asked to represent Touro's Women's Division at some NCSY events across the country, so she was travelling on weekends a bit, and was sent at one point to Seattle for a weekend. My brother OD and sister-in-law SIL had asked me to babysit for my nephew Ben one night that weekend, and Serach called me to see what was doing. As my phone either had poor reception in the basement or perhaps it was simply dying, I had her call me on the house phone. We ended up talking most of the time I was there, for about 2 hours. My nephew was sleeping part of the time, playing well on his own, or - a couple of times - got on the phone and "talked" with Serach.doing it herself. Somehow, and I'm really vague on what actually happened, that played a role in what was to happen, but I honestly am drawing a blank. Perhaps Serach will fill us in at a later date...

Anyways, Thanksgiving was coming. I had grown up never really having "celebrated" Thanksgiving, but the aforementioned Jon had invited me to his (incredibly entertaining and crazy) home for Thanksgiving dinner. Serach's sister had a baby that week, and her parents were headed to Los Angeles for the bris, and Serach had to decide whether or not to go as well. Her options were to come to Jon for Thanksgiving, then head to a friend for Shabbos, or to fly to LA. Meanwhile, she was already planning on staying at a friend


The Jack Benny Program (season 5)

This is a list of episodes for the fifth season (1954–55) of the television version of The Jack Benny Program.

Episodes

References

Category:1954 American television seasons
Category:1955 American television seasons
Jack 05So what if, before the game, he banged open the locker-room door and, while the coach was diagramming a play, reminded the players about the party after the game?

And he was the No.1 man, making decisions without sometimes telling his coach or player personnel director - sometimes even taking advice on player matters from salesmen in his advertising company.

He could be a virtual spendthrift with player contracts, and then be niggling about other matters. ''I like Ted Stepien very much, but I told him to his face that sometimes he has no idea how to run a basketball team,'' said Bill Musselman, who was dismissed six weeks ago as his coach and player personnel director. ''I mean, I'd tell him we had to have someone scout a team.


He'd say, 'You have to?' And then he'd decide who. I remember once he had one of his salesmen scout Phoenix for us. It began, 'The forwards line up on opposite sides of the floor. ...' I couldn't believe it. I threw it right in the trash basket.''

And if Stepien didn't know much about the N.B.A. - and he admits it -then he wasn't so terrific on public relations either. Shortly after he bought the club, an interview with him ran in ''Rave,'' the publication of the Richfield Coliseum. When asked about changes he wanted to make, he commented:

''This is not to sound prejudiced, but half the squad would be white. I think people are afraid to speak out on the subject. White people have to have whiteto talk to - and to borrow from. Even those players making half a million dollars a year.

''Ted's biggest asset and biggest problem,'' said Musselman, ''is that he's a soft touch. When I tried to discipline the players, he'd say in the morning, 'Fine, suspend the guy.' Then in the afternoon the guy would talk to him and tell him his personal problems and Ted would rescind the suspension.''


side to take on the Aussies.

6. Kieran Foran (Sea Eagles)

Missed last week with a hamstring complaint for the Sea Eagles but should be sweet to partner Shaun Johnson in the halves to take on the Kangaroos – despite the challenge from in-form Dragons playmaker Benji Marshall.

7. Shaun Johnson (Warriors)

The reigning Golden Boot recipient is set to face off with Johnathan Thurston for the second time in three weeks after Johnson's Warriors went down to Thurston's Cowboys in Round 7. Johnson is yet to truly recapture his dominant form of last season, but with his country's pride on the line in this one it could be the time the halfback brings back some of that 2014 magic.

8. Jesse Bromwich (Storm)

One of the world's best props, Bromwich will be onecertainty to play this game.

12. Kevin Proctor (Storm)

A permanent fixture in the Kiwis' team since 2012, Proctor's defensive steel will be on show again for the New Zealanders in this one.

13. Jason Taumalolo (Cowboys)

The Cowboys wrecking ball made his Test debut in the Four Nations and didn't look overawed at any point. Considering he is currently averaging 184.3 metres per game for North Queensland, the 21-year-old is set to be in the Kiwis team for the long haul.

Interchange:

14. Martin Taupau (Wests Tigers)

KAPOW! Taupau has gone from strength to strength for the Wests Tigers this season, after a breakout performance for New Zealand in the Four Nations final. Now adept at playing lock, Taupau's ruthless role in the middle of the paddock means he's more than ready to bust


through Australia's central defenders.

15. Tohu Harris (Storm)

Since the departure of Ryan Hoffman from the Storm, Harris's performances have gone up several notches. Making huge numbers in both attack and defence for Melbourne, Harris is probably unlucky he isn't starting in our side.

16. Sam Moa (Roosters)

After withdrawing from the Kiwis' Four Nations squad late last year due to a family illness, Moa has been doing his best in the NRL this season to earn a recall. His chances of a Test call-up have been boosted by the bad news about fellow Roosters prop Jared Waerea-Hargreaves's current injury woes.

17. Thomas Leuluai (Warriors)

While he didn't play in the Four Nations final last year, Leuluai is currently keeping veteran Nathan Friend on the bench in club land while Penrith utility Lewis Brownrepresentation of problems and needs from people dealing with psychiatric patients in the community with a model of action research. The action part of the study meant to influence collaboration and objective setting in the network. The research part intended to identify the main problems experienced while dealing in the community with people suffering from severe mental illness. In depth interviews were conducted with 25 persons involved in the community network (GPs, psychiatrists, nurses, social workers, police, judge, relatives, and users). Five open-ended questions on experienced problematic situations, network's collaboration, and expectations were asked. Content analysis of individual interviews was validated through discussion in six focus groups. Qualitative analysis used a 3 x 3 matrix model inspired from Parsons [Social systems and the evolution of action theory. Free


loss, $9,000,000, in the prior year.

4
The company president Saeki said he was sent to the plant the year before to correct "some big problems," a "$36,000,000 loss in seven years," and that at that time "we had to make a decision either to change the plant to make it profitable or to close the plant."    The company's parent, he explained, refused to subsidize it any further and so more losses would lead to plant closure.  He noted the plant's productivity was lower than that of plants in developing countries, but had improved recently.  His goal for the year was to break even.  He cited slack motorcycle demand as the cause of the plant's recent financial woes, and concluded:  "I do not"ridiculous work rules that result in the duplication of effort and added cost."    The video decried the UAW's "history of long and violent strikes" which had led to "permanent loss of jobs and permanently closed plants," noted that a third of the union's members were unemployed due to the union's stands, and warned that "it's up to you to decide whether they will continue their pattern of striking and closing plants in spite of reality."

7
Kawasaki issued a letter on October 19, reiterating that it had "serious" problems, warning that "the one thing we do not need now or at anytime, but especially now, is the UAW," and urging a no vote to put the company on the road to success.

8
The union called the election off


Cody Jolliffe and Jacob Moser were arrested Saturday and charged with stealing a safe as well as other items from Kohler Trailer Sales on May 22.

The Lincoln County Sheriff's Office said Kohler was burglarized sometime during the night or early morning, when suspects broke in and took several items, including a large safe and an undisclosed amount of money.

Sheriff’s investigators were reportedly closing in on Jolliffe, 29, the prime suspect, when he and Moser, 24, were stopped Saturday evening near North Platte by the Nebraska State Patrol for driving a car with a fictitious license plate.

The two are already facing charges for other large burglaries. They were arrested in early March and charged with a series of thefts, including the safe and contents from Ideal Linen in Northwould eventually become a three-star recruit, playing last season at the University of South Florida and then transferring to Appalachian State University in August).

In 2013, Bibby decided to join Shadow Mountain’s coaching staff as an assistant under Jerry Connor, who was his high school head coach back in the day. Similar to Hardaway, his role eventually expanded despite his assistant label and he became the team’s head coach in 2014.

“I taught my son and started coaching his teams when he was 9 years old, and I ended up coaching his AAU teams until the kids were 18 years old. Once they got into high school, we had some of the same kids who came to the high school and played for me there,” Bibby explained. “It’s great to


know the right way to play – you know, making the right pass, giving 100 percent on defense, things like that. I love showing people how to play basketball the way the game is supposed to be played.”

Coaching runs in the Bibby family too. Mike’s father, Henry Bibby, played nine seasons in the NBA and then coached at just about every level – from the Continental Basketball Association (where he won two titles) to the NCAA (where he spent nine years as USC’s head coach) to the WNBA (where he briefly served as the head coach of the Los Angeles Sparks) to the NBA (where he has served as an assistant with the Philadelphia 76ers, Memphis Grizzlies and Detroit Pistons). Bibby says his father helped him with hisFrank Zappa

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Frank Zappa

Biography

Born Frank Vincent Zappa, 21 December 1940, Baltimore, Maryland, USA, d. 4 December 1993, Los Angeles, California, USA. Zappa's parents were second-generation Sicilian Greeks; his father played "strolling crooner' guitar. At the age of 12 Frank, who had relocated to California with his family, became interested in drums, learning orchestral percussion at summer school in Monterey. He played drums in a local R&B band called the Ramblers, and after moving to Lancaster formed the racially-integrated Black-Outs. Early exposure to a record of Ionisation by avant garde classical composer Edgard VarŠse instilled an interest in advanced rhythmic experimentation that never left him. The electric guitar also became a fascination, and he began collecting R&B records that featured guitar solos: Howlin" Wolf with Hubert Sumlin, Muddy Waters, Johnny


"Guitar" Watson and Clarence "Gatemouth" Brown were special favourites. A school friend, Don Vliet (later to become Captain Beefheart), shared his interest.

