from San Antonio, Texas.

1998 was a year to remember for the Minnesota Vikings. With a spectacular offense led by quarterback Randall Cunningham, who had the best year of his NFL career, running back Robert Smith, veteran wide receiver Cris Carter, and explosive rookie Randy Moss, the Vikings set a then-NFL record by scoring a total of 556 points, never scoring fewer than 24 in a game. The Vikings finished the season 15–1, their only loss by three points to the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in week nine. 12 of their 15 wins came by a margin of at least 10 points.

According to Football Outsiders, "The Vikings led the league with 52 plays of 25+ yards. They had 22 offensive plays of 40+ yards; no other team had more thanDUBLIN (Reuters) - The delay to Britain’s departure from the European Union has only confused voters who already have little enthusiasm for European Parliament elections, according to Socialist lead candidate Frans Timmermans.

Frans Timmermans of the Party of European Socialists (PES) reacts during a press point after a debate which is broadcast live across Europe from the European Parliament in Brussels, ahead of the May 23-26 elections for EU lawmakers, in Brussels, Belgium May 15, 2019. REUTERS/Francois Walschaerts

Almost three years after Britain voted to leave the EU, the Brexit process is so bogged down that its scheduled departure date has been put back seven months to Oct. 31, meaning it is obliged to take part in the election on Thursday.

“The British people are asked to go and vote, but


for what?” said the 58-year-old former Dutch foreign minister and current vice president of the executive Commission, now vying to become president.

“Are these (British) EU lawmakers going to stay long?” he mused in an interview with Reuters in the back of his black Mercedes on the campaign trail in Dublin on May 10. “It is discomfort and confusion rather than anything else.”

The Netherlands is one of Britain’s closest allies in Europe and Timmermans’ frustration with London reflects broader anger across the bloc at both the 2016 Brexit referendum and the chaotic and so far unsuccessful efforts to leave.

Turnout for European Parliament elections is traditionally low. The 751 seats will be filled through national votes in 28 member states, where individual parties campaign largely on local issues.

Britons will beNo one seems to know just when the old house
was built, but there are distinct traces of Victorian gentility
in its brownstone front, its second-story entrance reached by a
flight of stone steps and its high ceilinged, narrow-windowed
formality.

If the building ever did possess gentility,
though, it was abruptly forsaken on February 14, 1929, as the
guttural yammering of submachine guns in a garage almost
directly across the street brought the notorious “St.
Valentine’s Day Massacre” to headlines around the world. Rumor
even has it that the house at 2121 North Clark served as a
lookout post for hoodlum henchmen of the Valentine gunners.

The succeeding years were unkind to the old
house, as it passed through a series of ever less savory
occupancies. Then, in November 1971, came the ultimate
indignity: fire. When the ashes cooled, all that remained was


a
gutted shell of perhaps early glory.

Today, like the phoenix of myth, 2121 North
Clark Street has been reborn. Purchased in April 1972 by Chicago
attorney Albert H. Beaver, the old house has undergone a year
long process of receiving a facelift.

And what a facelift! When all the bills are
in, Beaver will have poured something like $150,000 into the
building. Pine paneling as much like the original as possible
has replaced timbers deeply charred by last winter’s fire. Under
the active craftsmanship of general contractor Charles R. Smital,
who specializes in restorations and remodeling of this sort,
Beaver’s law office now occupies the space where –according to
neighborhood legend – Al Capone’s under-world demons once peered
across Clark Street towards a bloody garage.

And on the ground floor has been built what
Beaver calls “Chicago’s most exciting restaurant concept in many
years”:they most desperately sought to enter and cheered the Mexican team, whose country they had done all they could to leave.

During the Proposition 187 frenzy in California, I never quite figured out why one of my students, here illegally from Mexico, waved the Mexican flag while participating in a ritual, free-speech area burning of the U.S. flag—all to showcase his anger at being exposed to deportation to Mexico. I suggested at the time he instead just carry a handwritten placard, “Please, I will do all I can from now on legally to stay in your wonderful country.”

Politically Correct Hatred

Ilhan Omar presents a most exasperating case because on the one hand she poses as an avatar of the successful immigrant, while on the other she neurotically whines that America


has failed utterly to meet her expectations when she fled a Kenyan refugee camp to enter the United States.

Her fervent anti-Israelism is fueled by an equally despicable and loud anti-Semitism. And she rarely seems to acknowledge that a foreign country welcomed her in extremis, subsidized her upbringing and education, and, quite unlike her tribalist, racist, and anti-Semitic native Somalia, relegated matters of race, gender, class, and religion to insignificant status or indeed saw them as advantages to be rewarded in electing her to Congress.

Omar herself was so desperate to gain citizenship or legal residency for her apparently own British residing brother that she may well have concocted a fraudulent marriage him. If true, she may have committed several U.S. tax and immigration felonies. And that makes her ingratitudeall the more unappealing—and her present apparent exemption from legitimate federal investigative scrutiny into her possibly serial illegal conduct all the more unbelievable.

So, the larger landscape of the new age of acrimony is not a sudden loss of manners, but rather a complete progressive meltdown at the election of Donald J. Trump.

Opposing Obama?

We now forget that half the country was quite upset by the 2008 election of Barack Obama, not because of his race, but out of concern that he had been the most partisan voting senator of the era in the entire U.S. Senate.

Opponents were taken aback when he boasted, shortly before his victory, about fundamentally “transforming” the country. During the campaign he had urged his supporters to take a gun to a knife fight and to


of winning a senate election in Illinois was to count on state employees and the toady media illegally leaking the confidential divorce records of his primary and general election opponents who otherwise might well have defeated the future president.

Obama’s minions were pilloried as Orwellian figures who monitored the communications of Associated Press reporters and James Rosen of Fox News, who jailed a minor videomaker to scapegoat him for the Benghazi mess, and who went after journalist critic Sharyl Attkisson. Obama likely knew that his own FBI and CIA were in violation of federal law in their zeal to ensure a Hillary Clinton continuum and the destruction of the Trump candidacy.

Republicans lost no time in blasting Obama CIA Director John Brennan and former Director of National Intelligence James Clappercelebrities to virtue signal their imaginative ways of decapitating, burning, stabbing, blowing up, shooting, and punching their own president.

Conservative politicians, bureaucrats, and activists did not invoke the ossified Logan Act, the Emoluments Clause, or the 25thAmendment to remove immediately Obama from office as a traitor, crook, and a crazy.

In efforts to impeach, they did not turn loose a special counsel and over a dozen right-wing government lawyers for 22 months and $35 million worth of harassment, or obsess over their president’s long (and often checkered history), as they wheeled out each week of his presidency an assortment of stale crooks, terrorists, and racists from his past—such unpleasant and indeed unhinged figures as Tony Rezko, Bill Ayers, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, and Father Michael Pfleger—or go after the Obama children,


School Assessment Reports

Schools are required to submit EPI 12A or EPI 12B reports to the Hawaii Department of Health by October 10 and January 10 of every school year to report students who have not complied with the State health and immunization requirements upon school entry, including students who have religious or medical exemptions. The EPI 12A report should be submitted by child care centers, preschools, and head start programs and the EPI 12B by schools with students in kindergarten through 12th grade.controversies around public religion feature in French political culture across the spectrum and are not merely the province of far-right ideology or populism.

C Catherine Fieschi Chair - Counterpoint Director - Global Policy Institute at Queen Mary University of London

Thus, to understand the relationship between right-wing populists and Islam in France requires keeping in mind three key historical pillars: the Republic’s attitude toward religion of any kind, colonialism and decolonization, and France’s history of anti-Semitism, including its role in the Second World War.

The French Revolution was as much a revolt against the Church and organized religion as it was a revolt against the monarchy. The late 18th and 19th centuries, as well as the beginning of the 20th century, is the story of the expropriation and marginalization of the


Catholic Church and of all religions, first from government, then from education and then more broadly from public life. The Republic was constructed in direct opposition to organized religion but also in opposition to faith. This is the axis around which all relationships between politics and religion are organized.

As a result, the Republic’s ideological credentials are inseparable from an assertive, and often militant, secularism. Progressive politics specifically, but mainstream politics in general, of any kind in France, remain defined by a deep suspicion of religion. A tradition of French Catholic socialism exists, but it is no longer a powerful ideological tradition. As such, French progressives can often sound incredibly intolerant of religion — and therefore intolerant of religious minorities. Thus, attitudes toward Islam can look and sound remarkablyNational in 1972 — was an army officer fighting against Algerian independence, this was further proof that the Republic did not provide France with the strength and international clout necessary for remaining a world power. For him, the Republic’s concern for human rights, egalitarianism and, now, self-determination would lead to the decline of French greatness.11

Given the sizable wave of migration from Algeria into France from the start of the conflict in 1958 and onward, Algeria’s eight-year war for independence was set to play a major role in the perception of Islam in France, as well as in the expectations of integration or assimilation of France’s Muslims.12 Algerian migration to France began long before, but it was this final migratory wave and the privileges granted to Algerians in France


specifically to the counter-revolution. The immediate aftermath of 1789 saw the first stirrings of a deeply conservative counter-movement drawing on reactionary Catholicism, nationalism, and demands for strong centralized order in the face of the chaos brought about by the revolution’s egalitarian ideals.

Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter, Marine Le Pen, are heirs to these traditions. Jean-Marie Le Pen reappeared on the political scene in 1972 in order to bring together the disparate strands of the far-right: traditional counter-revolutionaries, anti-Semites, anti-communists, ultra-conservative Catholics,14 revisionists, colonialists, anti-Gaullists, violent nationalists, and straggling neo-Nazis and neo-Fascists.15

Strategically, the point was to move away from the violent tactics of the 1960s far-right, and to instead create an actual party rather than remain a movement forever in danger of self-combustion.

An evolving and adaptive ideology: froman evolution from a focus on the Arab migrant to a focus on the settled Muslim, to Islam as a threatening cultural other, and finally to an ideological category: Islamism (incompatible with the ideology of French Republic, and more broadly European civilization).

