 The Commissioner's view, therefore, fundamentally misunderstands the nature of trademarks and the reasons why the law provides for exclusive rights of ownership in a mark.  Given the shortcomings of the relief-from-royalty methodology, the Tax Court erred when it adopted the Commissioner's trademark valuations.  The Tax Court is instructed to examine alternate methods of determining the fair market value of the trademarks in question.

20
For these reasons, we vacate the Tax Court's valuation of Nestle's trademarks and remand for proceedings consistent with this opinion.  We dismiss the cross-appeal as moot.

*
 The Honorable Harold Baer, Jr., of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, sitting by designation

1
 The term "Nestle" is used hereafter to refer to Nestle Holdings, Inc. and its consolidatedMore than 400 commercial fishermen in British Columbia have been given the go-ahead to sue the federal government as part of a class-action lawsuit sparked by a halibut-management strategy.

B.C. Supreme Court Judge Susan Griffin certified what she called a "novel" lawsuit, which was launched against Fisheries and Oceans Canada by fisherman Barry Burnell.

"To my knowledge to date there has been no authority awarding a fisher damages or restitution of fees paid by the fisher under one of these fisheries management schemes," Griffin said in her written ruling, posted online Wednesday.

Her written ruling states that under the program, the Fisheries Department allegedly held back 10 per cent of the total allowable catch and assigned it to the Pacific Halibut Management Society. The society then resold shares to fishermen at


higher costs and used the money to fund fisheries management activities.

The ruling said the strategy began in 2001 but was discontinued in 2006 after the Federal Court found a similar practice on the East Coast was illegal.

None of the allegations have been proven in court, and Fisheries and Oceans Canada declined to comment on the certification because the case is still before the courts.

Meldon Ellis, one of the lawyers representing Burnell, said he had not yet spoken to his client about the ruling.

"We're seeking a return of the additional funds that were paid by the fishers during that period," he said, adding it's hard to estimate an average cost because each fisherman had a different quota.

Still, he said the additional fees probably represented a 10- to 15 percent premium over what the fishermen would have paid had the strategy not been in place.

Ellis also estimated the amount of additional fees generated by the strategy and remitted to the Fisheries Department each year was $1 million.

The number of fishermen in the class action is based on court pleadings and affidavits, which note more than 400 people held licences similar to the one held by Burnell.

Not included in the class are licence holders who were also directors of the society, First Nations fishermen who held a different licence and the society, which also held a licence.


and scan for reference."

Recently I had the chance to talk with one of the art directors from
the Aaron Sims Company and he told me a little about how the team
tackles these kind of blockbuster films. Steffen Reichstadt is a professional concept artist and art director for the Aaron Sims Company who's worked on Hollywood blockbusters like Sucker Punch (2011), X-Men: First Class (2011) and Edge of Tomorrow (2014).

He shared illustrations from various artists that worked for the Aaron Sims Company (ASC) on this project.

Click on the images to enlarge.Maurice Mitchell: What did the Aaron Sims Company work on for Dawn of the
Planet of the Apes?
Steffen Reichstadt: ASC originally designed all the apes for the first film (Rise) and
for Dawn we developed the face paints and tribal elements thatseen in both Apes films. ASC designed all of the main
and ancillary ape characters from the ground up for the first film,
2011's Rise of the Planet of the Apes. We sculpted a bust for Caesar as
well, to ensure a hyper-realistic feel. In Dawn, ASC worked on aging
the apes and creating the apes' ceremonial look, which includes face
paint and other ornamentation taken from nature.

In addition to Dawn of the Planet of the Apes, ASC was involved early
on in the design process and came up with the mech suits and alien
concepts for the June 6 release of Doug Liman's Edge of Tomorrow, and
the character designs for the forest creatures in Disney's Maleficent.

Aaron Sims, the owner of ASC, is also beginning to produce more
original content through his production company, Apollo Pictures,


was also in keeping with the required public stance. "The essay does not represent the Lebanese people's or media's morality in any way. This is a failing attempt to bash the relations between Lebanon and Saudi Arabia and a blatant violation of the laws preserving the freedom of the press," Hariri said.

>> Analysis: Israel-lovers bail out Saudi crown prince as Netanyahu's next stop on Gulf tour emerges

He omitted the adjective "excellent" from the term "relations" and refrained from praising the work of the acting Saudi ambassador or defending the Saudi crown prince. Perhaps Hariri understands that exactly one year ago, he was in a similar situation to the one Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi found himself in. The butcher's knife may not have been brandished against Hariri, but hewas in house arrest for days in a villa adjacent to Riyadh's Ritz Carlton Hotel, where several dozens of Saudi millionaires and billionaires were incarcerated at Crown Prince Mohammed's orders.

Hariri was forced to broadcast a statement that he was resigning from the prime minister's post. In addition, he was humiliated by being forced to join a tour the crown prince held in a few Gulf states to prove the Lebanese leader wasn't being held captive. In contrast to Crown Prince Mohammed's promise to Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi that Hariri would be free to return to Beirut after visiting Egypt, the Lebanese prime minister was forced to land in Cyprus before touching down in Beirut. The crown prince's reckless attempt to affect a coup in Lebanon and appoint Hariri's


elder brother to the post of prime minister failed because the Hariri family made it clear that it was united in supporting Saad Hariri, despite their close ties to the Saudi royal family.

Mohammed's conduct in that affair should have made it clear to the United States, which was involved in releasing Hariri from house arrest, that the Saudi crown prince is a ticking time bomb.

But the Trump administration, gripped by anti-Iranian obsession, saw the Saudi move as a plausible way to strike at Iran's influence in Lebanon by removing a prime minister who preserved a certain political stability by maintaining a dialogue with Hezbollah. The failed Saudi coup attempt worsened Hariri's status in May's parliamentary election, in which he lost about a third of the seats to hisrivals, including Hezbollah. Since the election, Hariri has in vain tried to set up a cabinet. It has transpired that Hezbollah will not only be a major partner in the cabinet, it could also hold the power to block any decision it doesn't like.

According to Lebanon's constitution, any cardinal decision like approving the budget or going to war requires the support of two thirds of the 30-strong cabinet members. So if one movement or coalition of movements has a third plus one minister it can foil any decision – which is exactly what Hezbollah wants. It is also acting to appoint one more minister from among the independent Sunni elected officials who support the organization, which would expand its power to four ministers. Together with the ministers that


Lebanese President Michel Aoun is permitted to appoint, Hezbollah will ensure the required third plus one.

Hariri made it clear to Aoun that Hezbollah's appointment of another Sunni minister spells his political suicide and that he wouldn't agree to it under any circumstances. Such an appointment will also come at the expense of the ministers allotted to Hariri's al-Mustaqbal list.

While Aoun supports Hariri's position, he's proved in the past that he can switch his loyalty. After all, after fighting as general against the Syrian occupation and getting exiled to Paris for 15 years, Aoun returned to Beirut only to become Syria's ally and Hezbollah's Christian political partner.

Another difficulty is Hezbollah's demand for the Health Ministry, which could set Lebanon on a collision course with international institutions that refuse tocooperate with a ministry headed by a Hezbollah official, especially following the American sanctions on Hezbollah and Iran.

But Hezbollah is showing no signs of giving in. Increasing its political power in Lebanon is now much more vital to preserve Iran's power in the country, ensuring Lebanon's continued cooperation with Syria and blocking the American influence in Lebanon. The Lebanese leadership's official version is that the country won't be affected by the sanctions on Iran because of the meagre trade scope between the states. Lebanon's banking system is also complying with the sanctions imposed both on Iran and on Hezbollah.

The organization has stated that it doesn't use the Lebanese banks at all and according to Western reports, it acts through straw companies and businesspeople, who pass on the money


Donald Trump report not only on military cooperation with the Lebanese army but about implementing UN Resolution 1701, which was passed in 2006 as part of the end of the Second Lebanon War. Under the resolution, the Lebanese army must be deployed in South Lebanon and prevent Hezbollah from gaining control south of the Litani River. It must also help UN forces enforce the resolution, which includes disarming Hezbollah.

The Lebanese army was the first to fight with American special forces against the Islamic State's bases on the Lebanon-Syria border, but it also cooperated with Hezbollah for the same goal. As for disarming Hezbollah, nobody in Lebanon would even consider discussing the issue.

Israel has complained for over a decade that Hezbollah does not implement Resolution 1701 as it continuesto arm itself and has obtained tens of thousands of missiles since the war. Israel has warned publicly that if Lebanon continues to allow Hezbollah to set up factories to improve its missiles' accuracy, Lebanon itself would become a target instead of Syria.

Perhaps Israel would prefer to focus on Lebanon following its partial severance with Russia after a Russian plane was shot down in Syria – and the subsequent fear that Russia will act more intensively in the war-torn country.

This is problematic though; despite Israel's attacks, it never received fire from Syria. Strikes on Lebanon, however, could reopen the northern front and increase Hezbollah and Iran's strength, in addition to the damage to lives and property.

Meanwhile, Hezbollah is expanding its presence in southern Syria. According to Lebanese and


Western intelligence sources, the organization is trying to recruit militia fighters who received American and Israeli support. The Wall Street Journal reported earlier this month that Hezbollah is offering every new recruit some $200 a month and could recruit as many as 2,000 fighters.

This move is intended to replace pro-Iranian militia fighters from Iran and Afghanistan, part of who have retreated to eastern Syria. One of the goals of the sanctions on Iran is to block its involvement in Yemen, Syria and Iraq. But the Iranian strategy, which is based on local forces like the Houthi rebels in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon and Syria, will continue assisting the country to maintain a presence in these areas without being affected by the sanctions.This appeal is from the dismissal of a libel by a seaman seeking to recover for maintenance and cure.1 The appellant had been Chief Electrician aboard the S.S. Genevieve Lykes for several voyages prior to July 24, 1953. On that date he was admitted to the United States Public Health Service Hospital at New Orleans2 (hereinafter referred to as the Marine hospital), for a kidney ailment which was diagnosed as chronic glomerulonephritis (nephrotic stage). He remained an inpatient at the Marine hospital until January 7, 1954, or for nearly six months. It is without dispute that during that period he received unusually skillful, competent and diligent treatment and attention.