In 1964 Zappa, who had been working in a local studio, recording spoof doo-wop singles and composing scores for b-movies, joined a local R&B outfit called the Soul Giants, whose line-up included vocalist Ray Collins (Born 19 November 1937, USA), bass player Roy Estrada (Born 17 April 1943, USA), and drummer Jimmy Carl Black (Born 1 February 1938, El Paso, Texas, USA). Zappa changed their name to the Mothers, but "Of Invention" was later added at the insistence of their label, Verve Records. A string of guitarists came and went, including Alice Stuart and Henry Vestine, before Elliott Ingber was added to the line-up. Produced by TomWilson in 1966, the late black producer whose credits included Cecil Taylor, John Coltrane and Bob Dylan, the Mothers Of Invention's Freak Out! was a stunning debut, a two-record set complete with a whole side of wild percussion, a vitriolic protest song, "Trouble Every Day", and the kind of minute detail (sleeve-notes, in-jokes, parodies) that generate instant cult appeal. They made great play of their hair and ugliness, becoming the perfect counter-cultural icons. Unlike the east coast band the Fugs, the Mothers were also musically skilled, a refined instrument for Zappa's eclectic and imaginative ideas. Ingber left to form the Fraternity Of Man before the recording of the band's second album, Absolutely Free. He was replaced for a short period by Jim Fielder, before Zappa chose to expand


the Mothers Of Invention with the addition of second drummer Billy Mundi, keyboardist Don Preston (Born 21 September 1932, USA), and horn players Bunk Gardner and Jim "Motorhead" Sherwood.

Tours and releases followed, including Absolutely Free, the solo Lumpy Gravy and We're Only In It For The Money, (with its brilliant parody of the Beatles' Sgt. Peppers Lonely Hearts Club Band record cover) a scathing satire on hippiedom and the reactions to it in the USA, and a notable appearance at the Royal Albert Hall in London (documented on the compulsive Uncle Meat). In stark contrast, Cruising With Ruben & The Jets paid excellent homage to the doo-wop era. British fans were particularly impressed with Hot Rats, a solo Zappa record that ditched the sociological commentary for barnstorming jazz-rock,blistering guitar solos, the extravagant "Peaches En Regalia" and a cameo appearance by Captain Beefheart on "Willie The Pimp".

Collins had quit in April 1968, and the Mothers Of Invention would eventually disintegrate the following August. Both Uncle Meat and Hot Rats appeared on Zappa's own Bizarre Records label which, together with his other outlet Straight Records, released a number of highly regarded albums that were nevertheless commercial flops. Artists to benefit from Zappa's patronage included the GTOs, Larry "Wild Man" Fischer, Alice Cooper, Tim Buckley. Captain Beefheart's indispensable Zappa-produced classic, Trout Mask Replica, was also released on Straight. Eager to gain a "heavier" image than the band that had brought them fame, the Turtles' singers Mark Volman (Born 19 April 1947, Los Angeles, California, USA) and Howard Kaylan


(Born Howard Kaplan, 22 June 1947, the Bronx, New York City, New York, USA), aka Flo And Eddie, joined up with Zappa for the movie 200 Motels and three further albums. The newly re-christened Mothers now included George Duke (Born 12 January 1946, San Rafael, California, USA; keyboards, trombone), Ian Underwood (keyboards, saxophone), Aynsley Dunbar (Born 10 January 1946, Liverpool, England; drums), and Jeff Simmons (bass, vocals), although the latter was quickly replaced by Jim Pons (Born 14 March 1943, Santa Monica, California, USA). Live At The Fillmore East, June 1971 included some intentionally outrageous subject matter prompting inevitable criticism from conservative observers.

1971 was not a happy year for Zappa: on 4 December fire destroyed the band's equipment while they were playing at the Montreux Casino in Switzerland(an event commemorated in Deep Purple's "Smoke On The Water") and six days later Zappa was pushed off-stage at London's Rainbow theatre, crushing his larynx (lowering his voice a third), damaging his spine and keeping him wheelchair-bound for the best part of a year. He spent 1972 developing an extraordinary new species of big band fusion (Waka/Jawaka and The Grand Wazoo), working with top west coast session musicians. However, he found these excellent players dull touring companions, and decided to dump the "jazztette" for an electric band. Over-Nite Sensation announced fusion-chops, salacious lyrics and driving rhythms. The live band featured an extraordinary combination of jazz-based swing and a rich, sonorous rock that probably only Zappa (with his interest in modern classical music) could achieve. Percussion virtuoso Ruth Underwood,


violinist Jean-Luc Ponty, featured in the King Kong project, and keyboard player Duke shone in this context. Apostrophe (") showcased Zappa's talents as a story-teller in the Lord Buckley tradition, and also (in the title-track) featured a jam with bass player Jack Bruce: it reached number 10 in the Billboard chart in June 1974. Roxy & Elsewhere caught the band live, negotiating diabolically hard musical notation - "Echidna's Arf (Of You)" and "Be-Bop Tango (Of The Old Jazzmen's Church)" - with infectious good humour. One Size Fits All, an under-acknowledged masterpiece, built up extraordinary multi-tracked textures. "Andy" was a song about b-movie cowboys, while "Florentine Pogen" and "Inca Roads" were complex extended pieces.

In 1975, Captain Beefheart joined Zappa for a tour and despite an earlier rift, sang onBongo Fury, both reuniting in disgust over the USA's bicentennial complacency. Zoot Allures in 1976 was principally a collaboration between Zappa and drummer Terry Bozzio, with Zappa overdubbing most of the instruments himself. He was experimenting with what he termed "xenochronicity" (combining unrelated tracks to create a piece of non-synchronous music) and produced intriguing results on "Friendly Little Finger". The title track took the concept of sleaze guitar onto a new level (as did the orgasmic moaning of "The Torture Never Stops"), while "Black Napkins" was an incomparable vehicle for Zappa's guitar work. If Zoot Allures now reads like a response to punk, Zappa was not to forsake large-scale rock showbiz. A series of concerts in New York in late 1976 had a wildly excited crowd applauding tales


of singles bars, devil encounters and stunning Brecker Brothers virtuosity (recorded as Live In New York). This album was part of the fall-out from Zappa's break-up with Warner Brothers Records, who put out three excellent instrumental albums with "non-authorized covers" (adopted, strangely enough, by Zappa for his CD re-releases): Studio Tan, Sleep Dirt and Orchestral Favourites. The punk-obsessed rock press did not know what to make of music that parodied Miklos Rozsa, crossed jazz with cartoon scores, guyed rock 'n' roll hysteria and stretched fusion into the twenty-first century. Undaunted by still being perceived as a hippie, which he clearly was not (We're Only In It For The Money had said the last word on the Summer Of Love while it was happening!), Zappa continued to tour.

His guitar-playingseemed to expand into a new dimension: "Yo' Mama' on 1979"s Sheik Yerbouti was a taste of the extravaganzas to come. In Ike Willis, Zappa found a vocalist who understood his required combination of emotional detachment and intimacy, and featured him extensively on the three volumes of Joe's Garage. After the mid-70s interest in philosophical concepts and band in-jokes, the music became more political. Tinseltown Rebellion and You Are What You Is commented on the growth of the fundamentalist Right. Zappa had a hit in 1982 with "Valley Girl", which featured his daughter Moon Unit satirizing the accents of young moneyed Hollywood people. That same year saw him produce and introduce a New York concert of music by VarŠse. The title track of Ship Arriving Too Late To


Save A Drowning Witch indicated that Zappa's interest in extended composition was not waning; this was confirmed by the release of a serious orchestral album recorded with the London Symphony Orchestra in 1983. Zappa was quite outrageously prolific in 1984: renowned French composer Pierre Boulez conducted Zappa's work on The Perfect Stranger; he released a rock album Them Or Us, which widened still further the impact of his scurrilously inventive guitar; Thing-Fish was a "Broadway musical" about AIDS, homophobia and racism; and he unearthed an eighteenth-century composer named Francesco Zappa and recorded his work on a synclavier. The following year's Does Humor Belong In Music? and Meets The Mothers Of Prevention were effective responses to the rise of powerful censor groups in America. Jazz From Hell presented wordlesscompositions for synclavier that drew inspiration from the expatriate American experimentalist composer Conlon Nancarrow.

Zappa's next big project materialized in 1988: a 12-piece band playing covers, instrumentals and a brace of new political songs (collected respectively as Broadway The Hard Way, The Best Band You Never Heard In Your Life, and Make A Jazz Noise Here). After rehearsing for three months the power and precision of the band were breathtaking, but they broke up during their first tour. As well as the retrospective series You Can't Do That On Stage Anymore, Zappa released his most popular bootlegs in two instalments as part of his "Beat The Boots" campaign. In Czechoslovakia, where he had long been a hero of the cultural underground, he was appointed as the country's Cultural Liaison


Officer with the West. In 1991 he announced he would be standing as an independent candidate in the 1992 US presidential election (almost immediately he received several death threats!), but in November his daughter confirmed reports that he was suffering from cancer of the prostate. In May 1993 Zappa, clearly weak from intensive chemotherapy, announced that he was fast losing the battle as it had spread into his bones. He succumbed to the disease seven months later.

In 1995, a remarkable reissue programme was undertaken by Rykodisc Records in conjunction with Gail Zappa. The entire catalogue of over 50 albums was remastered and re-packaged with loving care. Rykodisc deserve the highest praise for this bold move. In 2003 Dweezil Zappa promised more unreleased material from the vaults of hisfather as he took over as the family archivist. Viewed in perspective, Zappa's career reveals a perfectionist using only the highest standards of musicianship and the finest recording methods. The reissued CDs highlight the extraordinary quality of the original master tapes and Zappa's idealism. Additionally, he is now rightly seen as one of the great guitar players of our time. Although much of his oeuvre can easily be dismissed as flippant, history will certainly recognize Zappa as a sophisticated, serious composer and a highly accomplished master of music. This musical genius never ceased to astonish, both as a musician and composer: on the way, he produced a towering body of work that is probably rock music's closest equivalent to the legacy of Duke Ellington. The additional fact that


in East-West tensions.

The Buk missile system used to shoot down the plane fired one missile from the village of Pervomaysk and was later returned to Russia, said the prosecutors, from the Netherlands, Australia, Belgium, Malaysia and Ukraine.

They told a news conference in the central Dutch city of Nieuwegein that the investigative team had identified 100 people who were described as being of interest to them but had not yet been formally identified individual suspects.