Les Arabes, les “Beurs” and the immigrants

In the aftermath of the Algerian war and well into the 1980s, the rejection of North African Muslim immigrants was framed by RN as a rejection of “The Arab”20 — a combination of an ethnic category and an imagined “legal other,” (defined by the historical connection to Algeria).

The 1983 movement against rising discrimination and racist violence particularly perpetrated against immigrants from North Africa, first took form as the Marche des Beurs (Beur — widely used across all population groups — is


young, second-generation Arabs (predominantly of Algerian descent), President Mitterrand, in an effort to instrumentalize the march against the rising FN, chose to use it in order to grow a broad anti-racism movement called SOS Racisme. What identified itself as an Arab revolt against political and social exclusion was transformed by mainstream politicians into something far more nebulous and far less capable of addressing the grievances expressed by the Marche such as poverty, exclusion, and the Palestinian cause. As a result, the Marche marked an important shift in that it missed an opportunity to begin addressing the lingering malaise of colonialism and sociopolitical exclusion of young Arabs.21 By reducing the movement to the issue of race (which paradoxically broadened the target population), instead of taking the demands for culturalsuburbs— was becoming increasingly contentious as race-based riots erupted in Vaulx-en-Velin in 1979 and in Venissieux in 1983. In Algeria itself, the country’s main Islamist party, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), was rapidly gaining popularity, culminating in the Algerian civil war of 1992. These factors led to a growing focus on the lack of integration of Algerian youth, and fears that violence would spread from the banlieues to the heart of the cities, and from Algeria to France — indeed it did in 1995 with the Paris metro bombing by Algeria’s Armed Islamic Group (GIA). RN admits to, and sometimes boasts of, having coldly debated these issues, opting to move away from its initial dual strategy of focusing on law and order and anti-Semitism, to one focused on


law and order and immigration. From there, the leap from fear of the banlieues, to fear of Muslims in the banlieues was an easy one.

Riots also tapped into the growing disquiet of traditionally left-wing voters who felt that the Socialist party was substituting working-class interests for the protection of minorities.23 The first explicitly anti-Muslim FN poster appeared in 1987 courtesy of Jean Pierre Stirbois, the main architect of FN’s 1984 electoral breakthrough.24 The poster was a simple minaret against a green background, with the word “Inshallah” scrawled across, followed by a Hezbollah quote that “in 20 years, France will be an Islamic Republic.”25

From the 1990s onward — especially in light of the 1995 attacks on public transport in Paris and Lyon, as well as a school in Villeurbanne,by the Armed Islamic Group — Islam and Muslims began to be depicted as a security threat, a trend which intensified after terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Lack of integration and incompatibility of values on the one hand, and security on the other, began to play a fundamental role in RN’s rhetoric regarding Islam. This became even more pronounced once Marine Le Pen took over the party’s leadership in 2011. Culture and insecurity are treated as two sides of the same coin, and as an assault on the universalist values of the Republic. The lack of integration — and lack of a desire to integrate on the part of young Muslims — was portrayed as a security threat. FN became quite effective at seamlessly shifting from one


illustrates how the party’s rhetoric has evolved to make the most of opportunities afforded by a general French context where the headscarf is viewed with suspicion, or worse. The increasingly paranoid cultural context is crucial: it was in 1989 — at the height of the Rushdie affair 33 — that the polemics and legal challenges around the wearing of hijab in schools, universities, and finally by public service employees, emerged. This long and tortuous story plays a fundamental role in both encouraging and developing the basic tenets of RN’s stance around Islam as culturally incompatible with western progressive and Enlightenment values, and Islamism as a direct political challenge to the Republic. It would sometimes justify these positions on the grounds that public opinion was on the party’s side.RN also presented itself as the only party that had the courage to be outspoken about such issues (which was patently untrue since most mainstream parties rushed to offer their own criticisms of the hijab). These claims created a spiral — both rhetorical and in policy terms — that engulfed all other political parties in a race “against the veil.”34

The roots of the headscarf debate go as far back as the early 20th century — a time when church and state were still settling their revolutionary scores and when, for example, crosses and other religious insignia were removed from state schools across France. In the 1980s, the debate resurfaced around young girls wearing hijab in state schools. In 1989, articles began surfacing in the media about young girls


in secondary schools wearing a “tchador” (a Persian vocabulary import from the virulent debate in France around the Iranian revolution that still has some currency today). These stories proliferated and gave rise to various crises — parents called in, schoolgirls expelled, and a number of laws passed. A landmark 2004 law allows for the wearing of religious signs in public spaces, but not in state schools where all “ostentatious” religious symbols (hijabs, kippas, Christian crosses etc.) are prohibited.35

According to the 2019 Ifop poll cited earlier, 70 percent of the French public is in favor of banning all religious insignia, including the hijab, from schools and public spaces — as well as forbidding any parent from wearing these near, or on, school grounds.36 This in a context in whichto gain power in a system rigged against challenger parties. To succeed, they needed to replace the socialists. And to do that, RN needed to offer protection: protection from the forces of globalization that had “imported Islamism” into France (this is a powerful trope that one hears constantly among RN supporters).

The first electoral references to Islamism appeared in 2010. During the campaign for the regional elections in southern France, RN used a poster depicting a woman in full burka standing before a map of France covered in the colors of the Algerian flag and dotted with missile-shaped minarets. The words “No to Islamism” were scrawled across the poster. Similar posters began to appear more regularly. A few months later, Marine Le Pen made her famous remark comparing praying


Burj Al-Luqluq Social Center Society in cooperation with Terre Des Hommes launched the winter camp “Tifl Al-Quds” with the participation of 40 Jerusalemite children from the Old City and the surrounding Jerusalemite villages. The winter camp activities continued for one week on the occasion of the winter holidays.

The winter camp aims to make use of the schools holiday and work with children on developing their skills in four different corners including drama, handicrafts, telematch and football.

The winter camp coordinator Farah Abu Zant expressed that regardless of the short length of the winter camp it targets the most important category, children aged between 7-10 years, who will contribute to change in the future in the cultural, academic and sports aspects.

It is worth mentioning that Burj Al-Luqluq and Terres DesHommes have been working together for the last five years and they executed more than 15 summer and winter camps in different areas in Jerusalem.

During the winter camp a number of special tours where organized inside the Old City of Jerusalem. The tours included visiting a grindery to see how to grind sesame seeds.

The idea of the winter camp is one of the greatest ideas initiated by the center throughout the last three years in the aim of activating children during the winter break instead of being lazy and staying at home.

ABOUT US

Burj Al-Luqluq Social Center Society was established in the year 1991 and has been servicing the Jerusalem community within the Old City Walls for almost 21 years.


knew the beauty of the Coginchaug River as it spilled over a thirty-foot-high waterfall. He knew the splendor of the thick groves of mountain laurel in the hillsides and the deep hemlock forests that surrounded the Coginchaug River. And he spent his life making sure it...

There's a lot of good news/bad news history at Gay City State Park. Before it was a state park, it was a fledgling community. There was once a successful woolen mill there, but the blockades during the War of 1812 caused it to close. After the war, the mill was revitalized, but then burned to the...

Sure it's not Dudleytown, an allegedly haunted abandoned village located in the hills of northwestern Connecticut. But if you are looking for a nature trail that passes cellarholes, an old fieldstone house foundation and a mysterious obelisk, Dunhamtown Forest in Mansfield might be the place for...

With the cool, frosty nights helping to zap the mosquito population, River Highlands State Park in Cromwell is the place to go for those seeking fall foliage or a scenic walk along the banks of the Connecticut River. The 172-acre state park is a wonderful place to explore especially when the leaves...

Those who visit a 121-acre swath of open space in Colchester will get a good sense of who the late Ruby and Elizabeth Cohen were and what they meant to this town. The Ruby and Elizabeth Cohen Woodlands on McDonald Road was purchased by the town in 2000. The parcel was owned by the late, longtime...


368 F.Supp. 1098 (1973)
PAN AMERICAN WORLD AIRWAYS, INC., Plaintiff,
v.
The AETNA CASUALTY AND SURETY COMPANY et al., Defendants.
No. 71 Civ. 1118.
United States District Court, S. D. New York.
September 17, 1973.
*1099 *1100 Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton, New York City, for plaintiff; Fowler Hamilton, James C. Blair, Luther Nadler, Roger E. Berg, New York City, of counsel.
Davis Polk & Wardwell, New York City, for the Aetna Casualty and Surety Company, and others, denominated first, second and third claim defendants; Lawrence E. Walsh, Henry L. King, Guy Miller Struve, Bartlett H. McGuire, Charles J. Moxley, Jr., Jack P. Levin, New York City, of counsel.
Bigham, Englar, Jones & Houston, New York City, Co-counsel for second claim defendants; John J. Martin, New York City, of counsel.
Paul J. Curran, U. S. Atty., S. D.N. Y., for the United States; Daniel H. Murphy II, Mel P. Barkan, Asst. U. S. Attys., of counsel.
Mendes & Mount, New York City, for defendants, Philip Gaybell Wright and others, denominated as fifth claim defendants; Matthew Corrigan, Stephen E. Cohen, New York City, of counsel.
Cahill, Gordon, Sonnett, Reindel & Ohl, New York City, Co-counsel for fifth claim defendants; William E. Hegarty, Floyd Abrams, Roger S. Fine, Michael P. Tierney, New York City, of counsel.