2

On January 7, 1954, the appellant was discharged from inpatient status at the Marine hospital to outpatient status with the


following notation on his record:

3

"It is felt at this time that the patient is physically fit to return to duty, but because of the marked weakness which continues, he was discharged not fit for duty with determination of fitness for duty to be made as an outpatient. * * * It is our opinion that the patient should be returned to duty as soon as feasible because of the mother-son relationship."

4

He was given a return appointment slip under which he was to receive his first outpatient check-up on the following Monday, January 11, 1954. From the time of his discharge from inpatient status at the Marine hospital on Thursday, January 7, 1954, to his return for the check-up on Monday, January 11, 1954, appellant and his mother sawnumerous doctors: a urologist at a private clinic in New Orleans, a physician at the Veterans Administration Regional Office, Dr. Edgar Hull, an eminent specialist who had been called as a consulting physician at the instance of the mother while Dobbs was a patient in the Marine hospital, and Dr. Benjamin O. Morrison, to whom Dobbs was referred by Dr. Hull, again at the instance of his mother.

5

On Dobbs' initial visit to Dr. Morrison, the doctor told him that he could not undertake his treatment while he was receiving concurrent treatment at the Marine hospital. When Dobbs returned to the Marine hospital for his first outpatient appointment as scheduled on Monday, January 11, he undertook to procure his discharge. The district court found that he told Dr. Sutter,


the trial in the district court, beginning April 12, 1955, he had remained a patient of Dr. Morrison and had spent most of his time in the private hospital. With reference to the later hospitalization of the appellant on the same date on which he was discharged as fit for duty, the district court found: [140 F.Supp. 735]

9

"Dr. Morrison gave the libelant an examination in his office and checked the albumin in the libelant's urine. The latter test gave a 4 plus determination, which Dr. Morrison appeared to regard as very serious, and which apparently was the ultimate reason for his hospitalization of the libelant on Monday, January 11, 1954. The testimony of Dr. Hull revealed that a single test of this nature would not be significant, andwould merely indicate a need for future observation. The court accepts the latter interpretation of this test as correct. The lack of significance in the albumin test is further borne out by the fact that on a subsequent hospitalization at Mercy Hospital in New Orleans, from October 18 to 20, 1954, Dr. Morrison discharged the libelant although he had 4 plus albumin in his urine during the entire course of his hospitalization, including the day of discharge."

10

The case is further complicated by some mental, nervous, or emotional trouble from which the appellant suffers, and as the result of which, several months after the trial in the district court, he became a patient at the Southeast Louisiana Hospital, and by the possibility that his kidney trouble and the medication


or alternative reasons assigned by the district court for its judgment of dismissal. The judgment is affirmed.

"As the name implies, the libelant's illness is a chronic one, but it may entirely disappear by a spontaneous remission. The reason for such a disappearance is unknown to medical science, and is unrelated to any treatments presently available. During the course of the disease its patients will suffer `attacks' in the sense that the chronic disease will flare up into an acute or sub-acute stage

"The libelant at the time of his discharge from the marine hospital had received all the improvement in his condition that could reasonably be expected to result from nursing, care and medical treatment; he had received the maximum benefits available from such nursing, care and medical treatment.This is true despite the fact that the marine hospital would have continued to follow the libelant on outpatient status in the absence of his request for a discharge. He was cured as far as possible, and could return to a gainful occupation although the need for continued observation probably would prevent his return to sea."

Dr. Sutter's testimony comprised one hundred typed pages. His opinion and that of Dr. Morrison differed. The district judge, however, thought that Dr. Sutter made "a very, very impressive witness," that "he was just as frank and objective as he could possibly be."

Dr. Sutter testified that he would have continued Dobbs as an outpatient and would not have discharged him as fit for duty if Dobbs had not asked for the discharge, and


muscular atrophy in the proximal upper extremities. Neuroimaging showed expansion of the posterior epidural space with forward displacement at neck flexion posture, as in Hirayama disease. We describe the symptoms, characteristic images, treatment, and clinical course of this case.

Case Presentation {#sec1_2}
=================

The patient was an 18-year-old man with a history of atopic dermatitis and rhinitis since a young age. He had shown normal development without any other comorbidities. His sister also had atopic dermatitis. Until May 20XX, he belonged to the track team as a middle-distance runner. He was aware of difficulty with raising both arms when changing clothes. In addition, he experienced difficulty lifting heavy bags. Weakness in both arms gradually progressed over the course of 3 months, and he was admitted to our hospital on August 20XX.Higher Ed Is Working Faculty to a Pauper's Grave

BOSTON (MainStreet)  Last month the story about the death of an adjunct professor from Duquesne University in Pittsburgh went viral. It was not so much the death of Margaret Mary Voitko at age 83 that tugged on the collective conscience of the public, but her life as a vastly underpaid and arduously overworked adjunct.

Voitko had been teaching French at Duquesne for a quarter-century before dying Sept. 1. Her position, which was contract, offered no benefits and approximately $3,500 per three-credit course  meaning her annual net salary reached barely $25,000 even during those times she was teaching three classes a semester. By contrast, the president of the University gets a yearly salary of $700,000 and full benefits, while college


than 15,000 adjuncts in the U.S., has developed a "metropolitan" organizing strategy focused first on unionizing adjuncts at colleges around Washington, D.C. The efforts have been relatively successful, with adjunct unions now present at American and George Washington universities, as well as Montgomery College.

More recently the SEIU college campaign, called Adjunct Action, has set its sights on the 20 colleges in the Boston area, with some resistance.

In particular, according to Adjunct Action, Northeastern University recently retained Jackson Lewis, the law firm of choice for corporations interested in deterring unionization among employees  so much so that the AFL-CIO has called them "the No. 1 union-buster in America."

Other colleges in the area have been less resistant, with Bentley and Tufts filing for union elections in recent months. Such stridescould have national implications.

"Boston is the bigger market for higher education, but in that sense it is a nut that needs to be cracked," SEIU campaign director for higher education Malini Cadambi Daniel told The Chronicle of Higher Education in April, noting that unionization among adjuncts in the city's institutions would "have the potential to really set the standard across the country."

Meanwhile, Voitka's Duquesne University sought to void a vote by its adjuncts to unionize by seeking an exemption from the National Labor Relations Board due to its affiliation with the Catholic Church.

Attending Duquesne is estimated to cost $41,232 per year, or even up to $57,666, with tuition and fees jumping 62% in less than a decade.

As adjunct English professor Deborah Schwartz of Boston College said in a


air blowing fan or the like.
In some of the conventional vehicular battery cooling devices, an air intake duct extending from a battery pack disposed on a rear floor panel at the rear of a rear seat to one side in the vehicle width direction is installed in a side wall of a vehicle body located at the side of a backrest part of the rear seat, the opening of the air intake duct is formed in an upper portion of a side garnish at the side of the backrest part of the rear seat, and the air in the vehicle compartment is taken into the air intake duct through this opening and is supplied to the batteries as cooling air by using an air blowing fan or thelike (JP 4114478 B).
Also, in some of the conventional vehicular battery cooling devices, an air intake duct extending from a battery pack disposed on a rear floor panel at the rear of a rear seat to the vehicle front direction is installed between the cushion part of the rear seat and the rear floor panel, an opening is formed at the front end of the air intake duct extended to the vehicle front direction, and the air in the vehicle compartment is taken into the air intake duct through this opening and is supplied to the batteries as cooling air by using an air blowing fan or the like (JP 2007-294290 A).


Texas Chiropractic College Student Excels in Classroom and on the Olympic Stage

September 28, 2016 - PASADENA, Texas

M. Seun Adigun is a Trimester 7 student at Texas Chiropractic College working towards her Doctor of Chiropractic degree. She encounters all the struggles graduate students do in daily life including learning, studying and trying to master the difficult material. However, in addition to these responsibilities, Adigun is also training to hopefully attend the 2018 Olympic Winter Games in Pyeongchang, South Korea.

Adigun began bobsledding shortly after she returned from the 2012 Summer Olympics in London where she represented the country of Nigeria in the 100m hurdles and the 4x100m relay. She decided to retire from track after a “less than ideal” performance at the games, but never officially announced that she wasmajority of track athletes already have the training to successfully complete this task which is what makes the switch more favorable for them.

Unlike most traditional students, Adigun trains for the Olympics and attends classes at Texas Chiropractic College concurrently. She says she figured out how to “make it work with discipline, time management and organization.” Adigun will begin her every day training in what she calls “bobsled land” at the end of October. She says she is thankful for the faculty and staff of Texas Chiropractic College for allowing her to work towards achieving her Olympic goals as well as her educational ones.

Adigun says she strives for excellence in everything she does, so it is no surprise that she was just recently awarded the FICS – ATLANTA 1996


MS Dhoni has drawn some flak over his dwindling hitting prowess - several experts even suggested it was time to look beyond Dhoni in T20 Internationals - but the Indian team management has been firm in its support of the former captain.

Virat Kohli and coach Ravi Shastri have thrown their weight behind Dhoni - when Dhoni had stepped down as captain of India's limited-overs teams last year, Kohli had said MSD would always remain his captain.

Kohli, when taking over as India's ODI and T20I captain, had also said he would like to see Dhoni bat up the order and enjoy his batting after shouldering the burdern of tricky chases for a decade. However, that has not been the case and Dhoni has continued to bat down the order,mostly at No.6. Some failures with the bat, especially his inability to accelerate at crucial junctures, have also drawn fierce criticism.

However, Suresh Raina, who is returning to the team after a year, said Dhoni should ideally bat up the order to hit out better.

"I feel MS Dhoni can do better up the order. He can hit better and get more time. He is the kind of player who if he plays up the order will always keep the team in a strong position," Raina told Sports Tak in an exclusive interview.

Raina, a veteran of 223 ODIs, played 153 ODIs under Dhoni's captaincy and enjoyed a great run. As one of India's most reliable middle-order options, he scored 4362 of his career total of 5568 in that phase. All


his five ODI hundreds have also come under Dhoni.

Raina, who has been selected to play the three-match T20I series against South Africa starting February 18, is being looked at as the answer to India's middle-order problems.

