seats on the Executive Committee and the Rules and Credentials Committees
at the conventions are reserved for union representatives.
Party constituencies generally meet as separate caucuses at the National
Conventions. While caucuses are usually open to anyone, the people who attend
(not all of whom are delegates) are generally those for whom that constituency
is a primary reference group; i.e. a group with which they identify and
which gives them a sense of purpose. Thus it is the most committed or identified
constituency members who set the tone of the caucus. Not unexpectedly, most
of those attending the women's caucus are committed feminists. Virtually
all Black delegates attend the Black caucus but not all union members go
to the labor caucus. When forced to choose between conflicting meetings
of the Black and women's caucuses during the 1984 convention, Blackworkers and contributors. They
carry the party's message outward, not the group's message inward. Democratic
constituency group members generally have a primary identification with
their group, and only a secondary one with the Party. The primary identification
of Republican activists is with the Republican Party. They view other strong
group attachments as disloyal and unnecessary.

Convention Activities

The difference in the flow of power can be seen in the operation of the
national conventions. When not in session, the time of delegates attending
the Democratic Convention is largely occupied with caucus meetings. In addition
to state caucus meetings there are caucus meetings for any group which wishes
to call one. Generally the DNC makes space available for these meetings,
but occasionally it declines when it feels the group making the request
is clearly operating contrary to the interest of an incumbent


both places for demonstrating the status of the group
and individuals within it. Status at caucuses is conveyed on those individuals
invited to sit at the speakers' platform as well as on the group by those
who agree to speak. Status at receptions is conveyed on those introduced
or acknowledged by the occasional speaker and on the sponsoring group by
those prominent people attending the reception who are not part of it.
The kind of interaction between delegates at caucuses is very different
from that at receptions. Caucuses have many speeches and frequently have
debates. Occasionally votes will be taken even if only to give the "sense
of the meeting." Caucus meetings are places for the groups' leadership
to listen as well as to speak, though some leaders listen better than others.
Discussion is public and it's quite permissibleleadership.
Reform within the Democratic Party is usually traced to the 1968 Chicago
convention which was marked by external strife and turmoil. Although few
delegates and no leaders joined the demonstrators outside, reform Democrats
nonetheless used these demonstrations to argue that the nominating system
was closed to dissent and unrepresentative of popular opinion. The fact
that there were 17 credentials challenges involving 15 states, some of which
were successful, reinforced their claims. In the decade before the 1968
Convention many local Democratic Clubs had been taken over by reformers
who believed that "management of the affairs of the party ought to
be widespread and in accord with strictly democratic procedures."5
At the 1964 convention the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party had heightened
the contradiction between the national Party's claim to be the party of
civil rights and its traditional deference to State


parties in the governance
of their affairs by challenging the right of the regular Mississippi Party
to seat an all-white delegation. Although the resulting compromise pleased
no one (two MFDP delegates were seated as at-large delegates and the regulars
were required to sign a loyalty oath) it opened pandora's box. The implicit
threat of numerous credentials challenges at future conventions added force
to the demands of reformers that the Party open up.

The Democratic Party is quiet conscious that it is a coalition party. The
groups which compose it have changed over time -- particularly in response
to the post-1968 reforms. But the fact that it is a coalition of groups
has not changed. Since party leaders are aware that the Democratic Party
must incorporate groups within it to remain the majority party, claims that
it is unrepresentative of acompeting leaders to assure
continued access, if not always influence, regardless of who's in power.
Those Democrats whose legitimacy derives from leadership of a coalition
group find it is quite transitory when they can no longer credibly represent
the group. The greater willingness of the Republican Party to reward loyalty
and dedication to the Party in preference to any other group makes it is
easier for the Party to discourage extra-Party attachments.
Leadership in both parties is more diffuse when the President is from the
other party, but there is a significant difference in degree. Leadership
in the Republican Party devolves onto a limited number of elected officials,
usually key Senators and Governors. The Democratic Party leadership pool
is broader, including a wider range of public officials and interest group
leaders.

Career Paths

The different structure of the Parties has different consequences


men. These men are their sponsors.

II

World View

New York Governor Mario Cuomo in his keynote address to the Democratic
convention accused the Republican Party of having policies which "divide
the nation -- into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the
rabble." Whether the Party's policies are divisive is certainly debatable
but Cuomo did articulate a difference in perspective by the Parties that
shapes their way of dealing with the world. It has been argued that society
as a whole has a cultural and structural "center" about which
most members of the society are more or less peripheral."7
Republicans see themselves as representing the center while Democrats
view society from the periphery.
The Republican center does not include the State, i.e. the major organs
of the national government. Republicans have always felt a tension between
the State and society,and have viewed the former with suspicion even
when in power (at least the Presidency). Since Republicans (as individuals)
control most of the major private institutions, particularly economic
ones, a strong central government is seen as a threat to their power.
The Democratic periphery feels a strong government is necessary in order
to counterbalance private economic domination. Indeed they feel that the
State's primary function ought to be a check on private economic
power. Nonetheless, Democrats, like typical outsiders, are ambivalent
toward the State. Their ambivalence derives not from a suspicion of strength,
but from concern that the State will not act as they feel it should. Indeed,
until Reagan began to redirect the national government, most Democrats
did not appreciate how valuable the federal government was to them or
even how thoroughly they had captured its main components.
Although Republicans


be particularly galling except insofar as it is effective
electoral propaganda. Indeed Democrats would claim that the Republicans
confuse the "national interest" with the special interests of
the upper and upper middle classes which its policies would favor. Nonetheless,
after the 1984 election saw the Democrats wounded by the accusation that
it was a "captive of the special interests" several Democratic
Governors and Senators set up an independent Democratic Leadership Council
with the goal of capturing the loyalty of Democrats who supposedly left
the Party because of this capture.9
Insofar as the Republican idea of a national interest can be summed up
in a single phrase, it would be the promotion of individual success.
Insiders generally view their achievements as due to their own merit and
efforts rather than to aspects of the social structure or plain luck.
Success is itswhile those of the Republican Party are closed, quiet
and consensual. These contrasting characteristics are consequences of
the structural and attitudinal differences discussed earlier. They result
in different styles of party organization even though there is a superficial
similarity in the formal structure of both parties and they have the same
ultimate goal of winning elections.

These contrasting styles were exemplified by a description of the battles
over replacing the Massachusetts State Party Chairs in 1956.

...In the Democratic party the affair could best be called a brawl all
the way -- at least as the press reported it, no doubt with some gleeful
exaggeration. Statements and counter-statements to the press, accusations
of falsehood mutually tossed back and forth, gave the dispute most of
the elements of an Irish donnybrook, minus only the swinging of fists.
There were threats of that


too. While the Democrats were having their
fracas, the heir apparent for the Republican nomination was carrying
on a quiet war against the incumbent Republican chairman, but with a
very different tone and with very different procedures. A dispatch to
the New York Times illustrated the differences of approach. It
noted that the Democrats had allowed the reporters in to hear their
showdown on replacing their chairman; it then went on to describe the
Republican methods: "Following a brief exchange of statements in
the newspapers, a characteristic hush fell over the Republican headquarters.
It has been the experience of political reporters in Massachusetts for
years that the Republicans promote publicity, and hire press agents
to carry out the program so long as it is favorable. Anything unfavorable
is carefully thrashed out behind the closed doors of private social
and dining clubs.challenged
because of their refusal to declare their loyalty to the national ticket
and their inadequate representation of blacks. In the 1970s and 1980s,
the fights have usually been over platform planks but some have concerned
rules changes or designations of status. In 1976 Women's groups fought
over the "equal division" rule to require that half of all delegates
be women. Although they lost, they had to find another issue in 1980 because
the DNC decided to adopt it 1978. Instead they focused on minority planks
on abortion and denying Party support to opponents of the ERA. In 1984
the issue would have been a woman Vice Presidential candidate, but this
was preempted by Walter Mondale's selection of Geraldine Ferraro as his
running mate so there was nothing to fight over.
Jesse Jackson's entire campaign was a way for a