OPINION
FRANKEL, District Judge.
On September 6, 1970, the plaintiff, an international air carrier, was operating a Boeing 747 ("jumbo jet") airplane on its scheduled Flight No. 093 from Brussels, Belgium, to New York City, with a stop in Amsterdam, Holland. As the airplane proceeded from Amsterdam toward London, two of its passengers produced hand guns


and grenades, took forcible command of the crew and the passengers, and ordered the pilot to proceed *1101 to Beirut, Lebanon. The hijackers, though not themselves Arabs, were working with and for the Palestinian organization called the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). In collaboration with other PFLP people who met them in Beirut, they laced the aircraft with explosives during and after a stop in the Lebanese capital. Then they caused the airplane to be flown to Cairo, Egypt, lighting fuses just before landing to ignite the explosives. The large complement of passengers and crew were thus given scant minutes to disembark as the plane landed at Cairo and flee (at a cost in terror and some substantial injuries) before the craft exploded, burned, andresolution of November 29, 1947, declared that Palestine should emerge from the British mandate as two states  one Jewish, the other Arab  with an area around Jerusalem remaining under U.N. control. The leaders of Palestine's Arab population, supported by the neighboring Arab states, denounced the resolution. Large-scale fighting erupted between Arabs and Jews in Palestine, but by May 1948 the Jews had largely won the contest of force within Palestine. The State of Israel was proclaimed on May 14, 1948, and immediately recognized by the United States. On May 15, Arab armies from Egypt, Syria, Trans-Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon invaded. After months of heavy fighting, with the Israelis on the whole victorious, there came a series of cease-fires and a 1949 armistice agreement under which Israel


acquired 70% of the former mandate rather than the 50% for which the U.N. resolution had provided. Jordan, as it came to be known, took a strip on the west bank of the Jordan River and embraced its residents as citizens. Egypt occupied, but did not annex, the Gaza Strip adjoining Israel at the southeast corner of the Mediterranean. No Arab country has since made a peace treaty with, or recognized, Israel.
The upheavals of 1948-1949 led to an exodus of some 750,000 Arabs from the territory occupied by Israel. 400,000 went to Jordan, including the west bank area, 100,000 to Lebanon, 80,000 to Syria, and the rest to the Gaza Strip. Huge numbers were housed in refugee camps, where many live, with their descendants, to this day, oftenignored by the contestants. An Israeli offer in 1949 to take back 100,000 of the émigrés was spurned by the Arab states as spokesmen for the Palestinians.
In the years since 1948 there have been two major outbreaks of fighting. In 1956 Israel, Great Britain, and France attacked Egypt. Under heavy pressure from the U.N., with the United States and the U.S.S.R. in significant accord, the fighting was ended and the invasions of Egypt, including deep Israeli penetrations of the Sinai, were reversed. A small U.N. Emergency Force was stationed in the Gaza Strip, to be withdrawn eleven years later in obedience to an Egyptian demand. In June 1967after that demand, after Egypt had declared the closing of the Straits of Tiran, and after other demonstrations of hostile intent


of their commitments to the Palestinian cause. Dealings with refugee groups and their leaders have been variously affected by the positions of the Arab governments relating to issues like cease-fires, the possibility of negotiating with Israel, and relations with such third powers as the United States, the U.S.S.R., Great Britain, and others.
As for the Palestinians themselves, organized leadership from within their ranks remained weak and insignificant until at least 1964. In that year representatives of various Palestinian groups met in Jerusalem and formed the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which received recognition as an entity from the member states of the Arab League and was accepted as a non-voting member of the League. The PLO charter provided for a National Council, an Executive Committee, and an army, the PalestineLiberation Army (PLA). PLA units were deployed in various Arab countries, and its troops, estimated to number 12,000 to 15,000, fought against the Israelis in the Gaza Strip during the six-day war of 1967.
Beginning in 1949 a number of semi-secret Palestinian groups were organized, mostly by young men, all dedicated in their ways to Arab reconquest of Palestine. From these evolved the bulk of the 10 or more organizations that came to be known collectively as the "fedayeen."[6] Among the earliest of those that survived was Al Fatah, led by Yasser Arafat, which became the largest and most powerful of the groups. Arafat and the Fatah leadership came to believe that the Palestinians could not count on the unwavering support of Arab governments, but needed to develop forces


capable on their own of conducting guerilla welfare. Beginning early in 1965, and up to the 1967 war, Al Fatah claimed 95 to 100 "operations" in Israel in the form of small incursions, aimed at sabotage (mining roads, attempts to blow up water pipes, etc.,) or such things as the occasional throwing of hand grenades at military vehicles and other attacks upon military targets. These operations from time to time evoked Israeli attacks in reprisal against targets in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon.
Fatah membership embraced a considerable ideological spectrum, with unanimity only upon the goal of obliterating Israel as a state. United in this, Fatah undertook to minimize other ideological matters and to profess (and attempt largely to follow) a policy of noninterference in the internal affairs of Arabthe PFLP and Sa'iqa had about 600 to 1200 each. The PFLP total was comprised of 150 or so as the "permanent" core with a shifting, rapidly changing enrollment for the rest.
The PFLP was in important respects unique among the fedayeen groups. Interestingly, if not most importantly, its membership contained a large proportion of Christians, and its chief leader, Dr. George Habash, was a Christian. The central quality of the PFLP was its militant, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology. Concentrating upon its revolutionary doctrines as the main concerns, it tended to view traditional Arab goals as somewhat secondary, if by no means inconsequential. Unlike Fatah's insistence upon "national liberation" as the essence of the conflict, the PFLP viewed the battle against Israel as part of a far broader revolution to be


Israel, substantially all fedayeen groups fought the movement toward accommodation. At the same time Al Fatah and the bulk of the others maintained essentially their professed policy of noninterference with Arab governments. The PFLP and the PDFLP called, however, for revolutionary ouster of Jordan's Government. More clearly reflecting the division, the PFLP assailed the PLO and Al Fatah as petty bourgeois groups, essentially enemies of primary PFLP objectives.
For some time before the summer of 1970, the main concentrations of fedayeen were in Lebanon and Jordan. Again, the available numbers are far from precise. Weighing the various estimates in the record, however, it appears that there were, adding all the various organizations together, approximately 12,000-15,000 fedayeen in Jordan and substantially fewer in Lebanon. The PFLP appears to have numbered*1108 about 400 to 800 in Jordan and 200 to 400 in Lebanon.
The fortunes of the fedayeen, and of the divergent groups among them, ran a checkered course. To concentrate mainly upon Jordan, which has been the main setting of evidence adduced in this case, the government of that country was never wholly comfortable about its fedayeen guests or their activities. In the months immediately after the 1967 war, fedayeen forays into Israeli territory were of minor significance in numbers and military impact, but they led to retaliatory attacks upon Jordanian settlements and installations. The government of King Hussein reacted by seeking through combinations of persuasion, threats, entreaty, and physical obstruction to discourage fedayeen raids across the Israel-Jordan border. In March of 1968 a battle with Israeli troops


was fought by forces of the Jordanian army combined with fedayeen members. The engagement, viewed as a notable success in Jordan, enhanced fedayeen prestige, rendering temporarily less feasible and desirable tactics of opposition to the fedayeen by the Jordanian Government.
In July of 1968, the fedayeen organizations became members of  and soon, to a considerable degree, came to control  the PLO. Yasser Arafat became, first, chairman of the Executive Committee and, in February 1969, chairman of the PLO. The dominant position of Fatah was reflected not only in Arafat's top position but in its bloc of votes in PLO's highest authority, the Palestine National Council. Thus, in the Seventh National Council session at Cairo held May 30-June 4, 1970, Fatah held 33 of the 112 seats. Otherfedayeen groups were allotted substantially smaller numbers of seats  viz., 15 for Sa'iqa, 8 each for the PDFLP and the PFLP, and declining allotments to others. Illustrating its characteristic posture of basic independence and revolutionist rigor, the PFLP sent only a single delegate in an ostensible display of reserved and limited solidarity.[8] That delegate, likewise in the accustomed style of the PFLP, proceeded to distribute large amounts of propaganda materials, hold press conferences, and generally achieve a disproportionate degree of visibility and audibility.
In the years from 1968 through 1970, while they comprised a weighty portion of the PLO, the fedayeen groups continued as a shifting, sometimes competing, often not clearly distinguishable welter of organizations. Much of the evidence before the court, especially as developed and shaped on


between the fedayeen and Jordan's government around their evident differences over possible dealings with Israel. The fedayeen opposed bitterly restrictions upon their efforts to conduct guerilla-style operations in Israel.[9] They wished to see continued and enhanced the pattern of armed encounters, by air and on land, between armed units of Israel on one side and those of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan on the other. They sought to prevent, and then violently denounced, the cease-fire arrangements, largely credited to the efforts of Secretary of State Rogers, executed by both Egypt and Jordan with Israel, and effective on August 8, 1970.
In the spring and summer of 1970 there were armed clashes between fedayeen and Jordanian security and army forces.[10] Some fedayeen were taken as prisoners. In June 1970 portions ofthe Jordanian capital, Amman, were "occupied" by fedayeen, who demanded, inter alia, changes in the Jordanian cabinet. Members of the PFLP seized two major hotels in Amman and held the occupants as hostages until after the King acceded to some of the fedayeen demands. While the June outbreak ended with an agreement, that did not last long. As the work of Secretary Rogers approached and achieved the cease-fires, the unrest resumed, and there was more gunfighting, but not on the June scale until after September 1970. The fedayeen established armed enclaves within Amman, in the refugee camps, and elsewhere. Demonstrations and literature featured denunciations of King Hussein as a traitor. At least one armed attempt on his life in early September was attributed to the PDFLP.
There prevailed, in


fedayeen. Like others, this arrangement was only intermittently respected. Armed outbreaks recurred sporadically, but the power of the fedayeen in Jordan had been crushed and they were driven out of the country by the following summer.
In all of the foregoing fedayeen history in Jordan, our record reveals the roles of the PFLP as relatively subordinate, separate, often tangential, and concentrated primarily upon the organization's own advancement and unique objectives rather than any general program of "fedayeen" efforts viewed as a unified or coherent whole. The PFLP membership was small. Its tactics of propaganda and terror were often dramatic and may have had effects greater than groups of comparably small size seemed able to achieve. Nevertheless, the PFLP largely went its own way and accounted for results minor inthe total picture. An important reflection of the organization's independence and isolation, significant for the instant case, is the fact that hijackings and other so-called "external operations" (outside Israel and the area around it) were unique tactics of PFLP terrorism, almost uniformly opposed, and certainly not participated in, by the other, far more numerous fedayeen groups. Such external operations (totalling not more than about 10 before September 6, 1970) included, on PFLP's proclamation of its achievements, hijackings of Israeli (El Al) airplanes from European airports, the planting of bombs in London ("Zionist") stores and offices, and attacks upon Israeli embassies in Europe. The paramount goals of these ventures, as understood and expressed by PFLP leadership, were effects upon the Palestinians themselves rather than upon others. However horrible for


during the developments of 1970, terrorists acts like those of the PFLP were intended to instill pride, bolster spirits, generally to inspire and be applauded by the fedayeen and the Palestinian masses.