Over the last 12 months, India have dominated the ODI format but have struggled to find permanent solutions to the middle-order which looks fragile if the top-three (Rohit, Dhawan and Kohli) fail to deliver.

Raina has the experience of batting in the middle-order and he is looking at the upcoming T20 matches as an opportunity to consolidate his position.

He has a healthy average batting at Nos. 4-6, having scored 4783 runs.

"The T20I series will be important, then there's the series in Bangladesh and the IPL. But the experience of 50-overs cricket is very important.were either farm
laborers or did some form of back breaking manual labour. The literacy rate
was horrible and so forth. I doubt very much these farm workers could not
transition into some from of service jobs with very little training. Or some
lateral move into other manual labor positions in other parts of the economy.

I hired someone from Mexico on a visa into a 6 figure a year job who's father
was literally a farm laborer. He was quite capable to do his job. Expecting
nothing from people is a self fulfilling prophecy.

~~~
mc32
While it's true immigrants in the 19 and early 20th centuries were uneducated,
they had a generation or two available to catch up. In today's day and age,
they have a few years to adjust to this new reality.

It's true that a good


Daughters and the 1990s. Though meeting at the Glasgow School of Art only two of the original members, Douglas Morland and Kendall Koppe attended. All of the current lineup come from Glasgow with the exception of Mother who was brought up in the Orkney Islands. Kendall Koppe left the band in 2005 to pursue a career in photography. Through 2006 the band played a handful of shows including the Indian Summer Festival and the GSA degree show as a four-piece. During this period Mother wrote the majority of the material for Science Fiction Illustrated, and the album was recorded over the winter and completed in January 2007. They have been actively touring since May 2007 being joined live by Timothy Dyer on Keyboards and samples.

Musical style
The band's sounda french actor and singer, in 2006, and the pair married in st bart's in august 2011.

Single, married, divorced-episode: 20 what’s worse a study published in the new york post reports loneliness is harder on your body than obesity erik tells us about his most lonely birthday. Find nearby divorce dating app is a new concept of speed dating for all members ,members can easily make friends with the divorced single man and divorced single woman in the world, chat with strangers, and then be friend or lovers. Total household expenditures in brookesmith are above the national average the median age of the current population is 4344 with 108 people being married and 202 being single the employment numbers show that there are 60% white collar employees and


a property tax appeal if your property taxes are too high, valuing your home for estate work or a divorce or helping you secure a heloc, a local appraiser is best. Cdff (christian dating for free) largest brownfield, texas christian singles dating app/site 100% free to meet birmingham christian singles near you today. Brookesmith, tx city data brookesmith, tx is a city with great restaurants, attractions, history and people there are around 478 people who live in brookesmith and approximately 37,674 who live in brown county. It took several months, but bristol palin has finally confirmed she and dakota meyer are no longer husband and wife and she's single tmz broke the story in february the couple called it.

Get thoughtful google divorced community for practical form of dating,More than 40 business executives and other professionals appointed as special reserve deputies by erstwhile Orange County Sheriff Michael S. Carona have reported their badges and IDs lost or stolen, including his chief political and legal advisor Michael Schroeder -- who lost two shields.

Others on the list include prominent developer Michael Harrah; father-son hotel developers who hosted a lavish fundraiser for Carona; the owner of a popular Italian restaurant where Carona regularly held court; and the operator of the swap meet at the Orange County Fair and Event Center, where Carona’s wife serves on the governing board.

The names of 42 so-called Professional Service Responders were obtained Thursday by The Times under a public records request. The Sheriff’s Department did not immediately release the stolen and lost property reports


filed by these reserves, withholding them until certain personal information had been redacted.

Schroeder is one of the most prominent Carona allies on the roster. He contributed $3,200 to the ex-sheriff’s campaigns and became a reserve in 2000. A longtime political operative in Orange County, he has helped raise hundreds of thousands of dollars for powerful Republicans, including Carona and Orange County Dist. Atty. Tony Rackauckas.

Schroeder reported his first badge missing in January 2002, saying it might have been taken from his coat while he was at a barber shop, according to sheriff’s spokesman John McDonald. Schroeder was issued a new badge and lost that one in June 2007. McDonald said that he did not know the explanation for the second loss, but that Schroeder was not issued athird badge.

Schroeder is in China for the Summer Olympics and could not be reached for comment.

The Professional Service Responder ranks have long been riddled by controversy. Carona created the special category of reserves shortly after he took office nine years ago and filled it with some of the county’s richest and most powerful residents. Many are also campaign contributors, leading to allegations that Carona was doling out badges to allies.

Carona, who resigned in January and is facing trial on federal corruption charges, has denied handing out badges as political favors. But former Assistant Sheriff Don Haidl has told federal agents that Carona gave badges to dozens of people in exchange for $1,000 donations to his first campaign in 1998.

In one of her first acts in office, newly appointed


organize a Carona fundraiser at the St. Regis that drew hundreds of guests paying $1,500 a plate to attend. The event was headlined by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, another Makar beneficiary, and gave Carona a much-needed boost during a heated campaign against candidates who targeted his scandal-ridden administration.

The Makarechians -- between themselves, two other relatives and their businesses -- gave Carona at least $6,500, according to campaign records. Neither of the Makarechians could be reached for comment Thursday.

Several other Carona allies on the list could not be reached to explain what happened to their badges, including:

* Antonio Cagnolo, who owns Antonello Ristorante near South Coast Plaza in Santa Ana, a hot spot for Orange County power brokers where Carona regularly mingled with associates.

* Jeff Teller, whose family for nearlyEXCLUSIVE: Kirsten Dunst is set make her feature film directorial debut with The Bell Jar, an adaptation of Sylvia Plath’s famed 1963 novel. Dakota Fanning has been set to play the lead role of Esther Greenwood in the pic, which Dunst has co-written with Nellie Kim. The Stanford Prison Experiment producer Priority Pictures optioned remake rights from Studio Canal, and production is eyed to start in first-quarter 2017.

Priority’s Lizzie Friedman, Karen Lauder and Greg Little will produce alongside Fanning and Echo Lake Entertainment’s Brittany Kahan. Celine Rattray is executive producing.

Harper Perennial Modern Classics

The Bell Jar is set in the 1950s and follows Greenwood, who takes an internship at a magazine in New York City and, after she returns home to Boston, begins to suffer from mental illness. A


journalists must be Zimbabwean citizens, which bars all foreign nationals from reporting in the country.

Foreign correspondents may be allowed to cover special events.

It is an offence to "spread rumours or falsehoods that cause alarm and despondency under the guise of authentic reports".

Journalists are barred from publishing "unauthorised" reports of cabinet deliberations and policy advice by a head of a public body, as well as information that may be harmful to the law enforcement process and national security.

Public bodies are also barred from releasing information that relates to intergovernmental relations or their financial or economic interests.

The Foreign Correspondents Association in Zimbabwe has appealed to the courts against the law.

The Public Order and Security Act

Constitutional lawyers have warned that the wide-ranging provisions of this bill - which give unprecedented powersgatherings and crowds whenever they deem it reasonable to do so.

General Laws Amendment Act

Changes to the Electoral Act place significant obstacles in the way of those registering to vote.

In urban areas, they are required to produce passports and utility bills to prove that they have lived in their constituencies for the last 12 months.

In rural areas, local chiefs and village heads, seen as being pro-government, are required to vouch for anyone registering to vote.

Postal votes are restricted to diplomats and members of the armed forces, disenfranchising millions of students and workers living abroad.

Foreign and independent local monitors are barred but after much pressure, foreign observers, with fewer powers than monitors, will be allowed.

Election posters or pamphlets cannot be used without prior permission.

Labour Relations Amendment Bill

The bill was debated


grand slam in the first and the
Giants never looked back. Thanks to the run support — which he has not
had a hell of a lot of recently — Barry Zito got his first win since
July 16th.

Cardinals 4, Padres 1: Adam Wainwright shut the Padres down to win his
19th. San Diego falls into second place, a half game behind San Francisco and 2.5 back of the
Braves in the wild card.

Dodgers 7, Rockies 6: The Rockies jumped all over Clayton Kershaw,
grabbing a 6-1 lead after two innings. That’s all they’d get, though, as
L.A. chipped away at the lead, tying it on a Matt Kemp double in the
ninth and winning it on an A.J. Ellis — A.J. Ellis? — yes, A.J. Ellis
RBI single in the 11th. This one ended in abrisk four hours and
twenty-one minutes.

Angels 6, Rays 3: A couple of homers from Bobby Abreu and a win for Scott Kazmir give the Angels a series win. Not exactly the way Tampa Bay wanted to enter the Yankees series.

Orioles 4, Yankees 3: Luke Scott hits the tying homer off Mariano Rivera in the ninth and comes around to score the winning run on an RBI single in the 11th. Not exactly the way New York wanted to enter the Rays series.

Braves 6, Mets 3: The Mets took a 2-0 lead in the first inning and then decided to go to sleep or watch football games on their iPhones or something. Derrek Lee smacked a grand slam off double-agent Manny Acosta to help the Braves complete the sweep.

Astros 4,


of people including John Helliwell, then Editor-in-Chief of IUCr Journals, Peter Strickland, Managing Editor, and Helen Berman of the Research Collaboratory for Structural Bioinformatics (RCSB). The goal was to minimize duplication of effort in the scientific deposition and publication tasks central to structural biology, enabling facile transfer of information from database to journal, thereby speeding publication but also encouraging enrichment of depositions. The task required listing of all data required and recommended for publication, groundwork for which had already been undertaken by the journal editors, as well as assuring that all such data items had definitions in the mmCIF dictionary, preparation for which had already begun at RCSB. One of us worked closely with Brian McMahon of IUCr Journals and John Westbrook of RCSB to put that pieceThe Runways of Yesterday: 9 Designers Worth Revisiting

Fashion Week is underway in New York City, and American designers are showcasing their visions of the future. Our fashion world heavyweights - Donna, Calvin, and Marc - are further cementing their legends; the next generation of designers, such as Jason Wu, Thakoon, and Derek Lam, are building theirs.