new generation of Black
leaders to establish clout both within the Party and within the Black
community. The means by which Blacks have exercised power in the Party
has been less through organizations than through elected officials and
their individual followings. As there is no internal mechanism for selecting
leaders among the many contenders, those Blacks who have exercised power
within the Party have usually been those whom White party leaders chose
to listen to. Jackson's candidacy challenged both the current Black political
leadership and the right of Whites to decide which Blacks were legitimate
leaders. By showing that Black voters would unite behind his candidacy
in the primaries he established his legitimacy as a national Black spokesperson,
independent of White approval. This gave him a claim to dictate the Black
agenda in the Party, even though he had notpreviously been a Party activist
and there were many competent Black leaders within the Party who were
not supportive of this upstart.
Prior to the convention the issues on which the fight took place were
the "second primary" and "expanding the base" of the
Democratic Party through voter registration. However established local
leaders have no reason to expand the base because newcomers may not support
them, thus these efforts received only lip service.13
At the convention Blacks who supported Jesse Jackson had several minority
platform planks over which to fight, but primarily directed their energies
at status indicators, such as who was interviewed for Vice President and
how many blacks had positions in the Mondale campaign. Because Jackson
represented a generational split within the Black community, his demands
for recognition presented the Mondale campaign with problems not presented
by feminists. Among feminists,


elected officials and organizational leaders
were united on wanting a women Vice Presidential candidate, and even agreed
on a particular individual. Since Blacks were not united, any recognition
of Jackson and his followers threatened the position of established Black
elected officials to speak for the Black community. If Jackson had subsequently
refused to campaign for Mondale, his legitimacy as a Party leader,
though not as a Black leader, would have been seriously undermined.
Since he chose to play by the rules, he's still a contender.

Fights do not have to be won in order for those picking them to be successful.
They are opportunities for demonstrating political skills and establishing
territory. Feminist leaders didn't win the equal division fight in 1976,
and everyone knew that had it gone to a floor vote, they would have lost.
What they won wasrecognition. The Carter campaign negotiated with them
because they showed that there were a substantial number of women willing
and able to fight on the issue. This established the right of women to
be recognized as an important group within the Party. However, Carter
refused to negotiate with feminists in 1980, largely because he perceived
them as surrogates for his rival, Ted Kennedy, and not important in and
of themselves. This was changed by their success in getting the Convention
to adopt two minority planks that the Carter administration opposed. By
showing that they were both politically skilled and persistent feminists
successfully claimed the right to represent women within the Party. The
Jackson campaign did for a new generation of Black leaders what the equal
division fight did for feminists. They are now recognized as contenders,
but are not yet


the middle are most social
movements, which, however diverse they may be, exhibit both noticeable
spontaneity and a describable structure. Parties and campaigns lie on
the more organized end of the spectrum, but because they must mobilize
voters, raise money from contributors rather than by selling a product,
and recruit volunteers to accomplish their goals they exhibit many properties
of social movements.
The national Republican Party has more characteristics of the corporate
style and fewer typical of social movements than does the national Democratic
Party.
This has been a continuing attribute; the semi-organized chaos seen in
the Democratic Party today is not a consequence of contemporary reforms.
Cotter and Hennessy wrote in their book on the national party committees
in the early 1960s that the

...Democrats are relatively undisturbed by -- and often seem to thrive
on -- the ad hocness of politics.Republicans embrace order;
they try to impress it on the anarchy of politics. Democrats resist
order or accept it only as a last resort. This difference may be, in
part, no more than the prodigality of the majority party willing and
able to waste some of its margin, and the frugality of the minority
party aware that organization may compensate for numbers. Or it may
be, as some have suggested, a psychological and temperamental difference
between those who are attracted to one party and those attracted to
the other.14

Lockard found a similar distinction in the two Massachusetts parties in
the late 1950s, when the Republican Party was dominant in that state.
He wrote that the Parties responded very differently to challenges by
ethnics to advance within them.

The Republicans lay down the line in the pre-primary convention to assert
some control


pleases .... In general, money-raising procedures
at the Democratic National Committee remain informal and largely oral."16
The Democratic Party relies heavily on volunteers in its national office,
and on the ability of its component constituency groups to recruit volunteers
for local campaigns. Like a corporation, the Republican Party seeks to
allocate its resources so as to maximize its success. Like social movements,
the Democratic Party puts great emphasis on expanding the number of participants.
Indeed it often views success and expansion as synonymous.
This resource analysis was used by Wilson to explain some of the differences
he found between amateur Democratic and Republican clubs in the 1950s.
He found that Democratic clubs were mass based and stressed intra-party
democracy and participation while Republican groups were "leadership-oriented
organizations." While he found some explanation for this in the different
political philosophies and professionsconsultation.
Why give up the right to determine your own affairs if you've been successful
so far?
The Democratic Party's drive toward nationalization has focused inwardly.
It has been less concerned with what the Party looks like than with what
it is. Although it has developed some support programs for local parties
and candidates, much of its energy, and money, has gone into reform commissions
to rewrite the party rules. This wasn't totally by choice. The Republican
Party had a head start in nationalization and centralization. The RNC
established a permanent headquarters in 1919 and made its chair a full-time
paid position in 1936. The Democrats didn't do so until 1928 and 1944
respectively. The Republicans established the authority of the national
Party over the State and local parties in the two decades after the Bull
Moose faction split off in


1912 and threw the Presidential election to
the Democrats. The Democrats remained decentralized, with State and local
organizations relatively independent of the national party. This precipitated
a crisis in 1948 when four Southern states refused to put Truman's name
on the ballot and almost caused his defeat. Subsequently, delegates to
the national conventions and members of the DNC were asked to declare
their loyalty to the national ticket as a precondition to being seated,
which they did not always do.
The crisis reemerged in 1964 when the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
challenged the right of the regular delegation to represent Mississippi
Democrats, and in 1968 when the Mississippi delegation was replaced by
the insurgents and the Georgia delegation was forced to share its votes.
The question of local autonomy versus party loyalty was not resolved until
1975 when the Supreme Courta cosmopolitan attitude and a loyalty
to the national Republican Party greater than to any state organization.
This in turn makes those in this community who are in state staff jobs
more amenable to national party direction. As this community becomes self
sustaining the strings the national party attaches to its state aid become
less important because the state staff in effect become agents of the
national party.
Although the Democrats also have many professional political organizers,
they aren't part of a self-identified community and don't look to national
party networks for job assistance. Each state has its own cadre of political
activists and there is very little exchange between them, except during
Presidential campaigns (which are separate from party work). Campaign
and party work is less likely to be a career than an occasional diversion.
Those for whom it is


a career often work their way up to a position in
Washington, but once no longer employed by a national party or campaign
organization, return to their own states or, occasionally, become political
directors of interest groups. The consequence is a more parochial attitude
in which staff are the agents of their employers and not the national
party.
The Democrats are trying to strengthen the national party, particularly
its financial base, and one day may have the same material resources as
the Republicans. But even with the same resources it will still be a very
different party with a different organizational style. Any organization,
regardless of whether it's major resources are money and expertise or
personal time and commitment, which has multiple power centers, is composed
of groups whose interests are not always congruent, and in which power
flows upward, willin the Democratic Party whose mutual disagreements were
comparatively minor let their complaints be constantly quoted in the press.
Republicans do fight, sometimes viciously, but by and large their fights
are not public, and even in private take place on more limited terrain.
When they do occur the ill feelings they create last a lot longer. Democratic
sparring partners are more willing to kiss and make up.
The difference in the bounds of dissent can be seen in the different ways
the Parties have treated those who had fundamental disagreements with
their Party's Presidential candidates. In 1980 NOW voted not to endorse
Jimmy Carter and at the convention led a floor fight for a minority plank
strongly disliked by the candidate. Despite this opposition in an election
year and the fact that no one thought NOW would possibly defect


