Israel Folau's now infamous post in which he called on a range of "sinners" to repent, turn to Jesus Christ and thus be saved from an eternity in Hell has had more consequences than I suspect he anticipated.

It has led to his loss of employment. It has elevated his status to that of a champion for conservative Christian beliefs.

Finally, it has prompted widespread debate about the intersection between religious belief and the world of work.

It is this last issue that deserves further discussion.

Religious freedom comes in four basic forms: freedom of belief, freedom of worship, freedom to act in good conscience (which includes freedom from coercion in matters of religion) and finally freedom to proselytise (which includes the right to educate one's children in the faith). Folau's casethe Reverend Ian Paisley.

In 1958, he condemned Princess Margaret and the Queen Mother for "committing spiritual fornication and adultery with the Antichrist" after they met with Pope John XXIII. Thirty years later, Paisley denounced Pope John Paul II as the Antichrist — to his face — while the latter addressed the European Union Parliament.

Now suppose an employee is of a mind similar to Paisley — so publishes a tweet attacking the head of the Catholic Church and all of its adherents in equivalent terms. Suppose the employee does so on the basis of what he considers to be a well-founded and sincere religious belief. However, in this case, it's not just a vulnerable minority group who's affected — but more than a billion Roman Catholics and their immensely


this was not the first time he had been vocal in his views. In the end, his choice was between what he understood to be his duty to his employer and what he understood to be his duty to his God. Folau chose to put his religion first.

Conscience is not a convenient friend. It often comes with consequences; some good, some ill.

Neither Rugby Australia nor GoFundMe has silenced Folau. He is still acting and speaking in accordance with his religious beliefs. He is still able to raise funds for his defence — as demonstrated by the swift offer of support provided by the Australian Christian Lobby. Folau still has a public platform — which he continues to utilise, as is his right.

Kicked out of the temple, Israel FolauAnn Blair Brownlee

Adjunct Assistant Professor

Ann Blair Brownlee received a B.A. (1974) in classics from Lawrence University and an A.M. (1976) and Ph.D. (1981) in classical archaeology from Harvard University.She previously taught at Lehigh University and Rutgers University, Camden, before joining the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology where she is Associate Curator in the Mediterranean Section.

Her research interests focus on Greek vase-painting, particularly Archaic Corinthian and Attic black-figure.She is preparing a study of the Archaic Corinthian pottery from the so-called Potters' Quarter at the site of Ancient Corinth.Last year, she was a Kress Publication Fellow at the American School of Classical Studies and spent the spring semester in Athens and Corinth. With AAMW alumna Valentina Follo, she is currently conducting a study of the Museum’s collection


of Attic black-figure pottery from excavations in the 1890s in the Etruscan city of Orvieto.She is also interested in 19th century collectors of antiquities, especially in Philadelphia, and in the history of museums, in particular the University of Pennsylvania Museum and its building; she was co-author of its monumental Historic Structure Report. Ann Brownlee is also the co-director of the Museum’s Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum project and is editing and preparing for publication two volumes in the series.

Courses Taught

ARTH 303: Introduction to Museums

ARTH 321: Topics in Green and Roman Art: Ancient Art in the Modern MuseumRathcoffey Church

Mass Times for Rathcoffey, Church of the Sacred Heart

Sunday:- 10.30am

Holy Day: 10.30am

Church of the Sacred Heart, Rathcoffey 1710 – 2010

Rathcoffey—Coffey’s Rath or Fort. The hill at Rathcoffey was a central gathering point on the high road leading from Tara to the Kingdom of Leinster. Rathcoffey was the residence of the Wogan family, the first of whom, John, Lord of Picton, arrived in 1295. Three Viceroys of Ireland were Wogans.

Archibald Hamilton Rowan, United Irish Activist in the 1790s purchased Rathcoffey Manor from Richard Wogan Talbot of Malahide. He levelled the old castle ruins and built a fine mansion on the site.

The Church of the Sacred Heart is a small stone structure with balconies on either side of the altar. It originally had a thatched roof. The church was


built in 1710 by Lady Frances Jennings, wife of the Duke of Tyrconnel, Viceroy of Ireland. She was a Wogan of Rathcoffey. Her husband had died during the Seige of Limerick. She is reputed to have gone to France before the Duke’s death. She returned to Ireland and joined the Order of Poor Clares at King St, Dublin.

The origin of Christianity in the Rathcoffey area began with St Mochua, who built monasteries at Clondalkin and Celbridge. In November 1974, the church was re dedicated to the Sacred Heart by Bishop Patrick Lennon. The church was completely refurbished in 1997 at a cost of £86,000.

Rathcoffey Church is the oldest post reformation Catholic church in the Diocese of Kildare & Leighlin and will celebrate its tercentenary in 2010.§ 37-2732(a), delivery of a schedule II controlled substance, after he sold a gram of cocaine to another person in March, 1988. The delivery had been monitored on an electronic listening device by an investigator with the Idaho Department of Law Enforcement. Way entered a plea of not guilty to the charge. Subsequently, Part II of the information was filed, alleging that Way was a persistent violator under I.C. § 19-2514 because he had two prior convictions for felonies  one in 1975 and the other in 1983  both for deliveries of controlled substances. Way also entered a not guilty plea to this allegation.
Later, pursuant to a plea agreement, Way entered a guilty plea to the charge of delivery of a controlled substance. The plea agreement called


for the state to amend Part II of the information, deleting the persistent violator allegation and substituting an allegation that the three-year minimum sentencing provision of I.C. § 37-2739A was applicable because of Way's previous conviction in 1983 for delivery of a controlled substance.[1] The prosecutor *377 also agreed to recommend that the three-year minimum portion of the sentence run concurrently with a six-year sentence remaining to be served on the 1983 conviction, as the result of a parole violation.
The prosecutor later decided that the three-year minimum sentence could not run concurrently with the balance of Way's existing six-year sentence but instead would have to run consecutively. In light of this change to the plea arrangement, the district court told Way that he could withdraw his plea ofguilty and have a trial if he desired. Way informed the court he did not wish to withdraw his plea, and that he desired to go ahead with sentencing. The court then imposed a twenty-year sentence with a ten-year minimum period of confinement. The court ordered that the "three-year enhancement" under I.C. § 37-2739A be included within the ten-year minimum confinement, and that the entire sentence run concurrent with any parole violation sentence. Way then filed this appeal, claiming that his plea had not been voluntarily entered and that his sentence was excessive.

Voluntariness of Plea
Way argues that his plea of guilty was not entered voluntarily because he lacked an understanding of the consequences to follow. His contention is based upon dialogue in the record showing confusion as to


on Way's 1983 conviction. Later, after Way's guilty plea had been accepted by the court, the state concluded that the minimum sentence could not be served concurrently with previous sentences because of language in the statute providing that the minimum period of incarceration "shall run consecutively to any other sentence imposed by the court." The state interpreted this portion of the statute to require that the three-year mandatory sentence should be added to the balance of the sentence remaining for the 1983 conviction. Picking up on this concept during the sentencing proceeding, the court queried Way about his understanding of the three-year sentence required under I.C. § 37-2739A. Way informed the court that he initially was told the sentence would be served concurrently with any sentence resulting fromTelefónicas head for the Atlantic

This afternoon
Telefónica blue and
Telefónica black, the two Spanish Volvo Ocean Race 2008-2009 entries, set off on a 2,000 mile journey which will take them out of the Mediterranean for the first time and into the Atlantic .

Completing the 2,000-mile offshore voyage is a requirement laid out by the race organisers, but it is also a great opportunity for the Telefónica team to test out the boats and prepare for the upcoming race, which starts on 4 October with the first inshore race in Alicante.

Before setting off for the Azores, Bouwe Bekking described the main route the pair of
Telefónica boats would be taking, considering also the forecast for the next few days: “We’ll leave Alicante on course for the Gibraltar Strait. After crossing it we’ll


to practice her reading.

Dylissa found the differences in their training hugely unfair, despite the fact that everyone told her that when Alpin and Lexine were seven-and-a half, that they had to do kitchen chores and lessons, too. “It’s just not fair,” she grumbled, wandering, as she did, further into the forest.

Presently, as seven-and-a-half-year-olds often do, Dylissa found that she was tired and her feet hurt. So she found a nice pile of leaves beneath a tree, curled up, closed her eyes, and went to sleep.

–

Dylissa opened her eyes, as a great rumbling shook the woods around her. She sat up and looked around warily, wondering what could have made the noise. It was darker in the woods than it had been, and she noticed an amber light flickeringbetween the trees.

Fire? She decided she should go check; fire could destroy the entire forest.

Hurrying towards the light, Dylissa soon found herself in a small clearing, facing the smallest dragon she could imagine. The beast shimmered a shimmery red over its green scales, and it blew small but intense flames out it’s bulbous nose. It was about the size of her father’s hunting dog.

Covering her mouth to stifle a nervous giggle, Dylissa inched closer to the fearsome creature. She couldn’t resist–it was just too cute.

When she was close enough, she reached over and gingerly patted the tiny dragon’s back. The animal turned yellow eyes toward her, causing Dylissa to take a step backwards. But as it moved towards her, she noticed it limping on one foreleg.

A cloud of


By BILL BARROW and MELINDA DESLATTE, Associated Press

BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) — An old political standby — the future of Medicare — is emerging as the go-to issue in Louisiana's bitter Senate race as the candidates woo seniors who typically wield strong influence in midterm elections.

The challenge for voters is to figure out which side, if either, is telling the whole truth about who would cut and who would protect the popular insurance program. Medicare serves more than 50 million people and accounts for about 15 percent of federal spending, with about 10,000 new beneficiaries added daily as baby boomers reach age 65. The issue is so powerful that it's cropping up in North Carolina and Iowa, too, amid a national battle for control of the Senate.

Louisiana Sen.Mary Landrieu got hundreds of seniors grumbling at a recent forum when she told them her top Republican rival, Rep. Bill Cassidy, wants to turn Medicare into a "voucher system" and has voted to raise the retirement age to make Americans wait longer for benefits.

"No wonder Bill Cassidy didn't come today, because he didn't want you to know this," said Landrieu, who finds herself in another tough re-election bid as she seeks a fourth term.