It was not clear whether an order had been given for fighters to launch the missile or whether they had acted independently, the prosecutors said.

EN NW SOT MH17 DUTCH POLICE 14:12

A civilian investigation by the Dutch Safety Board also concluded last year that MH17 was hit by a Buk missile fired from eastern Ukraine, butSolon makes recommendations for immediate relief of victims of typhoons and
massive flooding; demands GMA and top execs to donate their own Christmas
bonuses and 13th month pay for emergency relief operations

Anakpawis Representative Crispin Beltran today made for than a few
recommendations on how to immediately remedy the devastation caused by t h e
recent typhoons that hit the country, and the serious flooding they caused.
He said that the Office of the President should give up its allocations for
the presidential palace's maintenance and repair of properties,
transportation, equipment and the like owned for the immediate relief and
rehabilitation of the areas in Central Luzon and Southern Tagalog ravaged by
the recent typhoons.

Beltran said in 2003, the OP used up a whopping P232,282,957.01 M for the
repair and maintenance of Malacanang palace. This according to the Commission
on


Audit (COA.).The Office of the President spent millions on beautifying the
physical structure and grounds of Malacanang, and it's certain that the money
wasted this year for the same will be as humongous. Instead of more
presidential primping and preening, the executive should drastically cut down
and even do away with its vanity expenses, and allot the funds for the calamity
and disaster missions," he said.

Beltran also urged Congressmen, senators and top executives of government
agencies such as the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS), the Social
Security System (SSS) and the Philippine National Oil Corporation (PNOC) to
donate their Christmas bonuses and other cash gifts to the victims of the
typhoon. "The challenge also goes to DILG secretary Angelo Reyes and the
top-raking generals in the Armed Forces of the Philippines," he said.

He also said that AFP allocationsin 1603." "It was a very exciting century." "There was Galileo, Shakespeare, Rembrandt." "It was a suiting time to be alive." "And in Paris, I met Francois." "He was a teacher at the university." "We fell in love, and we were soon engaged." "I always loved music ever since I was a little girl." "And by the age of 25, I was an opera singer at the royal court." "Who is there?" "It was the best time of my life, until..." "I died June 12, 1628." "The vampire passed his curse on to me, condemning my soul to walk the night forever, never to rest." "And Francois?" "And Francois?" "I never saw him again." "My destiny took my love away from me." "He did love books very much."


Open Access Reporting

The CASRAI Open Access Working Group was established in March 2013 as part of the Jisc CASRAI-UK pilot project and tasked with developing a profile to support ”system to system” institutional reporting to UK funders following the RCUK Open Access Policy. Following a review of the group’s remit it was decided, by all parties, that the focus of the group should be on OA reporting and that research contributions would be dealt with at a later stage. The aim of the WG is to develop a profile that reflects OA reporting related terms and concepts, which can be included in the CASRAI-UK dictionary with a sustainable process for maintaining it.apparition narratives, who sought to convince sceptics of the existence of the afterlife and divine providence through accounts of spiritual visitations that presented a detailed and ostensibly authenticated version of the events that they described. As such, they can be seen as works of "theological propaganda", an outlook which later ghost stories, written purely for the purposes of entertainment, lacked.

Influence

Although the Apparition would not have been intended as a ghost story in the modern sense, many critics nonetheless credit it as being "the first modern ghost story", albeit a "rudimentary" one. Its narrative content and structure anticipate that of later Gothic literature; authors such as J. Sheridan Le Fanu and Algernon Blackwood used similar devices to simulate documentary authenticity in their stories. The Apparition'''s ostensibly painstaking efforts to


Monday, January 30, 2012

Article Tools

Two memories popped into my head while watching Bruce Norris’ exhilarating Clybourne Park, the Pulitzer Prize-winning play making its Southern California debut at the Mark Taper Forum. The first was old, and personal—an aunt and uncle who moved out of their Chicago home in the 1960s because their neighborhood was “changing.” The “coloreds” were moving in, which to them was a terrifying thought, in part because the value of their property was sure to plummet.

The second was much more recent: Listening to the obvious race baiting being perpetuated by certain candidates in a recent presidential primary, and waiting in vain for the media to call them on it. The dog-whistle words were obvious enough—when Barak Obama is called the “food stamp president,” the subtextworld into people who are like us, and those we perceive as different and threatening. And that divide often coincides with race.

Lorraine Hansberry was unafraid to point that out. She wrote the classic American drama A Raisin in the Sun about a black family in Chicago that dares to move into a white neighborhood in search of a better life. (It was based loosely on her own experiences.)

Clybourne Park is basically an extended riff on that great play—which, thanks to some smart scheduling, can currently be seen at the Kirk Douglas Theatre in Culver City. Its setting is the home that Hansberry’s black family courageously purchases in the fictional Chicago neighborhood of Clybourne Park.

Act One takes place in 1959. We meet the white family that has sold the


Matthew Walker, the oldest son of Wisconsin Gov. Scott is chairman of the Wisconsin Federation of College Republicans. Credit: Gary Porter

SHARE Matt Walker, son of Gov. Scott Walker, describes himself as someone “somewhere between Chris Christie and Rand Paul.”

By of the

When Republicans gather in Milwaukee for their state convention Friday through Sunday, a 19-year-old Marquette University sophomore with a well-known political last name will speak for a few moments on efforts to reach out to young voters.

The student's name? Walker.

Matthew Walker.

Over the past few years, the older son of Gov. Scott Walker has stepped gingerly into the political world, from standing with his family at political rallies to leading the state college Republicans.

Now, he appears poised to fill a role as a surrogate campaigner to charge up millennials,boost Republicans and aid his father's re-election effort.

"I'll be talking about how we can get young people involved and also how the party and the membership of the party can cultivate youth engagement," he said of the brief speech he's due to give to the full convention Saturday morning.

To a lot of the public, he's the Matt of "Matt and Alex," the refrain the governor uses in speeches whenever he talks about creating a brighter future for his sons and other people's children.

Matt's younger brother, Alex, 18, is a freshman at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

As the sons of a prominent politician, the two have grown up in the public eye, attending public school in Wauwatosa.

In some ways, their childhood mirrored their dad's. The son of a preacher, Scott


Walker has said he grew up in a fishbowl, aware that his actions might be scrutinized by others.

The Walker sons, though, found themselves in the eye of a political storm in 2011 when their dad took on public-sector unions in a drive to curtail collective bargaining. Demonstrations erupted in Madison, and there were even protesters marching by the Walker home in Wauwatosa.

Whenever the protesters showed up, the Walker sons and their mom, first lady Tonette Walker, headed to Mayfair mall.

"We knew to stay away from it, let it be, stay out of the way, let them do their thing, and when they're done, move on," Matt said.

Like his father, Matt is of medium height and build. He is unfailingly polite and approachable.

But he's also of a different generation.

HisEast High School. In high school, Matt Walker played football and lacrosse and was a team captain in both sports.

"I'd say he's just your typical college student," Simpson said. "He goes to class, does his homework. But he's associated with a lot of active kids."

Matt served in the Marquette student government senate for 11/2 years. In January, he was elected chairman of the Wisconsin Federation of College Republicans. He has been visiting College Republican chapters around the state to get students ready for the fall election.

His political awakening occurred in stages — attending Badger Boys State in 2011, where he was elected governor; a high school trip to Washington, D.C., where he shadowed a student from Marquette's Les Aspin Center; and the intensity of the 2012 recall campaign


when his dad was in the political fight of his life.

Right now, Matt said he doesn't feel like he's in politics. After all, he's still a student. But asked about the future, Matt said, "I want to be involved in politics, but I'm not sure how yet. There are many different ways to get involved, and I could see myself in many of those positions. For me, that could mean working with campaigns or working on policy in the future."

The governor said he is proud of both his sons. He hasn't gone out of his way to get them interested in politics and initially he and his wife were concerned when Matt ran for office at Badger Boys State. They feared that he might receive grief from thosewho opposed the governor's policies.

"I keep reminding him, 'Stay yourself, don't conform to be someone that someone else wants you to be,'" the governor said.

The governor said Matt "is a pretty laid back, humble guy."

Matt said his father has always told him to "do things for the right reasons."

Matt may be his own man on campus, but his father's presence is never really far away. On Thursday, the student newspaper, the Marquette Tribune, ran a story about the governor's interest in gaining his college degree someday. Scott Walker attended Marquette in the 1980s and was involved with student government but left before completing his degree.

Matt's parents were married at the Church of the Gesu on the Marquette campus, and he was baptized there, too.

"I think that Matt works


really hard to forge his own way and that he works alongside his dad and not in his shadow," said Mary McCarthy, 21, a Marquette senior who majors in history.

McCarthy and Matt have created a unique friendship. She leads the Marquette chapter of the College Democrats and backs Mary Burke, the Democratic gubernatorial candidate trying to unseat Walker. For the summer, McCarthy has lined up an internship with the political consultancy led by prominent Democrat Thad Nation.

For a time, McCarthy and Matt served together in the Marquette student government and co-authored legislation to make sure every vote was conducted by a roll call.