to the
Republicans, NOW President Ellie Smeal was invited to meet with President
Carter that fall, and was subsequently (after Carter's defeat) hired as
a consultant to the DNC. Indeed, the refusal to toe the line and leadership
of a successful floor fight strengthened NOW within the Party because
it had demonstrated clout. Similarly, Jesse Jackson's thinly veiled threats
not to support the 1984 ticket appear to have strengthened his hand.
In the Republican Party many, though certainly not all, prominent Ford
supporters, found themselves eased out after Reagan was elected, including
ones who professed loyalty to the President but disagreed with some aspects
of his program. Feminists who criticized Reagan for his opposition to
the ERA have been virtually read out of the Republican Party. Although
George Bush was selected to be Reagan's running mate despite many well
known disagreementsit was a practical decision which was not completely
accepted by Reagan's own supporters. The opposition to Bush was much greater
and runs much deeper than that of Democrats to Johnson as Kennedy's running
mate or to Humphrey as Johnson's. This exclusionary attitude is not restricted
to the Reagan Administration. After Goldwater's devastating defeat in
1964 his supporters were blamed and found themselves ostracized by the
then influential liberal wing of the Party. In contrast, although McGovern's
supporters were blamed for the Democrats' 1972 loss, and there was some
retrenchment in the delegate selection rules which made his nomination
possible, they were not cut out.
Another illustration is the attitude toward delegates in 1984 who voted
for someone other than the expected victors for President and Vice President.
The delegate who refused to vote for Reagan and the two who


strikingly
successful, though success is hard to define. Party registration and identification
have been declining for over a decade, but until the most recent election
Republican decline was greater than that for the Democrats. The 1984 Reagan
landslide brought many voters into the Republican fold, but the extent
of ticket splitting confounded expectations of permanent party realignment.
It is often noted that the Republican candidate has won four of the last
five Presidential elections, but that really doesn't say anything meaningful
about either party. There have been 17 Republican Presidents since the
first one was elected in 1860, but only seven Democratic Presidents. The
national party committees were originally created to run the party's presidential
campaign, but they are now quite independent of it. Many things affect
the outcome of Presidential elections, but the activities of national
party bodies are notthe Republican Party strengthen itself to the point of becoming
the majority party it will attract many newcomers, including organized
groups, who have not previously thought it worth their time to join. It
will discover that the price of success is that everyone wants a share
even when they have not made a contribution. Coping with increased demands,
rapid expansion and inadequate assimilation have destroyed many developing
organizations. Styles and approaches to problems that are compatible with
being a minority faction or underdog are not appropriate to being a majority
party. Whether the Party can anticipate and prepare for these problems
sufficiently to preclude them, remains to be seen.
As the majority party the Democrats face different prospects. The reformation
of the coalition from one of independent state and local parties each
with its own ethnic balance to a national


image
without necessarily changing their essential characteristics. They can
remain a coalition party without being labeled the party of the special
interests.
Nonetheless, there is not just one route to political success. Each party,
for reasons peculiar to its own tradition and the social base from which
is draws, has a different organizational style uniquely adapted to its
particular circumstances. While each party must bend with the political
winds, particularly in times of rapid change, an attempt to deny their
differences will deprive them of the opportunity to recognize and build
upon their strengths.

Information
in this articles is primarily based on interviews with these activists
and observations made at the 1976, 1980 and 1984 national conventions
of the Republican Party, and every national nominating convention of the
Democratic Party since 1964. I also briefly attended the 1960 Democratic
and 1964 Republican national conventions,Democratic Party Credo" in Section 17, Article
11 of the Charter of the Democratic Party. "At the heart of our party
lies a fundamental conviction, that Americans must not only be free, but
they must live in a fair society."

11New York Times May 27, 1956. Quoted in Duane Lockard, New
England State Politics, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
1959, pp. 138-139.

18Analyses of convention delegates and party officials have shown
that the Republican Party elite is heavily white, Protestant and of English
or Northern European stock. See Charles W. Wiggins and William L. Turk,
"State Party Chairman: A Profile," Western Political Quarterly
23 (1970), p. 332. Jeane Kirkpatrick, The New Presidential Elite: Men
and Women in National Politics, New York: The Russell Sage Foundation
and the Twentieth Century Fund, 1976, Chapter 3.

19Molly Ivins, "The Fabrics that Define Republican Women",
San Francisco


This invention relates to a closing device of a hinged door provided in a storing device equipped with a hinged door, such as a piece of furniture or a suspended cupboard, and adapted to restrict the opening of the hinged door at the time of an earthquake and, in particular, to a structure restricting the opening of a hinged door at the time of an earthquake.
In a storing device equipped with a hinged door, such as a piece of furniture or a suspended cupboard, there is provided a closing device for normally restricting the opening of the hinged door at the time of an earthquake in order to prevent the hinged door from being opened by the shaking of the earthquake to allow the things stored therein tomember is prevented at the time of an earthquake, so that during the earthquake, upward movement of the locking member is continuously prevented, and when the earthquake is over, upward movement of the locking member is not prevented by the rolling members. Thus, there is no need to perform a canceling operation after the earthquake as in the prior art, and it is possible to reliably prevent the hinged door from opening during earthquake, thus making it possible to provide a storing device which is highly reliable and user-friendly.
Further, the restricting means includes a support member supported by the hinged door, a locking portion formed at the forward end of the support member and having an inclined surface sloping down in the closing direction of the hinged door,


and an elastic member which is provided in the portion of the support member in front of the locking portion, whose forward end is biased by an upward biasing force larger than the weight of the locking member, and which has an inclined surface sloping down in the opening direction of the hinged door, whereby, in the normal condition, as the hinged door is opened, the locking member moves upwardly along the inclined surface of the elastic member, and, as the hinged door is closed, the locking member moves upwardly along the inclined surface of the locking portion; at the time of an earthquake, at least one of the rolling members is placed on the upper surface of the flange portion, whereby a state is achieved in whichupward movement of the locking member is prevented and in which the locking member can be engaged with the locking portion while pushing down the elastic member, thereby making it possible to restrict the movement of the hinged door to such a degree that it is slightly opened.
In this way, the support member supported by the hinged door, the locking portion formed on the support member, and the elastic member provided in front of the locking portion of the support member function as the restricting means, restricting the movement of the hinged door at the time of an earthquake to such a degree that it can be slightly opened.
In the present invention, the forward end portion of the elastic member has an inclined surface biased by an upward


biasing force larger than the weight of the locking member and sloping down in the opening direction of the hinged door, so that, in the normal condition, as the hinged door is opened, the locking member climbs the inclined surface of the elastic member and moves upward, and, as the hinged door is closed, the locking member climbs the inclined surface of the locking portion and moves upward; at the time of an earthquake, at least one of the rolling members is placed on the upper surface of the locking member, whereby upward movement of the locking member is prevented. Thus, a state is achieved in which the locking member can be engaged with the locking portion while pushing down the elastic member.
When the earthquake is over, thewith the ability of a grandmaster, conducting a public chess simul. Recent developments in US economy and the West in general allow us to conclude that in this part of the assessment of Putin’s personality Western media are absolutely right.

