination (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 30). 152 As mentioned, this region was part of the Iranian province of Suristan before the Muslim conquest in 637. 153 Al-e Ahmad stated that "all this rancor and competitiveness was a justification or motive for us to further extend the Assyrian domains, while tempering Assyria's crudity" (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 43). 258 Al-e Ahmad was the son of Shaykh Al-e Ahmad, who was a religious cleric and prayer leaderin the Pachinar district of south Tehran. "The family was relatively prosperous until 1932, when Ali Akbar Davar, Reza Shah's minister of justice, deprived the clerical class of its notarial function and the income they derived from it" (Algar 1984, 9). Al-e Ahmad went to work so he could save up enough money to eventually train at a religious academy but he secretly enrolled in night classes at Dar al-Funin in Tehran and obtained his high school diploma in 1943 (Algar 1984, 9). He joined the Tudeh party, which was the most notable Marxist organization in Iran, but eventually left the party after criticizing their lack of support for autonomous government in the Iranian province of Azerbaijan (Algar 1984, 11). Many Iranians sympathized with the socialist values of


the Tudeh party, but they were disappointed when it became clear that the party supported Soviet interests rather than the people of Iran. Although he was "not a traditionally pious man, Al-e Ahmad opposed neither Western science nor technology. He had first turned his back to religion, but his aversion toward religion gradually diminished. Religion was significant for him only as one of the components of the tradition: it was Al-e Ahmad's respect for tradition that attracted him to religion, not vice versa" (Soroush 2002, 160). The main purpose of Al-e Ahmad's book, along with his solution to "Westoxication," was to encourage Iranians to maintain their traditions and culture, and pursue an education in a field that will not only help their nation industrialize and build more factories,but also ensure that Iranians manage these factories (Al-i Ahmad 1984, 79-81). Al-e Ahmad's views on Iran's relationship with the West 259 illustrated the core principles of the 1979 revolution. The Islamic Republic renamed a main expressway in Tehran after him. Another major ideologue who died before the revolution was Ali Shariati (19331977). According to Hamid Algar, "Al-e Ahmad appears as the precursor of the lecturer, writer, sociologist, and ideologue, Ali Shariati, the figure who bears a closer resemblance to him than any other member of Iran's literary intelligentsia" (Algar 1984, 16). Algar noted that "the two men are known to have met at least twice, in 1968, and to have felt great sympathy for each other" (Algar 1984, 16-17). "Themes such as cultural authenticity, the role of


the socially committed intellectual, the problems posed by the presence of the machine in a traditional society, discussed cursorily, even impressionistically, by Al-e Ahmad, were taken up in greater detail by Shariati and made the subject of a series of lectures and books" (Algar 1984, 17).154 Like Al-e Ahmad, Shariati also came from a family of clerics and chose to pursue a different career. However, his appreciation for religion was not based on a return to traditional values. Shariati admired the unifying power of religious movements, particularly the revolutionary character of Shia Islam. "His association with supporters of the Algerian revolution radicalized him on Third World issues, and he encompassed Marxist theories of class struggle, capitalist exploitation and imperialism within a 154 Algar argued that Shariati was moreinfluential than Al-e Ahmad mainly because he was "a lecturer, an orator, and only secondarily a writer, whereas Al-e Ahmad was above all a man of the pen" (Algar 1984, 17). Algar also emphasized that "the intellectual climate of Iran had matured by the early 1970s to a point of greater receptivity for critical ideas" (Algar 1984, 17). 260 religious framework, constructing a Muslim Theology of Liberation" (Cole 1981, 157).155 Shariati attributed the passive mode of religious thought associated with most of Iran's clerics to the spread of Shia Islam under the Safavi rulers. He sought to revive the principles of social justice and political activism associated with the early followers and descendants of Ali. He emphasized the difference between the "Savafi brand of Shia Islam and the