Other Hijackings of September 6 and 9, 1970
The hijacking that concerns us was an improvised alternative after unforeseen events had blocked the planned participation of its two perpetrators in the attempted taking of an El Al airplane. The frustrated plan appears in turn to have been part of the PFLP's efforts to achieve a "sensational" display of daring and horror through the capture of several large airplanes filled with civilian passengers on a single day.
The record before us seems to show that hijacking of airplanes was a device specially cherished by the PFLP during the times inquestion. The organization employed for these actions a few people who had acquired some knowledge of jet aircraft structure and functioning.
On or shortly before September 6, 1970, a band of armed PFLP members went to an abandoned airstrip in northeast Jordan which had been known as Dawson's Field during World War II. The area was desolate. The long-abandoned strip was a rudimentary one, not improved by long disuse. There were no airport structures or facilities. But the unprepossessing place was soon to be named the "Airfield of the Revolution" *1111 and to become a focus of much attention and publicity, as well as some considerable fear and discomfort, all as substantially planned, entirely on their own and apart from other fedayeen groups, by PFLP leaders.
Shortly after 11:00 A.M.


Greenwich Mean Time a Trans-World Airlines (TWA) flight (a Boeing 707) left Frankfurt, bound for New York. Within an hour, two of its passengers produced hand guns and grenades, took command of the airplane, and required it to proceed to and land at the airstrip in Jordan. At 12:39 P.M. a Swissair Douglas DC 8 left Zurich for New York. This airplane was hijacked in similar fashion by a man and a woman and likewise flown to Dawson's Field. At some time before 1:00 P.M. on the same afternoon an El Al flight left Amsterdam. A man and a woman attempted to hijack it when it reached the vicinity of London. They met with resistance, however; the man was killed, the woman captured, and their attempt was foiled.These unsuccessful hijackers, like those who had taken the TWA and Swissair planes, carried a flight plan to Amman and an aviation chart. They also carried weapons like those used by the others.
On September 9, 1970, a BOAC VC-10 was hijacked by two men during a flight from Bahrain to Beirut. The methods and incidents were like those of the September 6 episodes. This airplane was also taken to Dawson's Field, where the two earlier planes were still sitting, with most of their passengers still aboard, held by armed PFLP members, in turn surrounded, at a distance, by Jordanian troops.
As has been indicated, the course and details of the hijackings to Dawson's Field followed a pattern. Apart from the hijacking techniques and procedures, the hijackers dealt similarly with


passengers and crew. Passports were taken. Israelis and Jews of other nationalities were singled out for special treatment. The passengers, during the flight to Jordan and on the ground thereafter, were told of, and were lectured upon, the Palestinian cause, its merits and its enemies.
With some of the passengers released during the course of the sojourn while others remained there throughout, the hijacked airplanes stayed on the airstrip until September 12. The captors negotiated during that time to exchange airplanes and passengers for ransom money and the release of prisoners held by several countries, including Israel. On September 12, the negotiations having failed, and with the Jordanian authorities pressuring the captors, the passengers were removed and the airplanes were destroyed. The remaining passengers were taken to Amman wheremany of them were to huddle in improvised prisons, suffering fear and severe physical privations, while the bombs and gunfire of the battle between Jordan's army and the fedayeen exploded around them.
The PFLP was isolated and condemned among the fedayeen for the hijackings. The PLO castigated the hijacking "venture" as a misguided "gamble with the fate of [the Palestine] revolution * * *." Both Al Fatah and Sa'iqa likewise denounced these terrorist actions as injurious to the general cause of the Palestinians. The PDFLP, though perhaps more strictly leftist-revolutionist than the PFLP, had consistently criticized the latter's external operations as publicity-seeking "acts of individual terrorism," and it joined in condemning the Dawson's Field adventures. The Commanding General of the PLA, as he was later to recount at our


fail on the afternoon of September 6, 1970. They made reservations for an August 30 flight, later changed to September 6, 1970. When the reservations were first made, however, an El Al security man became suspicious because Diop did not seem "thin-boned and tall" enough to be Senegalese. He reported his doubt to Zeev Goldberg, an Israeli government security officer assigned to El Al. Goldberg in turn reported to the home office as well as to the Dutch police, who were asked to investigate Diop and Gueye. On September 3, the El Al home office directed that the two be barred from the company's aircraft. Goldberg told the police that inquiries were no longer necessary. He never suggested that continued investigation might be desirable because Diop and Gueyehad tickets soon to be endorsed over to other airlines. While some of the details are unclear, Goldberg never conveyed timely indications to anyone of his and his colleagues' suspicions. In fact, however, his own suspicions were limited to the point of nonexistence. He regretted the loss of revenue for El Al. And he feared  understandably at the time, whatever hindsight teaches  that reports of beliefs and suspicions might lead to suits against El Al.[11]
Obeying orders, El Al's Amsterdam staff told Diop and Gueye on September 4 that the flight they had reserved was full, but that three other airlines had flights to their purported destination, New York, at about the same time. As a further accommodation El Al made reservations for the two on all


three flights, including the plaintiff's. And their tickets were marked with "open endorsements," naming no specific endorsee carrier.
Diop and Gueye appear to have reported these developments to their PFLP superiors, and they were either ordered or permitted to board and hijack the Pan American airplane. When a Pan American agent checked with Goldberg, the latter assured him that the only reason for the transfer was that El Al's flight was full. Goldberg himself was, of course, sensitized to hijacking dangers both by profession and by nationality. But he perceived in the setting of time and place that the threat was mainly (or, as he said, "only") to Israeli airplanes. When he observed the apparent indifference of Diop and Gueye to what airline they took, he was persuaded thatskipping details of Langenheim's and Goldberg's leisurely progress (which neither was able even at the trial to reconstruct as significant efforts to warn of, or avert, the danger we now know), the record shows that minutes before takeoff, plaintiff's pilot, Captain Priddy, received word on the ground control radio that there were two suspicious men, Diop and Gueye, aboard and that these men had been refused passage by El Al. He had them paged and met them on the lower level with others of the crew accompanying him. He told them courteously that he would have to search them or return the aircraft to the terminal. They consented quietly and were searched. Nothing suspicious was found on their bodies. The purser searched their seats with similar results.
When the


captain returned to the cockpit, his first officer and engineer reported that word had been received of an attempted El Al hijacking that morning. With the information then accumulated the Captain and crew discussed the safety of taking off. Captain Priddy, whose wife was aboard as a passenger, told them of the search he had made, and all agreed that there was no reason for concern. It was noted among them, as Zeev Goldberg was later to testify, that Palestinian threats to El Al were not threats to an American airplane headed to New York.[14] The crew also deemed it reassuring that the two alleged suspects, having been seen and searched, appeared quite clearly not to be Arabs. If it did not supply further comfort, the delicacy ofthe situation with the possibility of what might become a racial incident after the insistence upon a search that was at least debatable, cf. United States v. Ruiz-Estrella, 481 F.2d 723 (2d Cir. June 11, 1973)  was also a factor in Captain Priddy's judgment. All concurred in the decision to take off.
It was soon to be learned that Captain Priddy's search had failed to disclose the weapons Diop and Gueye were carrying in crotch holsters. Brief hours before that, a more professional search, by tensely alert El Al personnel, had passed over similarly concealed weapons carried by those who had attempted the hijacking near London. And three days later, after the stunning events of September 6, two BOAC passengers likewise were searched and likewise took weapons from


rate, about 45 minutes out of Amsterdam, Diop and Gueye drew their weapons and took charge. They ordered the airplane turned and flown toward Beirut. Initially tense and nervous, they grew calmer after a while. Speaking on the public address system and to individual passengers, they identified themselves as being with, or working for, the PFLP. They explained their opposition to the American government for its support of Israel and told of the hardships and injustices suffered by exiled Palestinians.
At the hijackers' command, the crew collected all passports. These were examined by Diop and Gueye, who interrogated particularly some of the Jews, military and diplomatic persons, and some others.[15] It was not PFLP policy to maltreat individual passengers, whether Israelis or others. According to the organization's propaganda, itwas "conscious of the fact that the class struggle will develop in Israel. We want to win these passengers to our cause."
In radio conversation with Beirut, the hijackers demanded that PFLP representatives be brought to the airport to speak with them. The demand was met. In ensuing radio exchanges the hijackers reported that they had a 747, not a 707, and that the airplane was too large to land at Amman. After initial Lebanese refusals to allow a landing, threats to destroy the airplane in the air, and a request from the American embassy, the airplane finally was allowed to land at Beirut, but with the understanding that it would refuel there and fly on to another place.
While it circled Beirut, the airplane received a radio message from