"Matt and I debate policy all the time," McCarthy said. "While we usually don't change our opinion, we both respect our opinions and it's not aclaim of self-defense.
The facts of this case necessary to resolve this appeal are not disputed. The body of the victim, Joseph Merriwether, was discovered on March 13, 1995, in the vicinity of 9440 South Vernon in Chicago. Merriwether had been killed by a single gunshot wound to the chest.
DeMar Buffen testified he was at defendant's house with Edward Caples and John Fleming on March 15, 1995. While at the house, defendant admitted to Buffen he had shot Merriwether, who defendant believed to be a Gangster Disciple, when Merriwether tried to take his jacket. Defendant showed Buffen the gun he had used to kill Merriwether.
The four boys then decided to go to Caples' girlfriend's house at 95th and Vernon. Since that area was Gangster Disciple territory, the group agreed


to take defendant's gun, but they further agreed Buffen should carry it. The boys took a bus to 95th and Vernon and began walking down an alley. At that point defendant told the group he should not be in the area because this was where he had killed Merriwether.
That same day, Detectives Francis Heslin and Kevin Glynn were investigating the Merriwether homicide and were canvassing the area where the murder had occurred. As they drove in their unmarked car, they saw defendant and three other boys walking down an alley around 424 East 95th Street. As the detectives approached, Buffen removed the gun from his waistband and ran. The two detectives chased and caught Buffen and then returned to where they had seen the others. Since the officersBuffen was then interviewed. *1305 After Buffen was read his Miranda rights, he told the detectives defendant had given him the gun to hold. The detectives noted Buffen was wearing a white-and-orange windbreaker, which did not match the description of the perpetrator's jacket given by the witness.
The detectives then sought to question defendant. As defendant was being led into the interrogation room, the detectives became curious about defendant's jacket. Heslin testified they "noticed that [defendant] had a Miami Hurricanes team jacket turned inside out that [they] did not notice earlier." Defendant was asked to remove his coat. After his jacket was seized and he was advised of his Miranda rights, defendant gave a statement implicating himself in the murder of Merriwether.
Following a hearing, the trial court granted defendant's


about Buffen's arrest and subsequent statement to the police, Buffen's statement was properly considered in assessing whether defendant's statement was attenuated from his illegal arrest.
A third event, however, also likely contributed to defendant's decision to incriminate himselfthe illegal seizing of his coat by the police just prior to interrogating him. Admittedly, defendant was never "confronted," in the literal sense of the word, with the jacket; i.e., he was never directly told a witness to the murder had identified the perpetrator as wearing the same exact jacket. Nevertheless, the illegal seizure of defendant's jacket occurred as he was being led into an interrogation room in which he would momentarily admit to shooting Merriwether, according to the testimony of the detectives. Moreover, the fact that defendant was observed wearing thestraight to the heart of the matter.

I reviewed JMlab's Mezzo Utopia loudspeaker in the July 1999 Stereophile (Vol.22 No.7). By chance, the Mezzos had followed a pair of B&W Nautilus 801s into my listening room, and the substitution had proved rather interesting. For all their many fine qualities, the 801, with its 15" bass driver, was distinctly bass-heavy in my room, whereas the 11" drivers of the Mezzos seemed just right in this regard.

At the end of July, UK-based TAG McLaren Audio, which had been experiencing difficult trading conditions and was reducing its workforce, issued a rather pessimistic announcement. The core of the announcement concerned the firm's commencement of "a full strategic review of its participation in the audio market."

The international uncertainties of 2003 have not been kind


of the joint board and commission meeting Tuesday night , but Vaughan asked for a consensus, arguing strongly for the executive's plan.

Robey has argued that the transfer tax, though it increases the cost of buying a home, hits exactly the transactions that are producing more county schoolchildren, which in turn is forcing construction of more buildings. In addition, with the state requirement for all-day kindergarten by 2007, up to 80 new classrooms will be needed.

County real estate agents oppose the tax increase because it would make buying a house more expensive, and they say it would hinder affordable housing. Vaughan disagreed.

"I personally believe this a very sound approach to solving the problems of affordable housing," Vaughan told the joint meeting. He noted that anyone buying a home forthe number of passengers transported by Bilbobus fell from 32 million to around 29 million. The underground's extension to the neighborhood of Santutxu in 1997, accelerated the decline in ridership, and it fell below 23 million in 1999. Some lines were suppressed, and the number of bus units used was lowered.

A reorganization of lines, and an improvement of the service have led to an increase of the ridership. The number of passengers has risen around 3 to 4 per cent yearly, and is expected to reach more than 28 million in 2008, its highest level in ten years.

Busiest lines in 2007
 Peñascal - Mina Del Morro: 2,008,969 passengers
 La Peña - Jesusen Bihotza: 1,959,000 passengers
 Otxarkoaga - Plaza Biribila: 1,789,088 passengers
 Txurdinaga - Miribilla: 1,681,512 passengers
 San


Twenty four hours after he challenged the highly decorated army officer of 44 Rashtriya Riffles (RR) Major Rohit Shukla, Hizbul Mujahedeen Commander Sameer Ahmad Bhat alias as Sameer Tiger was killed in the encounter at the Drubgam village of Pulwama district on Monday. Major Shukla and his aide, who carried out the encounter, suffered injuries and are admitted in the Army's 92 base hospital.

Twenty four hours before the Drubgam operation took place, Sameer Tiger had released a 1.24 minute video of a crouched semi-naked man; confessing to be an Army informer and giving away the names of people, claiming that they were working for the security forces.

In the video, Tiger, who is not visible, is warning Major Shukla to engage in a one-on-one battle with him.

"Shukla Ko Kehna,fire, informned Vinay Kumar, the Commanding Officer of the 183rd battalion of CRPF.

On July 3, last year Major Shukla had killed two hardcore militants in anti terror operation in Pulwama. Despite being injured in the operation, he led the evacuation of his team which had come under heavy fire from the militants. For displaying indomitable courage and bravery, he was awarded third highest peace time gallantry award Shaurya Chakra. He received the award from President Ram Nath Kovind in an investiture cermony in Rashtrapati Bhawan last month.

THREAT VIDEO


to block specific content.

On Jan. 15, Turkish officials demanded that Twitter block the entire account of a local newspaper that published leaked documents relating to a military raid on a Turkish Intelligence Agency trucks convoy that was traveling to Syria in January 2014. Twitter didn't ban the entire account, but rather "the small number of tweets that discussed the national security issue referenced in the order," Twitter spokesperson Nu Wexler said at the time.

Also, on Jan. 14, a court ordered the country's Telecommunications Directorate (TİB) to ban access to websites showing Charlie Hebdo's front cover. Many cartoons in the satirical French magazine depict the Prophet Mohammed in a negative light.

Turkey is No. 2 on the list of countries where Facebook blocks the most content, according to the company'syour status and your options.Thank you for reading. For more information on the software solutions, training and consulting Ideate provides, please visit the Ideate Inc. website.

John Souza

Director of Sales

John Souza started on the ground floor with Autodesk CAD, selling solutions since release 10. In the nearly 30 years since, he's worked to grow his expertise with each Autodesk solution, weaving a career around cutting-edge 3D design software sales.

He has proven success in building high-performing sales teams in the Civil Engineering and Government sectors, he's managed and led business development and sales teams for Autodesk and Advanced Solutions. Joining Ideate, Inc. in 2003, he was initially the Manufacturing Solutions Director then worked to expand reach within the AEC community as Director of Business Development. Today, as Sales Director, he


leads a dedicated team working to connect architects and designers with best-fit design technology education and implementation solutions.

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Ideate, Inc., is a leading Autodesk solutions provider, recognized as a Platinum Partner for Architecture, Engineering and Construction, Autodesk's highest level of authorization. Employing top registered architects, engineers and designers, Ideate offers companies in the areas of building, infrastructure and multimedia Autodesk software, training, support and custom consulting services. Ideate Authorized Training Centers are located in San Francisco, Sacramento, San Jose, Portland and Seattle.Bill Clinton William (Bill) Jefferson ClintonChelsea Clinton: Trump isn't building public confidence in a vaccine Hillary Clinton launching podcast this month GOP brushes back charges of hypocrisy in Supreme Court fight MORE offered a calm response to a man who interrupted a campaign rally for Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonButtigieg stands in as Pence for Harris's debate practice Senate GOP sees early Supreme Court vote as political booster shot Poll: 51 percent of voters want to abolish the electoral college MORE in Wisconsin on Saturday to call the former president a “rapist.”

“Oh, yeah?” Bill Clinton said quietly, as the crowd drowned out the heckler.

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He then told the crowd not to worry about the outburst, while repeatedly thanking them for defending his honor.

"You gotta feel


magazine.  According to Ira Chaplin, a Maintenance Supervisor at the Brooklyn, New York, Detached Mail Unit (DMU), these photographs were taken in the old Maintenance Office at the DMU.  Chaplin worked out of the old Maintenance Office, and Uske was a co-supervisor with Chaplin at the DMU.

3
Concluding from its investigation that Uske had taken the pornographic photographs in question on postal property, submitted them to Lips magazine for money and initiated distribution into the workplace, the agency sent Uske a Notice of Proposed Removal charging him with conduct unbecoming a postal supervisor and conduct prejudicial to the Postal Service.  The agency supported its charges with five written statements from postal employees and with a memorandum of an interview Uske had with postal inspectors.

4
Uske did notrespond to the Notice of Proposed Removal and was thereafter removed by the agency.  He appealed his removal to the MSPB and a hearing was held at which Uske, a postal inspector and five co-workers testified.  At the hearing, Uske recanted his admission to the postal inspectors that he found the photographs in question in the old Maintenance Office and that he sent the photos to Lips magazine.  He also denied making the statements attributed to him by his co-workers to the effect that he had taken the photographs, submitted them to the magazine and initiated the distribution in the workplace.

5
In his Initial Decision, the administrative judge (AJ) reversed Uske's removal and in doing so ruled that the agency must establish its charges by preponderant


The board also noted that four other witnesses had identified the photographs as having been taken in the old Maintenance Office and testified concerning the statements Uske made to them regarding the source of the photographs.  The board found the record supported the credibility of their testimony.1

8
The dissenting board member stated that extrajudicial admissions which are later recanted cannot by themselves be used to establish that an employee committed the charged misconduct.  Because in the dissent's view Uske's recanted admissions constituted the only evidence that it was Uske who took the photos and had them published, he would have reversed Uske's removal.

ANALYSIS

9
We must affirm a decision of the board unless it is arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with law; in SEC history to never finish outside the top four at the championships.

Seeded fifth coming into the weekend, the Tide dominated the first session, scoring a season-best 197.350 to better its nearest competitor in that session by nearly a point. LSU won the title with a 197.900 and Florida was second with a 197.750 out of the second session. Following the Tide, Georgia was fourth with a 197.000, followed by Arkansas (196.475), Auburn (196.375), Kentucky (196.225) and Missouri (195.900).

"The ladies had a great performance, making it count, making everyone watch and gaining the confidence to know they're just as good as anybody else in the country in the process," Duckworth said.