Alavi type," in which he described the Safavi as an institution rather than an active political movement (Shariati 1981, 92).156 He believed that the social unity associated with religion was the key to a successful political movement was the unification of people through religion. "Now look at the Iranian drawings of Ali and Mohammad; they both look like Persians. The prophet looks like Zoroaster, his Arabic attire has changed, and so has his makeup! These are indicative of the fact that the spirit of nationality of a race manifests itself in religious symbols, traditions, and mottos" (Shariati 1981, 88-89).157 Since the revolution of 1979, Iranian scholars and intellectuals have gradually shifted their attention away from criticizing the Pahlavi regime, but they still concentrate on West toxication and thecomplex relationship between tradition and modernity. 155 While studying in Paris, Shariati met Frantz Fanon, who was an influential member of the Algerian National Liberation Front. 156 Safavi Shia Islam, which "combined the three elements of royalty, nationalism, and Sufism, gave birth to the existing Iranian national banner which was chosen as a result of confrontation with the Turks, Arabs, and Russians" (Shariati 1981, 87). 157 Shariati also noted that Mary, who was a Palestinian Jew in the Christian tradition, is typically seen as blond with maroon eyes. Similarly, Jesus is typically seen as a blond with blue eyes and fair skin, because "Christianity has nothing to do with either Jesus or Palestine, it is the manifestation of the followers of Jesus. The manifestation of Jesus in Europe


was turned into the manifestation of the western's collective spirit (unrelated to Jesus), and the European spirit emerged as Christianity" (Shariati 1981, 88). 261 Abdolkarim Soroush is a notable Rumi scholar and professor also specializing in Islamic philosophy and liberalism. He was a major supporter of the Iranian revolution of 1979 and Khomayni appointed him as one of the seven members of the Advisory Council of the Cultural Revolution (Soroush 2002, 11-12 and Fletcher 2005, 536).158 Their job was to ensure that the universities would re-open as soon as possible once they completely removed all of the course materials that either supported the previous regime or otherwise undermined Islamic values. "During the 1990s, Soroush distinguished himself as one of the most prominent intellectuals to emerge within the Islamicmethodological and political discourse" (Fletcher 2005, 527). However, Soroush left Iran in 2000 after criticizing the consolidation of governmental power and authority by conservative clerics. "Soroush is one of the most important and innovative thinkers in the contemporary Muslim world. The man and his ideas have attracted a remarkably large following in his native Iran, especially among students, but at the same time his public meetings have frequently been broken up by right-wing vigilantes. The Iranian clergy meanwhile are ambivalent about an intellectual who, although not himself a mullah, has impressive Islamic credentials, supports the idea of enlightened Islamic government, but eloquently questions the right of the clergy to rule" (Hardy 2001, 197). 158 According to Soroush, "in the Advisory Council on Cultural Revolution our main task was


reopening the universities. This is a point that is unknown to many people. Universities had been closed for political reasons. It was after this event that the council was appointed by Mr. Khomayni, who was the political leader of the government at the time. This council was composed of seven people and its mandate was to revise the curriculum and to lay down the procedures for reopening the universities with the help of the professors who had been released from their routine duties" (Soroush 2002, 12). 262 Although Soroush believes in the divine roots of Islamic law, he points out that the understanding of it is a distinct concept which changes over time. Like any pursuit of practical knowledge, it can be improved by involving all forms ofhuman sciences. This ultimately leaves the clerics, also known as the "guardians of interpretation," with less formal and legal authority in society (Fletcher 2005, 546). "Soroush was known to occasionally use his mastery of the seminarian language of critical discourse to win followers among scholars at the holy cities of Qom and Mashad. Besides his undisputed claim to the mantle of a roushanfekr [open-minded] intellectual, Soroush wears the charismatic halo of a serious traditional scholar; even the ideologically correct scholars of the establishment no longer challenge his scholastic credentials" (Sadri and Sadri 2002, xii). Reformers and intellectuals in Iran tend to focus on strategies which gradually increase the political and economic freedom of Iranians without completely abandoning the religious values of both the nation and the revolution. While