Israel inviting a landing in that country and offering a fighter escort. Gueye threatened to blow up the airplane if it veered toward Israel. The invitation was not accepted.
At the Beirut airport a total of six to nine other members of the PFLP came aboard, bringing elated greetings and more guns.[16] Instructions had evidently come to this Beirut group, as well as to Diop and Gueye, from Amman. 20 minutes or so after the landing, a load of explosives, which had been hastily procured from someplace in or near Beirut, was brought onto the airplane. Some of the new arrivals went among the passengers and argued the Palestinian and anti-American cause. This group also helped to prepare and distribute the explosives.
When it came time to leave Beirut, allbut one of the PFLP people who had boarded there left the aircraft. The one remaining appeared to be a demolition expert. After the takeoff and en route to Cairo, placing of the explosives was completed. The hijackers told the crew that they would have eight minutes after landing to evacuate the aircraft before it was blown up. The passengers were briefed and organized to cope with that schedule.
*1115 During the flight to Cairo one of the hijackers undertook to read a statement to the passengers over the public address system. The effort failed because of a mechanical difficulty, but similar sentiments had been, and continued to be, conveyed in direct talks to the passengers and crew. The text, preserved by a crew member, said:
"PFLP is speaking.
"Why do


of the other exceptions to coverage in the all risk policy. While the war risk defendants have taken a divergent view on this, plaintiff and the all risk insurers are agreed that the nature of the PFLP, its roles in the Middle East conflicts, and its reasons for the hijacking are material considerations. The court has accepted this premise.
It becomes useful on this basis to summarize briefly, in one place, the essential character and motivations of the PFLP and the hijacking in question. As to the PFLP itself, this was a relatively small organization led by dedicated revolutionists whose major commitments were to the "class struggle" and the "war" against "imperialism." The PFLP went largely its own way, following its own doctrines and tactics, competing for the allegianceof the Palestinian masses, opposing other fedayeen groups and the Arab governments much of the time. Particularly in respect of its "external operations"  ranging from the hijacking of airplanes to bombings of European embassies and offices by PFLP "cubs"  it pursued its own, separate, independent activities, in opposition to the beliefs and programs of substantially all the other fedayeen.
It is not sound, therefore, to attempt, as have the all risk insurers, to treat the hijacking as somehow the work of "the fedayeen," integrated with and inseparable from the whole course of actions by that overwhelmingly larger and largely different melange of Palestinian organizations. It is not accurate or acceptable to say, as these insurers do, "that the seizure and destruction of the aircraft" are properly to


struggle. In the underlying revolutionary philosophy, "one such sensational blow [was] worth more, from the point of view of its far-reaching effects and the information value, than dozens of Press attaches or Cultural attaches on which nations spend colossal sums of money that could better be used in the service of the Palestine revolution!" This "propaganda of the deed," as plaintiff labels it in Kropotkin's phrase, is neither novel nor unique for small groups like the PFLP which are at least generations away from, and not remotely equipped for, the grand revolutionary designs they may envision. There were elements in these actions of a "desperate nihilism," to employ the characterization of a not unsympathetic all risk witness. But on the positive side, whether misconceived or not, acts ofspace, we are dealing with a hijacking engineered by a small political group as a random and hastily improvised instance of its program of terrorism. The notions of "hijacking" and "terrorism" were perfectly familiar at the times in question, describable in plain terms responsive to wide experience. These were matters contemporaneously vivid to the all risk insurers, pondered by them, and solved (both before and after the operative events) by insurance clauses strikingly more certain than the exclusions involved here.[25]
*1119 A leading underwriter for the second claim (all risk) defendants expressed early in 1968 the common awareness of risks arising from the unpredicatable prospects of violence centering in the Middle East. Politically motivated hijackings were already well known by then. In August 1969, three months before inception of


act by an organized group which came into existence by reason of the Conflict, which has professed to perform and has performed a violent role in the Conflict, and which has on numerous occasions stated its enmity for the United States as the ally of its enemy Israel. The seizure and destruction of the aircraft were announced by the group as a blow and as retaliation against the United States. We submit that these facts alone would be sufficient to place the loss under the broadly drawn war risk language."[29]
The analysis in the quoted paragraph would apply equally to the bombing of stores in Europe, by children or adults, the killing of Olympic athletes, the killing of an American military attaché in Amman (which occurred in April 1970,from" any Jordanian insurrection or rebellion.
(1) In considering whether there was a fedayeen insurrection in Jordan in September 1970 (and, specifically, by September 6, 1970), we start with the unique, and rather uniquely unsettled, state of the Hashemite Kingdom for a considerable period before then. The establishment of Israel in 1948 and the Jordanian acquisition at the same time of land and people formerly Palestinian created conditions of extraordinary tension and conflict. The Palestinians, received as citizens, became a large percentage of Jordan's population, greatly enhanced in 1967. By the period of our concern, 50 to 60% of Jordan's soldiers were Palestinian, though the officer ranks were mainly Jordanians of tribal origin. The Palestinians were strongly represented in the National Council. The fedayeen, a small fraction of the


Palestinians, were a diverse group of organizations and individuals, ranging from selfless zealots to armed hoodlums, enjoying, from time to time, varying patterns of esteem or disdain among the Palestinians, the Jordanians, and the other Arab states.
As the masses of Palestinians sought to live and prosper personally, while nursing hopes for revenge or return, their attitudes toward the fedayeen fluctuated. In March of 1968, a substantial battle with Israeli forces at Karama on the East Bank was counted an Arab victory and the fedayeen were regarded as "angels" according to the testimony of a former Jordanian Minister. Beginning later that year and continuing through 1970 their popularity declined steadily among the Palestinians. Many Palestinians by the summer of 1970 hoped for something like peace and welcomed American initiativestoward that goal. The fedayeen were implacably for war. In more homely respects, the fedayeen were often feared and hated. Frequently, less than perfectly disciplined, they used their weapons with abandon, firing at nothing or at targets other than "official" enemies. There was a substantial amount of fedayeen crime  looting, *1125 kidnapping, "rackets." The fedayeen fought among themselves, violently and frighteningly.
As the fedayeen grew more boisterous and troublesome, there were pressures from within King Hussein's government to suppress or destroy them. The officers of his army, and many of his soldiers, were particularly, and increasingly, fierce on this subject. The restiveness of his high military people was a steady source of concern to the King. Among the severe tensions in which he kept a delicate balance was


fedayeen varied among the Arab states and from time to time. Libya's Chief of State, in the spring of 1970, declared scornfully his unwillingness to give funds to the fedayeen, observing "that 90% of the efforts of the Resistance are devoted to fights and quarrels between their various sections." Egypt's President Nasser treated the fedayeen as a necessary evil  to be used against Israel, of course, but to be held in check, "cut down to size" when necessary, and destroyed when their usefulness ceased. At least some of the fedayeen requited these unloving sentiments. The PFLP newspaper, in August 1970, blamed the Egyptian secret service for bribing "mercenary groups" among the fedayeen to cause violent clashes "daily" between members of the several organizations.
Keeping a semblance of balancewithin his troubled nation, King Hussein was to earn the admiration of American official observers. The problem was never a simple one of suppressing or "yielding to" the fedayeen. If it had been only that, the army of Jordan was at all times up to the task. The far more complex factors included prominently the community of anti-Israeli interests between the fedayeen and Jordan's government, the pressures from other Arab governments, and the desire to avoid, if possible, the bloodshed and destruction of an all-out test of force.
Through the early months of 1970 and into the summer King Hussein vacillated a good deal and temporized, or at least appeared to, as he picked his way among the domestic and foreign forces testing the fabric of his government. Though


it transcends the main boundaries of our subject, it bears recalling, if only by the way, that his maneuverings involved not merely Arab conflicts, but the delicate strategies of a small nation's leader in coping with, or playing off against each other, the pressures and counter-pressures of the U.S.A., the U.S.S.R., and other powers of large size and conflicting ambitions touching the Middle East.
In February 1970, the Jordanian government made a somewhat abortive move to control the fedayeen, a move that was to fail for the moment but to lead eventually to decisive repression in September. Decrees were issued forbidding the carrying of arms and the wearing of military uniforms in the cities, requiring the licensing of automobiles, and ordering other restrictions. Reflecting the complexities, the Minister ofInterior resigned in protest. The fedayeen announced they would resist. Armed clashes followed with Jordanian security forces, resulting in casualties of some 50 killed and 100 wounded. The *1126 government retreated. The decrees were modified. The perilous game of challenge and response continued.
In the ensuing months there were repeated flare-ups of violence. On June 8, the PFLP seized an American official and held him for a day or so. He was released after negotiations. A cease-fire of June 11 between Arafat and the government was assailed and violated by the PFLP. Groups of 10 or so from the PFLP occupied two Amman hotels and held the residents, mostly foreign, as hostages to enforce demands for the firing of two army commanders. A new cease-fire between Arafat and the


King included accession to this demand.
At a meeting in Tripoli, later in June, Arab leaders of Iraq, Algeria, Sudan, and Syria, with President Nasser of Egypt and King Hussein, worked for a rapprochement between Jordan's government and the fedayeen. A resulting commission went to Jordan, investigated, and agreed on principles to promote better relations. An agreement of July 10 between Arafat and Jordan granted freedom to the fedayeen, subject to Jordanian sovereignty, and provided that fedayeen forces other than the militia would stay out of the cities.
Tensions rose again when, at the end of July, Egypt and Jordan announced acceptance of the cease-fire for which Secretary of State Rogers had been striving. Fedayeen leaders spoke and led demonstrations against this action. There were cries of "Down with Nasser"and similar slogans against Hussein. Resolutions were adopted demanding a share in the government of Jordan. Even Arafat warned in a speech on August 28 that the resistance would "spill a lot of blood." Individual members of the fedayeen were demoralized by long months of impotence against Israel, angered by the specter of peace, and persuaded that the cease-fires presaged attempts by Jordan and Egypt to liquidate their organizations. Never tightly disciplined, these men roamed the streets of Amman and other cities, shooting their rifles exuberantly and starting recurrent waves of alarm. Shops and schools opened and closed without notice. Many residents, especially foreigners, left Amman. Life seemed generally precarious.
To make clear the extent of the challenge to King Hussein, the setting of fedayeen power and assertiveness must


be recalled. Beginning as early as February 1970, fedayeen groups had taken charge to a considerable extent of security in refugee camps in Amman and other places. Fedayeen members had set up roadblocks in the cities and elsewhere. They maintained a number of armed "bases" in Amman and other cities. Because fedayeen leadership was often unable to control individual members, petty crime and violence were widespread. In short, conditions in Jordan by late August of 1970 were severely unstable and in an uncomfortable measure anarchic.
Despite all this, other elements in the picture render unconvincing the argument that there was at or around September 6 an "insurrection" or "rebellion." The situation in September was in fact less "rebellious" than it had been in June. There was no repetition ofthe hijackings should better be employed relieving the tensions with (not mounting an insurrection against) the Government of Jordan.
While the fedayeen leaders sought to control the situation rather than trigger an insurrection, the pressures on King Hussein to move against them were mounting. As has been mentioned, Palestinians were widely disenchanted with the fedayeen. Outside support was limited, distant, and uncertain. The army, far from defecting, was restively hostile toward the fedayeen. In late August or early September, while the King was reviewing his troops, a tank crew tied a brassiere to an aerial, expressing what might elsewhere seem sexist derision toward his dealings with the fedayeen. In early September, personal intervention by the King was required to halt a tank unit moving against the fedayeen in Amman.