Despite numerous success reports in the style of Fox News and CNN, today, Western economy, led by the United States is in Putin’s trap, the way out of which no one in the West can see or find. And the more the West is trying to escape from this trap, the more stuck it becomes.

What is the truly tragic predicament of the West and the United States, in which they find themselves? And why all the Western media and leading Western economists are silent about this, as a well


guarded military secret? Let’s try to understand the essence of current economic events, in the context of the economy, setting aside the factors of morality, ethics and geopolitics.

After realizing its failure in Ukraine, the West, led by the US set out to destroy Russian economy by lowering oil prices, and accordingly gas prices as the main budget sources of export revenue in Russia and the main sources of replenishment of Russian gold reserves. It should be noted that the main failure of the West in Ukraine is not military or political. But in the actual refusal of Putin to fund the Western project of Ukraine at the expense of the budget of Russian Federation. What makes this Western project not viable in the near and inevitable future.

Last timeall the central banks of all countries of the world combined (according to official data)!

In total, the central banks of all countries of the world have purchased 93 tons of the precious metal in the third quarter of 2014. It was the 15th consecutive quarter of net purchases of gold by Central banks. Of the 93 tonnes of gold purchases by central banks around the world during this period, the staggering volume of purchases – of 55 tons – belongs to Russia.

Not so long ago, British scientists have successfully come to the same conclusion, as was published in the Conclusion of the U.S. Geological survey a few years ago. Namely: Europe will not be able to survive without energy supply from Russia. Translated from English to any other


language in the world it means: “The world will not be able to survive if oil and gas from Russia is subtracted from the global balance of energy supply”.

Thus, the Western world, built on the hegemony of the petrodollar, is in a catastrophic situation. In which it cannot survive without oil and gas supplies from Russia. And Russia is now ready to sell its oil and gas to the West only in exchange for physical gold! The twist of Putin’s game is that the mechanism for the sale of Russian energy to the West only for gold now works regardless of whether the West agrees to pay for Russian oil and gas with its artificially cheap gold, or not.

Because Russia, having a regular flow of dollars from thesale of oil and gas, in any case, will be able to convert them to gold with current gold prices, depressed by all means by the West. That is, at the price of gold, which had been artificially and meticulously lowered by the Fed and ESF many times, against artificially inflated purchasing power of the dollar through market manipulation.

Interesting fact: the suppression of gold prices by the special department of US Government – ESF (Exchange Stabilization Fund) – with the aim of stabilizing the dollar has been made into a law in the United States.

In the financial world it is accepted as a given that gold is an antidollar.

– In 1971, US President Richard Nixon closed the ‘gold window’, ending the free exchange of dollars for gold, guaranteed


by the US in 1944 at Bretton Woods.

– In 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin has reopened the ‘gold window’, without asking Washington’s permission.

Right now the West spends much of its efforts and resources to suppress the prices of gold and oil. Thereby, on the one hand to distort the existing economic reality in favor of the US dollar and on the other hand, to destroy the Russian economy, refusing to play the role of obedient vassal of the West.

Today assets such as gold and oil look proportionally weakened and excessively undervalued against the US dollar. It is a consequence of the enormous economic effort on the part of the West.

And now Putin sells Russian energy resources in exchange for these US dollars, artificially propped by the efforts ofthe West. With which he immediately buys gold, artificially devalued against the U.S. dollar by the efforts of the West itself!

There is another interesting element in Putin’s game. It’s Russian uranium. Every sixth light bulb in the USA depends on its supply. Which Russia sells to the US too, for dollars.

Thus, in exchange for Russian oil, gas and uranium, the West pays Russia with dollars, purchasing power of which is artificially inflated against oil and gold by the efforts of the West. But Putin uses these dollars only to withdraw physical gold from the West in exchange, for the price denominated in US dollars, artificially lowered by the same West.

This truly brilliant economic combination by Putin puts the West led by the United States in a position of


a snake, aggressively and diligently devouring its own tail.

The idea of this economic golden trap for the West, probably originated not from Putin himself. Most likely it was the idea of Putin’s Advisor for Economic Affairs – doctor Sergey Glazyev. Otherwise why seemingly not involved in business bureaucrat Glazyev, along with many Russian businessmen, was personally included by Washington on the sanction list? The idea of an economist, doctor Glazyev was brilliantly executed by Putin, with full endorsement from his Chinese colleague – Xi Jinping.

Especially interesting in this context looks the November statement of the first Deputy Chairman of Central Bank of Russia Ksenia Yudaeva, which stressed that the Central Bank of Russia can use the gold from its reserves to pay for imports, if needed. It iswithdrawal from the market of one artificially lowered by the West financial asset (gold) in exchange for another artificially inflated by the West financial asset (USD), Putin has thereby started the countdown to the end of the world hegemony of petrodollar. Thus, Putin has put the West in a deadlock of the absence of any positive economic prospects. The West can spend as much of its efforts and resources to artificially increase the purchasing power of the dollar, lower oil prices and artificially lower the purchasing power of gold. The problem of the West is that the stocks of physical gold in possession of the West are not unlimited. Therefore, the more the West devalues oil and gold against the US dollar, the faster it loses devaluing Gold


from its not infinite reserves. In this brilliantly played by Putin economic combination the physical gold is rapidly flowing to Russia, China, Brazil, Kazakhstan and India, the BRICS countries, from the reserves of the West. At the current rate of reduction of reserves of physical gold, the West simply does not have the time to do anything against Putin’s Russia until the collapse of the entire Western petrodollar world. In chess the situation in which Putin has put the West, led by the US, is called “time trouble”.

The Western world has never faced such economic events and phenomena that are happening right now. USSR rapidly sold gold during the fall of oil prices. Russia rapidly buys gold during the fall in oil prices. Thus, Russia poses a realthreat to the American model of petrodollar world domination.

The main principle of world petrodollar model is allowing Western countries led by the United States to live at the expense of the labor and resources of other countries and peoples based on the role of the US currency, dominant in the global monetary system (GMS) . The role of the US dollar in the GMS is that it is the ultimate means of payment. This means that the national currency of the United States in the structure of the GMS is the ultimate asset accumulator, to exchange which to any other asset does not make sense.What the BRICS countries, led by Russia and China, are doing now is actually changing the role and status of the US dollar in


the global monetary system. From the ultimate means of payment and asset accumulation, the national currency of the USA, by the joint actions of Moscow and Beijing is turned into only an intermediate means of payment. Intended only to exchange this interim payment for another and the ulimate financial asset – gold. Thus, the US dollar actually loses its role as the ultimate means of payment and asset accumulation, yielding both of those roles to another recognized, denationalized and depoliticized monetary asset – gold.

Traditionally, the West has used two methods to eliminate the threat to the hegemony of petrodollar model in the world and the consequent excessive privileges for the West.

One of these methods – colored revolutions. The second method, which is usually applied by the West, ifthe dead. That is, an exchange of nuclear strikes with a country like Russia is not a solution to the looming problem of the collapse of a petrodollar world. It is in the best case, a final chord and the last point in the history of its existence. In the worst case – a nuclear winter and the demise of all life on the planet, except for the bacteria mutated from radiation.

The Western economic establishment can see and understand the essence of the situation. Leading Western economists are certainly aware of the severity of the predicament and hopelessness of the situation the Western world finds itself in, in Putin’s economic gold trap. After all, since the Bretton Woods agreements, we all know the Golden rule: “Who has more


hitting a target at the Kura Missile Test Range. This was reportedly the first fully successful test of the glide vehicle.

On 1 March 2018, Russian President Vladimir Putin in his presidential address to the Federal Assembly in Moscow announced, that testing of the weapon is now complete and that the missile has entered serial production.