they mainly discuss the democratic principles of Islam, authors like Al-e Ahmad and Soroush still recognize that Zoroastrianism was Iran's pre-Islamic national religion, and its remnants are part of Iran's culture. Before he criticized the way Zoroastrianism was used by the Pahlavi regime to support their extremist nationalism, he described how Iranians preserved their identity and language after the Islamic conquest (Soroush 2002, 157). He also mentioned that Iranians still recite Ferdowsi's poems (Soroush 2002, 157). He stated that "the twine of our nationality is firm and enduring. The writings of Abulfazl Beihaqi, who wrote a 263 thousand years ago, do more than teach us history; they teach us our language as well, and an agreeable and charming language at that! Unlike such pre-Islamic sects as the Manichaeanrevival in Iran by repressing the role of the clerics, the clerics seem to be provoking a Zoroastrian revival by repressing Iran's preIslamic past. A large number of Iranians who are opposed to the Islamic Republic use Zoroastrian traditions and holidays to express dissatisfaction with the regime. Zoroastrian traditions played a small role during the Green movement protests against the Islamic Republic because it is part of the pre-Islamic identity of Iran. The Green movement protests followed the June 2009 presidential Election. The Green movement refers to the rise of the civil rights movement in Iran in the aftermath of the elections (Dabashi 2010, 9). However, "identifying the post-electoral crisis in Iran as a 'civil rights movement' is not to disregard the profound anger and sentiment mobilized 265


against the very constitution of the Islamic Republic, which may indeed one day result in a complete collapse of the system and the establishment, in the near or distant future, of a democratic republic" (Dabashi 2010, 59). The protests began after the population accused the government of rigging the election and demanded the removal of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as President. Many protestors wore green wristbands, masks, and hats. The universal color of Islam is green (Nasr 2006, 19). Green was also the color of reform party candidate Mir Hossayn Mousavi but the Green movement goes far beyond the election results. Meanwhile, the color red symbolizes the principles of martyrdom which is strongly associated with the core foundations of the Islamic Republic. The Green movement reflects general dissatisfaction with thegovernment and system in which Iranians are forced to choose candidates approved by the Guardian Council. To make matters worse, the large protests after most elections suggest that elections in Iran are more like opinion polls which are mostly meant to gauge the level of dissatisfaction with the overall system of government. In 2009, Iranians gathered on major streets immediately after Ahmadinejad was announced as the winner of the presidential election. These protests led to extensive violence and destruction which sparked larger protests. Since these protests began, it is quite common for Iranians to go on their rooftops and yell "Allah o Akbar," which translates as "God is great." This is a reference to the revolutionary period in which 266 shouts of "Allah o Akbar" were used to


intimidate the Imperial Government. The Iranians are cleverly using the revolutionary slogans of the Islamic Republic against its current leaders in order to demoralize them. The Islamic Republic further contributed to the ironic success of this clever tactic by discouraging this act. "Every night when people chant 'Allah o Akbar' and 'shame on the dictator," they are in fact creatively, employing both religious and secular significations in order to communicate their peaceful resistance to the fraudulent election, to express their objection to the brutal crackdown of their dissent, and to gain legitimacy for their movement" (Jahanbegloo 2012, 163). Meanwhile, Iranians replaced chants of "death to America" with "death to the dictator," "death to Russia," and "death to China" (Dabashi 2010, 49). Many protests have also included chants thatoveremphasizing their Islamic heritage, while trying to "Islamize" International Labor Day (Dabashi 2010, 209). If appealing to an Islamic calendar of events constituted revolt over thirty years ago, identifying with the Iranian calendar today serves the same function (Dabashi 2010, 209). History clearly illustrates how Iranians tend to rebel against authoritative and coercive cultural assimilation. Nevertheless, Khomayni himself claimed "that if you leave Iranians alone, they will drink all day and dance all night." In his statement to the public on March 21, 1980, he stated that "the Islamic Revolution is not about fun, it is about morality, in fact there is no fun to be had in the Islamic Republic" (Mahdavi 2007, 448).161 He believed that the only hope for the survival of the Islamic culture within


Iran was to maintain the connection between religion and politics. Khomayni may have been too optimistic. The strict policies of the Islamic Republic have indirectly caused some Iranians to question their Islamic identity. Many of the protests in Iran coincided with religious and national holidays.162 The single most important event on the Iranian calendar is the two-week-long celebration of Nouruz (New Year) which runs from the last Wednesday of the year, Chaharshanbe Suri (Festive Wednesday or Wednesday Feast), to "Sizdeh Bedar (thirteenth day picnic)," 161 Ruhollah Khomayni's statement to the public on March 21, 1980. 162 One glance at a daily calendar used by Iranians to organize their daily lives shows that there are in fact three different set of dates that remind them where and when inthe world they are – Iranian, Islamic, and the globalized Christian calendar. The triple calendar is the place where Iranian multiple consciousness is palpably evident. The Iranian calendar is solar and has survived from the pre-Islamic period, with distinct pre-Islamic Persian names for the months (Farvardin, Ordibehesht, Khordad, etc.). The seasons have logical and natural divisions and again all have distinctly Persian names (Bahar, Tabestan, Pa'iz, and Zemestan) [spring, summer, fall, and winter] (Dabashi 2010, 206). 268 a day of outings with family and friends, which usually coincides with April Fool's Day (Dabashi 2010, 206). On the last Wednesday of the year, Iranians jump over fire during the festival. In March 2010, authorities warned citizens not to celebrate the Zoroastrian tradition of Chaharshanbe Suri. The festival and tradition