Landrieu has made the issue of entitlement programs for the elderly a centerpiece of her campaign, traveling Tuesday to three senior centers across south Louisiana to announce a new endorsement from the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, a Washington-based advocacy group.

The Senate Democrats' campaign arm has aired an ad against Cassidy


featuring three older white women — a crucial demographic for Landrieu in a state that President Barack Obama twice lost badly — bemoaning Cassidy's plan that "(requires) seniors to buy private insurance with fewer benefits and higher costs." Democrats have hit Iowa Republican Senate nominee Joni Ernst with similar ads.

Cassidy and his backers answer that it's Landrieu who cut Medicare when she voted in 2010 for Obama's signature health care overhaul, which reduced payments for private policies under the Medicare Advantage program.

Americans for Prosperity, the political action organization backed by the conservative billionaire Koch brothers, Charles and David, cites that Affordable Care Act vote in similar ads opposing Landrieu and her North Carolina colleague, Sen. Kay Hagan.

The three races are among the handful that will decide which partyin cuts the GOP cites — in Medicare Advantage, which allows seniors in certain markets to purchase coverage from private insurers.

Ryan's budgets, meanwhile, propose a long-term shift to a voucher system for seniors' health care, where beneficiaries would get taxpayer money and then choose among traditional Medicare and private policies sold on the open market — similar to the exchanges the health care law set up for working-age Americans. The House has stopped short of passing legislation that would actually implement the overhauls assumed in their budget plans, and the budget votes have been largely symbolic anyway since Republicans have the political cover of a Democratic Senate, which routinely kills legislation passed in the House.

Medicare's latest annual report, issued this summer, projects that the program's hospital trust fund


aspect. He was so introspective too which was a nice change, and how measured his thoughts were despite dealing with everything was a new level to his character.

This depression and reminder of Fred seemed to seep into everything he did leaving him no escape and that really made my heart break to see someone suffer so much at the hand of a ghost. I think it was when he was examining his scars which is when it really got to me, just seeing he had reached that level and then to see later on his whole body followed him in that was a great analogy for both his mental and physical state wearing down.

Your descriptions in here just added to the general levels of angst and they wereJust in time for the postseason, Roger Espinoza is ready to return to the pitch for Sporting Kansas City.

The Honduran midfielder has not played since spraining his right ankle in stoppage time in Sporting's 1-1 draw at Columbus on Oct. 7. The club held him out for the last two regular-season matches, but Espinoza won't have to be eased back into the lineup when Sporting open their Eastern Conference semifinal series on Sunday at Houston (3:30 pm ET, NBC, live chat on MLSsoccer.com).

“He's good,” manager Peter Vermes said on Friday, during the team's weekly news conference. “He's start-ready.”

And if there is any lingering soreness, Espinoza said, it will go away soon after the opening whistle.

“You don't know until you play the game, you know? But I haven't played


The crew of Christopher Nolan's Tenet, which is being shot in Mumbai these days, saved a man who tried to kill himself by jumping into the sea in front of the Taj Hotel. Nolan was shooting near the Gateway of India along with his crew when they rescued the man.

On Monday, the crew of Tenet shot at the Colaba Causeway market. After packing up in the market, they shifted to the Royal Bombay Yacht Club. The crew finished their work by afternoon and were packing up to prepare for the evening shoot. They had around 40 boats arranged near the Gateway of India for the evening shoot. They saw a man jumping into the water opposite the Taj Hotel. The lifeguards immediately dived to save the man butwere not able to get hold of him. Then the crew helped lifeguards catch the man with the help of ropes.

A witness present at the scene spoke to an entertainment website and said, "The lifeguards were unable to get hold of the man but thanks to the set design of the movie [Tenet], they were able to use the ropes to tie the man and rescue him. The police immediately picked him up and took him in their truck. A sympathetic crew member checked with his team to ensure that the man was alright."

The team of Tenet, including director Christopher Nolan and actor Robert Pattinson, landed in Mumbai on September 14. The popular actor and director were spotted at the Mumbai airport clicking selfies with fans. According to


reports, the team of Tenet has a 10-day shooting schedule in Mumbai.

Tenet is produced by Christopher Nolan and Emma Thomas. The film also stars John David Washington, Robert Pattinson, Elizabeth Debicki, Aaron Taylor-Johnson, Clemence Poesy, Michael Caine, Kenneth Branagh, Dimple Kapadia and Himesh Patel.

Earlier, Dimple Kapadia's look from Tenet was leaked. The actress was spotted on the set of the film. Photos of the veteran actress with the Academy Award-nominated director from the set of the film in Estonia went viral. In the pictures, Dimple is seen having a conversation with Nolan.

ALSO READ | Christopher Nolan and Robert Pattinson arrive in Mumbai to shoot for Tenet. See pics

ALSO READ | Trending: Dimple Kapadia's look from Christopher Nolan film leaked online

ALSO READ | Dimple Kapadia got role in ChristopherPeople travelling to India from Ebola-affected countries have been asked to carry a certificate stating that there is no evidence of the deadly virus in their body fluids.

The government advisory came after a person, who was cured of the disease in Liberia, had to be detained at the Delhi airport after his semen tested positive for the virus.

Health Minister JP Nadda told Lok Sabha on Friday that people, who have been treated for Ebola but do not have the certificate from the Health Ministry of the country concerned, have been advised not to travel to India for a period of 90 days from their discharge, PTI reported.

The Ministry of External Affairs had issued the advisory to the Indian embassies in Abidjan (Ivory Coast), Dakar (Senegal), Abuja (Nigeria), Accra


recording and reproduction of the signal. During the recording and reproduction, one of the tape guides is positioned at the approaching side in which the tape approaches the cylinder assembly, while the other tape guide is positioned at the leaving side of the cylinder assembly in which the tape runs away from the cylinder assembly.
As disclosed in a literature "National Technical Report" Vol. 25, No. 1, February, 1979, pp 61-69, the respective positions and orientations of the tape guides with respect to the cylinder assembly are determined through a geometrical design taking into account only such a static condition as to permit the tape to run along the lead without any twist. The geometrical design is defined as satisfying such geometrical conditions that a portion of the tapeextending between the one tape guide and the cylinder assembly lies in a plane while a portion of the tape extending between the other tape guide and the cylinder assembly lies in a plane.
However, when the tape actually runs along the path determined through the geometrical design, no restraining force is applied to the tape. Therefore, if an external disturbance such as force exerted on the tape due to the contact of the head with the tape and vibration of tape due to a certain cause is applied to the tape, the tape tends to move away from the lead to make it difficult to attain the desired track tracing characteristics.


The Vancouver Whitecaps announced the most expensive acquisition in club history on Monday, getting striker Lucas Cavallini for a reported $6 million transfer fee.

The 26-year-old Canadian brings quality up top that Vancouver has never had in MLS, as “El Tanque” is a threat to score goals in a multitude of ways.

In two and a half seasons with his Liga MX team Club Puebla, Cavallini scored 29 goals and added eight assists in 81 appearances. In 17 appearances with Canada’s senior national team, Cavallini has scored 11 goals.

While Cavallini will undoubtedly be the Whitecaps’ marquee off-season signing this winter, there’s still plenty of work to be done for a team that finished last in the Western Conference in 2019.

Cavallini needs support from the midfield, which was one of manyLet me recap. Six months ago I reviewed the latest bit of terrorism to emerge from the government's Cobra bunker, courtesy of Alan Johnson, home secretary. Swine flu was allegedly ravaging the nation. The BBC was intoning nightly statistics on what "could" happen as "the deadly virus" took hold. The chief medical officer, Sir Liam Donaldson, bandied about any figure that came into his head, settling on "65,000 could die", peaking at 350 corpses a day.

Donaldson knew exactly what would happen. The media went berserk. The World Health Organisation declared a "six-level alert" so as to "prepare the world for an imminent attack". The happy-go-lucky virologist, John Oxford, said half the population could be infected, and that his lowest estimate was 6,000 dead.

The "Andromeda strain" was stalking the


to an obscene £5bn campaign of cattle destruction and compensation. When the prediction proved wildly wrong, the government excused itself with a classic Rumsfeld-ism: "The absence of evidence is not the evidence of absence."

This was followed by Sars 2003, a "panic gripping the world". The World Health Organisation declared that "One in four Britons could die". The medical doom-monger, Dr Patrick Dixon, said that Sars had "a 25% chance of killing tens of millions", whatever that meant. The madcap Tory health spokesman, Liam Fox, demanded the arrest and quarantining of all recent travellers from Asia, including 30,000 Asian students.

In the event, some 800 people died with Sars worldwide, against 21,000 who died in Britain in the seasonal flu epidemic of 1999/2000.

Undaunted, within a year the same alarmists wereat work on avian flu. With now habitual hyperbole, Donaldson predicted 50,000 deaths, with "an upper limit", graciously conceded, of 750,000. When one dead swan slumped on a beach in Scotland, BBC reporters went crazy as inspectors stumbled through the seaweed, clad in anti-nuclear armour. Within a year the horror had passed. The global mortality was put at 262, with not one death in Britain. Another fiasco was brushed under the carpet.

The Blair government, and now Brown's, have proved adept at using scare politics to divert attention from other troubles. During foot-and-mouth Blair was quick to don a yellow jumpsuit for photographers and intone as if he alone stood between an illness (that is in fact harmless to humans) and armageddon. This time the swine flu coincided with


or a newspaper (as was anti-MMR), they would be damned from on high with demands that heads roll. As it is, the government's Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies sails gaily on, still graced by the presence of Sir Roy Anderson, who happens also to draw a six-figure salary as a non-executive director of GlaxoSmithKline, which made hundreds of millions from the government's panic. Anderson, and GSK, vigorously deny any conflict of interest.

The Council of Europe's head of health, Wolfgang Wodarg, is one of the few who have dared blow the whistle on the links between "Big Pharma" and national and supranational agencies. He this week persuaded the council to stage a debate on the "enormous gains" made by GSK and others from the swine flu pandemic. He seeksto increase even as a specific or several militias in the area are weakened. To weaken the Taliban is not the same as the GIRoA winning and visa versa.