The Avangard is powered by a scramjet engine that accelerates it up to Mach 20. When approaching a target, the glider is capable of sharp high speed evasive maneuvers in flight making it “absolutely invulnerable for any missile defence system”. According to Russian President Putin, Avangard strikes “like a meteorite, like a fireball”»

– Putin tells cabient that weapon to be deployed in 2019

– U.S. media reported some previous tests ended in failure

*

President Vladimir Putinthe meantime, Moscow is fortifying the islands»

*

«The Defence Ministry said on Monday it wanted troops and their families to move into the two new housing complexes on one of the four islands, Iturup (Etorofu in Japan), and into two others on the island of Kunashir (Kunashiri in Japan), on Dec. 25»

MOSCOW (Reuters) – Russia said on Monday it had built new barracks for troops on a disputed chain of islands near Japan and would build more facilities for armored vehicles, a move likely to anger Tokyo after it urged Moscow to reduce its military activity there.

The announcement, from the Ministry of Defence, said Moscow planned to shift troops into four housing complexes on two of the four disputed islands, known as the Southern Kurils in Russia and the


Northern Territories in Japan, next week.

The news came after the Kremlin said Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe might visit Russia on Jan. 21 as the two countries step up a push to defuse the territorial dispute to allow them to sign a World War Two peace treaty, something the disagreement over the Pacific islands has long prevented.

There was no immediate reaction from Japan. Tokyo said in July it had asked Russia to reduce its military activity on the islands, a plea Moscow dismissed as unhelpful megaphone diplomacy at the time.

Soviet forces seized the four islands at the end of World War Two and Moscow and Tokyo both claim sovereignty over them. Diplomats on both sides have spoken of the possibility of reviving a Soviet-era draft agreement that envisagedto 3,400 miles). After the NATO foreign minister summit in Brussels on Tuesday, the military alliance came out on Washington’s side and also accused Russia of breaching the INF treaty. The US has given Russia a 60-day ultimatum to comply with the treaty. Otherwise, the US will abandon the INF agreement for good.

The dispute centers around the Novator 9M729 missile system, which carries the NATO designation SSC-8. The US has recently shared its intelligence on the weapons system with NATO. Several media reports have also shed light on the Russian weapon.

How it all began

In late July 2014, The New York Times first broke the news that Washington had a suspicion Russia might be violating the INF treaty. It said that the then president, Barack Obama, had sent a


letter to his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, on the matter. The paper claims Russia began testing the new missile system as early as 2008. The New York Times also reported the Obama administration had hoped to reach a compromise with the Russians by not publicly accusing them of violating the INF agreement. On Tuesday, the US State Department said five confidential talks between arms experts had been held since 2014 over the missile system. Yet it claims Russia had denied, concealed and spread lies about the new missile.

The Trump administration then went public with the name of Russia’s new missile system that allegedly violates the INF treaty. On November 29, National Security Council official Christopher Ford announced at Washington’s Wilson Center that Russian missile manufacturer Novator had createdthe new 9M729 weapons system. Novator, which belongs to Russian state-owned arms company Almas-Antei, has in the past developed Russia’s sea-launched Kalibr cruise missile, and a state-of-the-art nuclear-powered intercontinental missile.

How the 9M729 missile system was developed

There are barely any technical details available about the 9M729 missile system and its development. US Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats was the first to provide technical specifications of the weapons system in late November, saying that Russia began developing the missile in the mid-2000s.

Novator had reportedly been tasked with creating a weapons system “with great similarity” to missile systems under development at the time, such as the tactical road-mobile Iskander missiles, which can carry both conventional and nuclear warheads. The ballistic Iskander missile and guided Kalibr rocket could have served as


Wuhan: Tennis trailblazer Li Na said China`s up-and-coming players needed to be allowed to have fun and express themselves, warning it will take time before the country has another major winner.

Li, speaking to AFP in her home city of Wuhan, said it was her "dream" to help develop the next generation, which is already blossoming with 12 Chinese players in the top 200.

But she remains rueful about her struggles with China`s state sports system and a sceptical media, and said it was still too early for the new players to reach the top of the sport.

"You need to give time for them to see the tour," Li said in an interview during the ongoing Wuhan Open, a tournament which was established on the back of her success.

"Because rightnow there are so many young players they are just coming out, so they need the experience to do it."

As testament to Li`s career, the second Wuhan Open boasts a new 15,000-seat stadium -- similar in capacity to Wimbledon`s Centre Court and the Australian Open`s Rod Laver Arena.

China has eight Women`s Tennis Association (WTA) events this year, a push inspired by the huge TV audiences which watched Li`s 2011 French Open and 2014 Australian Open victories.

Li, now 33, tearfully quit tennis on the eve of the inaugural Wuhan Open, but she has been feted this week as she re-emerged in the public eye after giving birth to a baby girl in June.

Fans clutching pictures of Li were out in force to watch a short public coaching session, and


she enjoyed a deafening reception when she opened the new tennis stadium on Sunday.But Li, who is also immortalised as a bronze statue in Wuhan, was not always so popular and she can now reflect on how hard she fought for success before finally breaking through late in her career.

After she opted out of China`s state-run sports system in 2008, gaining control of her coaching and sponsorship arrangements, the former badminton player found herself clashing with media as well as officials.

"Of course in the beginning I was feeling a lot of pressure and maybe one second I think maybe I cannot hold it anymore," Li admitted.

"I (had) to do it because I love (tennis). So I just followed my heart to try the best," she added.

Such difficulties areGuardiola slapped with UEFA charge following hot-tempered Champions League clash with Liverpool

The Manchester City boss was sent from the bench during the European tie after confronting officials at half time

Manchester City manager Pep Guardiola has been charged with improper conduct after he was sent to the stands by referee Antonio Mateu Lahoz during Tuesday's Champions League defeat to Liverpool, UEFA has confirmed.

City lost 2-1 at the Etihad Stadium due to second-half goals from Mohamed Salah and Roberto Firmino, which completed a 5-1 aggregate triumph for Jurgen Klopp's side.

Chasing an improbable comeback following a 3-0 reverse at Anfield last week, Guardiola named an attacking line-up and the hosts led on the night through Gabriel Jesus inside two minutes.

Wave upon wave of further attacks during the first half proved fruitless,


however, and the City boss confronted his countryman Lahoz on the field at the break over Leroy Sane having a goal ruled out for offside. Replays showed Liverpool midfielder James Milner played the ball in the Germany winger's direction.

Guardiola's UEFA rap sheet includes two breaches of the organisation's disciplinary regulations – "dismissal from the bench" and "improper conduct of the coach".

Speaking to BT Sport after the match, the City manager spoke witheringly of Mateu Lahoz's officiating.

Article continues below

"I said it [Sane's effort] was a goal. I didn't insult him, I was polite, I was correct. But Mateu Lahoz is a special guy, he likes to be different, he likes to be special," he said.

"I know what happened in Monaco last season, at 1-1, with an incredible penalty [notwith the polishing pad, the combination of the chemical slurry and the polishing pad generally provides a higher material removal rate than is possible with mere mechanical polishing. This combined chemical and mechanical, commonly referred to as “CMP”, is considered an improvement over mere mechanical polishing processes for polishing or planarizing substrates. The CMP technique is common for the manufacture of semiconductor wafers used for the fabrication of integrated circuit die.
CMP typically involves mounting a semiconductor wafer (substrate) face down on a holder and rotating the wafer against a polishing pad mounted on a platen or a belt. The platen is, in turn, rotated or in an orbital state. A slurry containing a chemical that chemically interacts with the facing wafer layer and an abrasive that physically removes


The Vagaries of Unity

In Soviet Russia, Scion plays you!