may predate Zoroastrianism, but since Zoroastrians considered fire to be a symbol of truth, the act is believed to be a cleansing ritual. In turn, this cleansing ritual is largely associated with the transition to the spring season and the celebration of the Iranian New Year. In 2010, the last Wednesday of the Iranian year was on the 16th of March. "This happy and jubilant occasion was the culmination of nine months of uninterrupted revolt against the tyranny of the Islamic Republic" (Dabashi 2010, 208). According to government publications, Khamenei claimed the Wednesday festival has no place in an Islamic society since it produces harm and corruption. Prior to the celebration, the Deputy Commander of the Police in Tehran used a state television broadcast to warn protestors thatancient wisdom of Zoroastrianism has survived alongside more recent Islamic teachings and is deeply rooted in the collective Iranian psyche and it still plays a powerful role in how people relate to one another in their private and public life" (Jahanbegloo 2012, 163). During the protests, "many people were seen carrying signs with the guiding Zoroastrian principles 'good thoughts, good words, and good deeds' written on them. At one point, a young woman was carrying a placard with these words written on it, and placed the placard right in front of the face of an angry soldier, inviting him to read the words and calm down" (Jahanbegloo 2012, 163).165 Religious Minorities in Iran Unlike the Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians, the religious community in Iran known as the Bahai


suffered years of open political persecution. The persecution of the Bahai is based on the mainstream interpretation of the Quran. As far as the Islamic 165 "What seems to be distinct and different from the revolution of 1979 is the purpose for which religious sayings are used in the public sphere. Whereas in 1979 religion was mainly used to mobilize people for radical and militant struggle against the late Shah of Iran (and for economic justice and independence from superpowers), this time around people are referring to their religious texts and traditions in order to demand individual rights and freedoms, gender equality and democracy and to promote the use of non-violence in the struggle to achieve these aims. This shift is important in two respects. First, it pointsto the fact that religious teachings are being read in a more inclusive and democratic spirit and second, that various religious traditions are slowly finding ways to peacefully coexist with each other in the public realm" (Jahanbegloo 2012, 163). 270 Republic of Iran is concerned, the history of Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Christianity do not directly challenge any core Islamic teachings simply because they are older and monotheistic. In the Islamic tradition, most of the characters associated with Judaism and Christianity are part of a Semitic line of prophets which culminated in the religion of Mohammad. Consequently, Mohammad is considered the final messenger of the Abrahamic faith (Quran 33.40). However, the followers of the Bahai faith accept the "Bab" as a messenger who came after Mohammad. This makes them


obvious heretics as far as most Muslims are concerned (Fischer 1980, 186). The persecution of the Bahai community in Iran dramatically increased after the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. The Bahai faith evolved from the Babi movement. The "Bab," also known as Mohammad Ali, lived during the nineteenth century. Building on a millenarian branch of the Shia tradition which anticipates the emergence of a messianic spiritual and political leader known as "the Mehdi," the Bab claimed to be a "Gate of God," the "Manifestation of God," a prophet, and a new messenger of divine knowledge (Miller 1974, 16-18). "When asked what he meant by the title 'Bab' (Gate), he replied that it meant the same as in the tradition attributed to Mohammad, who said, 'I amthe city of knowledge, and Ali is its gate'" (Miller 1974, 22). He also said that "I am the person whose appearance you have awaited a thousand years, namely, the Mehdi" (Miller 1974, 22). The Bab and many of his early followers angered the Iranian clerics and many top ranking officials of the Qajar government (Miller 1974, 19). Most of the Bab's early supporters were attacked and killed (Miller 1974, 35-38). The Bab was arrested by local 271 authorities who eventually began to accept some of his claims (Miller 1974, 40). Nevertheless, he was officially executed by the Qajar government in 1850 (Miller 1974, 42). One of his closest followers named Mirza Hossayn Ali Nuri, also known as Bahollah, took over his movement after he was executed. Bahollah