At least some observers saw the army's impatience as Hussein's most dangerous concern, raising questions whether he could succeed for long in his policy of restraint.
The supports for this policy crumbled rapidly in the King's judgment. The people and the army reflected wide dissatisfaction with the state of lawlessness and disorder. The two army commanders who had been dismissed as a concession in June were restored to their posts. Hussein's tolerance for the unsettled state of his cities declined. Repeated attempts upon his life served further to test his patience, though not, evidently, his fortitude. On September 16 the time for temporizing ended, but not by an initiative from the fedayeen. They were ordered on that day to turn in their weapons. They refused and called for athe same time. Being a minute organization committed to terrorism as a main weapon, it "made war" upon Israel and Britain by planting bombs in London stores. This was no part of its war[33] against Jordan. It "fought" the United States by hijacking American airplanes. When one such airplane was taken to Jordan there were also suggestions, not very impressive, that this also helped fight Jordan's reactionary regime.
Assuming there was an insurrection in Jordan, it was a fedayeen enterprise. In the ranks of the fedayeen, the PFLP was a modest fraction. The hijackings  all of them  far from being in support of overall fedayeen endeavors, were opposed by all the rest. If these enterprises cannot comfortably, even by lawyers, be called frolics, they were certainly the


point have led counsel to deal learnedly with legal pronouncements of centuries long gone  about such things as 17th-century mobs storming bawdy houses and the "No Popery" riots of 18th-century London  as well as more recent cases arising from the American Civil War, Dublin's Easter Rebellion of 1916, and the Spanish Civil War even later in the present century. Having reaped the benefits of these explorations, the court will not attempt to review them at length.
In the view of the all risk defendants, "military or usurped power" exists whenever there is "an organized force with authoritative leaders, controlling at least some territory and defying the general enforcement of the laws by force of arms."[34] Resting upon this definition, these defendants say it applies to the PFLP,As has been noted repeatedly, the taking and destruction were by the PFLP, not allied with, but opposed by, the fedayeen.
The record does not sustain on any theory the notion of the PFLP as a "military or usurped power." They had not at any pertinent time seized or controlled any territory over the opposition of the Jordanian government. They "occupied" a training camp at Salt while the fedayeen were being tolerated generally  a barren and exiguous facility containing some caves, tents, and rudimentary structures. Then they "seized" Dawson's Field just before the September 6 hijacking. But that strip was an unoccupied area on a desert plateau. Neither the uncontested occupation of the Salt camp nor the brief episode at Dawson's Field constituted such "control of territory" as


the phrase connotes.
Still more decisively, the hijacking far away from Jordan was unrelated to the PFLP's asserted status as a "military or usurped power." If the phrase means anything, it refers to action by a "power" within or near or related to the controlled territory. When the PFLP bombed stores in London or embassies in other countries, it was not functioning as any such "power." In its forays in Europe, even extending back to Cairo, the PFLP was not pursuing its conflict with Jordan and was not remotely describable as a "power," usurped or other. The destruction of the airplane in Cairo was not in the pertinent sense of the insurance term by a "military or usurped power."
The loss was not one due to or resulting from "war"may be noted, not within the exclusion clauses though long known both to the language and to the insurance industry. It developed that his concept of such "warfare" would cover the recent killing in Khartoum of American and Belgian diplomats by an Arab group kin in character and aims to the PFLP; murders on New York City streets in 1917-1918 by members of the Irish Republican Army; or the activities of three or four men in the same city, part of a 30-member group calling itself the Black Liberation Army, shooting from a hiding-place at a police car in furtherance of a proclaimed purpose to establish a black state. These lavish definitions, the expert then explained, were strictly his own, adding: "Political scientists claim they have the right


had been "a serious question whether the conspiracy and destruction of the War Eagle mine property was a consequence of lawlessness in sections of the county where there had been civil commotion, or was due to the independent initiative of the five conspirators acting secretly and quietly in furtherance of the effort to unionize the mines." Id. at 665.
That is a valiant use of precedent, but it is not persuasive that there was an effective "export" (in war risk counsel's apt term) of civil commotion from Jordan to the skies over Europe and into Beirut and Cairo.
Focusing still on geography for the moment, and postponing more central objections, the notion of "civil commotion" at Dawson's Field rings false as a matter of physical and social fact. The stripwas on a forsaken desert plateau. There was nothing and nobody there to disturb, unsettle, or upset. The turbulence and the "community" arrived together, were basically identical, and soon departed. There was no tumult of a relevant kind because there was no peace to violate, no pattern of law-abidingness to disrupt, no interruption of a course of law and order. As has been stated earlier, what went on there was not a part of general fedayeen "commotion" in Jordan; it was a PFLP enterprise, for PFLP objectives, separate from and opposed by the others.
Of more basic and independently significant importance for our problem is that the Pan American hijacking was physically distinct, and, as it developed, distinct in purposes and intended consequences, from the others. This has been


This week's Search Engine podcast from TVOntario's Jesse Brown features an interview with the head spokesman for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, brought on to explain why the publicly funded broadcaster has signed on with iCopyright, an American licensing agency that aims to collect a monthly fee from any Canadian business that excerpts CBC media on its blog. Additionally, the CBC says that it requires anyone who wants to noncommercially excerpt the nation's public media for discussion, archiving, criticism, etc, must first get written permission from the Corporation (and be prepared to have permission rescinded at any time).

Suffice it to say, the CBC's spokesman does not cover himself in glory. He alternately claims that he must deny permission to Canadian bloggers because the CBC doesn't want to be inconsistent,to fight for the true Islam. They fooled us. What we did was really wrong.”

Close to two years after the siege began, Alex says the memories are painful and the violence feels “like a bad dream”.

Facebook Twitter Pinterest An example of the vessels Maute Group fighters would use to enter and exit the fight in Marawi. Photograph: Philippines military/Western Mindanao command

In 2017, the Maute Group laid siege to the city under the banner of Isis, leading to the deaths of more than 1,000 people. More than a year later, the military is still fighting remnant fighters determined to recruit.

The battle area remains a ghost town as government rehabilitation work continues to suffer delays, meaning about 50,000 residents – or a quarter of the city’s population – are still


unable to return to their homes.

Alex says he left the fighting in Marawi after about two months, stricken by guilt when he saw how civilians had died and suffered. He escaped Marawi by threatening a boatman who was delivering ammunition to the battle. His son refused to leave with him.

Until his surrender last year, Alex had been on the run, both from soldiers who knew his name, and from surviving Maute Group fighters who regarded him as traitor. He later learned about his son’s death.

‘I want a peaceful life’

“I’m tired of running. I just want a fresh start and a peaceful life,” says Alex. It is the prayer of about 135 former fighters who have surrendered, hopeful of government promises that they can begin a new life ifadjusters will need to complete 24 CE hours, including 3 hours of ethics, every 2-year license term (see license term below). *There is NO CE required for 2013 renewals. Odd Birth Year Renewals: After renewing the license in 2011, an adjuster born in an odd numbered year will be required to renew their license by the end of the birth month in 2013, but CE will not be required until the end of the birth month in 2015. Even Birth Year Renewals: After renewing the license in 2011, an adjuster born in an even numbered year will be required to renew their license, and must also complete 24 hours CE including 3 hours of ethics by the end of the birth month in 2014.

Title Agents: Beginning in January


2014, Title Agents will need to complete CE every 2-year license term (see license term below). *There is NO CE required for 2013 renewals. Odd Birth Year Renewals: After renewing the license in 2013, Title Agents born in an odd numbered year will be required to renew their license, and must also complete 24 hours CE including 3 hours of ethics by the end of the birth month in 2015. Even Birth Year Renewals: Title Agents born in an even numbered year, will be required to renew their license, and must complete 12 hours CE including 2 hours in ethics by the end of the birth month in 2014. Note: Once CE has been completed and the license renewed for 2014, the regular CE requirement of 24 hoursThis mosaic of the lunar north pole was obtained with images taken by the Advanced Moon Imaging Experiment (AMIE) on board ESA's SMART-1. The pictures were taken between May 2005 and February 2006, during different phases of the mission. The mosaic, composed of about 30 images, covers an area of about 800 by 600 km. The lunar near-side facing Earth is at the bottom of the map, while the far-side is at the top. A number of interesting lunar craters are indicated. Peary, visible in the centre of the mosaic, is the crater closest to the lunar north pole. It is nearly circular (about 73 km across), with an eroded rim and a relatively flat crater floor marked by smaller craters inside. The southern part of its interior


is permanently in shadow, making it difficult to image. It was named after the American polar explorer Robert Edwin Peary (1856-1920). Byrd, in the bottom-centre part of the mosaic, is a crater about 94 km across. Its rim is eroded, and its floor was once flooded by lava which left it nearly flat. It was named after the American polar explorer Richard Evelyn Byrd (1888-1957). Hermite is an impact crater about 104 km across, located along the northern lunar limb, close to the north pole of the Moon. From Earth, this crater is viewed nearly from the side, illuminated by oblique sunlight. It is eroded and has a rugged outer rim, incised from past impacts. Its interior forms a wide plain marked by numerous tiny craters and lowhills. Sylvester, about 58 km in diameter, is an almost-circular lunar impact crater visible on the left-hand side of the image. It is located along the northern limb, and has a sharp-edged rim. Due its location, it only receives sunlight at a low angle. It is named after the English mathematician James Joseph Sylvester (1814-1897). Plaskett crater, about 109 km across, is located on the northern far-side of the Moon, 200 km from the north pole, near the lunar limb. It receives sunlight at a low angle. When obtaining the images, SMART-1 was flying over the north pole at a distance of about 3000 km, allowing large-field (about 300 km across) and medium-resolution views (300 m/pixel). Each individual image includes areas imaged with colour filters and a more


exposed area. The differences have been corrected accordingly to obtain this mosaic. Credit: ESA

(Phys.org) —ESA's SMART-1 mission to the Moon – the first ESA spacecraft to travel to and orbit the Moon – was launched 10 years ago, on 27 September 2003, on an Ariane 5 from Europe's spaceport in Kourou.