I'm watching the proceedings with great interest, but also thinking about celebrated designers of bygone eras, whose works once shimmered on runways and filled the closets of American women.

It's interesting to see whose legends thrive and whose fade. Chanel, for example, has prospered into an international powerhouse, while many of Coco Chanel's once-powerful contemporaries -- such as Elsa Schiaparelli and Madeleine Vionnet -- have been relegated to the backpages of history, even if


1960s, you certainly would have known about Oleg Cassini, who was responsible for so many of Jackie Kennedy's now-iconic White House ensembles.

Let's give them an encore bow on the runway.

* * *

Paul Poiret (1879-1944)

This Parisian self-proclaimed "King of Fashion," is often credited with emancipating women from corsets, petticoats, and pantaloons; when he opened his maison de couture in 1903, he draped a lucky few instead in luxurious, exotic, robe-like gowns, influenced by the Greek chiton, the Japanese kimono, and the North African and Middle Eastern caftan. He ousted prim fabrics and ushered in brocades and velvets, often in lush jewel tones.

Poiret was considered terribly modern until he wasn't: Chanel's little black dress of the 1920s made his lavish designs look overly-adorned and "old hat." One anecdote describes ameeting between the two designers, between whom no love was lost: noting Chanel's all-black ensemble, Poiret quipped, "Madame, for whom do you mourn?" She stared at him coldly and responded answered: "For you, monsieur."

* * *

Elsa Schiaparelli (1890 - 1973)

This lavishly-creative Italian-born designer - known as "Schiap" to her friends - was once as revered and famous as Mademoiselle Chanel, who derisively referred to her rival as "that Italian artist who makes clothes."

Schiaparelli was closely associated with Dada and Surrealist movements, collaborating on pieces and collections with artists Salvador Dalí, Jean Cocteau, and Alberto Giacometti; her most famous creation was arguably the Lobster Dress, a simple white silk evening gown with a big, fat lobster painted by Dali onto the skirt. She also created a hat shaped like


a woman's high-heeled shoe, with the heel pointing straight up into the air and the toe tilted over the wearer's forehead. Both designs were were touted by some of the world's most formidable clotheshorses.

* * *

Lilly Daché (1898 - 1989)

French-born Lilly Daché was the most celebrated milliner in the United States during the 1930s and 40s - a time during which hats were the centerpieces of a woman's wardrobe. Her wildly-creative hat designs were coveted by all fashion-minded females and touted as status objets by practically ever major movie star of the day, including Greta Garbo, Marlene Dietrich, Carmen Miranda, and Jean Harlow.

Like so many fashion industry powerhouse doyennes of her era, Daché was rags-to-riches icon: arriving in America at the age of 16 with thirteen dollars inhis garments were as finished and beautiful as the outside."

Although celebrated within the fashion industry since the 1950s, he became truly renowned when First Lady Nancy Reagan began to wear his gowns. He retired in 1998.

For years, Cassini worked as a Hollywood costume designer, and began creating ready-to-wear in the 1940s. The fashion world was stunned when First Lady Jackie Kennedy began to wear his designs; as one Women's Wear Daily journalist wrote, "Everyone was surprised. Oleg Cassini had been around for years. He was debonair, amusing, social, but none of the fashion intellectuals had considered him an important designer."

Suddenly he was among the most important, and his Camelot-endorsed sheath-and-pillbox-hat ensembles created a watershed moment in fashion history. It has been estimated that Cassini designed three hundred outfits


for Mrs. Kennedy, including her famous ivory satin gown for the inaugural balls in 1961.

"All I remember about those days are nerves, and Jackie on the phone: 'Hurry, hurry, Oleg, I've got nothing to wear'," he wrote in his 1995 book, A Thousand Days of Magic: Dressing Jacqueline Kennedy for the White House.

* * *

Mary McFadden (b. 1938)

Born on a cotton plantation in Tennessee, Mary McFadden eventually became one of America's most worldly designers. Often referred to as a "design archeologist," McFadden and her gowns (often inspired by ancient civilizations) were particularly renowned in the 1970s and 80s.

McFadden's 100+ collections reference the art of ancient Near Eastern, African, Greek, Javanese, Pre-Columbian, Dynastic Chinese, Japanese, and Korean cultures; she also hosted fashion shows in Guatemala, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Beirut,of the calves around the age of 10 years. He became aware of his difficulty in climbing stairs beginning at the age of 20 years. At the age of 28 years, he was admitted to a university hospital and diagnosed with sporadic BMD based on his clinical symptoms, serum creatine kinase elevation, and dystrophic changes in his muscle biopsy specimens. However, immunostaining for the muscular dystrophin protein was not available because the *DMD* gene had not been discovered at that time. A few decades after the first diagnosis of BMD, his attending doctor pointed out the possibility that his illness might not be BMD, but limb-girdle muscular dystrophy (LGMD) because the progression of his clinical symptoms was relatively slower than expected. He was intellectually normal. He could walk


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Description

A fascinating and informative look at state-of-the-art nanotechnology research, worldwide, and its vast commercial potential

Nanotechnology Commercialization: Manufacturing Processes and Products presents a detailed look at the state of the art in nanotechnology and explores key issues that must still be addressed in order to successfully commercialize that vital technology. Written by a team of distinguished experts in the field, it covers a range of applications notably: military, space, and commercial transport applications, as well as applications for missiles, aircraft, aerospace, and commercial transport systems.

The drive to advance the frontiers of nanotechnology has become a major global initiative with profound economic, military, and environmental implications. Nanotechnology has tremendous commercial and economic implications with a projected $ 1.2 trillion-dollar global market. This book describes current research in the field anddetails its commercial potential—from work bench to market.

Examines the state of the art in nanotechnology and explores key issues surrounding its commercialization

Takes a real-world approach, with chapters written from a practical viewpoint, detailing the latest research and considering its potential commercial and defense applications

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Written by an all-star team of experts, including pioneer patent-holders and award-winning researchers in nanotechnology

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About the Author

Editor in Chief

Thomas O. Mensah, PhD is currently the President and CEO of the Georgia Aerospace Systems, an advanced aerospace composite manufacturing company, which has supplied nanoscale composite structures for unmanned aerial vehicle systems to the US Department of Defense. He is a Fellow of the National Academy of Inventors and is a holder of 7 US Patents. He has previously worked at AT&T Bell Laboratories and Corning Glass Works. He is a Director of AIChE Nanoscale Engineering Forum.

Co-Editors

Ben Wang, PhD is Director of Georgia Tech Manufacturing Institute. He is the Executive Director Georgia Tech Manufacturing Institute. He is the co-developer of the first continuous process for making free standing carbon nanotube network or Bucky paper. Dr. Wang was awarded the Micro/NANO 25 Award byNASA and the Nano Technology Institute and is the holder of 6 US patents. He is Chair of the Industrial Systems Engineering at Georgia Institute of Technology.

Geoffry Bothun, PhD is Professor of Chemical Engineering and Principal Investigator/ Director of Rhode Island Consortium for Nanoscience and Nanotechnology, a state wide Initiative, and Director of Rhode Island NSF EPSCoR, He is the current Chairman of AIChE Nanoscale Engineering Forum, NSEF.

Jessica Winter, PhD is the H.C. Slip Slider Assistant Professor of Chemical and Biological Engineering at the University of Ohio, Columbus. A Fellow of the American Institute of Medical and Biological Engineers, and a Fellow of the American Association of the Advancement of Science AAAS. She is Past Chairman of AIChE Nanoscale Engineering Forum NSEF.

Virginia Davis, PhD is Associate Professor Chemical


as the core of the projects in the city, which historically exposed in formalization of power relations and religious ideologies. In this sense, studying the spatial transformation of Iranian public squares introduces the framework, which is adaptable to contemporary urban context. Keywords: Meydan, paradise, sovereignty, Iranian squares, urban transition, spatial transformation. Introduction In 1983, the French philosopher Roland Barthes in his book Empire of Signs, introduced the squares as the political orders in the ideogram of the city. Further, he argues that Tokyo offers this precoius paradox: "It does possess a center, but this center is empty. The entire city turnes around a site both forbidden and indifferent, inhabited by an emporar who is never seen, which is to say, literally, by no one knows who" (Barthes 1983:more readings on the relationship between architectural forms, political theory and urban history see Aureli 2008 and 2011: 32–37. exercise of his political nature. Drawing upon Aristotle's ideal the Islamic socio-political Thinker Abu Nasir Farabi, in his political treaties states that humans cannot attain the perfection they are destined to outside the framework of political societies. Farabi envisioned an ideal or perfect city, under a philosopher-king for mankind to attain happiness through living in a perfectly guided city (see Macarimbang 2013: 73–92). In other words, the political understanding of the concept of Iranian city has always been entangled into the theological concepts. 2 Regarding this issue, urban space of traditional Iranian cities was the medium through which different mechanism of power; theological sovereignty and social control took place.


This idea was reinterpreted during the Islamic era, in which God was believed to be the center of the whole world (Nasr 1987). According to Burckhardt, Iranian architecture attempts to create a space without any mediators between man and God, as emptiness (Burckhardt 1970). Following this introduction to the discourse of political in relation to urban form, the structure of the paper revolves around the central concept of Meydan (square). In 1990, Michael Webb in his book 2 For more information on the radically political (Carl Schmitt's term) dimension to the Iranian city See Khosravi 2014. A. Mehan. Blank slate: squares and political order of city312 The City Squares, introduced the square as a symbol of authorithy, and as the seed which the city would grow. Webb introducedthe new world as a blank slate on which people had the oppurtunity and duty to God and King to write (Webb 1990: 104). With this introduction, this research enables a posssibility of recalling cognitive, symbolic and cultural relatioship between urban form and archetypes attached to cities that have not been mentioned before in the proceess of modern city poject. Thus, the image of square as public space leads us to the inescapable logic of Agora in ancient Greek and Roman Forum to Tiananmen Square3 in Beijing in the spring of short-term release (May 1989) and the murder of three thousand insurgents and events in Tahrir Square during the "Arab Spring". This line connects the concept of square not only to the Agora and Forum as political space