Khost saw a deterioration in 2008, 2009 and early 2010 because of the diversion of IA from the province– including to Helmand in early 2010; as well as because the Taksheel for Khost provincial AUP being understrenght. However in recent months there has been a large surge in kinetic activity by the Rakkasans and 203rd ANA that has weakened Siraj somewhat. Not sure if Siraj has been weakened in Paktia in recent months. It became official two days ago that 4th Bde, 203rd Corps has formed at long last. [should have formed in early 2008 but kept getting delayed to


the hillside neighborhoods exists under the very nose and sights of the constant roar of helicopters flying toward the insurgency.

Sedwill in his imperial splendour has not a clue of the suffering and sensibilities of the poorer residents that make up the majority of this city. Kabul in many ways is the cruelest and hardest of all Afghan cities unseen by foreign armed forces and NGOs cruising past on a mission of fine dining and HBO viewing for the evening.

The statement he made is beyond phenomenal it shows once again how out of touch he is, and thus represents the new Raj that the Afghans suffer in Kabul more than any other city in the country.
,

TS AlfabetNovember 28, 2010 at 11:03 am

I count myself as a pessimist at this(SI), Total Iron Binding Capacity (TIBC), percent Transferring Saturation (% SAT), Alanino aminotransferase (ALT), serum Alkalin Phosphatase (SAP), Serum Urea Nitrogen (SUN) Creatinine, Phosphorus and decreased values of serum Copper concentration. These parameters were greater in group II. The iron concentration in the liver, spleen, myocardium and kidneys was also much higher than in the controls. The histological examination revealed degeneration of the liver, spleen, myocardium and kidneys in both groups, while cells overloaded with hemosiderin were seen in the third group only. In conclusion, it was shown that chronic intoxication may occur in sheep overdosed with iron. The toxic dose of iron ranged between 40 and 80 (mg/Kg body weight) per day and was close to 40 mg, when iron was administered in the soluble from FeCl3.6H2O.


whaddya talk?" "He's a music man" " He's a what?" " He's a music man" "And he sells clarinets To the kids in the town" "With the big trombones And the rat-a-tat drums" "Big brass bass Big brass bass" "And the piccolo, the piccolo With uniforms too" "With a shiny gold braid on the coat And a big red stripe running" "Well, I don't know much about bands" "But I do know you can't make a living Selling big trombones" "No, sir!" "Mandolin picks, perhaps And here and there a jew's-harp" "No, the fella sells bands Boys' bands" "I don't know how he does it But he lives like a king" "And he dallies and he gathers And he plucks and he shines" "And when the man danceswomen And ragtime" "Shameless music That'll grab your son" "Your daughter, with the arms of A jungle animal instinct mass-teria" "Friends, the idle brain Is the devil's playground, trouble!" "We got trouble" " Right here in River City" "With a capital T and that rhymes with P And that stands for pool" "We've surely got trouble" "Right here in River City" "Got to figure out a way to keep The young ones moral after school" "Our children's children Gonna have trouble" "Mothers of River City, heed that warning before it's too late." "Watch for the telltale signs of corruption." "The minute your son leaves the house does he rebuckle his knickerbockers below the knee?" "Is there a nicotine stain on his index finger?" "A dime novel hidden in


hand River City's going to have her boys' band" "As sure as the Lord made little green apples." "And that band's going to be in uniform:" "Johnny, Willy, Teddy, Fred!" "You'll see the glitter of crashing cymbals and hear the thunder of rolling drums and the shimmer of trumpets." "Tam-tada!" "And you'll feel something akin to the electric thrill I once enjoyed when Gilmore Pat Conway, the great Creatore W. C. Handy and John Philip Sousa all came to town on the very same historic day!" "76 trombones led the big parade" "With 110 cornets close at hand" "They were followed by rows and rows Of the finest virtuosos" "The cream of every famous band 76 trombones caught the morning sun" "With 110 cornets right behind" "There wereled the big parade" "With 110 cornets close at hand" "They were followed by rows and rows Of the finest virtuosos" "The cream of every famous band 76 trombones caught the morning sun" "With 110 cornets right behind" "There were more than a thousand reeds Springing up like weeds" "There were horns Of every shape and kind" "There were copper-bottom timpani In horse platoons" "Thundering, thundering All along the way" "Double bell euphoniums And big bassoons" "Each bassoon" "Having his big fat say" "There were 50 mounted cannon In the battery" "Thundering, thundering Louder than before" "Clarinets of every size And trumpeters who'd improvise" "A full octave higher than the score!"


had been a crewmate at the start, but Nash said that just six months into the trip, they were "connected."

"And eventually, we married," he said.

After sailing off South America, followed by a two-year spell in New Zealand, they made their fateful stop in the Vanuatu islands in August 2009.

Nash said his wife wanted to take measures against malaria, but hadn't liked the medicine she had taken once before. Instead, she met fellow travelers on one of the islands selling something else.

“

”

The vision of her face, just inches away from mine, and those eyes suddenly de-focusing on mine. That’ll haunt me for the rest of my life.

Nash told ABC News in 2016 that his late wife died in his arms, slumped over with her eyes rolled back in herhead, just hours after ingesting MMS.

"The vision of her face, just inches away from mine, and those eyes suddenly de-focusing on mine,” said Nash. “That’ll haunt me for the rest of my life.”

In 2016, ABC News took a closer look at religious leader Jim Humble, founder of the Genesis II Church of Health and Healing, which at one point was based in Angleton, Texas. Humble pedaled the elixir, claiming that he had treated more than 5,000 cases of malaria using only MMS. He claimed to have discovered the solution while mining gold in South America.

Doug Nash

Sylvia Nash sails off the coast of Central America in 2005.

Nash had told ABC News that his wife was in excellent health prior to ingesting two drops of MMS mixed in lime juice,


is run through Swiss and Icelandic proxy servers.

Kahn said this week that the FDA has learned of several groups meeting recently to strategize a push to market MMS online.

“We try to track any online sellers and bring companies and individuals to [the attention of] appropriate law enforcement agencies.”

Still, Kahn said, the most recent criminal case brought against an MMS seller was in 2015, when Louis Daniel Smith was convicted of conspiracy, smuggling, selling misbranded drugs, and defrauding the United States.

ABC News

Botttles of MMS, Miracle Mineral Solution are seen here.

Years earlier, Nash had launched his own personal investigation into his wife's death, and said that he traced the bottle of MMS she had ingested the drops from to a Carson City, Nevada company called Project Greenlife, which was operatedin 2016 that he believes they were referring to Sylvia.

'Flat out dangerous'

Attempts to reach Smith this week were not immediately successful, but in a blog post critical of ABC News' 2016 reporting on MMS, Smith questions whether MMS caused Nash's death, whom Smith refers to in his blog post by her maiden name, Sylvia Fink.

He calls ABC News' reporting a "hit piece" and claims without citation or evidence that "MMS has been used in over 160 countries by hundreds of thousands of people." He goes on to contend that "Doug Nash has not been truthful with the world, and it's time for the world to know. I would be remiss to allow Mr. Nash to continue this charade that has served only to insulate himself from further investigation,


while leaving a scarlet letter on the MMS movement that I know from personal, first-hand knowledge has saved countless lives."

In 2016, the year after his conviction, Smith was warned in a letter from the FDA not to market sodium chlorite for human consumption, citing his 2015 conviction.

"You were managing member of PGL International, LLC (PGL) a Nevada corporation which marketed and sold various health-related products, including Miracle Mineral Solution (MMS) a mixture of sodium chlorite and water, through the website projectgreenlife.com," the letter warns Smith. "Sodium chlorite cannot be sold for human consumption and suppliers of the chemical include a warning sheet stating that it can cause potentially fatal side effects if swallowed.

Each of a half dozen independent toxicologists contacted this week by ABC News about sodium chloriteBitcoin and Blockchain by Andreas Antonopoulos, THE global bitcoin expert

Andreas M. Antonopoulos is a technologist and serial entrepreneur who has become one of the most well-known and well-respected figures in bitcoin. He is the author of two books: “Mastering Bitcoin”, published by O’Reilly Media and considered the best technical guide to bitcoin and “The Internet of Money”, a book about why bitcoin matters.

As an engaging public speaker, teacher and writer, Andreas makes complex subjects accessible and easy to understand. As an advisor, he helps startups recognize, evaluate, and navigate security and business risks. Andreas was also one of the first to use the phrase “The Internet of Money”, as early as 2013, to describe bitcoin as part of his speaking business.

As a bitcoin entrepreneur, Andreas has founded a


Charlottesville white nationalist rally: What we know about deadly crash

At least seven people are being treated at Sentara Martha Jefferson Hospital in Charlottesville, VA after a car drove into a crowd of protestors according to hospital spokeswoman Jen Downs. There is no word on their conditions, Downs says.

Shortly before the attack Saturday, fistfights and screaming matches erupted between counterprotesters and white nationalists protesting the removal of a confederate monument. The clashes led to the cancellation of scheduled protests, sending demonstrators from both sides marching on nearby streets. A few hours later, a car slammed into a throng of counterprotesters.

Here's what we know:

What happened?

Counterprotesters met white nationalists and other right-wing groups at the site of Saturday's event hours before the rally was set to start.

Clashes broke out and policebegan to disperse crowds.

Local officials declared the rally an "unlawful assembly" and Virginia Gov. McAuliffe declared a state of emergency to aid in the state's response to the violence.

The victims

A total of 19 others were also hurt, including five people still in critical condition Saturday, a spokeswoman for the University of Virginia Medical Center said.

Two Virginia State Patrol troopers died when a helicopter crashed in a wooded area near Charlottesville after monitoring Saturday's events. The pilot, Lt. H. Jay Cullen, 48, and Trooper Berke M.M. Bates, who would have turned 41 on Sunday, were killed. Authorities are investigating the cause of the crash.

City officials say at least 15 others were wounded in events associated with the scheduled rally.

The suspect

The driver, James Alex Fields Jr., 20, of Maumee, Ohio,


is being held at a Virginia jail on suspicion of second-degree murder, malicious wounding and failure to stop in an accident that resulted in death, said Superintendent Martin Kumer with the Albermarle-Charlottesville County Regional Jail.