The Facility

On the ground floor of the facility the Heroes have found several lecture halls and conference rooms giving the impression that quite a big number of researchers are working here. In the locker room they found a journal from a researcher, and in other rooms they kept finding notes and letters. On the first floor they found the office of Dr. Poliakoff and a small lounge room, in which Ya Run Sí acquired the armor of Koschei the Deathless. Nearby was the room that contained the Buzzer, in there they also found a codebook to translate the message sent from it.
On the first basement floor, the Heroes found a map showing many different rooms and an elevator with a‘down’ arrow next to it. As they explored they found a letter in one of the resting rooms. It seems that a number of researchers were living down here, as there were showers and restrooms as well. Turning a corner they found a blood stain running across a hallway towards a little medical room in which a researcher had been brutally killed. Exploring further on, they found more bodies of researchers and eventually were attacked by two huge reptilian monsters in a dark big storage room full of crates. After defeating these and exploring onwards they found that some smaller monsters like these but with feathers were hiding in the ceiling above the panels. Ya Run was attacked by these and had to fend them off by himself,


you that it
was good."

It was the second straight strong outing for the righthander,
who allowed one run and four hits over eight innings in a 14-1
rout of the Cincinnati Reds on Tuesday. Prior to those two
starts, Burnett's ERA had ballooned to 5.42.

Reyes matched Burnett until the sixth, when Marco Scutaro
singled with one out and scored on Alex Rios' double. Reyes
surrendered six hits in seven frames.

"Reyes pitched great," Braves manager Bobby Cox said. "He was
ahead of the hitters. He hit his spots. He wasn't hit very hard
at all. We didn't have too many chances, a few, but we couldn't
get that one big hit."

The only time the Braves got a runner to third against Burnett
was in the seventh. He walked two in the fourth, but induced
Greg Norton to ground into aninning-ending double play.

Scott Downs worked around a hit in the eighth and B.J. Ryan
struck out two in a perfect ninth for his 16th save.

Jones made a bid to tie the game, but his drive was caught by
left fielder Brad Wilkerson against the wall for the final out.

The Braves also threatened in the eighth, but Downs got Brian
McCann to ground out to leave runners on first and second. Downs
extended his scoreless innings streak to 26, the longest current
stretch in the major leagues.

The Braves suffered their 23rd straight one-run loss on the
road, extending their major league record. They have won a
one-run game away from home since August 9 of last season
against the New York Mets.

"We're pitching awesome," McCann said. "That's the frustrating
part. Our pitching staff is giving us a chance


order to elucidate patients' perspectives on and concerns about BD management, and to elicit research questions of particular importance for them, three half‐day focus groups were conducted between October 2016 and February 2017 in Montana, New Mexico, and California. Recruitment of participants was conducted via NAMI in each state by means of social networks, emails, and phone calls. The inclusion criteria were diagnosis of BD or first‐degree relative with BD, age ≥18 years, and the ability to understand and speak English. The New Mexico and California focus groups each had one no‐show. All of the groups were conducted by the study principal investigator (CGL) and a second facilitator in the presence of a licensed mental health practitioner. In the Montana focus group, the second facilitator was an NAMI representativethe course of treatment for BD?"* Examples of the questions that could be answered from the available research data were provided. Each person could generate as many questions as he/she wanted. Once the notes had been placed on the wall, participants were asked to manually cluster them into similar categories. They were encouraged to relocate the notes as needed to cluster the questions, but not to discuss the process verbally. Next, participants were encouraged to suggest descriptive titles to name each category in a group discussion format; some of the categories were united under a common header as a super‐category. As a final step, each participant was asked to score his/her perceived top three categories by importance from 1 (minimal) to 3 (maximal) by placing a sticky note


Dr. Obenchain is a Lilly stockholder who performed BD outcomes research for Lilly before his retirement. Dr. Fawcett has received speaking fees from the American Psychiatric Association and the Nevada Psychiatric Association and serves on a data review board for Amgen, and he has received remuneration as co‐principal investigator of an NIMH‐funded study. Dr. Krall is a former employee and holds stock in GlaxoSmithKline, AstraZeneca, Abbott Labs, and Lorex Pharmaceuticals. Dr. Krall is a consultant to Takeda Pharmaceuticals and is Chairman of the Board of Pierian Biosciences. Dr. Young is a former employee of GlaxoSmithKline and Lilly.

AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS {#bdi12547-sec-0012}
====================

Study concept and design: AN, NGH, ASC, BK, MJK, ANS, EV, QLS, JLD, DJP and CGL; acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data: AN, NGH, SJN, ASC, BK, MJK, ANS, EV,It has been more than a week after the controversy that arose with the case of Amber Heard and Johnny Depp. The actor accused his ex-wife of being physically and verbally confrontational.

To corroborate this accusation, Depp submitted audios where the actress is heard acknowledging the aggressions committed against the famous actor.

This problem originated in 2016, when the couple ended their relationship after a year of marriage. The legal battle and accusations we’re initiated by Heard, which prompted Disney to dismiss Depp from the saga of Pirates of the Caribbean.

Warner Bros.

This changed after the audios were leaked by Johnny Depp, which caused fans of the actor and audience that felt cheated by Amber to create a petition on the Changer.org page requesting the dismissal of the actress from Aquaman


2.

The petition has gone from having 5,000 signatures to more than 300,000, which should pressure Warner Bros to take away the role of Princess Mera from Amber.

The mere presence of the actress in the film starring Jason Momoa, could jeopardize the box office, something that does not suit Warner, who wants to follow the success left by the first installment.

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Read more articles by: Cesar Moyageology on the Kanto plane. This disparity can be explained by the development of fracture zones spreading on both sides of the two segments. The radon concentration distribution for deep groundwater samples from the Naguri and the Tachikawa fault segments suggests that a fault exists even at the southern part of the Tachikawa fault line.


Belém River

Belém River may refer to:
 Belém River (Paraná), in Brazil
 Belém River (Rondônia), in Brazil

Category:Place name disambiguation pagesThe problem of medical officer recruitment in agricultural industry.
All developing countries have difficulty in persuading doctors to opt for service in rural areas. This problem is shared by the agricultural industries. Two factors play a major role in this: isolation and the lack of a career structure. Isolation is an unavoidable accompaniment to rural practice. It can be considered as isolation from amenities, social isolation and professional isolation. The doctor in the rural area is often deprived of all urban amenities e.g. suitable shopping facilities, entertainment, cultural amenities and suitable leisure pursuits. Most of all, perhaps, he has major difficulties in educating his children. The maintenance of friendships and family connections is made difficult. There is a lack of suitable social intercourse for himself and his wife, a


a bit, the 17-year-old has developed a relationship with Ticats Dave Stala and Kevin Glenn. On Friday, his story — and theirs — was told on the front page of The Spec’s sports section.

On Game Day, he became part of the entire team.

Just before 10 a.m. while Jake was lying in bed talking with his mom, Stala called. The CFL veteran then turned on the speakerphone in the middle of the Hamilton dressing room so the entire squad could join in on the conversation. For five minutes or so, they chatted. As it ended, the team’s biggest fan told the players to bring the win home.

“They said they’d dedicated the game to me,” Jake said. “It was so awesome.”trend of bullying in cricket, there’s plenty of room for more teams in the hearts of cricket fans. Until then, we will cheer for the Stanikzais and the Dockrells.

Hardik Kothare is a neurolinguistics researcher at the University of California, San Francisco. Hardik, a biomedical engineer (University of Southern California, Los Angeles) and an electrical engineer (VJTI, Mumbai), can usually be found with a cup of strong black coffee while rattling away at his keyboard. He firmly believes that no sound is as sweet as the sound of leather and cork on willow.