After a strong start on the vault and uneven bars, Alabama took control on the balance beam, scoring


a season-best 49.450 fueled by a career-best 9.950 from sophomore Lexi Graber and a 9.925 from freshman Shallon Olsen .

The Tide then closed things out with a 49.475 on the floor exercise, just .025 off its season-best mark. Junior Maddie Desch got the rotation off to a strong start with a 9.900, matching her season-best score. Senior Abby Armbrecht scored a 9.900 in the fourth position before Graber and senior Ariana Guerra closed things out with matching 9.925s.

Graber also led the Tide on the vault, scoring a 9.900 in the anchor spot, while she and junior Shea Mahoney scored matching 9.875s to pace the Tide on the uneven bars.

Graber won the SEC balance beam title on the way to totaling a career-best 39.650 to finish second in theDrilling an oil and gas well with a conventional rotary drilling rig requires an elevator and a spider arranged in alignment with an opening in the rig rotary table are used in tandem to add and remove segments or joints of threaded tubing pipe, such as drill pipe or easing pipe, to the long strings of pipe placed in the wellbore. The spider is mounted within or over the rotary table of the drilling rig and the elevator is suspended above the spider on the hangers by bails attached to a hoist mounted on the drilling rig. The elevator and spider in combination are used to lift, hold, and release the pipe segments.
The pipe segments have collars that extend radially around the pipe periphery that with internal connecting


from: 8,251 candidates representing 464 political parties faced off in 543 parliamentary constituencies across 29 states and seven union territories.1 Although the numbers are difficult to pin down, experts believe the 2014 poll was the second most expensive election ever held, following only the 2012 U.S. presidential election.2

The election’s outcome was also historic. Preelection polls had uniformly predicted that the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which held power from 1998 to 2004, would emerge as the single largest party in parliament. Yet few foresaw the size of the victory achieved by the BJP and, conversely, that of the defeat suffered by the ruling Indian National Congress (INC).3 Of the 543 seats in India’s lower house of parliament (Lok Sabha) on offer, the BJP claimed victory in 282, whileits coalition allies notched wins in another 41 seats. Although it chose to form a government with its preelection alliance partners, the BJP was not compelled to do so; it had a clear majority in the Lok Sabha, the first time a single party has won such a majority since 1984 and the first time ever that a single party other than the Congress has achieved this feat.4

The Congress Party, on the other hand, saw its tally drop to a paltry 44 seats, a dramatic decline from the 206 seats it captured in 2009 (see figure 1) and its worst-ever performance in a general election. The party’s seat total was so small that it fell short of the minimal threshold necessary to nominate one of its own to


serve as leader of the opposition in the lower house—a designation that requires a command over at least 10 percent of the body’s seats.

The BJP victory also appears to have redrawn the political map of India (see figure 2). After winning more than one-quarter (25.6 percent) of ballots cast and 182 seats in the 1998 general election, the BJP experienced a secular decline on both counts. In 2009, its tally dropped to 116 seats, limited to a few select pockets of the country. This smattering of seats grew by leaps and bounds in 2014, and now touches all four corners of the country, from Gujarat in the west to Assam in the east, and from Tamil Nadu in the south to Jammu & Kashmir in the north.

Of course,the election also garnered significant attention in no small measure thanks to the persona of the BJP leader, Narendra Modi. From October 2001 to May 2014, Modi had been the chief minister of Gujarat, a prosperous, midsize state of roughly 60 million people. In 2002, Gujarat was shaken by horrific ethnic violence in which over 1,000 people lost their lives, three-quarters of whom were from the minority Muslim community. In the minds of many Indian electors and election observers, Modi’s reputation was indelibly tarnished by the events of 2002 and their aftermath. Although it is hard to imagine now, just 1.9 percent of respondents to a national survey conducted after the 2009 general election said Modi was their choice to be India’s next prime minister.5

India’s ability to balance


robust, participatory democracy with a diversity of ethnic groups—however imperfect—makes it the envy of the democratic world.

However, in the subsequent five years, Modi went from being a long-serving provincial official with a questionable biography to the most popular politician in all of India and, after the 2014 vote, the country’s prime minister. Central to his extraordinary rise in stature was the impressive economic record he had amassed in Gujarat over a decade, which provided a stark contrast to the flagging economy in the final years of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government.6

But if one retreats from the immediate political context of the BJP victory, it is clear that India’s 2014 general election captured widespread attention for an even more fundamental reason. The magnitude of the BJP’s victory,every six humans on earth resides in India, and the country has as many eligible voters as Europe and North America combined. In global terms, India is a rising power whose economic and geostrategic potential make it a significant player on the world stage. India’s ability to balance robust, participatory democracy with a diversity of ethnic groups—however imperfect—makes it the envy of the democratic world.

All things considered, the 2014 election presented a mixed picture. Economic factors played an unusually large role in shaping voting behavior. Traditional patterns of caste-based voting were much less evident, and regional parties, often thought to be gaining ground, suffered a setback. A slightly deeper look, however, reveals that these changes were not necessarily unique to the 2014 general election. There is evidence to


neither fully entered a new era, nor stayed firmly in line with past behavior. For instance, while the aspirations of Indian voters may have changed insofar as they are placing greater emphasis on macroeconomic outcomes when deciding whom to vote for, there seem to be few changes in the personal characteristics of individual candidates on offer.

At the same time, social biases built around caste or ethnic identities remain deeply entrenched in politics, even as the way they are expressed might be changing. Cross-caste coalitions have been a hallmark of recent state and national elections, and appeals to identity politics are increasingly married with promises of economic development.

Finally, the regionalization of politics has stabilized in recent years, and may in fact have suffered a reversal. The share of thevote flowing to regional parties decreased in the 2014 general election, and many dominant regional parties saw their fortunes plummet even as a limited number of others held steady. The biggest change, however, was the composition of the vote accruing to the two national parties with truly pan-Indian appeal, the Congress and the BJP. In a sharp break with the prevailing trend in postindependence India, the BJP has now displaced the Congress as the “pole around which political competition is organized,” to borrow a phrase coined by Yogendra Yadav.7 In many states where the BJP had a marginal presence in past elections, the party profited at the expense of the Congress, whose local support greatly diminished.

The Commonly Held Beliefs

Since the dawn of Indian independence in 1947, there has


thought to be at the top of voters’ minds on Election Day. Thus, when it comes to winning elections, the overall health of the economy is not perceived to be the preeminent factor.

There is also a general sense that regionalism is surging in India. The 1980s saw an onslaught of regional and caste-based parties that have since been thought to be chipping away at the once sacrosanct position of the two national parties.9 The end result of this regionalization of Indian politics is increased competition, heightened fragmentation, and a greater prevalence of coalition politics. National politics was thought to be little more than a sum of state-level dynamics.

Although family politics has been a fixture of India’s democracy since the early years of the republic (even reaching back intothe colonial era), the conventional wisdom has suggested that the reign of dynastic politicians is gradually coming to an end. Thanks to oligarchic leadership, a lack of internal democracy, and limited upward mobility within parties, many parties resemble closed family firms rather than vibrant political organizations characterized by internal competition, contestation over ideas, and meritocratic selection.10 However, in recent years, some commentators have suggested that the mood among the electorate is shifting, and that voters now chafe at the political success of a privileged few who are seen as disconnected from ground realities.11

Meanwhile, politicians associated with criminal activity have risen to national prominence, in spite of the fact that, at least since 2003, they must disclose their criminal records at the time of their nomination. Across all levels,


promise.

Second, at least anecdotally, there are several recent examples—at the state as well as the national level—of governments being reelected at least in part on account of their perceived economic acumen. On the national stage, the UPA government won a resounding reelection in the 2009 general election, having delivered the fastest rates of economic growth in India’s history. At the state level, a crop of popular chief ministers has achieved lasting political power by combining good politics and successful economics. These leaders cut across party lines and represent a broad range of states; they include Raman Singh (from Chhattisgarh) and Shivraj Singh Chouhan (from Madhya Pradesh) of the BJP; Sheila Dikshit (who, until 2013, governed Delhi) of the Congress; and Naveen Patnaik (Odisha) and Kumar (Bihar), who leadregional parties. Singh and Chouhan have held power for eleven and nine years, respectively. Prior to her party’s defeat, Dikshit controlled the reins of power in Delhi for a decade and a half. In early 2015, Patnaik began his fifteenth year in office while Kumar has completed nine (not counting a nearly yearlong period during which he stepped aside after his party’s poor performance in the 2014 general election).

Finally, hard evidence is emerging that economic voting is now a reality. Analyzing the 2009 general election, Poonam Gupta and Arvind Panagariya found in a 2014 study that parliamentary candidates from ruling parties in states that exhibited better economic performance between 2004 and 2009 were significantly more likely to win election than candidates hailing from states which grew at a


economy loomed large in the minds of Indian voters as they decided how to cast their ballots in the 2014 general election. An all-India preelection survey conducted in late 2013 by the Lok Foundation (for which I was a member of the research team) found that, among voters who expressed a preference, a plurality cited issues concerning the economy and development as among the most important factors shaping their vote choice (see figure 5).30

What is intriguing about this finding is the surprising consistency of responses across both rural and urban areas. The discourse on Indian politics often paints a stark contrast between urban sections of the country, in which a more cosmopolitan citizenry emphasizes programmatic policies linked to governance and development, and rural areas, where voters’ decisions aresupposedly driven by identity considerations and access to patronage rather than high-minded issues of economic growth. The Lok survey evidence suggests this divide may be somewhat artificial in today’s India. For both urban and rural residents, corruption, economic growth, and inflation were the three most pressing issues—although their relative importance varied at the margins.31

Voters’ preoccupation with the economy was further confirmed by a second survey, which allowed for open-ended responses and was carried out just a few days after voters had expressed their preferences at the ballot box. The 2014 National Election Study, conducted by the Center for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), also found that voters were highly motivated by the economy when casting their ballots, with 19 percent stating that price rise (inflation) was the


look like and what programmatic priorities they espouse. This new format of party competition increases clarity of responsibility, thereby enhancing accountability.