Fields' mother, Samantha Bloom, told CNN affiliate Toledo Blade, her son told her last week he was going to an "alt-right" rally, but she was not involved in his political views. CNN's attempt to reach Bloom were unsuccessful.

The Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigations have launched a civil rights investigation into the deadly crash.

Three other men were arrested Saturday. One of them faces a charge of carrying a concealed handgun and the other is charged disorderly conduct. The third man, originally from Virginia, was arrested on suspicion of assault and battery.Thousands of Seattle drivers turned in their private vehicles for a Car2Go membership in 2015, a trend poised to continue in 2016 as a new provider gears up for service in the city.

According to the Seattle Department of Transportation, 14% of Car2Go members gave up a private vehicle in 2015. Half of those said the availability of free floating car share was part of the reason. That translates to roughly 9,100 private vehicles let go by car share users in 2015, with around 4,500 dropped because owners had access to the Daimler AG-backed service.

The data is also a good sign for BMW, which is nearly ready to launch its re-booted car sharing service in Seattle. BMW is expected to officially launch the Car2Go competitor here soon with testing


of the all-electric i3 fleet already underway. UPDATE: BMW also uses non-electric Mini vehicles in its car share fleet, which have recently been spotted around Seattle.

Meanwhile, City Hall has also rolled out a Drive Clean Seattle initiative to improve infrastructure for electric vehicle and electrify the city’s own vehicle fleet.

BMW’s preparations come a year after the Seattle City Council voted to allow three more free-floating car share vendors to join Car2Go. Car2Go currently has 750 vehicles permitted for its service — the maximum allowed by the City for an individual provider. With four vendors, that means Seattle could have up to 3,000 free-floating cars on the road.

As part of the regulations, BMW could have up to 500 vehicles concentrated anywhere in Seattle or 750 that must be accessiblecitywide, which would need to happen after two years in any event.

Following the release of its 2015 car sharing data, SDOT said the city should open the flood gates to car sharing by removing the operator and permit caps.

Additional vehicles will increase the density of vehicles per service area, make them more easily available, and allow us to extend the service to low-income neighborhoods via city sponsored programs. Research has indicated that shared mobility and transit working together to fill gaps provide connections and support car-light lifestyle.

Launched in Munich in 2011, BMW’s car sharing currently operates in several European cities. After its 2013 launch of U.S. operations in San Francisco, the company closed up shop last year citing insurmountable problems with the city’s parking regulations.

Seattle appears to be


generates ice or a dispenser configured in a way that the water and the ice may be withdrawn from an outside the refrigerator are being mounted to the refrigerator.
A refrigerator provided with the ice making apparatus or the dispenser mounted thereto as such is needed with a water supply system configured to supply water to the ice making apparatus or the dispenser. The water supply system includes a pipe line that is connected to an outside water supply source, and the water may be supplied to the ice making apparatus or the dispenser by the water pressure applied from the water supply source from an outside.
Meanwhile, instead of the water being supplied from a water supply source from an outside while being connected to a faucet, a refrigeratormay receive water from a water storage vessel that is detachably mounted thereto. An example of the refrigerator as such has been disclosed in Korean patent publication No. 10-2010-0033494.
The refrigerator disclosed as such includes a water supplying container, a container connecting part configured to mount the water supplying container, a pump configured to pump the water of the water supplying container, and a second passage configured to connect the water supplying container, the ice making apparatus and the dispenser to one another. The refrigerator is also configured to supply water to the ice making apparatus or the dispenser as the water is pumped by the pump, when the water supplying container is connected to the container connecting part.
However, in accordance with the publication above, in a case when


the water supplying container is to be mounted to the container connecting part, a portion of the second passage is needed to be disposed at an inside the water supplying container through the entry of the water supplying container, and thus, the mounting of the water supplying container may not be easily performed.
In addition, since the second passage passes through an injection hole of the water supplying container, the injection of the water to the water supplying container may be difficult in a state when the water supplying container is mounted at the container connecting part. Accordingly, in a case when the water is needed to be injected to the water supplying container, the water supplying container is needed to be inconveniently detached from the container connecting partFederal supports for state oral health plans.
The past decade has witnessed both a proliferation of state oral health plans that include very specific proposals for action and an emergence of federal laws that include support for oral health. This paper provides an overview of state oral health priorities for action as reflected in 40 oral health plans that were developed independently by states. It examines four federal laws - the 2002 Safety Net Improvement Act, the 2009 CHIP Reauthorization Act, the 2009 economic stimulus law, and the 2010 health reform law - to identify opportunities for alignment with action steps proposed in state plans. This analysis identifies 23 categories of activity proposed by states in their action plans and determines that all but six of these activities are


Fall Apart – it was actuallyreleased in the States. (Laughs) I saw you touring behind Love Hysteria when you were the middle act on a bill featuring Tom Verlaine and The Church, and I wondered what that experience was like.

PM: Well, it was one of…no, that was the first of our so-called “double headliner” tours, where we would alternate each night between The Church and I as the headliner. It was…well, like I said, there was no idea that we had to make more of an audience. I was already where I wanted to be. I just felt a little bit sympathetic for The Church and Tom Verlaine, because we were, what they call in the industry, blowing each of them off the stage, and there was some2 Marines killed in helicopter crash near Yuma, Arizona, identified by officials The pilots were conducting a routine training mission.

Officials have identified two U.S. Marine Corps pilots who were killed after the helicopter they were flying crashed near Yuma, Arizona.

The pilots were identified as Maj. Matthew M. Wiegand, 34, of Ambler, Pennsylvania, and Capt. Travis W. Brannon, 30, of Nashville, Tennessee.

Wiegant was a pilot assigned to Marine Aviation Weapons and Tactics Squadron One (MAWTS-1) in Yuma and joined the Marine Corps in 2008, the Marine Corps said in a news release.

Brannon was assigned to Marine Light Attack Helicopter Squadron (HMLA) 367. Brannon was awarded the Global War on Terrorism Medal and Sea Service Deployment Ribbon, according to the Marines.

Both service members were killed while flying an AH-1Z Viper


Spain
Category:Ship fires
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Category:Fires in SpainLATEST ADDITIONS

These impressive formal gardens form part of the palace complex designed for Count Albrecht of Wallenstein by the architectural triumvirate of Giovanni Pieroni, Andrea Spezza and Nicolo Sebregondi. Covering four-and-a-half acres — nearly two hectares — the gardens...

Until February 1912, this corner building in Prague’s New Town was due to be reconstructed in a traditional historicist manner, more sympathetic to the baroque style of the Church of the Holy Trinity next door. However, some time...

This two-storey townhouse ‘U Červeného pole’ (‘The Red Field’) is an ancient survivor in a street otherwise dominated by much taller buildings from the 1900s, such as the nearby ‘U Myšáka’. The earliest records show that until 1397...

Of the many celebrated Czech architects of the first decade of the twentieth century, perhaps the


most prolific was the Austrian-born Osvald Polívka. Best known for civic projects such as Prague’s new City Hall (1911) and Municipal House...

This early baroque palace in the Malá Strana district was built between 1662 and 1675 for Jan Hartvik, count of Nostitz (‘Nostic’ in Czech orthography). For many years attributed to Francesco Caratti, later analysis suggests that the palace...

Born in 1818, František Ladislav Rieger was from his student days a passionate advocate of Czech nationalism. His 1848 speech in Vienna won him the admiration of František Palacký, who was to become not only a firm friend...

Although agricultural trading had taken place in Prague since time immemorial, it was only in 1882 that plans were drawn up for a central exchange for arable commodities. In 1894 this first purpose-builtcorn exchange (plodinová burza) was...

The vicinity of the Czech National Bank has been a trading quarter ever since the Middle Ages, when precious metals regularly arrived at the city’s east gate from the silver mines of Kutná Hora. Nearby is the Týn...

In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Czech politics was dominated by one question: how to gain greater autonomy from the Austrian empire (or indeed how to break with Austria entirely). The argument was supported by a...

Radio broadcasts in Czechoslovakia began on 18 May 1923, making the fledgling state only the second country in Europe after Britain to enjoy such a regular service. For the first two years, programmes were broadcast from a scout-tent...


in May 1650, in an effort to relieve the siege of Clonmel. Cromwell sent Boyle to intercept Roche's force with 1,200 infantry and 800 cavalrymen. When Roche realised that he was being pursued, he turned back. Rather than let the Irish force escape, Boyle followed them with his cavalry alone. He caught them at Macroom on the 10th of May. The English surprised the Irish with a cavalry charge before they could form up for battle and routed them. Between 5-600 Irish soldiers were killed, including the prisoners Boyle had taken. The Parliamentarian's losses were light. Roche's force broke up in disorder and fell back towards the mountains of Kerry.

The following day, Boyle besieged and took Carrigadrohid castle. His men had taken Boetius MacEgan, the Catholic Bishop offiled in 1981 by the United Food & Commercial Workers International Union, AFL-CIO, Local 150-A ("the union"), against Dubuque Packing Company, Inc.  ("Dubuque Packing" or "the company") for alleged unfair labor practices.  The union accused Dubuque Packing of violating Secs. 8(a)(5) and 8(d) of the National Labor Relations Act ("NLRA" or "the Act"), 29 U.S.C. Secs. 158(a)(5) and 158(d), when the company transferred part of its operations from its home plant in Dubuque, Iowa, to a new plant in Rochelle, Illinois, without engaging in good faith negotiations.  The National Labor Relations Board ("NLRB" or "the Board"), summarily affirming the decision and adopting the reasoning of the administrative law judge ("ALJ") who first heard the case, determined that the company had no duty to bargain over


cut" operations of Dubuque Packing between March and October of 1981, when the company decided to relocate these operations from Dubuque, Iowa, to a newly acquired plant in Rochelle, Illinois.  Our analysis, however, hinges on a broader understanding of the events that unfolded at the Dubuque Packing Company during the years prior to and including 1981 in several of the company's departments.  In order to assess the merits of the union's claims, it is therefore necessary to set out in some detail the factual background of this case, derived from the ALJ's exhaustive factual findings.