SMART stands for Small Missions for Advanced Research in Technology. The mission travelled to the Moon using electric propulsion, arriving in lunar orbit on 15 November 2004. Its battery of miniaturised instruments included an X-ray spectrometer to map key chemical elements in the lunar surface.

The image highlighted here, which was first published in 2007, is a 30-image mosaic of the lunar north pole obtained with the SMART-1 AMIE camera, spanning an area of about 800 x 600 km.

Theshould allow senior administration officials to testify.

61% of Americans expect the president will get a fair trial in the Senate and 71% think Trump should allow senior administration officials to testify. While these voters want every senator to act as an impartial judge, they are skeptical that will be the reality.

What they're saying: "That was a terrible statement to make publicly," said Don E. of McConnell's comments. "He's proven that he's biased. He's working with the White House, per se. He has to be impartial; that's what the constitution says in this situation, that he has to be impartial."

"Had he kept it to himself and gone and done whatever he was going to do, it would have been much better than blatantly stirring the pot in public and


density integrated with the whole system is increased and the area of the PCB is reduced. For raising the capacitive characteristics and restraining noise in the PCB, different dielectric materials are added in the inner layer of substrate in prior art. The main purpose of forming a built-in capacitor using a high dielectric coefficient substrate is to reduce the area of the PCB. Nevertheless, once the area is reduced, inaccuracy increases due to the alignment error in the manufacturing process of the PCB. If the precision of the manufacturing process is insufficient, inaccuracy is easily produced by compression alignment errors, and a difference between the two plates in the manufacturing process will not provide high-precision discrete capacitor.
In the top view of built-in capacitor shown in FIG. 4A, thereContentious Taiwan media deal collapses

Article by: PETER ENAV

Associated Press

March 26, 2013 - 5:29 AM

TAIPEI, Taiwan
- A contentious bid by a pro-China businessman and three associates to acquire Taiwan's largest newspaper and an influential investigative journal has fallen through after protests that the deal threatened press freedom on the democratic island.

Mark Simon, spokesman for Hong Kong-based Next Media Ltd. which owns the publications, told The Associated Press "as far as we know they won't be buying" the Apple Daily newspaper and Next Magazine.

Simon's statement on Tuesday comes one day before the deadline for completion of the 16 billion New Taiwan dollars ($536 million) sale to the son of food magnate Tsai Eng-meng, William Wong of the Formosa Plastics Group, Chinatrust Charity Foundation Chairman Jeffrey Koo Jr. and Lung Yen


Life Service Corp. Chairman Li Shih-tsung.

The prospective deal had sparked widespread opposition in Taiwan because of concerns over Tsai's pro-Chinese stance and his control of another Taiwan media company, the China Times Group. Taiwan and China split amid civil war in 1949.

Citing Tsai's statements in favor of Taiwan's absorption by China, Taiwanese protesters had pressed regulators to nix the deal, saying that it would concentrate a large portion of Taiwan's media in the hands of a single individual whose commitment to a free press was in doubt.

Over the past several weeks signs have emerged that regulators were entertaining serious doubts about the acquisition.

Next Media is owned by Jimmy Lai, a Hong Kong-based businessman reviled by China for his anti-communist views. He and Tsai were both suitors for thecriminal acts, and that’s (Republican presidential nominee) Donald Trump,” DNC interim Chair Donna Brazile said in a statement.

“Not only has Trump embraced (Russian President Vladimir)Putin, he publicly encouraged further Russian espionage to help his campaign,” she said.

Trump in July invited Russia to dig up emails from Clinton’s time as secretary of state, prompting Democrats to accuse him of urging foreigners to spy on Americans. He later said he was speaking sarcastically.

The Trump campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Debbie Wasserman Schultz resigned as DNC chair on the eve of July’s Democratic National Convention after WikiLeaks published an earlier trove of hacked DNC emails that showed party officials favoring eventual nominee Hillary Clinton over U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders during the party’s nominating contests. Three other senior


The solid surface material category of particle filled resins (i.e. filled polymeric materials) was created with the invention of CORIAN by DuPont in the late 1960s. Since the introduction of CORIAN, similar filled polymeric materials have been introduced, such as GIBRALTAR and SSV by Wilsonart, FOUNTAINHEAD and SURELL by Formica Corporation, and AVONITE by Avonite Incorporated. Marketed as a superior alternative to laminate products for kitchen and bathroom surfaces, filled polymeric materials quickly became known for many advantages, such as solidity, hardness, durability, renewability, and fire resistance. In addition, the non-porous nature of filled polymeric materials makes them easy to clean, and particularly resistant to bacteria, stains, and chemicals. Unfortunately, these same qualities are responsible for two chief drawbacks of filled polymeric material: high cost and resistance toNEW YORK — Even New York baseball fans can embrace some Red Sox tradition.

Neil Diamond sang Fenway Park standard "Sweet Caroline" before the bottom of the eighth inning of the All-Star game Tuesday at Citi Field. Diamond already performed live at Fenway this year, on April 20 in the wake of the Marathon bombings.

When Diamond's performance ended, the music shifted quickly to Metallica's "Enter Sandman." Those aren't the most traditional songs to be played consecutively, but the choice was appropriate because Yankees closer Mariano Rivera was called into the game.

This is the last All-Star game for Rivera, who intends to retire at the end of the season. The American League led 3-0 when he entered.


Vicis, the high-profile Seattle startup that garnered support from the NFL for its high-tech football helmet, is in financial trouble.

The company is running out of money, has furloughed employees, and may shut down operations, according to documents reviewed by The New York Times.

It’s an abrupt downfall for Vicis, which spun out of the University of Washington in 2014 to develop a helmet with multiple, specialized layers built to mitigate the impacts believed to cause concussions.

More than three-quarters of all NFL teams have a starter who wears a $950 Vicis ZERO1 helmet. At the college level, 180 programs have deals with Vicis, up from 125 last year.

The company has raised more than $85 million to date from investors that include current and former NFL players Aaron Rodgers, Russell Wilson,Music: Jhargo ft Seriki & Wale Turner – Mule (Remix)

Music: Jhargo ft Seriki & Wale Turner – Mule (Remix)

Fresh From Our Hub!!! Beyond Every Reasonable doubt Jhargo is an exceptional talent to watch out for in the music industry. His relentless efforts has finally earned him a space of his own in music industry.


glass casting is a form of kiln casting which was frequently used by Émile Gallé and  Daum Glass.  In this process, finely crushed glass is mixed with a binding material, such as a mixture of gum arabic and water, and often with colorants and enamels. The resultant paste is applied to the inner surface of a negative mould forming a coating. After the coated mould is fired at the appropriate temperature the glass is fused creating a hollow object that can have thick or thin walls depending on the thickness of the pate de verre layers.

France - Émile Gallé and the Daum brothers
The city of Nancy in France was an important center for Art Nouveau glass manufacture.  The dominant figure in the early stylefrom an anonymous note that that as one of very few women who held a particular position, she had been paid less than every other man in this position, including ones who were younger and had started way later on the job. she was disappointed and infuriated by the news. there was a policy that employees could not discuss pay amongst themselves, so she did not know until she got that an anonymous note. and when she learned about the years that she had been paid less, and the implications, because it may start small, but then when you think, over time, wage increases are often percentage increases of your salary. pension contributions are based on your salary. when you add a

. rosa parks took the upper seat


however, also recognized that by its nature rebonded foam is not as uniform in density and surface contour as carpet padding prepared from prime, or virgin, polyurethane foam.
As noted above, the use of a thermoplastic polymer film on the upper surface of the underlay which contacts the back of the carpet is employed to facilitate installation. A cover film frequently used in the manufacture of carpet underlay is polyethylene, although other thermoplastic films can be applied. More recently, the use of a metallized polyester cover film has been adopted. The metallized cover film facilitates the dispersion of static electricity, and with proper grounding, can essentially eliminate the problem. Commercially available metallized polymer films include a 1.25 mm polyethylene (low density) film from Shaw Industries. It is also knownthis court on June 5, 1984.
The New York proceeding was commenced by issuance of a summons early in June of 1983. After various negotiations the parties and their attorneys met in March of 1984 in a conference in which it was agreed that Mrs. Sorlucco would get the Long Beach, New York marital home and a 1982 Volvo automobile that she had been using. It was also agreed that Mr. Sorlucco would provide alimony and child support  the amount of which was left to subsequent negotiation. It was further agreed that Mr. Sorlucco would get full title to jointly-owned real property in Littleton, New Hampshire, comprising some 172 acres and a house used in a lumber business operated on the side by the debtor, together with release


of any claims Mrs. Sorlucco might have to a rental property owned by the debtor in Marblehead, Massachusetts. Mrs. Sorlucco also agreed at that time to release her joint interest in a note and mortgage on a Bethlehem, New Hampshire property which permitted the debtor to obtain an additional $4,867.50 free for his own use in an imminent sale of that property.
The debtor did execute a deed to the Long Beach property to his wife which was recorded on April 4, 1984. Mrs. Sorlucco executed a deed to the Littleton property on April 12, 1984, and executed a releasing accord document on the Bethlehem property on April 20, 1984. Negotiation on the alimony and support obligations were concluded a year later and on March 11, 1985 a stipulateddivorce settlement agreement was executed by the parties. A divorce decree was entered in the New York State proceeding on April 10, 1985 adopting the agreement.
Under this decree, which was obtained without any attempt to lift or modify the automatic stay from the pending bankruptcy proceeding, Mrs. Sorlucco released all claims to the Littleton and Marblehead properties. Mr. Sorlucco transferred his title interest in the Volvo automobile to his wife. Mr. Sorlucco retained a 1980 Saab automobile as his own property. All furnishings, appliances and personal property located at the Long Beach residence were determined to be the sole property of the wife. All furniture, furnishings and personal property located at the Littleton and Marblehead properties were determined to be the sole property of the husband. Finally, the