Ford-Iroquois Health Board members ousted >

Two new appointees to the Ford-Iroquois Dept of Public Health have been approved by the Iroquois County Board.

At a special meeting this morning…..the Board voted 13-2 to remove three members of the health board.And Board Chairman Rod Copas then named Lauren LukE and Michelle Fairley to serve two of the three seats for Iroquois County.

The County Board heard more details about an investigation by an Edgar County Watchdog group.Following an executive session, the votes to remove and replace were carried out.

The Ford-Iroquois Health Board had a regular meeting scheduled late this (Mon) morning in Gilman.But the meeting was postponed when it was learned the meeting had not been properly, according to the Open Meetings Act.

John Kraft, from the Edgar County Watchdog Group, questionedaway from the community.

"Let me be clear: air tankers are not going to stop this fire," Morrison said. "This fire is an extreme fire event."

The fire has torched 1,600 homes and other buildings in Fort McMurray. There have been no injuries or death from the fires. The province of Alberta declared a state of emergency.

A Mountie surveys the damage on a street in Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada in this May 4, 2016 image posted on social media. Courtesy Alberta RCMP/Handout via REUTERS

"Homes have been destroyed. Neighborhoods have gone up in flames. The footage we've seen of cars racing down highways while fire races on all sides is nothing short of terrifying," Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said in Parliament on Thursday, calling it "the largest fire evacuation in Alberta's


history."

Trudeau called on all Canadians "to support our friends and neighbors at this difficult time," saying the federal government will match individual charitable donations to the Red Cross. Opposition Conservative Rona Ambrose's voice cracked as she noted that Fort McMurray is destination for thousands of Canadian workers and that it was a tough time for Albertans.

Alberta Premier Rachel Notley said so much is dependent on the weather and rain is needed. She said she didn't know how much better the evacuation could have been when asked if ample warning was given to residents, noting that in 48 hours more than 80,000 people were evacuated from a town that essentially has two roads out of it.

Fort McMurray is surrounded by wilderness and is Canada's main oil sands town. Despitethe size of the town and its importance to the Canadian economy, there are essentially only two ways out via car. The region has the third largest reserves of oil in the world behind Saudi Arabia and Venezuela.

Aided by high winds, scorching heat and low humidity, the fire grew from 29 square miles Tuesday to 38.6 square miles on Wednesday, but by Thursday it was almost nine times that -- at 328.2 square miles.

The fire remained wrapped around the west and southern edges of the city.

"It's something like you'd see outta the movies," Eric Lavallee told CBS News correspondent Ben Tracy. "The bank was on fire when we were driving. The trailer park that was there is gone. The Super 8's gone. One of the gas stations is


gone."

About 25,000 evacuees moved north in the hours after Tuesday's evacuation, where oil sands work camps were being pressed into service to house people. But the bulk of the more than 80,000 evacuees fled south to Edmonton and elsewhere, and officials said they eventually would like to move everyone south where they have better support for the displaced.

A Canadian Joint Operations Command aerial photo shows wildfires in Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada in this image posted on Twitter May 5, 2016. CF Operations/Handout via REUTERS

Officials are now trying to fly 8,000 evacuees out of the area starting Thursday afternoon and are hoping the highway becomes safe enough to move people that way.

"Our focus right now is on getting those people south as quickly as possible," Notley said.

Government officials saidregion especially vulnerable to wildfire.

The flames are moving so fast that they are nearly impossible to fight, he said.

A wildfire worsens along Highway 63 Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada, on May 3, 2016. CBC/Reuters

"In a way, it's a perfect storm," Patzert said. "It's been warm, it's been dry and windy. It's the in-between period before you're in the full bloom of spring."

The fire is driving one of the largest evacuations in North America in recent memory, said Bill Stewart, co-director of the University of California's Center for Fire Research and Outreach at the University of California, Berkeley.

With few exceptions in the United States, an entire town hasn't been threatened on this scale for over 100 years, Stewart said, noting rather that devastation has struck neighborhoods and smaller communities in


The Illusion of Government

Gradually over the years since the Dalai Lama left his homeland, 145,000 Tibetans have moved from Tibet and made settlements in India, Nepal and Bhutan or settled further afield in exile communities throughout the world.

The Dalai Lama himself, together with many of his closest followers, eventually settled in the old British hill station of McLeod Ganj, near the small Indian town of Dharamsala in northern India.

The Tibetan town that has grown up around him there is now the principal Tibetan refugee community.

At enormous expense an administration was established in Dharamsala to maintain effective control over the widely-spread refugee population. This administration has become known as ‘The Government of Tibet in Exile’ though it has no legal status either within or outside India and is notofficially recognized by any country, least of all by India.

There is a Tibetan National Assembly of People’s Deputies (usually simply called the ‘National Assembly’), which consists of forty-six representatives. However, of these representatives only thirty are directly elected by the Tibetan people. The five major religious traditions (Gelug, Kagyu, Sakya, Nyingma and Bön) elect two representatives each, and the remaining six are direct appointees of the Dalai Lama. This in itself represents a breach of democratic principles, since only two-thirds of the delegates are directly elected by the people. The National Assembly nominally appoints the members of the Cabinet (‘Kashag’ in Tibetan), but in practice these are often directly appointed by the Dalai Lama. And for a time in the early 1980s the Dalai Lama even took it


upon himself to appoint unilaterally all delegates of the National Assembly.

Tsering Wangyal writing in the Tibetan Review in 1979 pointed out that ‘every important office-bearer in Dharamsala has to be approved by the Dalai Lama before formally taking his office.’ In the same article he continued:

‘Despite the introduction in 1963 of some of its external paraphernalia, Tibetan democracy is yet to come of age. The 199 Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies (The National Assembly), the most consciously democratic institution in the exiled Tibetan community, has at its last public appearance failed to alter its image of being an impotent body – subservient for all practical purposes to the dictates of the government (the Dalai Lama). … The experience so far has shown that the old-world values and ideasLama is maintained. This very convenient system has enabled the Dalai Lama, through the illusion of government, to destroy the reputation and activities of others, to intimidate and persecute them, and to instigate violence against them, all while maintaining a faultless public image, and knowing full well that all subsequent blame will be carried by his ‘government’.

In September 1995, an unprecedented ‘open letter’ from the Tibetan people to the Dalai Lama was given anonymously to an English woman travelling in Nepal. Called the ‘Mongoose-Canine Letter’, it revealed to Westerners for the first time another side of the Dalai Lama, one which was already an open secret within the Tibetan community. For the first time ever, the Dalai Lama and his government were publicly accused of such things as


UKIP Essex county councillor Gordon Helm dies suddenly

Gordon Helm, UKIP county councillor for Bocking, who died on December 24 2014 Archant

Tribute has been paid to an Essex county councillor and general election candidate who died on Christmas Eve.

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Gordon Helm, who represented the Bocking division for UKIP, suffered a stroke and died shortly afterwards.

He was elected to County Hall in May 2013, and had been chosen in August by UKIP to stand in the Braintree constituency in next year’s general election.

Jamie Huntman, UKIP group leader at Essex County Council, said: “Gordon worked tirelessly for his residents and UKIP. Earlier this year he received an award at the UKIP conference in recognition'derogatory'

Goldfields Burnouts organiser Daniel Andre said he had not noticed the car with the swastika.

"If I had have seen it, I would have asked them to take it off," he said.

However, the car had been approved by a scrutineer and given a safety check when entered in the competition.

After the ABC showed Mr Andre a photo of the car, he said he did not believe it was meant to be "derogatory".