A. Factual Background

3
The Dubuque Packing Company is a closely-held corporation engaged in meat processing and packaging.  The company operated a plant in Dubuque, Iowa, handling beef and pork.  During theentire relevant period, the Dubuque plant was covered by a collective bargaining agreement between the company and the union that was initially in effect from September 1, 1979, through September 1, 1982, and which, after being amended on August 26, 1980, and October 19, 1981, was extended to September 1, 1983.

4
The company had been suffering, by all accounts, serious losses since as early as 1977.  During the summer of 1978, the company first submitted to the union's executive board a proposal for a "buy-back" of certain contractual entitlements won by the union, under which employees would agree to produce at higher rates in exchange for a one-time cash payment, in order "to counteract 'the excessive cost of [its] wage incentive program' and thereby reduce existing losses and


save jobs."    ALJ op. at 7.  This buy-back was ultimately agreed to by the workers, and it became effective as of November 17, 1978.

5
In 1979, 1980, and 1981, the financial pressures facing the company intensified.  In 1979, for example, the company apparently lost $8 million.  On June 10, 1980, Dubuque's assistant corporate director of labor relations sent a letter to the union president informing him, pursuant to a provision in the collective bargaining agreement entitling the union to such notice, that several departments related to beef operations would close effective December 12, 1980.  Over the summer of 1980, the parties met concerning these departments.  On July 30, company president Charles E. Stoltz addressed union representatives.  In his remarks, hetreated the decision to move the beef and allied departments as a done deal, but indicated that the company was continuing to review each of the remaining operations to ensure that all possible options were explored to guarantee the future profitability of the Dubuque plant.  J.A. at 288.  The most immediate problem, he continued, was the future of the company's entire pork operation.  As the ALJ put it:

6
Unless the Company and employees collectively could find some way to stop the tremendous losses incurred on pork in recent years, the Respondent's pork operations would go the same way as its beef operations.  In many departments, although the Respondent was paying incentives above the top wages and fringes in the industry, production was less than that


the hog kill department by approximately 15%.  The union refused to agree to this or any other additional concessions.

15
On March 30, 1981, the company made an announcement that put in motion the events directly at issue in this case:  it gave six months' notice, as required by the contract, of its intention to "close" the hog kill and hog cut departments in its Dubuque plant for "economic reasons."    The announcement explained that "[t]he costs associated with operating these departments are too high for the Company to remain competitive with its pork products."    J.A. at 319.  On March 31, Dubuque Packing's banks formally terminated the company's revolving credit agreement;  the company was also compelled to repay in full itsbusiness."    ALJ op. at 19.  The local union in turn sent copies of these materials to its international union, which responded with an analysis of the pork slaughter industry indicating that pay cuts would not solve the industry's more far-reaching underlying problems.  See ALJ op. at 21.  During April and May the union did not seek discussion of the "closing."

17
On May 22, 1981, a company "Special Memo" was apparently retrieved from a trash can and published in a local newspaper. The memo was marked "Confidential!" but it stated the company's willingness "to discuss the possibility" of "concessions to keep the hog kill" that would have to be acted on by July 1.  While indicating that the company's losses were so severe


were ultimately allowed to expire, because of a separate arrangement that was also set in motion on June 10:  the company first arranged an appointment to inspect the Rochelle plant that it would, in due time, purchase.

21
As the ALJ stated his interpretation of events, it was not until the announcement of the proposed transfer of work to a different plant that "the Union realized how much more severe had been the consequences of rejecting the Respondent's wage freeze proposal then [sic ] had been previously made known by the Company."    ALJ op. at 26.  The union officials "had no way of knowing whether the 8 June concessions then being requested were justified,"1 and hence the leadership of the union responded by requesting detailedfinancial information about all the company's operations.  ALJ op. at 27 & n. 39.  The company balked at the extensive request, stating that it was "so extensive as to be unreasonable both as to subject matter and volume...."  ALJ op. at 31.

22
While the union leadership pursued its strategy with the company, the majority of union members apparently reacted somewhat differently to the news of the company's alternate plan to continue its hog kill operations in a different location.  For them, this announcement changed the circumstances, and they circulated a petition to resubmit the previously rejected company proposal for a wage freeze to a second vote.  In response to these efforts, a special union meeting was scheduled for June 28.

23
Despite the apparent finality of


that the company's wage freeze/profit sharing proposal be rejected until after the union had been afforded the opportunity to review the company's books.  In the end, the membership agreed, voting overwhelmingly to deny the company the concessions it sought.

25
On July 1, the company informed the union that "its previously announced decision to close the Hog Kill and Cut departments is irrevocable."    J.A. at 353.  The company reiterated that the actions were "motivated solely by economic factors."    ALJ op. at 34.

26
On July 2, a company vice-president told a reporter that the Rochelle plant was going to be a replacement for the hog processing operations at the Dubuque plant, and that the reason for the transfer was the high level of laborextension.  However, the company's hopes for new financing collapsed in early 1982.  The Dubuque and Rochelle plants were closed and sold on October 15, 1982.  ALJ op. at 67.

B. Procedural History

28
The union filed charges with the Board on June 26 and August 7, 1981, which resulted in a consolidated complaint issued by the NLRB's General Counsel on April 28, 1982.  In September and October 1982, and again in October and November 1983, hearings were held before an ALJ.  On March 20, 1984, final briefs were filed with the ALJ.  Over one year later, on June 17, 1985, the ALJ released his decision, recounting the facts above and then nevertheless concluding, on the authority of the Board's decision in Otis II (discussed at


the Court addressed the question whether an employer must negotiate with the certified representative of its employees over its decision to close a part of its business.  The termination of the operations at issue--a contracted out cleaning business for nursing homes--"was purely a matter of money."    452 U.S. at 669-70, 101 S.Ct. at 2575-76.    The Court picked up on Justice Stewart's three-part categorization of management decisions (spelled out in his concurrence in  Fibreboard ):

37
Some management decisions, such as choice of advertising and promotion, product type and design, and financing arrangements, have only an indirect and attenuated impact on the employment relationship.  Other management decisions, such as the order of succession of layoffs and recalls, production quotas, and work rules, We can safely assume that the company's representations to the union during the months at issue give at least some indication of what they were really thinking, and those statements emphasized the primary importance of labor costs to the decision to cease pork operations in Dubuque
One contrary statement we have discovered in the record comes from a letter sent late in the summer of 1981, after the relocation decision had become irrevocable, during the dispute over union access to the company's financial information.  Signed by the company's director of labor relations, the letter addressed a statement by the union's auditor that the Dubuque plant had "been suffering losses attributable to the level of labor costs."    J.A. at 394 (emphasis in original).  This


consequences?
Sawithin justsbury's to invest in easiness similar Nisa plan 130m, Breakfast Briefing: Feasible trade accessible in the role of Scottish Widows in grouping. Areas comfortable: FTSE gets due to the fact Brexit tells you come from. Jaguar find Rover merchants pressure as conveyor designers who may make. ALEX BRUMMER: Hammond to become noticed 'failure so as going back to be safer. Private equity finance finance big Blackstone shells usa investment through. Brexit election driven 146bn poker madness town between. Generic daily everyday your lifespan and Aberdeen investment lending broker agree to. The united kingdom's winter flat improve booms while poor solitary. Womens retailer Bonmarch undergoes 40% profit gains failure available in the role of. Company op checking in 'advanced talks' wanting to offer dealers covering. Brexit essenti keAston Martin Dives to New Depths With “Project Neptune” Luxury Sub

Gaydon takes a plunge with Triton Submarines

wants to make a splash in the submersibles scene. The British sports car builder is collaborating with Florida-based Triton Submarines to create Project Neptune, a limited edition luxury sub for deep sea enthusiasts and wannabe secret agents.

The automaker is sinking its design resources into the new endeavor with the luxury submarine builder. With a top speed of 3 knots (3.4 mph), Project Neptune won't win any races, but the slippery Aston can dive 500 meters (1,650 feet).

"Project Neptune is defined by its sleek, elegant exterior," said Marek Reichman, Aston Martin executive VP and chief creative officer, in a statement. "We have used forms and proportions that express the same devotion to design,


Bell mobile customers will also have access to 24 MLS matches featuring Toronto FC and Vancouver Whitecaps FC on TSN and TSN2, as well as the MLS All-Star Game, MLS Playoffs and the MLS Cup.

Bell Mobility customers can purchase 10 hours of the Mobile TV Sports package for $5 per month. This includes access to live games and highlights from the NHL, NFL and now MLS Official Broadcaster matches and Vancouver Whitecaps FC.

About Bell
Bell is Canada's largest communications company, providing consumers and business with solutions to all their communications needs, including Bell Mobility wireless, high-speed Bell Internet, Bell Satellite TV and Bell Fibe TV, Bell Home Phone local and long distance, and Bell Business Markets IP-broadband and information and communications technology (ICT) services.Bell is proud to be thethe finding of irreparable injury to Marxe.  Accordingly, we will reverse.

I. FACTS

2
Francine Marxe worked for AT & T for more than 19 years and rose steadily through the AT & T ranks.  On Jan. 1, 1975, after six years of employment, Marxe became an AT & T staff associate and in 1976, she was promoted to Level 3 status.  She received a third promotion in January 1978, this time to Level 4, making her a division manager.  Throughout this period of time, Marxe was regarded as well-qualified and received consistently positive evaluations.

3
By the fall of 1982, shortly after her transfer to Marketing Project Management, Marxe began experiencing what she perceived to be discriminatory treatment.  According to her affidavit, Marxe requested a transfer in


the summer of 1983, because of allegedly "differential" treatment she received from Charles Jackson, her immediate supervisor at the time, Charles Yates, and other agents of AT & T.  She was not transferred.  Because she felt that her supervisors did not respond adequately to her complaints, Marxe filed her initial charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in June 1985.  The complaint enumerated ten manifestations of the perceived discrimination and charged that "[r]espondents have refused to remedy the discriminatory treatment afforded [me]."  App. at 71.