for democratic decision-making in ancient Greek or Roman republic, but to a more general sense, also blinds as "scene" (arena /scène). Building upon this theoretical framework, respectively the historical, social and political concept of Meydan – a term which has mostly applied for the Iranian and Islamic public squares – is reintroduced in the first part, as the embodiment of the square in the image of the Islamic Persian city. Since this paper aims to connect basic thoughts, ideologies, foundations and frameworks in urban history of Iranian square, the most predominant concepts of Persian Squares in shaping the ideogram of the city represented. The politico-religious foundations of Iranian square as Space of "Sovereignty", "earthly Incarnation of celestial paradise" and "city's courtyard" will be investigated. This article defines theIslamic city as a sovereign political community, which modernity transformed its urban form and social function. The next parts, "Square as Locus of Power" and "Escape from Square" and "Insurgent Squares", expands the concept of Meydan and situates it in contemporary historical context. These parts particularly explore the very concept of square through autocratic modernity. Meydan Events from February 2013 to January 2014 in Ukraine, that continues to this day and has become an international crisis, also brought with it a special 3 What makes this square so remarkable is that China had no tradition of public squares. Mao cleverly inserted his vast plaza along the imperial axis, as a symbolic conservation of his legitimacy but the model in form and function, was Moscow's Red Square. As a


consequence, a million Chinese jammed Tiananmen Square in Beijing in May 1989, demanding democratic rights and defying the government's threats of a crackdown, see Webb 1990: 177–178. word: Maidan or in Russian (майдан ) with the same pronunciation; Since the center point of riots and protests in Kiev's main square was exactly the same place which they called Maidan. In terms of genealogy, this ottoman legacy from the Arabic and Persian roots, is spacious open space which was a gathering place of people to come together, play polo, horse riding and especially to see the shows, including public horrible deaths (torture, bombardment, public executions ...). Respectively, Maidan is a Ukrainian word for "Square, Open Space", ultimately from Arabic language maydan, via Turku-Persian transmission, Persian meydan meaning "field, Park,Open Space, Square". The Arabic word originally meant "horse-racing ground; hippodrome". The etymology of the word equivalent in European languages brings us to Greek and Latin plateau, which was called Agora4 in political situations and Forum5 in Roman politics. The word Meydan has pre-Islamic roots in maita-ni (hippodrome), and in the case of Persian cities, it has been observed that each city had at least one central square, used for trade and public gatherings (Mehan 2016a: 547). Michael Webb, in his book "The City Squares", argues that traditional square has been shaped by commerce and defense, political systems and cultural traditions, climate and topography (Webb 1990: 20). In its most common functional definition, Meydan denoted a public space of social interaction, especially to accommodate the need for temporary


or daily markets and as a place to showcase the conduct of justice (grants of privilege and public executions).6 Historical evidence suggests that in its initial stages, the Persian square took shape in association with the state authority and governmental headquarters. The main concept of Iranian public square was first made in PersianHellenic city from 9 B.C to 3 A.C which was a multi functional center for cultural, official and commercial purposes. The first appearance of public squares in the cities of ancient Iran was in the junction of the routes that were ending at the gates of the city. The most important re4 Ancient Agora is an archetypal public space for the European city and its architectural plot has become a subject of many interpretations and influences.Lewis Mumford has described the Agora as a refined version of a gathering place, irregular and unenclosed. For Greeks of the classical era, Agora was the essential component of a free polis, a symbol of democracy and the rule of law, see Webb 1990: 28–29. 5 Roman tribes established their first forum as a symbol of union, market and meeting place. Fora civilica and Fora venalia were special places for assembly and for sale of fish. For centuries, Roman Forum was the center of the city's political, religious and social life, see Webb 1990: 29–31. 6 For more comprehensive debates on the Safavid Maydan see Babaei 2015: 175–217 Journal of Architecture and Urbanism, 2016, 40(4): 311–321 313 maining of those cities is the city of Persepolis or Parse,


which has been built around 518 B.C., and hold the great attention in terms of architecture and city planning because of its alleys, streets and public spaces, which indicate an advanced stage of planning of the cities. It appears that the square was built in the vicinity of royal palaces and major political centers and considered as a place for ceremonies and political gatherings. In the pre-Islamic period, particularly at the time of the Sassanid, squares were spaces allocated to religious rituals or official ceremonies. In certain cities they were positioned near royal palaces and gates, and chiefly used for military parades. In this era, Square is a place where bazaars open up so it is not shaped as a "planned" urban element (Habibi 2003: 34). During theSassanid empire (AD 224–651), the expansion of internal commerce and the development and growth of cities led to the creation of commercial trade centers. This transformation can be regarded as the representation of public squares instead of royal squares in Iranian history of architecture and urbanism. Historical analysis shows that Sassanid city with political, military and central government domain has found a deeper consistency comparing to the past periods. Also the urban society and the body of the Sassanid city have been under the influence of religious ideologies, social ideals and worldview of that period (see Khalatbari, Partovi Moghadam 2010: 50–70). Swiss photographer, George Gerster in the book entitled Ancient Iran took an aerial photograph of the first known Sassanid city; Gur (also called Firuzabad) (Fig. 1). It's


distinctive circular plan, is divided into 20 parts, radially structured and extends over a plain crossed by pathways, drainage ditches, and irrigation channels. The tower at the center of the city was essential for measuring the radial lines and also had a symbolic significance as the focal point of the empire, which later became the model for the plan of Baghdad (City of Peace) in the eighth century (Gester 2010) (Fig. 2). According to the ninth-century Arab geographer and historian Yaqubi, author of The Book of Countries, Baghdad's trade-friendly position on the Tigris close to the Euphrates gave it the potential to be "the crossroads of the universe". By the time Yaqubi was writing, Baghdad has already become the center of the world (Yaqobi 1861). The perfect circlewas a tribute to the geometric teachings of Euclid. According to 11th-century scholar, Al Khatib al Baghdadi, Four equidistant gates pierced the outer walls where straight roads led to the center of the city. The very center was empty except for the two finest buildings in the city: the Great Mosque and the Caliph's Golden Gate Palace, a classically Islamic expression of the union between temporal and spiritual authority (Marozzi 2014). Accordingly, the mosque was the premier public space in the Islamic city, the equivalent of the Agora in the ancient Greek city and the public square in the medieval Western city (Grabar 1969). For Webb, the Meydan created as a unified composition at the command of one ruler, which represented in Temple Mount of Jerusalem as one


of the most sacred and oldest urban spaces, which has evolved over three millennia (Webb 1990: 25–27). Generally, in the lands dominated by various cultural practices of Islam, the architectural concept of the Meydan (Or Arabic Maydan) may have taken myriad shapes, reflecting also the etymological hybridity of the term itself. According to Sussan Babaei "The idea of an articulated public urban space in the early cities of late Antique Period, where newly arrived or converted Muslim residents integrated into their urban fig. 1. Drawing aerial photo of the Sassanid circular city of Gur Source: (Gester 2010) fig. 2. Plan of the round city of Baghdad in the 10th century, the peak of the abbasid Caliphate Source: (Soutif 2016) A. Mehan. Blank slate: squares and political order ofcity314 planning the functional and spatial possibilities presented by the survival and memories of the Roman Fora and Byzantine hippodromes" (Babaei 2015).7 Rabbat argues that in the case of the numerous Islamic cities, the open space of the main congregational mosque may consciously, replaced the Agora8 in both its urban and political functions. Rabbat states that type of open space, called Maydan, already existed in the Arab cities. It was introduced as a hippodrome for equestrian exercises when most of the Arab cities were ruled by military dynasties in the pre modern period (Rabbat 2012: 198–208). In the case of Iranian cities, when Shi'ism spread throughout the country, public religious ceremonies such as rituals of Moharram and Ramadan – in which people had active roles both as spectators


and performers – intensified the need for public spaces. Tekkiiyehs and Hosseiniyehs (halls used as religious ceremonies) began to build to meet their needs (Kheirabadi 2000). The conquest of Iran by Islam (637–651 A.D), led to the end of the Sassanid Empire and the eventual decline of Zoroastrian religion in Iran.9 Therefore, the mosques as the centers of religion started to be added to the previous important elements of Persian cities. After the rise of Islam, the gathering spaces in Persian cities have been the platforms of mosques and bazaars. The meaning of Square in Iran as the center of cultural, economical and official exchanges has mostly been derived from the city planning of the Seleucid Empire in 312–63 B.C. (Mohammadzadehmehr 2003). Square as courtyard of the cityGideon suggested that the impact of religion on architecture could be explained by man's desire for a prolongation of life and for a constitution of existence after death in ancient Middle Eastern architecture (Giedion 1981: 9). According to Gideon, the joy of celebrating under the sky but within the enclosure of courtyard houses evokes a sense of continuity and eternal existence (Giedion 1981: 138). Based on Sumerian cosmology, the universe consisted of heaven and earth (An-Ki), which was united until Enlil (God of air), se7 See Sussan Babaei "Sacred Sites of Kingship: The Maydan and Mapping the Spiritual Vision of the Empire in Safavid Iran". In Persian Kingship and Architecture: Strategies of Power in Iran from the Achaemenids to the Pahlavis, by Sussan Babaei and Talinn Grigor, 200.


I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2015. 8 The Agora was a political and a religious center, a place of complex associations, a place for producing craft, buying and selling, but also a place for law, politics, philosophy and religion. 9 According to Thomas Walker Arnold, Muslim Missionaries did not encounter difficulty in explaining Islamic tenants to Zoroastrians, as there were many similarities between the faiths. For the Persian, Ahura Mazda and Ahriman meet under the name of Allah and Iblis (see Arnolds 1896). parated them. Faozi Ujam believes that this ideology was recreated in courtyard architecture, which embodied the reunification between earth (the courtyard) and heaven (the sky).10 Regarding the sacred significance of the courtyards, Campo believes that courtyards evoke the paradise. The Greek word παραδεισος [paradeisos] wasaccording to Mazdaean-Zoroastrian ideology is "happiness for 10 For more information on cosmological genesis of the courtyard house see Ujam 2006: 95–107. 11 The earthly image of Paradise is one of illustrated in the Athanasius Kircher's Arc Noë, as a walled domain located between the Tigris and Euphrates in Mesopotamia. It is formed as an enclosed square plan; four gates, which are guarded by four angels, facing the four cardinal points. In the middle of the domain two bodies of water meet and the Tree of life is located. It is where Adam and Eve are illustrated by the ree of nowledge positioned in the bottom left corner of the paradise, see Kircher 1675: 230. fig. 3. aerial photo of naghsh-e jahan Square Source: archnet.org Journal of Architecture