Testimony was also received from the attorneys who represented the debtor and Mrs. Sorlucco in the New York divorce proceedings. Testimony was also received from a banker involved with the Littleton, New Hampshire property, and from a certified public accountant who examined the debtor's financial condition and net worth during the times in question.
Several key facts are clearly established by the evidence in this record that undercut the basis for the trustee's various attacks upon the transfers in question. One, there was no indication to either the debtor or Mrs. Sorlucco in March of 1984 that the debtor shortly would have to file a bankruptcy petition. Two, the trustee has failed to prove the debtor was insolvent at the time of the deeding of the Long Beach propertyto Mrs. Sorlucco. Three, Mrs. Sorlucco clearly could have received more property from the debtor under New York's "equitable distribution" divorce law but chose not to do so for noneconomic reasons.

Bankruptcy Filing
On first blush it would appear that there must have been some indication at the time of the April 4, 1984 recording of the deed of the Long Beach property that the debtor was in failing financial circumstances which resulted in his bankruptcy filing some sixty-one days later on June 5, 1984. However the evidence received at trial indicates otherwise.
The debtor was and is an airline captain receiving a relatively high salary. He had dabbled in real estate investments in various locations, including the rental property in Marblehead and the lumber operation in Littleton. The Littleton operation


was generating large monthly cashflow which was used by the debtor with not too much concern for its short-term actual profit and loss position. The debtor was counting on a further rollover of 1982 SBA financing for that operation, which he expected to receive at the time of the Long Beach deed.
*751 A change in SBA policy thereafter resulted in a denial of the rollover, and precipitated a failure of that operation and the necessity of filing a bankruptcy petition for debts involved with regard to the business. The evidence establishes that the debtor was in fact paying all bills and expenses as they became due prior to the deeding of the Long Beach property.

Insolvency At Time of Transfer
For like reasons the court finds that there was nocontemplated by anyone in April of 1984. Without restating them here, the court adopts as its own findings of fact on insolvency the calculations of solvency set forth in the defendant's post-trial memorandum.

Equitable Distribution Rights
The distribution agreed upon by the debtor and Mrs. Sorlucco in a New York divorce proceeding cannot really be understood without considerable weight being given to certain key facts regarding their marriage. They were married on April 9, 1960 in New York and had three children in their marriage. During the course of that marriage the debtor invested marital assets in various business enterprises, apart from his airline employment, in amounts in excess of $150,000. The marriage began to fail in the last five years of its duration due to the debtor's long absences


from Long Beach in conjunction with his activities in Littleton and Marblehead. Those activities included living with another women at those locations.
The divorce decree entered by the New York court summarizes the break up of the marriage in the following key findings:
(a) The defendant is an airline pilot, flying out of Boston. Despite the fact that his home airport is in Boston, Massachusetts, he has consistently refused, over the past years, to move the family to Boston, despite repeated requests by the plaintiff. As a result, the defendant has spent very little time with the family, has failed to take an interest in the welfare of the children, has refused to participate in the raising or disciplining of the children, and has generally abdicated his responsibilities as husbandRussian and Soviet Painters 1900-1980s. - London: Izomar, 1998. , .
 Sergei V. Ivanov. Unknown Socialist Realism. The Leningrad School. - Saint Petersburg: NP-Print Edition, 2007. – pp. 4, 207, 360, 397, 398, 405-407. , .
 Anniversary Directory graduates of Saint Petersburg State Academic Institute of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture named after Ilya Repin, Russian Academy of Arts. 1915 - 2005''. - Saint Petersburg: Pervotsvet Publishing House, 2007. p. 390.

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of 23 goals, 57 points.

Drew Miller:

Strong penalty-killer and grinder who showed flashes of offense with 10 goals.

Mike Modano:

Playing on more talented team could rejuvenate 40-year-old center who returns home.

Henrik Zetterberg:

He’s lighter and quicker and should be more productive than last two seasons.

Defensemen

Jonathan Ericsson:

Looking to rebound from poor season in which he made bad decisions and committed too many turnovers.

Jakub Kindl:

Club’s highest draft pick since 1991 (19th in 2005) finally on the team, but battling to get in lineup.

Niklas Kronwall:

Oft-injured player who makes a difference with his open-ice hitting and quick puck movement.

Nicklas Lidstrom:

At age 40, he continues to be one of the best in the game.

Brian Rafalski:

Veteran puck-mover being separated from usual partner Lidstrom to pair with Brad Stuart.

Ruslan Salei:

Veteran newcomer will add an abrasive element to theblue line.

Brad Stuart:

Hard hitter was one of team’s top players in first half and must adjust to playing on the left side.

Goaltenders

Jimmy Howard:

He had a tremendous rookie season and now must show he wasn’t a one-year wonder.

Chris Osgood:

He is determined to rebound from a bad season and win 20 games as the backup.

The team is healthier and deeper. Players are as fresh as they have been in some time due to a longer offseason. They are highly motivated after being bounced in the second round of the playoffs by San Jose.

Most importantly, Datsyuk and Zetterberg will be playing on the same line, a luxury coach Mike Babcock could not afford last season when the team was so banged up it had to split up the stars to ice


military installations and lines of communication. It was also tasked with railway patrolling, convoy protection, and regular infantry duties. From its formation, the regiment was also used to mobilise white reservists over the age of 38, although it was mostly coloured and Asian. The drafts of white reservists and conscripts were usually low quality and were barely trained, and suffered from poor morale due to being attached to notoriously inefficient units. Due to its poor discipline, the RDR was disparagingly nicknamed the "Rhodesian Dagga Regiment", after the slang term for marijuana. Paul Moorcraft and Pete McLaughlin have written that the RDF units "would have had little chance" if they were ever attacked by a determined enemy force.

The RDR was disbanded shortly after the 1980 Southern Rhodesian general election.

EngagementsThe government of Samoa has announced the country is switching time zones.

Samoa sits to the east of the international dateline and is 11 hours behind GMT and one day behind New Zealand and Australia.

The new time zone would put the country on the same day as New Zealand and Australia.

Prime Minister Tuila'epa Sa'ilele Malielegaoi said the change was being made because Samoa has increasing commercial and economic dealings with New Zealand, Australia and several Asian countries.

A report tabled in cabinet reveals Samoa had, in the past, the same date as that of New Zealand, but it was changed due to a request by some American businessmen in 1892.

The Prime Minister said it is more appropriate for his country to go back to the original time zone not only


Uganda: Kenya Court Clears Kenyatta for Elections

Kenya's High Court said Friday it lacked the jurisdiction to rule whether presidential hopeful Uhuru Kenyatta, who faces a crimes against humanity trial, is eligible to run for office next month.

With little time left before the March 4 election, the ruling effectively clears the way for Kenyatta to contest the polls, in which he is seen as one of the leading candidates for the country's top job.

"The High Court lacks jurisdiction to deal with a question relating to the election of a president," the panel of five judges said in a statement read to a packed courtroom, saying only the Supreme Court could rule on the case.

Kenya is less than three weeks from a presidential election, the first since polls five yearsago erupted into bloody ethnic violence that left more than 1,100 people dead and hundreds of thousand displaced.

The ruling also applies to Kenyatta's running mate William Ruto.

Both men face trial at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for alleged roles in orchestrating murder, rape and violence after the 2007 polls.

Activists had sought a ruling as to whether the pair should be allowed to stand for office, as under a new constitution introduced in 2010, leaders must rule with "integrity".

"This is an issue that is within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court," the judges' ruling said, although it was not immediately clear if any application would be made to move the case to the higher court.

Judges said that since Kenya's election commission had already passed Kenyatta and Ruto as


fit to stand for election, any ruling "would end up usurping" the powers of the commission.

The politically volatile case has been repeatedly delayed, and an earlier petition was unexpectedly withdrawn in December.

However, new applications were made, including by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, the Kenyan branch of the International Commission for Jurists, and the International Centre for Policy and Conflict.

They argued that the any person committed to trial at The Hague-based ICC would not be able to properly carry out their duties of running the country, while the honour and integrity of the public office would also be damaged.

Kenyatta, the deputy prime minister and son of Kenya's founding president, faces five charges of crimes against humanity, including murder, rape, persecution, deportation and other inhumane acts.

Ruto faces three chargesJason Miller/Getty Images

When LeBron James debuted all the way back in 2003, he was just a fresh-faced teenager out of St. Vincent–St. Mary High School, attempting to live up to the massive hype that accompanied him as soon as he declared for the draft. Already gracing magazine covers, he was the future of professional basketball, and he didn't exactly fail to live up to those lofty expectations.

Twelve years later, the NBA remains James' league, and that won't change in the foreseeable future. Even though the Association is brimming over with younger stars, he's still a leading face—not to mention a rather powerful figure in the Cleveland Cavaliers organization.

"LeBron wants to be the guy that says, 'I was the one who brought a championship to Cleveland,'" Paul Silas, a