4
Within six months of her first EEOC charge, Marxe was described as only "marginally satisfactory."    Marxe felt that, after she filed the charge, Jackson viewed her with increasing hostility, and that he scrutinized her more closelyand began to undercut her in public.  In January 1986, Marxe filed a second EEOC charge.  She filed this suit in the United States District Court for the District of New Jersey at about the same time.

5
Shortly thereafter Marxe was transferred to a new department, ostensibly so that her competence could be assessed by a new supervisor.  She worked under two supervisors, Louis Golm initially and Francis Ianna after Golm received a promotion.  Golm stated in his affidavit that he told Marxe "the performance [he] had seen ... was directionally correct and ... [that] if this type and level of performance were to continue, [he] would be pleased."    App. at 217.  Ianna was also satisfied with Marxe's performance.

6
On July 11,


1986, while Marxe's EEOC charges were pending, she was evicted from her office on little more than an hour's notice.  She was allowed to take with her only her personal belongings and papers she needed that day.  She was not permitted to return to her office until the end of the day.  AT & T insists that the short-notice eviction was necessary to facilitate effective compliance with Marxe's discovery requests.

7
Marxe continued to work at AT & T during the pendency of her complaints and her suit.  In the fall of 1986, she twice brought a tape recorder, which she kept in a handbag, to meetings with Ianna.  Marxe surreptiously taped conversations concerning her job responsibilities and a work-force reduction plan that AT &T was implementing at that time.  She testified at her deposition that her primary motivation in making the tapes was to enhance her job performance.  She later realized that the tapes might prove useful in her lawsuit and delivered them to her attorney.

8
AT & T learned of the existence of the tapes on December 3, 1986, when Marxe produced copies of them in response to AT & T's discovery requests.  Ianna and Bridget Manzi, a director-level executive assistant, confronted Marxe six days later and demanded an explanation of the taping.  Ianna suspended Marxe shortly after she had completed her explanation.  He confiscated her security badge and ushered her out of the building, treatment which, Marxe contends and AT & T disputes, ordinarily was


complaint, (3) after that filing, Jackson's hostility to Marxe increased and he repeatedly accused her of challenging his supervisory authority, (4) within six months of the filing of the first EEOC complaint, her evaluations had dropped to a rating of "marginally satisfactory," (5) Marxe filed a second EEOC complaint and a lawsuit, (6) AT & T's response to her request for production of documents and the manner in which AT & T ultimately escorted her from its premises evidenced hostility towards Marxe, and (7) given the fact that Marxe had not shared the tape with anyone who was free to utilize the information contained thereon and the fact that there was no specific prohibition in AT & T's Code of Conduct on the use of tape recorders, ATHello and thank you for visiting AikiWeb, the
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A friend of mine had, or has a copy stored away "in a box somewhere" and has told several of us about the contents. It was a shock today to see it published on AJ. While many of those named have passed on, there are still a couple around that probably won't be


like his starting revelation from Congressman Devin Nunes, House Intelligence Committee chairman, the Republican who is supposed to be leading a bipartisan independent investigation of Russian hacking and possible connection between Russia and the Trump campaign and leaks. It was followed by President Trump claiming partial vindication on his tweets of wiretapping and Democratic lawmakers loudly questioning the intelligence committee's impartiality.

And now, just moments ago, the wide ride (ph) we're on today ended when the Manafort go car (ph) pulled into the White House garage and president retweeting this from talk show host Bill Mitchell. It reads, "Exactly as I said, House Intel chair, we cannot rule out senior Obama officials were involved in Trump surveillance."

More in all of it now from CNN Jeff Zeleny who joins uswith this. This is information. This is information that was brought to me that I thought the president needed to know about incidental collection, where the president himself and others in the Trump transition team were clearly put into intelligence reports that ended up at this White House and across a whole bunch of other agencies. And I thought it was important for the president to know this, that's why I briefed the speaker this morning and I came down here as soon as I could.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

ZELENY: Now, it's important to point out, he is leading an investigation into an entirely separate branch of government here. So, you know, sure idea of him coming down to share information certainly raised a ton of eyebrows.

Yes, he was on


his ties to Russia. He says the newly report information is a smear and innuendo. We'll have the details ahead.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

[21:36:18] COOPER: Tonight, former Trump campaign chair, Paul Manafort, is responding to new allegations about his consulting work for a client overseas. This time, the former client is a Russian oligarch. The FBI is investigating Mr. Manafort's possible ties to Russia, some of which involves his work for the (inaudible) pro- Russian president of Ukraine.

Tonight, press accusations and push back from the man in question. CNN Senior Investigative Journalist Drew Griffin has the latest.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

DREW GRIFFIN, CNN SENIOR INVESTIGATIVE CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): The latest connection between a close Trump associate and Russia was dug up by the Associated Press reporting at 2005 memo in which Paul Manafort already workingthe Cayman Islands in 2007. They invested in a Ukrainian telecom company.

The deals went south and according to a legal filing, Deripaska's company said Manafort simply disappeared. White House Spokesman Sean Spicer this afternoon downplaying any connection this has to the president.

SEAN SPICER WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY: He was a consultant. He had clients from around the world. There is no suggestion that he did anything improper or -- but to suggest that the president knew who his clients were from a decade ago is a bit insane. He was hired to do a job, he did it. That's it, plain and simple. GRIFFIN (voice-over): It's just the latest Russian headline headache for the Trump administration. CNN has reported the FBI is already investigating possible connections between Trump


campaign officials, including Manafort and Russian officials.

Manafort was fired by the Trump campaign on August 19th. That was the same day the FBI announced Manafort was involved in another investigation and another possible connection to Russia. This time, it was his consulting work for the pro-Russian former president of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, who eventually had to flee his own country seeking refuge in Russia with President Vladimir Putin.

The government of Ukraine opened an investigation into possible corruption and money laundering charges against Yanukovych and his political party after Manafort's name appeared on a ledger of $12.7 million in secret payments.

Manafort denies he ever took money illegally from anyone in his worldwide consulting business. He denies he pushed any Russian agenda while working in Ukraine. And he now deniesA Small Way of Saying “No”: Moscow Working Men, Spartak Soccer, and the Communist Party, 1900–1945

West of Red Square, just to the north of Moscow’s famed White House, there is a tiny, tree-lined stadium, tucked into a corner of the city’s historic Krasnaia Presnia district. It was on this hallowed ground, opened in 1922, that the celebrated Starostin brothers joined with their childhood pals to introduce the modern spectacle of soccer to their friends and neighbors.[1] The favorite sport of laboring men in Britain and elsewhere, soccer caught on in the district before 1917 and was avidly adopted by male Russian workers during the first postrevolutionary decade. In 1935, the Starostins founded the most popular of all Soviet sports teams, Spartak, named for the rebel slave of ancient


Rome, Spartacus. At the same time, the state sport structure congealed into its familiar bureaucratized form. Yet, well before then, the men and boys of the region had made soccer a game of their own, and Spartak’s predecessor, Krasnaia Presnia, a team of their own.[2]

From the outset, the club and its supporters used sport to manifest attitudes toward a variety of institutions and groups, including the party-state. These sentiments were developed in the course of competition with other sports organizations, the most important of which was the Dinamo (Dynamo) Society. Founded in 1923 by the secret police, it was the first Soviet sport club. Responsible for the physical training of Bolshevism’s guardians of order, Dinamo received greater state support than any other sports group.[3] Yet such largesse nevertranslated into popularity among the working men who comprised the early football public. Spartak, on the other hand, was always the beloved favorite of Muscovite, and later Soviet, fans, a status it maintained despite dramatic ups and downs on the playing field. This station was unusual, even unique, in the annals of world sport.

Manchester United, Barcelona, Boca Juniors, and others have all enjoyed great runs at the top of their respective leagues, but when their success waned, so did support outside their home cities. In the United States, the New York Yankees dominated baseball for interminable stretches, but it would be hard to call them beloved throughout the nation, much less their own city. Spartak, on the other hand, was always number one in the hearts of the


acting politically on its own behalf. There were also sharp disagreements about method between historians who favored a largely materialist social history and others who placed greater emphasis on the role of language and culture. In their introduction to the 1994 essay collection, Making Workers Soviet, Lewis Siegelbaum and Ronald Grigor Suny noted, “Workers have been portrayed in one of three ways: as genuine supporters of the system, as sullen victims or as opportunists employing strategies to maximize their chances of survival and advancement.”[5] At the time, it seemed a new agenda had been set, but, despite a large body of excellent scholarship, these controversies remain unsettled, as historians have turned their attention away from labor history in light of the collapse of communism and the profession’s “culturalturn.”

My aim here is to revisit this debate, using new sources and a different analytical domain, specifically sport, to examine the attitudes of Soviet workers toward the regime. Those sentiments derived, in part, from the swiftly changing processes of identify formation experienced by Soviet citizens during the 1930s. Yet, for many American readers, the historical links between sport and identity may not be immediately clear. Team support as a social-cultural marker has been a phenomenon of large European, Australasian, and Latin American cities with numerous teams. In the United States, sport became a profit-making enterprise earlier than it did in Europe. Major league baseball clubs were granted territorial franchises. A single city had one, sometimes two, teams that were the property of owners, who were free to move


them. Outside North America, the territorial franchise was not guaranteed, and teams were required to fight continually for local preeminence.[6] Soccer clubs did not move. They emerged from various settings, including churches, pubs, factories, social clubs, and block associations. Teams were deeply imbedded in their communities, and decisions to root for a particular club said much about the way supporters saw themselves. These were matters of identity, and the choices were freely made by individuals and groups—even in the USSR.[7]

Before World War II, the working people of Moscow were not only establishing political identities as friends or foes of the state, they were also elaborating cultural identities as modern urbanites and gendered identities at a time of changing definitions of manhood and womanhood. It has, however, proved difficultidentity between a team’s followers and its leaders. Fans could choose to attend or not attend games, but they were not involved in day-to-day management. Spartak therefore, cannot be understood without examining the role of the Starostins, particularly the eldest, Nikolai, and Andrei. They rose from the dangerous streets of prerevolutionary Moscow to manage Spartak’s predecessors during the 1920s, when making money was both permissible and necessary.