A final hypothesis involves the simple passage of time. In the decades leading up to the 2000s, politics was dominated by identity considerations, as newly empowered social groups found greater political voice and began to challenge traditionally dominant castes and social groups by making popular appeals to social justice. Eventually, appeals made solely on the basis of social justice may have gradually lost their allure, as voters began linking social justice to larger issues of economic advancement.

Whatever the underlying drivers of the shift toward economic voting might be, the change in behavior appears positive from a governance perspective. After all, when voters hold their leaders accountable on thebasis of actual performance criteria rather than narrow forms of parochialism alone, social welfare at large stands to gain.35

The Arrested Rise of Regional Parties

The apparent rise of regional political parties is a recurring theme on the Indian political scene. Over the past two decades, India has witnessed a steep increase in the number of parties contesting parliamentary elections and a corresponding decline in the average margin of victory. Both of these data points are evidence of new power centers emerging from within the states. Indeed, aside from Modi and the duo atop the Congress Party, many of the most influential political leaders in India today hail from regional parties—such as Jayalalithaa Jayaram, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu; party leaders and onetime chief ministers of Uttar Pradesh Mulayam


give-and-take that transpires between national and regional parties as part and parcel of broader coalition realities is not new to Indian politics. What changed significantly in 2014 was not the distribution of votes between national and regional parties, but the distribution of the national party vote. Essentially, without greatly changing their aggregate vote share, the two national parties switched places in the five years between 2009 and 2014. The Congress, which racked up a 28.5 percent vote share in 2009, saw this drop to 19.5 percent five years later. Conversely, the BJP grabbed 31.3 percent of the vote in 2014, a sizeable increase from just 18.8 percent in the previous election and slightly higher than where the Congress stood five years prior.

The same trend appears to hold whenof office following a nearly two-year period of emergency rule, 34.5 percent of the vote translated into a measly 28.4 percent of seats. In 2014, the Congress enjoyed its least efficient performance on record, winning 19.5 percent of the vote but ending up with only 8.1 percent of the seats. The BJP, on the other hand, enjoyed the opposite fate: its 31.3 percent of the vote translated into more than half (51.2 percent) of the seats in the lower house in 2014.

Do Regional Parties Undermine National Parties?

Given the explosive rise of regional parties and their rapidly increasing share of the vote in the 1980s and early 1990s, many assumed that their further growth was both inevitable and, by extension, detrimental to the fortunes of the national parties.

One reason


performance in the 1998 elections. Their seat share, however, has had a very different trajectory. Regional parties held 47.9 percent of seats after the 2004 vote, but that dipped to 40 percent in 2014, even as their share of the vote increased, due to intense fragmentation. This suggests that the proliferation of regional parties may lead them to cannibalize the nonnational party vote share, rather than chip away at the power of national parties.

Another possible threat posed by regional parties was that, as their popularity grew, they would eventually morph into national parties themselves by virtue of their expanding reach. While it is true that several regional parties officially made that jump—although none can claim the extensive reach the Congress and BJP boast—it turns out this fear wasto win at least one-sixth of the constituency vote.

Contrast this with the BJP, which contested 428 seats, won 282, and finished second in another 54 seats around the country. The Congress bagged just 44 seats but finished second in another 224. Although this was a monumentally bad performance for the Congress, it still earned more votes than the next five largest vote-getting parties combined—BSP, Trinamool, SP, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).

The two major leftist parties—the Communist Party of India and CPI(M)—which were once perceived as significant players in several states across the country, have also fallen on hard times (see figure 8). Together, the two parties held 9.8 percent of the all-India vote in 1971. The Left


has failed to recapture those heights in the intervening years, stagnating at around 7 percent over the last few election cycles before dropping precipitously to 4.1 percent in 2014. Thanks to the regionally concentrated nature of its supporters, the Left had much better luck in terms of winning seats: in 2004, it won 53 seats in parliament—a record high (see figure 9). By 2009, however, that total had been more than cut in half (20 seats), and it was reduced by half once again in 2014 (10 seats).

The final regional-turned-national player, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), also experienced dimming fortunes in 2014. A primarily Maharashtra-based faction of the Congress Party, which then became a Congress coalition partner, the NCP witnessed its vote share slump from 2 to 1.6state level, they controlled nearly two-thirds (63 percent) of Indian states. Since that high-water mark, the share of states run by regional parties has fallen off considerably, although it rebounded somewhat in recent years (see figure 10).

Regional parties are ascendant in many of India’s most populous and, hence, electorally consequential states. Three states—Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal—are home to 400 million Indians, or nearly one-third of India’s entire population, and they are all run by regional parties. But even when judged by the population residing in states ruled by regional versus national parties, the latter still come out narrowly ahead: as of the end of 2014, a majority of Indians lived in places with a Congress or BJP chief minister.

Are Regional Parties Transforming Governance?

While the numbers demonstrate


crop of state chief ministers who have found ways to buck the underlying trend of anti-incumbency in Indian elections, a number of chief ministers hailing from the Congress and the BJP have also managed to connect with voters in ways that have been politically gratifying (see figure 11).

The second shortcoming of the thesis involves the large variation within the categories of regional and national party leaders. Indeed, for every reformist chief minister from a regional party, there is an Akhilesh Yadav, a regional leader who came to power with a historic mandate and a promise to break with the past—but who has largely failed to deliver on that pledge as chief executive of India’s most populous state.

From 2003 to 2007, the Samajwadi Party (under the leadership of Akhileshlackluster performance by the BSP, voters had extremely high expectations for Yadav, underpinned by the implicit promise that the new leader, guided by a more modern outlook, Western education, and younger age, would reject the retrograde politics of his father and his party elders. But by mid-2015, Yadav had failed to offer concrete signs of a new era of transformational governance. To the contrary, the SP’s recent time in power has earned it many comparisons to the previous era of Goonda Raj, and the party was roundly trounced in the 2014 national elections. The BJP (with its ally, Apna Dal) won 73 of the state’s 80 parliamentary seats, leaving just five for the SP, a huge reversal from the 23 seats it had won in 2009.

Even the celebrated


Nitish Kumar, the poster child of India’s next generation of progressive, reform-minded regional leaders, has come into hard times. During his first term in office, Kumar won praise for implementing sweeping reform in one of India’s poorest and historically worst-governed states. After breaking his partnership with the BJP in June 2013 due to his opposition to Modi’s prime ministerial candidacy, Kumar joined forces with his onetime nemesis, Lalu Prasad Yadav, in order to forestall the BJP’s rise. This shifted his political ethos from one focused on governance and development to one grounded in caste and communal calculations. The BJP badly routed the Kumar-Yadav partnership in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, leading to Kumar’s resignation. Although he assumed the chief ministership of Bihar once more in February 2015, thewith very limited information flowing upward (or back down). Party leaders take decisions and then make pronouncements.41

Any honest assessment of the health of democracy in India must recognize that the infirmities of state parties are often replicated when it comes to their national counterparts, the Congress and the BJP. Nevertheless, the situation facing regional parties is arguably more dire given that they rarely have a second-tier leadership beyond the party president.

When Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalithaa was convicted on corruption charges in September 2014, she was disqualified from holding public office. In her absence, the party lacked a cadre of second-rung leaders with the legitimacy or authority to fill in behind her. Although her conviction was thrown out in May 2015, setting the stage for her return as


chief minister, during the entirety of the period when she was out of office, no major decisions of governance could be taken without first consulting her, introducing major challenges in what has traditionally been thought of as one of India’s better-run states. During her brief interregnum, Jayalalithaa’s office remained unoccupied, and her seat in the Tamil Nadu state assembly sat vacant—a testament to the dominance she exudes in the state.42

Even India’s newest regional chieftain, Arvind Kejriwal of the AAP, has surprised observers by the extent to which he has taken steps to sideline internal party dissent. Prior to taking office, Kejriwal preached the gospel of internal party democracy, transparency, and accountability. But after the party’s resounding electoral victory in Delhi’s February 2015 state elections, Kejriwal was made chiefminister and quickly moved to consolidate his position within the party, eventually expelling two of its leading intellectuals who had questioned many of the party’s decisions leading up to the election.

A New Chapter?

The regional revolution is arguably one of the most important and interesting developments to have occurred over the last six and a half decades of Indian electoral politics. Today, regional parties command significant influence, power, and financial resources; however, their rise should not be overstated.

The electoral success of the BJP in the 2014 general election holds out the distinct possibility that the pendulum will swing back toward national parties in India’s states, although the setback suffered by the BJP in the February 2015 Delhi assembly elections at the hands of the AAP marked a formal end


to Modi’s honeymoon period. Indeed, with the Congress in decline, there is a new opportunity for aspirant regional players such as the AAP to provide a pan-Indian alternative to the BJP. But even if regional parties can recover, their rise is certainly not steady or irreversible.43

Popular Mandate for Dynastic Politicians

Another oft-discussed attribute of India’s electoral politics is the continued dominance of political families or dynasties. In particular, a great deal of attention has been focused on one of the most storied political dynasties anywhere in the world, the Nehru-Gandhi family. The dynasty reaches back nearly a century, beginning with Motilal Nehru, a lawyer and activist in the Indian nationalist movement who twice served as president of the Congress Party, from 1919 to 1920 and again from 1928 to1929. For thirty-seven of the nearly sixty-eight years that India has been independent, the prime minister has come from this family: Jawaharlal Nehru, from 1947 to 1964; daughter Indira Gandhi, from 1966 to 1977 and 1980 to 1984; and her son, Rajiv Gandhi, from 1984 to 1989. A Nehru-Gandhi has not been prime minister in subsequent years, but Rajiv’s widow, Sonia, has been Congress Party president since 1998 and was an influential power center during Congress rule from 2004 to 2014. Her son, party vice president Rahul Gandhi, is the heir apparent to the family business.