and Urbanism, 2016, 40(4): 311–321 315 mankind".12 Similarly, Farabi, Islamic Philosopher, (1985) in his political treatises premises that the humans can only attain the perfection they are destined to inside the framework of political association or in his terms "Societies of People". In this sense, Farabi referred to an excellent or ideal city as a city-state through which its inhabitants co-operate to achieve happiness. Farabi emphasized that this condition is only possible under the sovereignty of a ruler, whose decision is analogous to God's act (see Al-Farabi 1985: 237). By the vast use of this model in Iranian plateau, paradise developed in to archetypical forms of built environment to expand the empire, peace and happiness. In illustrating an Islamic paradise, the Qur'anic theme was picked off and woveninto later Muslim literature on terrestrial gardens. Quran speaks of four types of river in celestial paradise, which inspires the four-part design of the Persian garden.13 Lehrman argues about threefold attraction of establishing gardens in Iran as follows: first was the idea of paradise as a reward for the faithful, based on many references to the Paradise Garden in the Quran. Second was the secular tradition of the royal pleasure garden in Iran. Third was the particular response to the demands of terrain and climate in Iran, with its predominant dryness and heat.14 The typical enclosed and central courtyard15 prevalent in Mesopotamian and Iranian houses was used in Iranian square in a grand scale. Central courtyards in between masses of solid volumes reflect the important role of emptiness


that is also represented by the Chahar-bagh design. The four parts of the Chahar-bagh symbolize and serve to represent the four rivers of Paradise mentioned in the Qur'anic verses. 14 Courtyards became a generic typology in hot, arid, climatic landscapes and form the basis of urban pattern in Medinas of the Islamic world. For more information see Lehrman 1980: 32 and Edwards et al. 2006: 15. 15 The Courtyard provides a private, protected space, symbolizing the inner life of individual. In practice it supplies light and cool air to the rooms that form it. Fountain, pool, shade and occasional tree are also a symbolic reflection of Paradise, Lehrman 1980: 31. The courtyard, having been defined by the house itself and by high walls, is an "open to sky"space and is used primarily as an extension of the living quarters, Edwards et al. 2006:15. ven. According to Nader Ardalan, an Iranian contemporary architect: "[The] courtyard as the manifestation of the centripetally oriented form of the microcosm, the hidden, may be viewed as mutually complementing and thereby completing aspects of spaces" (Ardalan, Bakhtiar 2000: 68). In Iranian history, this particular reading of paradise resulted in shaping a spatial archetype that promoted specific urban form: the Meydan. According to Kamran Afsharnaderi – contemporary Iranian architect – the Iranian plaza was conceived as a city courtyard, which emphasizes its boundaries while the center is always empty (Afsharnaderi 2007). The idea of a central empty space, as an introverted characteristic, implied explicitly in courtyards or urban squares that should be


seen as "uncovered rooms of the city". Square as political locus of "Sovereignty" Safavid dynasty (1501–1736 AC) that is approximately coincides with European Renaissance, often referred to as the first geo-politically stable dynasty after introduction of Islam to Iran (Blair, Bloom 1995). The works in Safavid dynasty are also known as the symbol of Persian art, architecture, and urbanism, which were affected by three major factors including: Power, Religious Beliefs and Symbolism. Safavid era is also known to have strong inclination towards religion and Iran became distinctly different form surrounding countries which all followed Sunni Islam. Consequently, power and religious beliefs during Safavid period created the Iranian identity. These three factors that were influenced by people, have been manifested in public squares of Safavid era.16 Political power inSafavid era has used architecture and planning to convey its messages, especially through large public spaces, which have been loaded by the power's favorite symbolic messages. The Safavids embodied a royal status infused with spiritual authority to maintain the politico-religious and territorial integrity of the empire. Regarding the development of power, French Philosopher, Michele Foucault, states that one of the key parts of discipline, as a technique in a disciplinary society is control of space. The other way of increasing the power of authorities is by bringing the similar people in a place to absorb others who share the same belief and giving sacred values to the place (Foucault 1995). During the Safavid period, many Shi'a clergies 16 During the Safavid period, political power and religious belief joined


each other to define an Iranian identity. These three aspects of "identity", "religious belief", and "power" have been manifested in architecture of especially public buildings through "symbols" (Sani 2009). A. Mehan. Blank slate: squares and political order of city316 immigrated from Lebanon and Bahrain to Iran as the only safe and wealthy place for Shi'a Muslims during this period (Sani 2009). The very demonstration of the ideological power of the Safavids is manifested in the grand scale urban projects in the time of Shah Abbas, who chose the city of Isfahan as the new capital. Although, Lockhart stresses that the city "was no creation of his, for it has been a great city long before Shah Abbas reign; it had moreover been at times the capital of thecountry".17 Isfahan in the 17th century (AD 1598–1722) projected cosmopolitanism as a Mega city that anchored on the conceptual and functional grandeur of the city (Babaie 2010). The new master plan of Shah Abbas differentiated the new city from the old historical center by organizing the street patterns on orthogonal grids not oriented toward Mecca.18 The very concept of the city as the imperial capital manifested both ideas of Persian paradise19 and Islamic Medina in their greatest manifestation. Walcher states that a closer examination of the layout of Isfahan shows the combined principles of Turco-Iranian forms of city and Perso-Islamic and Timurid patterns of garden (Walcher 1998: 331). However, its grandiose architectural design happened in the formation of a unique spatial configuration of Meydan, which was a rectangular


space surrounded by bazaars and served as the forecourt to the royal palaces, gardens and mosques and contributed to social and political activities.20 The new Meydan became the archetype of Iranian spatial apparatus, which the sovereign state communicated to the world (Fig. 4). The Meydan measures 83 000 square meters in area, second only in size to Tiananmen Square21 in Beijing. Sir Thomas Herbert, a member of the British diplomatic mission of 1628, described the Meydan as "without doubt the most spacious, pleasant and aromatic market in the universe". Moreover, 17 The strategic location of Isfahan, abundant water supply and fertile land facilitated the development of Isfahan in the 17th century as Safavid new political capital, (see Walcher 1998: 330; Lockhart 1967: 210–225). 18 The old city hadnarrow winding streets and the old Meydan was oriented toward Mecca. 19 Poets and writers consciously chose the metaphor of paradise to celebrate Isfahan's beauty and extol its pre-eminence as imperial city. As well, Carl Ritter called it "die Paradiesische Stadt" in the early 19th century in Die Erdkunde von Asien (Ritter 1938: 21). 20 The Existence of some historical, cultural, political and geographical features of Naghsh-e Jahan Square in Saheb-Abad and Saadat squares confirmed their common ideological origins. For more Gidion's comments about the entire tradition of spatial modern perspective, and Pope Sixtus V's drawing of Rome, see Tournikiotis 19599: 41. 21 Mao also dramatically reconfigured Tiananmen Square, turning what had long been a modest T-shaped palace into a vast masonry expanse intended to be able to


assemble one million Parties faithful, see Vale 2008: 31. Meydan creates an alignment with the new promenade called The Chaharbagh (1596–1602) and the multi-ethnic, multi-faith sacred sites in south part of the Zayandeh River. The 1.9-kilometer boulevard (the chaharbagh) was an impressive urban intervention, which was built as the north south axis of the new capital to connect the new center of the city (the Meydân) to the royal quarters over the river. This comprehensive project is comparable to similar urban interventions in Rome by Pope Sixtus V, which had been launched just a few years before.22 The four sides of the Maydan were strategically articulated by the placement of the monumental structures: the royal bazaar (Qaysariyye, begun in 1590/91) on the north side linking the new urbancenter to the old through its vaulted markets; the Ali Qapu Palace (1590/91–1615) on the west, serving also as the ceremonial entrance into the palace; the Sheikh Lotf-Allah Chapel-Mosque on the east; and the spectacular new congregational mosque (the Royal Mosque, 1611–1638) on the south. Isfahan and the Meydan represented a political impulse to establish an imperial capital that would rival contemporary Constantinople or Agora. Therefore the entire Meydan design can be read as the imprint of a spiritual mapping of Safavid Sovereignty (Babaie 2015). By the seventeenth century, the square and its attached institutions were not only the ceremonial sites of sovereignty, but also the integrated sites of commercial, civic, religious and, political 22 Herbert compared Isfahan's rise as the symbol of Safavid hegemony with the grandiose


supremacy of ancient royal palace cities like Babylon and Persepolis, see Herbert 1638: 153. fig. 4. Engraving of the maydan naghsh-e jahan in Tavernier. The city square is a positive void in Isfahan Source: Bibliothèque nationale de france (gallica.bnf.fr) Journal of Architecture and Urbanism, 2016, 40(4): 311–321 317 interactions. In this layout, the royal compound was connected to the city through the intermediary space of Meydan; this was sustained as a precedent for Iranian cities over the next three centuries. Squares as locus of power The very notion of Square as microcosms of urban life and social relations has been transformed dramatically, especially in modern Iran (Mehan 2016b: 246). The traditional patterns of use for public squares were in charge till the modern ages when European patterns ofcity planning were mixed with the traditional layout of the cities. In Traditional Iranian squares, streets entered the space at its corners, leaving the center free for commercial or social activities. However the streets of Renaissance style, entered the square at the middle of its sides, which accommodated traffic and put a visual emphasis on the central point, where a statue or monument could be placed. Therefore, the design of the square was changing according to the principle of central composition, whereby the entire composition revolved around a central point, which now often marked the glory of absolute power. In order to understand the concept of power, Foucault's ideas used to explore power, religious beliefs and national identity through symbolism in architecture and urban design. According to Foucault