In creating a highly successful team through what some felt were suspect business methods, they became extremely popular, while enjoying a measure of independence from the regime. They operated at the highest levels of the party, employing their own patronage network to do battle with Dinamo, not only on the playing field but in the corridors of political power. Elite connections were


documentary silence complicates the work of the historian, particularly the student of Russia and the USSR who must contend with Russian intellectuals’ disinterest in the body. Their reluctance to write on this subject was born of two sets of attitudes: the historic anti-somatic bias of the intelligentsia and the related prudery of official Soviet social-science discourse, which largely ignored matters of sex and desire.[11] Yet, throughout the Soviet era, intense and revealing battles raged around what the anthropologist Susan Brownell and others have called body culture—”a broad term that includes daily practices of health, fitness, dress and decoration, as well as gestures and postures . . . It also includes the ways those practices are trained into the body, the way the body is publically displayed and theathletes, on the other hand, were supposed to project a respectability and fairness, derived from middle-class notions of “rational recreation.”[13]

As Andrei Starostin noted, “Spartak had many sources but just one birthplace—the Presnia”[14] —renamed Krasnaia (Red) Presnia in honor of the militance of its residents during the revolution.[15] For several decades before 1917, football in Russia followed a classic pattern of modern cultural diffusion. Outside its birthplace, Britain, the sport was primarily a middle-class pastime, imported by such agents of modernity as factory managers, engineers, and diplomats.[16] This was the case not only in Russia but in Spain, Germany, and Argentina as well. Moscow lagged behind Petersburg in most matters of Western-derived popular culture, and soccer was no exception. The first organized matches in the capital were played in


artisan neighbors. Their father, a hunting guide, had brought the family from the village of Pogoist in Pskov Gubernia to Moscow, where his employer, the Imperial Hunting Society, set them up in a comfortable house on Presenskii Kammer-Kollezhskii Val.[28] Their somewhat elevated circumstances made the brothers liminal figures who were able to move easily between the streets of their neighborhood and the nearby institutions of organized sport. This was true particularly of Nikolai (1898–1996),[29] who studied at a commercial academy, where he started playing soccer at age nine. By the time he was a teenager, Nikolai had already demonstrated the qualities of the “wheeler-dealer” he became later in life.

Soviet and Western sources describe the Presnia’s working population as active, militant participants in the revolutionary events of 1917, andSoviet-era memoir and journalistic accounts predictably claim the Starostins and their friends welcomed the revolution. Yet few of the Presnia’s young footballers seem to have played an active political role.[30] Soon thereafter, the hardships of the Russian Civil War took a predictable toll on sport and everything else in Moscow. But these trials did not obliterate the activity of the practitioners of street football. If anything, new opportunities were created.[31] While the prerevolutionary clubs had not closed down, most of their members had fled, leaving the facilities available to those previously excluded.[32] In the neighborhood, sporting activity was led by Ivan Artemev, a war veteran and now a member of the Komsomol (Communist Youth League). With most of the old clubs lying dormant, it seemed an opportune time


to create a workers’ athletic organization in the neighborhood.[33] The Moscow Sport Circle (later Krasnaia Presnia) was formed in 1921. Artemev assumed leadership of the district’s sporting life and with his colleagues fixed upon a potato field as the site of a “stadium” for local athletes. They received permission to build, and in 1922 the new venue became a reality.

During the 1920s, club soccer, despite its popularity, was not played on a national basis. Teams competed in city championships. At the end of certain seasons, select squads from each city took part in an All-Union tournament. These inconsistencies reflected the uncertainties of the semi-capitalist New Economic Policy (NEP, 1921–1928). Like so much else in early Soviet life, no one was sure how to go about organizing matters ofathletic activity in a postrevolutionary society.[34] As a result, the Bolsheviks were left to base their approach on the two available Western models of sport: professionalism and the formally amateur Olympic movement.[35] In the late nineteenth century, American and European entrepreneurs rushed to take advantage of increases in leisure time and disposable income by creating sporting spectacles to entertain rather than educate middle and working-class audiences. Olympism, as developed by the French baron de Coubertin, was a reaction to the crassness of sports professionalism, whose practitioners and followers were largely drawn from subordinate social groups. By contrast, many of the disciplines on the Olympic program had military applications, appealing to the elites who composed the Olympic Games’ earliest audience and leadership. A conservative response to divisive nationalisms and


socialist internationalism, Olympism viewed sport as a vehicle for social improvement.[36] The Bolsheviks, who also believed in social improvement, refused to take part in the games, citing the exclusion of workers, but Olympism appealed to the Communist Party, which saw it as a way to convince the backward to embrace modernity.

Those who favored sport’s didactic possibilities were considerably less comfortable with soccer. In the context of the early NEP, important domestic games of the Moscow city league could draw up to 10,000 spectators, who paid the not-inconsiderable sum of 60 kopecks (100 to a ruble) for a ticket.[37] There was money to be made, an activity permissible under the NEP. Inevitably, an atmosphere of professionalism emerged.[38] Realizing their power, players called for higher pay and more comfortable travelingwho were encouraged to participate in many of the sports on the Olympic program, were banned from soccer. Unlike Olympic sport, football had become a rowdy, corrupt entertainment, not the kind of leisure activity sought by a party-state trying to change the behaviors of its citizens.[44] In 1926, sport clubs were reorganized with teams based on industries rather than regions.[45] Starostin found a sponsor in the food workers’ union (Pishchevik). The team assumed the union’s name but, more significantly, moved the site of its games from the heart of Krasnaia Presnia to the new 13,000-seat Tomskii Stadium in nearby Petrovskii Park.[46] In 1928, Dinamo Stadium (capacity 35,000, later 55,000) opened across the street.[47] This first serious Soviet venue was later rented to Spartak and other teams for important


matches.[48] From 1926 to 1934, the future Spartak changed sponsors repeatedly, as it competed unsuccessfully with Dinamo for supremacy in the capital.[49] At the end of this period, the team sought a more powerful patron.

Nikolai had enjoyed cordial relations with Promkooperatsiia, a wealthy organi-zation that supervised large segments of the lucrative retail trades. Its roughly 600,000 members were salespeople, tailors, barbers, waiters, and others in the service sector.[50] At the same time, the head of the Komsomol, Alexander Kosarev, was seeking to expand his organization’s control in the area of sport. Nikolai brought Kosarev into contact with Ivan Pavlov, the head of Promkooperatsiia. The Komsomol offered political support, while Promkooperatsiia furnished funding. In November 1934, Kosarev charged the Starostins with organizing and naming the new group.[51] They gatheredfriends and relatives and spent an all-night brainstorming session before settling on “Spartak.” The name proved meaningful.[52] Of the major sports organizations to emerge before the war, Spartak was the only group named for a revolutionary leader who had the added virtue of being an athlete. Nor was the choice lost on the fans. The original Spartacus had fought for the poor against the rich, and many came to feel Spartak was the unofficial representative of those who still suffered exploitation. On April 19, 1935, the national Spartak Society opened its doors.[53] Along with elite sport, the new group assumed responsibilities for mass physical culture. Spartak was an immense operation, with a large, well-rewarded bureaucracy that supported teams in various sports in the USSR’s largest cities. Nikolai Starostin,


domestic structure of the game along the lines of the professional leagues of Western Europe.[56] Otherwise, he said they were “stewing in their own juices.” In a long memorandum, Starostin urged the replacement of the old city championships with a national league composed of the best clubs in the land. Consistent with the trend toward hierarchy that emerged during the late 1930s, the teams were staffed by well-paid professionals who were to play a home-and-away schedule stretching from May to early November. The new structure would, in his words, “legalize the professionalism that already exists in our football.”[57] In May 1936, Soviet soccer opened a new era. The league, with seven first-division teams in Moscow, Leningrad, and Kiev, was an overnight success, drawing millions of fans. Instantaneously, Spartak,right up to the sidelines, surrounded the goals and covered the corners turning the rectangle into an oval.”[69] During the second half, the surging fans destroyed one of the goal posts. In the midst of this chaos, Spartak triumphed 3–1 to claim its first league championship.[70] Thereafter, in every season before the war, newspaper reports described further incidents involving both Spartak players and fans.[71] Given the team’s visibility, it is reasonable to ask if Spartak supporters were truly more rowdy than the fans of other clubs. Vartanian has shown that disorders were common and by no means restricted to Moscow.[72] Yet press accounts involving hooliganism by Spartak fans and players did appear more often, although certain newspapers may well have singled them out for special attention.

The anti-authoritarian attitudes


from teams in the powerful Spanish league came to the USSR to raise funds for the embattled Spanish Republic.[80] The visitors showed Soviet fans an astounding level of soccer never previously seen by ordinary citizens. Only at the end of their tour, tired and exhausted, did they lose to Spartak, which had been strengthened by the addition of four players from other teams, including the sensational young striker Grigorii Fedotov. With the score tied 2–2 at the half, the game turned on a dubious penalty awarded by the referee, who, as it happened, was a Spartak official. Perhaps realizing what was transpiring, the Basques played the role of grateful guests and lost 6–2. These nuances, however, were lost on young boys who had been taken to their firstgame by football-loving dads. All these kids knew was that Dinamo Moscow had lost to the Basques twice, while Spartak had emerged victorious.[81]

In the summer of 1936, the struggle between Spartak and Dinamo moved from grassy fields to the ancient cobblestones of Red Square. In 1931, the State Sport Committee had reinvented the tradition of Physical Culture Day, a mammoth sports parade held each summer in Red Square.[82] Thousands of tanned, fit male and female bodies marched in close unison. Mass gymnastic displays were complemented by floats and banners. If not identical, these events were certainly similar to sport holidays in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.[83] Extensively filmed and photographed, the parades of the 1930s were supposed to symbolize the orderliness and controlled character of Soviet sport for


of social improvement. The Dinamo Society, founded by the police, came to represent official Stalinist body culture, which embraced the statist Olympic model, if not its class and gender content.[88] Indeed, the parades bear many similarities to the overblown opening ceremonies of the Olympic Games. Before the war, Dinamo athletes dominated the multi-sport Spartakiads, festivals that made the “civilized” sports on the Olympic program available to working men and women in the best tradition of “rational recreation.”[89] By contrast, Spartak took a more spontaneous approach to leisure and sporting spectacles, emphasizing games rather than parades. The events it stressed in its own practice, as Oleshchuk, Romm, and Nazarov show, were less didactic. The primary rituals for Spartak fans were such male celebrations as the pre-game metro or tramride, the pushing and shoving to get to their seats, plus chanting, cheering, booing, drinking, and cursing—not to mention the occasional riot—practices more profane than sacred.[90]