Dynastic politics is not unique to India. According to a 2000 study, 8.7 percent of sitting U.S. legislators had a relative who had also served in Congress, while the share reached roughly 9


percent in the United Kingdom in 2014.44 In Japan in the late 2000s, some estimates placed the share of such “legacy” members of parliament as high as 20 percent, and many smaller democracies ranging from Iceland to Ireland report significant numbers of dynastic politicians.45

But the issue is of particular interest in the Indian context because dynastic politics prevails despite widespread anti-incumbency and electoral volatility. Unlike the United States, for instance, where incumbents enjoy a massive advantage, India’s elected politicians are at least as likely to be voted out of office as they are to be voted back in.46 Furthermore, due to the long-standing dominance of the Congress Party, dynastic politics was front and center in the political scene for much of the country’s postindependence era.

Many observers interpreted theData collected by Kanchan Chandra reveal that 20 percent of Lok Sabha members of parliament elected in 2004 came from political families. This number rose even further, to 29 percent, in the 2009 national election. In 2014, the supposed antidynasty election, the share of parliamentarians hailing from political families stood around 21 percent—a decline, but by no means a wipeout.49

Data from the 2014 election clearly indicate that parties across the political spectrum engage in dynastic politics (see figure 13). Looking at parties with five or more members of parliament and the share of those delegations that belongs to political families, the Samajwadi Party tops the list; all five of its parliamentarians are members of the same family. Mulayam Singh Yadav, the president of the party and a member


of parliament from Azamgarh, is the family patriarch. In the Lok Sabha he is joined by two of his nephews, his daughter-in-law, and a grandnephew. The list does not stop there: Mulayam’s son, Akhilesh, is the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and his younger brother is a cabinet minister. Mulayam’s cousin also represents the SP in the Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house of parliament.50 The Congress actually is located in the middle of the pack; roughly 41 percent of its members of parliament are dynasts. The BJP, on the other hand, is near the lower end of the spectrum with 16.7 percent of its delegation from political families.

Stepping back from counting individuals who hail from political families, many parties themselves remain the province of a single political family.family channels, it is difficult to imagine that family politics will disappear from the scene.

Support for Candidates Tied to Crime

One of the most interesting—and confounding—developments in India’s domestic politics in recent memory has been the large number of politicians seeking, and winning, elected office who are under criminal scrutiny. Since 2003, thanks to the intervention of the Supreme Court and the oversight of the Election Commission of India, candidates seeking election to state and national office are required to publicly furnish details of their criminal, educational, and financial records. One of the underlying premises motivating this shift was the belief that voters, once exposed to credible information about the attributes of political candidates, might withdraw popular support from those who are seen as tainted.53

In the 2014 elections, more


attention than ever before—on the part of the media, civil society, and concerned activists—was devoted to publicizing the biographical details of parliamentary aspirants. In fact, anyone with a mobile phone could send a text message to a service set up by a good governance watchdog group and instantly receive details on the personal characteristics of candidates competing in their constituency. Notwithstanding this publicity, a record number of candidates involved in criminal cases, including those facing charges considered serious, won election to the Lok Sabha.

The remarkable staying power of this phenomenon, not to mention its growth over time, raises the question of why—with the biographical profiles of all candidates readily available for the past decade—the number of criminally suspect legislators has gone up, rather than down. The short answerlatter represent the interests of a particular state, regional culture, or language.73 Indeed, the top performing regional parties in 2014—AIADMK, Trinamool Congress, the Biju Janata Dal (BJD)—which collectively won 91 seats, all conform to the “regionalist” conception.

Caste Identification

The 2010 Bihar survey, which found relatively low levels of co-ethnic voting, also points to a second puzzle. The survey asked respondents whether they could identify the caste (jati) of the candidates for the state legislature that they had voted for just a few days earlier.74 Interestingly, 29.2 percent (or just under one-third) misidentified the jati of their preferred candidate. To be fair, when voters got it wrong, they were not very far off base. Closer to 90 percent managed to place their candidate within the correct umbrella caste grouping (Upper


2014 election may have accomplished was to crystallize these changes.

On the other hand, the case for change has been overhyped when one considers other important dimensions. For example, while the Indian voter in 2014 did seem mobilized against the dynastically led Congress Party, there is no evidence of a broader backlash against hereditary politicians. And even this sentiment had its limits; after all, both Rahul and Sonia Gandhi handily won reelection to their seats in parliament. Two other members of the extended family, Maneka Gandhi and her son, Varun, won reelection on BJP tickets. With regard to preferences for politicians implicated in criminal activity, the 2014 result shows the nexus of crime and politics is more entrenched than ever. And the arrested rise of regional parties demonstrates that,which data on gender are available, only 3 percent of parliamentary candidates and 4.5 percent of winners were women. While those numbers have gradually increased—in 2014 women accounted for 8.1 percent of the overall candidate pool and 11.2 percent of winners—women remain massively underrepresented in parliament relative to their share of the general population.

Finally, while the overall balance of power between regional and national parties seems to have reached a steady equilibrium, the relative fortunes of the Congress and the BJP have seen significant shifts. For the first four decades of the postindependence period, the Congress was the pole around which Indian politics was organized. That designation was up for grabs following the landmark election of 1989, which marked the dawn of the era of coalition politics in


Delhi, when there was no clear center of gravity in national politics.

By virtue of its performance in the 2014 general election and state assembly elections held before and after the national poll, the BJP has filled that vacuum—and its electoral gains since 2013 have come at the expense of the Congress, which followed up its worst-ever showing in a general election by delivering poor performances in several state elections. The continued decline of the Congress could mean that the BJP will lack a true national-level competitor within a few years. While the designation of India’s dominant political formation has now been passed on, it is difficult to foresee whether this shift is temporary or will be sustained over time.

In some ways, from the BJP’s perspective, this changing ofjoint work with Devesh Kapur, Megan Reed, and Neelanjan Sircar of the Center for the Advanced Study of India at the University of Pennsylvania, Danielle Smogard, and Reedy Swanson of the University of Virginia Law School. I am grateful to them for their collaboration. Kapur, Reed, Sircar, and I also collaborated with the Lok Foundation on the 2013 preelection survey cited here. Several sections of this paper draw on material from articles first written for the Carnegie Endowment’s India Decides 2014 initiative. I would like to thank seminar participants at Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, Yale-National University of Singapore, and Yale University for comments. William Hayes provided excellent research assistance. I am grateful to Rebecca White and Holly Yeager for editorial comments. All errors are my own.

Notes

1 Government


SOA so we can quickly work through how they work.

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The A and AAAA records are "anchor" records which specify the IP addresses responsible for the domain. A records are for IPv4 addresses — in this case 63.74.109.2 — and AAAA records are for IPv6 addresses — in this case 2600:803:240::2. The two NS entries define the name servers responsible for the domain ("auth00.ns.uu.net" which is primary as specified by the SOA record, and "auth61.ns.uu.net" which is secondary).

cpsc.gov. 18894 IN MX 5 stagg.cpsc.gov. cpsc.gov. 18894 IN MX 5 hormel.cpsc.gov.

The two MX records specify the mail servers responsible for email sent to the domain ("hormel.cpsc.gov" and "stagg.cpsc.gov" — someone at theBetter CPSC Zone

There are a handful of other minor optimizations. Add them all up and the CPSC Zone could be much smaller. At CloudFlare, we've worked to optimize the size and performance of our zone records. We used our automated zone generator on the CPSC and got the following zone file:

cpsc.gov. 281 IN A 104.27.142.66 cpsc.gov. 281 IN A 104.27.143.66 cpsc.gov. 281 IN RRSIG A 13 2 300 20160402121755 20160331101755 35273 cpsc.gov. xYJVr9iNMm50wgoGbMaG76QNyZk2aU2STmzxlUGe09G9LyEqnlDW6YLK pyAeMqHODKuxt83dKDUeB0bgvSPCyQ== cpsc.gov. 278 IN AAAA 2400:cb00:2048:1::681b:8e42 cpsc.gov. 278 IN AAAA 2400:cb00:2048:1::681b:8f42 cpsc.gov. 278 IN RRSIG AAAA 13 2 300 20160402121752 20160331101752 35273 cpsc.gov. LHmzdf6AqsrBVT5ejyoRt2oruXuaHkavhvoNHiqr2OXALnquouOfHsdq qRlHgQ1mkWRbeJ3nwIwDnWbInbIhkg== cpsc.gov. 272 IN MX 5 stagg.cpsc.gov. cpsc.gov. 272 IN MX 5 hormel.cpsc.gov. cpsc.gov. 272 IN RRSIG MX 13 2 300 20160402121746 20160331101746 35273 cpsc.gov. jmAvZk3bMxcqBECvvnhC7Xn2gtdvJnrRqj3xypzQ4Kona3tzs8H5+IBp a9X+TbcIGs1zgIny9UjybVUws+YTqw== cpsc.gov. 86391 IN SOA


mummy needs to check the groom's man-meat before he marries her woman

Episode 51 covers everything from a Tim Horton's Poutine taste test. Women of Indian heritage â€” and the groom's dick before he marries her girl Porn Movie âˆ˜ Only Best Quality at SapiensApp. Nasty shemale fucking the groom in the industry, sends her off to fuck each day. A damsel who is thinking about proposing or a guy who is neither a Sapinda on the Atlantic coast or maybe the Gulf of. Every married person is going to have sex with literally everyone there. In Talmudic times virgins were married in a happy moment, they will never. Divorce rates are highest among couples in their 20s.NFL boosts youth flag football with new program

This image provided by USA Football shows a flag football. The NFL wants to boost flag football participation by providing kits to a half-million youngsters. A program being announced Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2014, by Commissioner Roger Goodell will supply elementary schools and after-school programs na

The Associated Press

This image provided by USA Football shows a flag football. The NFL wants to boost flag football participation by providing kits to a half-million youngsters. A program being announced Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2014, by Commissioner Roger Goodell will supply elementary schools and after-school programs nationwide with equipment and instruction. Six cities are targeted as focal points this year: Chicago, Dallas, Los Angeles, Miami, New York and Seattle. (AP Photo/USA Football)

This image provided by USA Football


shows a flag football. The NFL wants to boost flag football participation by providing kits to a half-million youngsters. A program being announced Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2014, by Commissioner Roger Goodell will supply elementary schools and after-school programs nationwide with equipment and instruction. Six cities are targeted as focal points this year: Chicago, Dallas, Los Angeles, Miami, New York and Seattle. (AP Photo/USA Football) (The Associated Press)

BARRY WILNER AP Pro Football Writer

The NFL wants to boost flag football participation by providing kits to a half-million youngsters.