(1980), the success of power and its acceptance depends on its ability to legitimize its existence by use of different sources like hiding behind the religious beliefs, national values or architecture. In this interpretation, the square as a whole reflects the struggle between sources of power, as each source tries to gain control of the society through showing strong appearance in urban space. Public squares are fundamental features of cities, which constitute the main social areas.23 This expression of power has always been one of the functions of architecture. The way the architecture of a period affects the image of a government through the style of governmental buildings is probably the main way to see how architecture is manipulated by power (Skolimowski 1972)". Vale (1999) argues that "thereare business, cultural and governmental elites, which have control over images; these elites need 'official' sorts of architectural monuments to demonstrate their ongoing power and legitimacy" (Vale 1999: 391–408). Milani (2004) describes what exists in the main square of Isfahan, an ancient Persian city that was the capital of the country for a while, as a combination of the main elements of the power in a society. He writes "Naghsh-e Jahan Square at 23 For more debates on Social Function of historical Public Squares on citizens' Quality of Life, see Mehan 2016c: 1768–1773. Isfahan, with its spatial grandeur and name, which means, 'map of the world', was designed according to the King's astute and carefully enforced calculus of power. The trinity of the mosque, the bazaar, and the


crown, the three pillars of power and commerce in traditional Iran, dominated its landscape" (Milani 2004). In this sense, the first modern great square of Tehran, which was named Toopkhaneh, meaning "the Cannon House," was physical evidence of the use of urban design by the ruling power to control the society since it became an urban element of defense against public uprisings and social demonstrations" (Milani 2004). The continuation of the monarchy (palace) and the absolute power of the ruler, the intermediary role of religion (mosque) and economic institutions (bazaar), and the symbolic notions of order and direction have all had direct implications on the urban form of Tehran, even today; the axial form of the city, which caused the segregation of the poor and the rich, derivedImam Khomeini Square, also called Toopkhaneh Square which is literally means artillery Square), Tehran's main square, 18 august 1953. Source: The Guardian's archive A. Mehan. Blank slate: squares and political order of city318 design to fight 'the barricades,' to make the city and the citadel more defensible against a popular uprising" (Milani 2004). According to Mahvash Alemi: "The square reflects the principal ambitious of the court and is a sort of exhibition hall for new acquisitions: the military reform is perceived through the cannons, the decorations and the nearby drill grounds; the technological innovations are to be seen in the use of gas for illumination, the telegraph, and the tramway; the new source of finance, the Imperial Bank of Persia, is the most important building facing the square"


(Alemi 1985). From 1949 on, sentiment for nationalization of Iran's oil industry grew and Toopkhaneh square became as one of the most important gathering points for mass rallies and social demonstrations in supporting Iranian Oil Nationalization Movement. During the days leading to 1953 Iranian coup d'état, Toopkhaneh square became the focal point for Anti-Shah political parties meetings and revolutionaries' gatherings and demonstrations like the Toodeh Party demonstrations in Toopkhaneh Square. In 1979, a few days after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Iranian Pulls down statue of Reza Shah Pahlavi in Toopkhaneh Square after his son, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi leaves the country. This symbolic fell down of statue as well as the change in square's name (From Sepah to Imam Khomeini Square) brought a new chapter in politicallife of the square (Fig. 5). Escape from squares There are some research related to the urban transition in Iran; which all are unanimous that modern movement destroyed heritage urban textures in many of Iranian cities. However, there are few references on the urban transition and evolution process of Iranian public spaces (see Mehan 2016b; Keddie, Richard 2003). By formation of Qajar government in 1786, Iran experienced a new period of global history, social, economic and cultural changes. In the beginning of Qajar dynasty in 18th century, urbanism in Iran was not much different with Safavid era, the bazaar and square were still the backbone of the city, and other urban spaces like mosque, square, and school were its inseparable spaces. Social interactions still took place mainly in


bazaar as a place for refreshments, rest, and exchange of news; actually, it was considered as the focal point of public life as well as center of social, cultural, recreational, religious and political activities. But by the end of Qajar dynasty in 19th century, which coincides with industrial revolution period in Europe, the urban planning in Iran encountered many changes. The most important and significant element of change was the advent of car into urban spaces, which led to establishment of some long and wide streets in heritage urban texture (Kheirabadi 2000). In the process of Modernization, most of squares bearing little resemblance to their earlier counterparts. The new squares were neither the naturally evolved spaces of tradition nor primarily open-ended centers of activity for people. They weresymbols of axial planning in the Western sense, visual nodes and keys to the city's image. Within the urban grid, they became Le Corbusier's "apparatus for circulation". These large and symmetrical public squares and circles were planned as grand, monumental focal points of the city (Mehan 2017). Some of the most important characteristics of public squares in this era are; paying attention to physical aspects of square façades, inspiring from western urbanism and architecture style, continuity in form, advent of automobiles in urban spaces, locating at the intersections of main streets, regular geometric shape especially rectangular and circular form, and paying attention to details in façade of squares (Savadkouhifar 1999). In the latter half of the 20th century the pressure for industrialization in Iran created new concerns. The


(Low, Smith 2006: 17–34). In contemporary Middle Eastern experience, the rise to prominence of space of Tahrir Square (Midan Tahrir) in Cairo since the Egyptian revolution in January 2011 has cast new light on the significance of insurgent urban spaces. Indeed, even the late twentiwth and early twenty-first centuries events in Iran, demonstrate public actions in major public squares: the 1978 beginnings of the Iranian reveloution starts around a series of bloody encounters at the Maydan-e Jaleh in Tehran; followed by anti-Shah protests in 1979, as well as the uprisins of 2009, took place at the famous Journal of Architecture and Urbanism, 2016, 40(4): 311–321 319 Shahyad (now Azadi/Freedom) square. Leach highlights the crucial role of social ground of architectural form when removed from its contextual situation. Heargues that "Monumental Architecture achieves its political status through semantic association depends on an historical memory within the collective imagination. Once this memory fades, the building may be appropriated based on new ideological imperatives" (Leach 2004: 118–120). The utility of these contemporary squares as the place of encounter with the ruling power in the modern era are demonstrably related to the historic relation of the idea of Meydan (Maydan or Midan) in Islamic cities. The Shahyad (now Freedom) monumental square associated with various political positions, which is depended upon the collective memory and public imagination. What was happened in this iconic Square of Tehran was the prolonged and mass occupation of public squares by citizens that represented the public square as the archetypal "center stage" upon which collective


action is symbolically meaningful (Fig. 6). The square became widely known as Freedom (in Persian language: Azadi) Square after the 1978 Iranian Islamic revolution and officially renamed after the 1978 Iranian Islamic revolution. By its ordering role as the spatial center of the nation and by its name, this space was important in the production of modern citizenship. Conclusions This research explores the political foundations of the square. It positions itself around Rolan Barthes theory of representing the squares as the political orders in the ideogram of the city. Based on Michael Webb's definition, this study proposes the city as a place formed by politics and the square as the blank slate on which sovereign and people had the oppurtunity to write. Subsequently, the paper suggests a dialecticreading of the idea of representing the city as a place formed by the central concept of Meydan (Public Square), as core of the projects in the city, which historically exposed in formalization of theological ideology. Therefore, here, the concern is issue of continuity; a specific conception of space which has remained constant despite through the time: reading the city as series of "Blank Slates". Therefore, here, the concern is issue of continuity; a specific conception of space which has remained constant despite through the time. As the embodiment of the square in the image of the city, the historical, social and theological concept of Meydan – a term, which has mostly applied, for Iranian and Islamic public squares is investigated. Regarding this issue, urban space of traditional


Islamic cities introduced as the medium through which theological ideologies and political sovereignty took place. To connect basic thoughts, ideologies, foundations and frameworks in urban history of Iranian square, the most predominant concepts of squares in shaping the idea of the city represented. The predominant politico-religious foundations of traditional Iranian squares as "space of sovereignty" and "courtyard of the city" focuses on the impact of power, religious beliefs and symbolism on the ideal concept of square. Through the intermediary space of "square as political locus of sovereignty", the royal compound was connected to the city. The theological idea of a central empty space – Blank Slate – implied explicitly in squares that should be seen as "uncovered rooms of the city". In addition, the particular reading of squareas "courtyards of the city" provokes a spatial archetype: the Paradise. In this sense, paradise is strongly associated with the idea of square as "Blank Slate". By considering the modern foundations for power relations, and their impact on urban form, this article focuses on the transitional history and urban evolution of Iranian public squares through the modern foundation till the contemporary era. Therefore, the design of the square was revolved around a central point, which now often marked the glory of absolute power. In this interpretation, the square as a whole reflects the struggle between sources of power, as each source tries to gain control of the society through showing strong appearance in urban space. In contemporary Middle Eastern experience, the rise to prominence of Shahyad Square (Now