These differences were also consistent with the sponsorship of the two groups. Dinamo, supported by the secret police, was inextricably part of the state sector. Its athletes were to embody the virtues the regime sought to inculcate through sport—discipline, order, health, respect for authority, and social improvement.91 Dinamo was part of an organization subject to military discipline, and the bodies it presented were supposed to give the impression of discipline.[92] By contrast, Spartak was sponsored by the retail trades, which made it more a part of society—a producer of sport spectacles for the historically beleaguered consumer sector. Promkooperatsiia had became a wealthy organization


more than willing to use its money to buy top athletes, who were more often presented to the public in athletic contests as opposed to festivals.[93]

In the international arena, Dinamo’s leaders, as well as its sportsmen and women, were active supporters of the state’s diplomatic goals. Despite some words and a few deeds to the contrary, Spartak would later prove a less enthusiastic carrier of the regime’s aims. Although the example is outside my chronological limit, it is revealing of pre-war attitudes that, when the USSR finally took part in the Olympic Games, in 1952, army and Dinamo athletes dominated Soviet teams. By comparison, Spartak provided only a handful of Olympians.[94] Similarly, after the war, the army sport system and the Dinamo society became, in the words ofthe leading Western student of Soviet sport, the “organizational pillars” of the sports movement.[95] In establishing this priority, the leadership was clearly responding to differences that had emerged during the 1930s.

The body cultures of the two groups were, in turn, tied to different types of masculinity. Here, too, differing constructions of manhood intensified their rivalry. For Soviet males, like most others, adopting sport, with its rules, organizational structures, and schedules, was part of becoming a modern urban man. During the course of the nineteenth century, both professional and Olympic sport had been constructed in Europe and the United States as male bastions, but each approach offered a different version of manhood.[96] As we have seen, Spartak’s supporters practiced a Soviet version of an earlier British working-class masculinity that


was often violent and little concerned with sportsmanship. As a group with a sense of grievance, winning, for these particular men, was very important. While Oleshchuk’s characterization of the games as “wars” is overstated, he does succeed in conveying the seriousness with which Spartak fans approached football. By contrast, Dinamo, despite its own supporters’ occasional lapses, offered a more respectable middle-class manliness.[97] Their publicly obedient athletes were presented as objects for emulation. Finally, these different masculinities fostered different attitudes toward female sport. Again, the example, while postwar, is instructive. Dinamo and the army clubs paid lip service to women’s participation. Spartak, by contrast, proved largely indifferent. Thirteen of the forty female athletes on the first Soviet Olympic team at Helsinki were members of Dinamo. Only one came fromthe shop floor. Siegelbaum and Hiroaki Kuromiya found contingent and shifting worker identities, especially early on during industrialization. Others, most notably Donald Filtzer, stressed repression in the face of worker-management tensions. Stephen Kotkin, in his massive study of the new city of Magnitogorsk, detailed an accommodation, mediated by language, which combined quiescence with cynical manipulation of the system. A still different tack was taken by Gabor Rittersporn, who argued that Soviet workers were not a unified class but rather an “urban laboring mass,” lacking the cohesion to oppose the state.[100]

By 1929, the prerevolutionary proletariat, which all but evaporated during the civil war, had been reconstituted. Subsequently, the demands of forced draft industrialization required massive numbers of new workers, who were primarily peasants and women.[101] Soviet cities grew at


capital became a large part of the soccer audience. Women’s involvement in pre-war football was largely limited to watching men watch other men play football.[105] In the little remaining documentary footage on early soccer (roughly forty minutes), women do appear in the stands. Yet nearly all the matches captured on film were cup finals or other important games at comparatively well-policed Dinamo Stadium. Those females shown on screen were always stylishly dressed and usually young. They tended to sit together, and it is reasonable, given the prevailing patriarchy of the period, to think they may have been the wives or girlfriends of players, suggesting the absence of a female presence at most regular matches.[106] Similarly, peasants, nearly all recent arrivals from the countryside, were, like peasants elsewhere inthe world, little involved in the modern, urban phenomenon of sport. While it is likely that a portion of those who flocked to the capital during industrialization eventually took an interest in the game, the majority of recent migrants to the city did not. Older peasant leisure practices persisted despite residence in Moscow. Strolling and visiting were preferred to a specifically scheduled event like a soccer game, governed by poorly understood rules.[107] The fictional hero of film and literature, Anton Kandidov, who went from melon-catching muzhik (peasant) to goalie for the Soviet national team, would have been exceptional, even if he were real.[108]

While the paucity of solid empirical information requires care, it is clear that those workers who watched soccer had greater experience of urban life than the


newcomers. The men who had followed the sport before the revolution and during the 1920s continued to do so into the late 1930s. Many of them had raised families and passed on a love of the game to sons. Additionally, several Soviet scholars have claimed that Moscow workers were becoming older and more skilled, a process that made them more likely to be drawn to the urban activity of sport. The shift in Moscow away from textiles toward metalworking can also be seen as a sign of an increasingly skilled work force.[109] With the Third Five-Year Plan, announced in 1938, an even greater emphasis was placed on heavy industries, especially defense.[110] The chaos of the First Five-Year Plan allowed little time for leisure, and the new recruits toany context other than that of the terror. Yet the sports world did not escape the purges. Hundreds of athletes and officials were arrested, and, by the summer of 1937, Nikolai expected to be taken away at any moment.[124] His concern deepened soon thereafter. In September, Georgii and Serafim Znamenskii, the USSR’s most famous track stars, secretly denounced the Starostins to the minister of sport.[125] They claimed Starostin had asked them to assist in currency speculation,[126] and said Nikolai had used contacts in the military to get army soccer players mustered out early to play for Spartak. This latter charge was, in fact, true.[127]In November, Georgii Znamenskii wrote, “Nikolai Starostin devotes his time, attention and funds only to football. He ignores the other sports. He allows only a


few designated people to work with the soccer team. He acts personally for himself rather than being guided by the situation of the organization . . . This method is similar to that of an entrepreneur of a private sports club.”[128]

Again, if these claims were plausible, it was because the Starostins felt this was the “normal” way to organize big-time sport. Here, they had an important patron in Alexander Kosarev, who believed entertainment under Communism should actually be entertaining. The Starostins were not isolated figures. Rather, they understood that they needed to have important friends in order to present sports entertainments to the public. Before big games, Nikolai distributed 1,000 free tickets to leading figures in the Moscow and national party organizations, and in Kosarev they had avarious rumors going around . . . No one knows the whole truth. Basically the conflict was about their unusual popularity . . . I don’t think Beria had Starostin arrested because he wanted Dinamo to become champions. I think the irritation was about their popularity and independence.”[138] Although unproven, the accusations are unsettling, as they contrast sharply with the Starostins’ postwar image of extreme probity.

Guilty or not, the brothers spent two years at secret police headquarters in Moscow, after which they were sent to labor camps. When they arrived at their destinations, they were met by local camp commandants who, unbeknownst to Beria, were so excited to have sport celebrities in their midst they invited the Starostins to coach local Dinamo teams in the lower and outer


reaches of the Soviet minor leagues. The brothers were spared hard labor and allowed to live in their teams’ locker rooms rather than the brutal barracks. They continued to live in camps until 1948 and in exile until 1954. Their absence did not go unnoticed by the fans. In 1997, the eminent sportswriter Lev Filatov remembered the immediate postwar era when Spartak fell into football eclipse: “We looked upon the vegetating state of Spartak with sadness, quietly remembering the Starostin brothers, who, in our youthful imaginations, would not have permitted the hallowed club to fall into such disarray. But to speak publicly about it was dangerous. During those years, the lines in information guides that should have been imprinted with the Starostins’ names instead read ‘and others.'”[139] Thebrothers finally came home to Moscow with the first and most privileged group of returnees. Their special status allowed them to resume their careers with little difficulty. Everyone connected with Spartak knew what had happened to them, and their days in the camps were discussed openly, but not publicly.[140] Eventually, in 1964, Andrei wrote a popular memoir. In it, he stated that he and his brothers had been arrested in 1942 after “falseaccusations fabricated by enemies of the people.”[141] Nikolai presided over Spartak until his death in 1996, all the while projecting an image of moral rectitude. Reviled in some quarters before the war, he died a beloved figure. The contrast between Starostin’s later propriety and the earlier rumors of corruption may disturb his fans and undermine his


the laboring masses who have questioned the predictive certainties of a materially oriented social history. They are also correct when noting that the nineteenth-century faith in the historically transformative power of the proletariat was not borne out by the maelstrom of the twentieth century’s first half. As a result, with workers no longer center stage, labor history has been moved to the margins, and an opportunity has been lost. Instead of looking in new places for answers to unresolved questions, the profession seems, rather, to have abandoned the study of labor. Yet, if workers are no longer the central players in a discredited master narrative, this is scarcely areason for ignoring them altogether. Instead, culture, especially popular culture, can, as it has in other cases, provide deep understandingParty, 1905–1917 (1980), Proletarian Peasants: The Revolution of 1905 in Russia’s Southwest (1987), and Serious Fun: A History of Spectator Sports in the USSR (1993), which won the annual book awards of the Amateur Athletic Foundation of Los Angeles and the North American Society of Sports Historians. His articles have appeared in the Russian Review, Slavic Review, Journal of Modern History, Journal of Sports History, New York Times, History Today, and Hoop. Edelman has consulted on documentaries for HBO, PBS, ESPN, and CBS. He is currently working on a book about the history of Spartak and Moscow’s men before, during, and after Soviet power. He lives in Solana Beach, California, with three children, two dogs, and one wife.

Notes
1 The brothers’ names were Nikolai, Aleksandr, Andrei, and Petr. There