"saw himself, after all, as a universal messiah-the promised one of the Jews, the symbolic return of Christ for Christians and Muslims, and the Shah-Bahram [Spiritual Triumph] of the Zoroastrians" (Cole 1992, 3). The Babi movement survived through a small community of early followers. Although many people claimed to be his successor, the most significant one was Bahollah, who eventually left Iran and was imprisoned by the Ottoman authorities for his controversial religious claims. He was forced to live in Ottoman Palestine where he was buried after his death in 1892 (Cole 1992, 4). The establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty reduced the persecution of the Bahai community in Iran. Since they were such a small minority, they served as a potential ally for a secular regime seeking torule an Islamic country. However, in an effort to appease some of the clerics, Mohammad Reza Shah would occasionally permit or support attacks against members of the Bahai community. Before the revolution in 1979, Mohammad Reza Shah was accused of appointing Bahai individuals to prominent government positions and the Bahai community was associated with Israel and the United States. After the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Islamic radicals destroyed historical buildings associated with the Bahai faith and threatened the Bahai community with violence. The variation in the treatment of the Bahai community in comparison to the 272 Zoroastrian, Jewish, and Christian communities demonstrates how the chronology of monotheistic religions has a major impact on Iranian politics. The New Magians The common tradition of priesthood in various religions goes


back to ancient Iran and as it says in the Avesta, "Zoroaster seeks to be heard beyond the Magians" (Yasna 33.7; Guthrie (Tr.) 1914). For Zoroaster, the Magians referred to the "magnificent" priestly class who were diligently trained in a formal school system so they could accurately recite ancient hymns (Boyce 1970, 22).166 Nevertheless, Zoroaster rebelled against the socioeconomic order of his society and launched a major political upheaval. Although his message was composed in a priestly language, it was meant to be heard by the people. The metaphoric rituals that were associated with priests, herbs, water, and fire had a much more profound meaning for Zoroaster (Boyce 1970, 25). He lived in a chaotic period in which wild nomads incessantly raided pastoralists for the sake of animalsacrifice. As it says in the Yasna, Zoroaster prayed for the Holy Spirit to satisfy both the Good Mind and the Soul of the bovine creation (Yasna 28.1; Guthrie (Tr.) 1914). In turn, he preached against wild nomads and ridiculed the priests who "mumbled their prayers with little thought to their meaning." He claimed that the only purpose for structured 166 Among the Brahmans, as among the Zoroastrians, boys begin to perform ceremonies as soon as they are qualified, in association with an older priest. There is a form of congregational Vedic recitation called ghosam, in which the ghosi recites four steps, and the others present (sometimes as many as 100) repeat them after him thrice, quickly. It is suggested that the ghosam originated in teaching practices, which


would indicate an old custom of the group-learning of hymns and texts (Boyce 1970, 24). 273 religious rituals is material gain (Yasna 32.12 and Yasna 46.4; Guthrie (Tr.) 1914, and Haug 1865, 15). Long after the fall of the Persian Empire, the Sassanian rulers divided the people into classes with a hierarchy of priests, warriors, secretaries, and commoners (Yarshater 1983, 644). During this period, the commoners were the lone tax base which caused tremendous class struggle and eventually culminated in the Islamic conquest of Iran (Yarshater 1983, 644). Nevertheless, the Iranian tradition of priesthood continued and spread into the Islamic tradition of legal scholarship. Conclusion The establishment of the Islamic Republic and its rule as a militant Shia state represents a distinct phase in Iranian history. It wasestablished through a major social revolution that shifted the political, economic, and cultural sectors of Iranian society. It demonstrated that Iran's tradition of rebellion and anti-imperialism outweighed its tradition of monarchy. Although the revolution did not formally change the political status of Zoroastrians, the pre-Islamic traditions of Iran were no longer valued as a symbol of Iranian nationalism by the government. In turn, they eventually developed a somewhat subversive character as a means to challenge the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic. The Green movement which began after the 2009 election was violently oppressed, but it was a major statement by a segment of the Iranian people. They showed 274 the international community that a significant portion of the Iranian population is against the regime. The Iranian people