Freedom Square) in Tehran since the Islamic Revolution in 1979 has cast new light on the significance of insurgent urban spaces. It can be concluded that the efficacy of Shahyad Square as a prominent example of monumental architecture, compromised to support the change in political system. fig. 6. revolutionaries gathered at a massive demonstration in Tehran on feb.8, 1979. (npr.org 2009) A. Mehan. Blank slate: squares and political order of city320 References Afsharnaderi, K. 2007. The gardens of paradise. Tehran: Kelk. Alemi, M. 1985. The 1891 map or Tehran: two cities, two cores, two cultures, Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre, 74–84. Al-Farabi. 1985. The Perfect State or Mabadi' Ara' Ahlal-Madina al-Fadila. Oxford: The Oxford University Press. Ardalan, N.; Bakhtiar, L. 2000. The sensePower, knowledge: selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. New York: Pantheon Books. Gester, G. 2010. Paradise lost, Persia from above. London: Phaidon. Giedion, S. 1981. The beginnings of architecture. Princeton University Press. Grabar, O. 1969. The architecture of the Middle Eastern city from past to present: the case of the Mosque, in I. M. Lapidus (Ed.). Middle Eastern cities: a symposium on ancient, Islamic, and contemporary Middle Eastern urbanism. University of California Press, 26–42. Habibi, M. 2003. From Shar to Shahr (de la Cite a la Ville). Tehran: Tehran University Press. Hamidi, M.; Habibi, M.; Sabri, R. 1997. Spatial structure of Tehran. Tehran: Municipality of Tehran. Herbert, T. 1638. Some years of travels into diverse parts of Asia and Afrique. London: Jacob Blane and Richard Bishop. Keddie, N.


R.; Richard, Y. 2003. Modern Iran: roots and results of revolution. Yale University Press. Khalatbari, A.; Partovi Moghadam, A. 2010. Historical characteristics and elements of urban society of Iran in the late period of Sassanid. Iran History 65(5): 50–70. Kheirabadi, M. 2000. Iranian cities: formation and development. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Khosravi, H. 2014. Geopolitics of tabula rasa: Persian garden and the idea of city, Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 38(1): 39–53. https://doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2014.897017 Kircher, A. 1675. Arca Noë. Amesterdam: J. Janssonium a aesberge. Leach, N. 2004. Architecture and revolution: contemporay perpectives on Central and Eastern Europe. London and New York: Routledge. Lehrman, J. B. 1980. Earthly paradise: garden and courtyard in Islam. University of California Press. Lockhart, L. 1967. Shah Abbas's Isfahan, in A. Toynbee (Ed.). Cities ofSibley, M. Hakmi, P. Land (Eds.). Courtyard housing: past, present & future (pp. 95–107). USA and Canada: Taylor and Francis Group. Vale, L. 1999. Mediated monuments and national identity, The Journal of Architecture 4: 391–408. https://doi.org/10.1080/136023699373774 Vale, L. 2008. Architecture, power and national identity. London and New York: Routledge. Walcher, H. A. 1998. Between Paradise and political capital: the Semiotics of Safavid Isfahan, Middle Eastern Natural Environment 1: 330. Webb, M. 1990. The city square. London: Thames and Hudson . Yaqobi, A. 1861. Kitab al-Buldan. Toronto: Laydin Brill. ASMA MEHAN is a current Research Fellow at the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalization (ADI) in Deakin University, Melbourne (Australia) and PhD Candidate in the Architecture History Project Doctoral Program in the Department of Architecture and Design (DAD),


Politecnico di Torino, Torino (Italy). A graduate of Art University of Isfahan with Master degree in Architecture and Urban Studies, she studies architecture, urban history of Middle Eastern societies with special reference to Iranian Cities in the modern period, when Iran engaged in different modes of socio-political exchange with Western World as well as its neighboring Muslim states like Turkey. Her current research on Tehran goes beyond the symbolic capacities of architecture and focuses on the politics of space production. Asma has been working as an Architect and Lecturer till 2010. She has extensively presented her research in national and international conferences. She has received Awards, Grants and Fellowships included: Graduate Scholar Award by Spaces & Flows: Seventh International Conference on Urban and ExtraUrban Studies, University of PennsylvaniaHouse of Cards star Michael Kelly has already lined up another cushy government job: He’s joining the cast of the upcoming Amazon thriller Tom Clancy’s Jack Ryan as a series regular for Season 2, TVLine has learned.

Kelly will play Mike November, a “smart, seasoned career field officer in the CIA” who works with CIA analyst Jack Ryan (played by The Office alum John Krasinski) and Ryan’s boss Jim Greer (The Wire‘s Wendell Pierce) throughout Season 2. Jack Ryan — which debuts Aug. 31 on the streaming service and promises a fresh take on the iconic Tom Clancy action hero — locked down an early second-season renewal back in April. The sophomore season will see Jack Ryan “confront the forces in power in a dangerous, declining democratic regime in


The new NCS director will report to CIA chief Porter Goss

The National Clandestine Service (NCS) will oversee all human espionage operations - meaning spying by people rather than by technical means.

The move is the latest in the post-9/11 reforms of US intelligence agencies.

Analysts say the NCS restores some authority to the CIA after it lost overall control of US intelligence.

'Expression of confidence'

The chief of the new service will supervise the CIA's espionage operations and co-ordinate all overseas spying, including those of the FBI and the Pentagon.

The director of the new agency, whose identity will remain secret and is simply known as "Jose", will report directly to the head of the CIA, Porter Goss.

"This is another positive step in building an intelligence community that is more unified, co-ordinated andeffective," National Intelligence Director John Negroponte said.

Setting up the NCS was one of more than 70 recommendations made by a commission on weapons of mass destruction in March, which was highly critical of the US' intelligence capabilities.

As part of reforms following the 11 September 2001 attacks, the CIA lost overall control of US intelligence to the newly created National Director of Intelligence.

Mr Goss said the new service represents "an expression of confidence in the CIA" from President George Bush and Mr Negroponte.

"No agency has greater skill and experience in this difficult, complex, and utterly vital discipline of intelligence," Mr Goss said.


other media).

The Search and Directories category remains the main growth area, although since Google refuses to reveal their numbers, the figures remain a significant estimate. However, year on year this category grew by 30% to $807m. In the fourth quarter of 2008, the sector grew by 27% compared to the same period in 2007, to $224m. It also grew by 6% over the third quarter in 2008, which is the critical figure as the 'credit crunch' began to bite during this period.

Of the other 2 monitored categories, Display Advertising grew by 27% in 2008 to $465m and by 24% year-on-year in the fourth quarter, to $130m. Compared to the third quarter in 2008, this marked a 4% growth in advertising spend. Finally, the Classifieds sector grew by 23%ARIZONA STATE PARKS: For Immediate Release
Managing and conserving Arizona’s natural, cultural and recreational resources for the benefit of the people, both in our Parks and through our Partners. FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTACT: Ellen Bilbrey at (602) 542-1996 or (602) 228-8518 or Monica Enriquez at (602) 542-6997. Contact by Email: pio(at)azstateparks.gov

Star Parties in Southeastern Arizona at Patagonia Lake State Park and Kartchner Caverns State Park on March 22

(Phoenix, Arizona - March 7, 2014) - Patagonia Lake State Park and Kartchner Caverns State Park will host separate Star Parties on Saturday, March 22, 2014. Families are welcome to come spend an evening and observe the wonders of the night sky through astronomers' telescopes.

The Star Party at Patagonia Lake State Park will start at 7 p.m. at the Visitor Center. Astronomers


Edmund John Niemann Snr - “Windsor Castle from the Thames”

A colourful and atmospheric observation of Windsor Castle viewed from the banks of the Thames, delightfully captured by Edmund John Niemann Snr.

Niemann was born in Islington, London in 1813. His father, John Diedrich Niemann, was a native of Minden, Westphalia and worked in the City of London at Lloyd’s. As a young man, Edmund was employed as a clerk at Lloyd’s, but he decided to devote himself to art and in 1839 settled in High Wycombe, Buckinghamshire, mostly painting out of doors. Though he especially enjoyed painting the scenery of the Thames and of the River Swale, near Richmond in Yorkshire, yet all areas of the British Isles are covered in the corpus of his work.

Between 1844 and 1872,he exhibited paintings at a wide range of prestigious galleries including the Royal Academy, the British Institution, the Society of British Artists in Suffolk St, the Royal Scottish Academy, the Royal Institute, the Glasgow Institute, and the Paris Salon. He returned to London in 1848 for the foundation of the ‘Free Exhibition’ held in the Chinese Gallery at Hyde Park Corner. In 1850 this became the Portland Gallery, Regent Street, and he became its Secretary. His paintings are characterised by great versatility, natural colours, and visual realism, often in the romantic artistic style of J.M.W. Turner, Corot and Caspar David Friedrich.

Excellent. The painting has been lightly cleaned and re-framed probably in the mid 20th century.

The estate of Dr Robert Allison, Derby. Purchased from Richard Green Galleries, London.

Edmund John


a second mission to Rakhat. The information that they send back threatens to bring the Jesuit order to its knees. Only one member of the first mission, Father Emilio Sandoz, has been found alive. He has been discovered living in a state of degradation in what appears to be a brothel, and worse still, has been accused of murdering a child. Decades later in 2059 (thanks to the speed of light) Sandoz finally arrives back on Earth, a broken man, sexually brutalised, with his hands horrifically maimed. Under huge international and media pressure, as well as UN condemnation for taking matters into their own hands without approval, the Jesuit order decides to hold an investigation into what happened on the planet of Rakhat.

The film version of Carl Sagan’shave refused to take in a single person under a plan agreed in 2015 to relocate 160,000 asylum-seekers from Italy and Greece, which had been overwhelmed by mass influx of people from the Middle East and Africa.

Poland’s Interior Minister Mariusz Blaszczak was quoted as saying on Monday by the state news agency PAP: “We believe that the relocation methods attract more waves of immigration to Europe, they are ineffective.”

The Czech Republic had initially taken in 12 people from their assigned quota of 2,691, but said earlier in June it would take no more in, citing security concerns.

A series of deadly Islamist attacks in western Europe since late 2015 has put the spotlight on public security and the easterners say hosting people from the mainly-Muslim Middle East and North


has no plans to expand its popular burger chain any farther east than Texas.

In an interview with Forbes magazine, the Southern California company's president Lynsi Snyder talked about how she'd like to keep the brand "unique" to the West.

"I don't see us stretched across the whole U.S. I don't see us in every state," Snyder said. "Take Texas — draw a line up and just stick to the left. That's in my lifetime," Snyder says. "I like that we're sought after when someone's coming into town. I like that we're unique. That we're not on every corner. You put us in every state and it takes away some of its luster."

ALSO: Here's why Seattle isn't getting an In-N-Out any time soon

MBA BY THE BAY: See how an MBAMike Tomlin comes in as the fourth best head coach in the NFL in a recent ranking by NFL.com.

Tomlin, who is 103-57 in the regular season and 8-6 in the postseason as Pittsburgh's head coach, is behind only Bill Belichick, Pete Carroll and Mike McCarthy on NFL.com's list.

"Perhaps the AFC version of Pete Carroll ... Like Carroll, Tomlin seems to have a way with his players that other teams can't emulate. Like Carroll, he owns both a Super Bowl ring and a Super Bowl loss," NFL.com wrote of Tomlin. "And like Carroll's Seahawks, Tomlin's Steelers tend to drop some 'gimme' road games people expect them to win. Thus, Tomlin isn't always considered a top-shelf head coach. But that's rubbish. His guys play for him, and at the end