A program being announced Wednesday by Commissioner Roger Goodell will supply elementary schools and after-school programs nationwide with equipment and instruction. Six cities are targeted as focal points this year: Chicago, Dallas, Los Angeles, Miami, New York and Seattle.

Plans are for the FuelToday at City Hall, a prominent resident of Houston will receive his very own proclamation from the mayor, much like the thousands of citizens who have also received such certificates in the past. This particular citizen is named Stayve Jerome Thomas, a gentleman who has been a successful representative of Houston since he first hit the scene in the late '90s, and who in most recent years has used his wealth and fame to feed the city's less fortunate, as well sponsor toy drives benefiting underprivileged children. Most fans know him as Slim Thug these days.

According to the City of Houston, this type of acknowledgment is reserved for outstanding individuals who have made a significant contribution to society and contributions to the City and citizens of Houston. Today's


proclamation will be presented by City Council member Jerry Davis of District B, an area which includes portions of Houston's Northside that have benefited from Thomas' philanthropy, and also where the rapper was raised.

So today is offically #ThuggaDay.

Slim vows, "Since '98 I've been straight, started shinin' out the gate reppin' that Nawf on tape" in the intro to his latest album, Boss Life, and has definitely been rapping about money, cars and women for a long time. The Boss Hogg Outlaw even has a very large tattoo reading "HOUSTON" on his back, always representing his city to the fullest.

Earlier this year, CNN anchor Don Lemon examined the word "thug," and asked on-air if the word itself was racist, and ended the segment with the following quote: "If youBig 8 for five more years despite dropping ratings. During this time, the station attempted to distinguish itself from CKLW by playing less bubblegum pop and more rock album cuts, and promoting itself as "Rock and Roll The American Way" (a jab at CKLW's location in Windsor, Ontario, and Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission-mandated "Canadian content" regulations imposed at the start of 1971). Sister station WKNR-FM, which had previously simulcast the AM programming, switched to a more adventurous progressive rock format starting in 1969, followed by an MOR "Stereo Island" format in 1971.

The Keener 13 era is celebrated at Keener13.com, with an extensive history, an archive of air checks and a database of every WKNR Music Guide in addition to an online tribute webcast called WKNR Keener 13


The station's antennas and transmitter facilities near the intersection of I-94 and Telegraph Road in Taylor were dismantled shortly afterward.

In 2014, the MMTC chose to resell WDTW to Pedro Zamora, who owns several Spanish-language radio stations and a promoter specializing in Spanish-language musicians, for $100,000. After the sale, WDTW reconstructed its broadcast facilities—a process that had an estimated cost of around $1 million. In April 2016, the station officially re-launched as La Mega Detroit 1310. The new format primarily targets the Detroit, Pontiac, and Toledo markets. Zamora entered into arrangements with TSJ Media (who operates La Mega stations in other markets) to assist in WTDW's operations; the station was operated out of TSJ's facilities in Columbus, Ohio while WDTW completed the build-out of its studio in Taylor, Michiganexporters at the current level mainly boosted the rupee value against the dollar, a forex dealer said.

In the global market, the US dollar made a minor rise against the Japanese yen on Wednesday, following the previous day's rally for the Japanese currency after Bank of Japan didn't expand stimulus measures.

The dollar traded at 96.33 yen, up from 96.22 yen late Tuesday in North America.

Meanwhile, the Indian benchmark Sensex dropped by 98.58 points, or 0.51 per cent, to 19,044.42 at 1100 hrs.

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$67.4 million at September 30, 2011. The average common shareholder's equity to average assets was 18.6% for the three months ended September 30, 2012 compared to 19.4% for the three months ended September 30, 2011. The average common shareholder's equity to average assets was 18.5% for the nine months ended September 30, 2012 compared to 19.6% for the nine months ended September 30, 2011.

About First Advantage Bancorp

Founded in 1953, First Advantage Bank, a wholly-owned subsidiary of First Advantage Bancorp, is a Tennessee-chartered commercial bank headquartered in Clarksville, Tennessee. The Bank operates as a community-oriented financial institution, with five full-service offices in Montgomery County, Tennessee which is approximately 40 miles northwest of Nashville near the Kentucky border, and one full-service office in Nashville, Tennessee. First Advantage Bank offers ain love and so I decided to
start over I didn’t see it then but it turned out that getting fired from Apple
was the best thing that could have ever happened to me
the heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a
beginner again less sure about everything it freed me to enter one of
the most creative periods of my life during the next five years I started a
company named next another company named Pixar and fell in love with an amazing
woman who would become my wife Pixar went on to create the world’s first
computer animated feature film Toy Story and is now the most successful animation
studio in the world in a remarkable turn of events Apple bought next and I
returned to Apple and the technology we


everything else
is secondary when I was young there was an amazing
publication called the Whole Earth Catalog which was one of the Bible’s of
my generation it was created by a fellow named Stuart brand not far from here in
Menlo Park and he brought it to life with his poetic touch this was in the
late 60s before personal computers and desktop publishing so it was all made
with typewriters scissors and Polaroid cameras it was sort of like Google and
paperback form 35 years before Google came along it was idealistic overflowing
with neat tools and great notions Stuart and his team put out several issues of
the Whole Earth Catalog and then when it had run its course they put out a final
issue it was the mid-1970s and I was your age
on theonshore sector. Cost-out gains and higher production expectations from new turbine technology boost prospects for workable project economics under the phased down incentive.

In the Americas, election results in Brazil, Mexico, and Quebec, Canada, have or may impact the wind power outlook in these markets. Conservative wins in Brazil and Canada threaten the prospects for wind power development in the long-term. The impact of a more liberal administration in Mexico is unclear, but the new government will need to address a balance between development and indigenous interests for the outlook to be fulfilled.

Demand in Australia’s onshore sector headlines adjustments in Asia Pacific, as auction awards and financing commitments have flourished ahead of the market’s renewable energy target deadline. Recent announcements result in a nearly 2GW upgrade to the outlook


Economic Forum in Davos – when pressed by fellow panel members to take a stance against rigorous control of the media on the mainland and to give his views on suffocating censorship in the growing Chinese film market.

Download the new Independent Premium app Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

"I'm gradually beginning to feel that we Chinese need to be controlled. If we're not being controlled, we'll just do what we want," he said.

His comments were warmly received by the audience, composed mostly of Chinese business leaders, but Hong Kong pro-democracy legislators were incensed. "He's insulted the Chinese people. Chinese people aren't pets," pro-democracy legislator Leung Kwok-hung told the Associated Press. "Chinese society needs a democratic system to protect human rights and the rule of law," hesaid.

Veteran Hong Kong pro-democracy legislator Albert Ho said Chan's remarks were "racist".

"People around the world are running their own countries. Why can't Chinese do the same?"

Like many Hong Kongers with major business interests in mainland China, Chan has taken a steadfastly pro-Beijing line since the former British colony reverted to Chinese control in 1997. Under the territory's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, Hong Kong enjoys considerably more freedom than the mainland.

In democratic Taiwan, MP Huang Wei-che said Chan "has enjoyed freedom and democracy and has reaped the economic benefits of capitalism. But he has yet to grasp the true meaning of freedom and democracy".

Chan was critical of the crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing and other Chinese cities in June 1989, but in recent years has taken a much


Edward Steichen

Don Hogan Charles/The New York Times

Edward Steichen, who died in 1973 at 93, was recognized in his lifetime as one of the great photographers of the 20th century. Yet with his penchant for changing directions and playing multiple roles, he bequeathed too many Steichens for easy classification.

Steichen excelled in all his photographic ventures — in ''pure'' art, fashion and advertising, portraiture, nature, combat, even as a powerful director of photography at the Museum of Modern Art in New York . His detractors suggested that he also became a brand name, famous for being famous.

Born in Luxembourg in 1879, Steichen was still a toddler when his parents migrated to the United States, eventually settling in Milwaukee. There, in his mid-teens, he became an apprentice lithographer and took upphotography as a hobby. But his first love was painting, and it was this that prompted him to travel to Paris in 1900.

Painting is ever present in his early photography, especially the influence of the Impressionists. He achieved those effects by blurring his lenses with petroleum jelly or manipulating his negatives and prints in the darkroom.

In New York, Steichen founded the Photo-Secession group with Alfred Stieglitz, 15 years his senior, and contributed to a quarterly called Camera Work. And it was thanks to Steichen's Paris connections that Matisse, Rodin, Cézanne, Toulouse-Lautrec and other French painters were first introduced to America at Stieglitz's Gallery 291, on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan.

Steichen's pictorialist period ended in 1917, when he joined the United States Army and created an aerial photography unit in


northern France to gather intelligence about artillery positions and troop movements behind enemy lines. After the war, Steichen's lifelong interest in horticulture resulted in near-abstract images of flowers, plants and insects, but a more crucial watershed came in 1923, when Condé Nast hired him. For purists like Stieglitz, Steichen was selling out to commercialism. Yet he would soon make his name as the first modern — and Modernist — fashion photographer, interpreting fashion and celebrities in a style that would influence later generations.

Steichen had the instinct of a communicator who was supremely confident in his eye as an artist. And if he was criticized for using art to sell clothes and magazines, he saw no reason to apologize.

''I don't know any form of art that isn't or hasn'tbeen commercial,'' Steichen said in old age. After all, he added with no small immodesty, Michelangelo also liked to be paid well for his work.

A survey of Steichen's work in fashion and portraiture (“Edward Steichen: In High Fashion: The Condé Nast Years, 1923-1937”) is on exhibit at the International Center for Photography through May 2009.