Smoke from car burnouts wafts into the crowd in Kalgoorlie at Goldfields Burnouts. ( ABC Goldfields-Esperance: Rhiannon Stevens )

But an academic, who works in the area of racism, prejudice, and inter-group conflict at the University of Adelaide begged to differ.

Professor Martha Augoustinos from the University of Adelaide said the swastika was an easily identifiable political symbol.

"A swastika in


In 1996, San Francisco’s department of parking and traffic published a draft of what was to be the city’s first bicycle-specific transport plan. Almost immediately, cyclists in the city noticed something amiss: there were no bike lanes planned for Valencia Street, a popular route through the largely Latino Mission neighbourhood. Opposition to the plan grew so intense that the following year, a crackdown against pro-cycling protesters ended in a riot.

Two decades on, Valencia Street is one of San Francisco’s more desirable addresses. Luxury apartments and fashionable bare-brick cafes sit cheek by jowl with colourful political murals and tiny bodegas.

And Valencia is now a cycling hub too. Indeed, the street became the first in the city to replace car lanes with bicycle paths.

Rightly or wrongly, gentrification is often seenjobs. “Cycling to work is positively associated with the share of creative-class jobs and negatively associated with working-class jobs,” Florida wrote in 2011.

Consequently, local hostility to cycling infrastructure has often been a proxy for wider anger at gentrification. In Portland, Oregon in 2011, a proposed bike lane through a historic African American neighbourhood led to opposition from local residents. In 2013, a prominent church opposed a similar scheme in downtown Washington DC.

The gentrification of the old industrial waterfront of Red Hook, Brooklyn has divided the community. Photograph: Alamy

But this “cycling segregation” is a product of city planners prioritising the demands of real estate developers, says Samuel Stein, a graduate student at the City University of New York who has researched the city’s cycling infrastructure. Rather than build bike


immigrants who didn’t speak English,” he recalls.

Cyclists can bike all the way up to the 10th floor in the 8 House building in Copenhagen. Photograph: Martin Darley/Alamy

Stehlin says cycling and social disruption do not have to go hand in hand. In the late 1990s, long-term residents of West Street, a working-class neighbourhood in Oakland, California were concerned about speeding cars near their homes. Consequently a bike lane – one of the first in the city – was laid down. The presence of cycling infrastructure encouraged more people on West Street to cycle, but it “didn’t cause gentrification” there. The lesson? City planners need to make bike-share schemes affordable and spread cycling infrastructure more equitably across the city.

Simon Munk of the London Cycling Campaign, who lives in Waltham ForestShop Now

One of the most iconic and enduring symbols of the American West, Stetson hats were first manufactured by John B. Stetson in Philadelphia beginning in 1865. Inspired by a trip out West, Stetson designed the durable, waterproof hat — originally known as "The Boss of the Plains" — to suit the needs of Westerners with a high crown and a wide brim to protect against the elements. While the Philadelphia factory closed in 1970, the beloved western-style cowboy hats are now produced in Garland, Texas, by the company Hatco under license from Stetson for customers in North America.

Also available from: Amazon and eBay


depending upon the bus type, the initialization processing includes an initialization processing requiring a long time for updating all connections in the information processing apparatuses connected to the bus (hereinafter referred to as long bus reset). The initialization processing also includes a short time initialization processing for performing the initialization processing similar to that of the long bus reset (hereinafter referred to as short bus reset).
On the other hand, the initialization processing is performed for the new connection of the information processing apparatus, even if the reproduction processing is executed in the amplifier. In this case, there is a problem that the music information being subjected to the reproduction processing is temporarily interrupted.
The present invention has been developed to solve the aforementioned problem, and an object thereof is71846694

Credit: Getty Images

NEW YORK, NY - OCTOBER 14: People gather at Brazilian visual artist Bel Borba?s block-long installation constructed from orange street barriers and recycled materials on October 14, 2012 in New York City. The installation is the finale of Borba's month-long public art residency "DI�RIO" (atrav�s de um OLHO BAIANO) and "Universal Pulse", a short film by Bel Borba with Burt Sun and Andr� Costantini, will be screened daily in October on more than 15 jumbo screens throughout Times Square. The project is in conjunction of the release of the documentary "Bel Borba Aqui" which profiles the artist as he brings art to his hometown of Salvador, Brazil. (Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)


Forbflaith

Forbflaith (later Farbhlaidh, Forbhlaith, or Forlaith) is an Irish and Scottish Gaelic feminine given name meaning "an overlord, ruler, sovereign". It was recorded in this form in 8th-century Ireland.

The Anglicized form Ferelith has been in rare use since the late 19th century (a prominent bearer being Lady Anne Ferelith Fenella Bowes-Lyon (1917–80), later Princess Anne of Denmark, a niece of Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother).

Bearers
 Forbflaith ingin Connlai of Tethba, abbess of Clonburren, d. 775-780.
 Forbhlaith, Countess of Atholl (floruit 1247)

See also
List of Irish-language given names

References

Category:Scottish feminine given names
Category:Irish-language feminine given namesa season. I know regardless of
where I play next year, I'm going to develop and become a better
player, and that's the ultimate goal."

The Coyotes acquired Ballard and defenseman Derek Morris from
Colorado on March 9 for center Chris Gratton, defenseman Ossi Vaananen and a second-round draft choice in 2005. It was the second trade for Ballard, who was Buffalo's first-round selection (No. 11) in the 2002 entry draft.

The Coyotes, slumping so badly they fired coach Bob Francis two
weeks before the deal, were hungry for a high-scoring defenseman
like Morris. But general manager Michael Barnett said Ballard has
similar abilities on offense and was an integral part of the deal.

"Giving up a very fine young defenseman like Ossi Vaananen, we
wanted to bring one back into the organization," Barnett said.
"And we were insistent


on it being Keith Ballard. There were
other names that were presented. We're very, very pleased. Our
scouts ... were adamant that this was a player that, if we possibly
could bring him into the organization, we should do so."

In addition to his skill and talent, Ballard rates high in
intangibles such as leadership.

His teammates voted him the Gophers' MVP last season, and he was
a finalist for the Hobey Baker Memorial Award, college hockey's
Heisman equivalent.

He had 11 goals and 25 assists to average nearly a point a game
in the 37-game 2003-04 season. Ballard also tied for sixth in the
NCAA with five game-winning goals and was second on the team in
assists, third in shots (120) and first in penalty minutes (83).

Remember that nerdy-yet-lethal kid from the Tom Hanks biopic about the U.S.'s proxy fight in 80s-era Afghanistan, Charlie Wilson's War? That's Michael Vickers, a longtime Special Forces and CIA guy. Last night, President Obama quietly nominated him to one of the Pentagon's highest offices. Call it a trend: in the last few months, architects and advocates of stealth wars against terrorists have risen to the highest levels of the intelligence community.

Pending Senate confirmation, Vickers will be the next Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence. It's a powerful job, responsible for all Pentagon intelligence assets, which represent nearly 90 percent of the $75 billion intelligence budget. For the last three years, it's been two jobs in one, doubled up as the Director of National Intelligence's top man in the Pentagon.


And history suggests that wherever Mike Vickers goes, aggressive counterterrorist activity goes with him.

"He enjoys the trust and confidence of the secretary and deserves this big promotion, pending Senate confirmation, of course," says Geoff Morrell, Defense Secretary Robert Gates' spokesman. "He's obviously someone Secretary Gates has known for years and years, going back to their days at the CIA, and they've worked very closely together."

Hanks's movie (based on George Crile's book) might have taken some liberties with Vickers' character. But his background in covert action is unparalleled for a public figure. He served over a decade in Special Forces in the 1970s before joining the CIA. In the 1980s, Vickers hunted terrorists in Lebanon with a CIA "operational task force" and played a leading role for the agencyin the 1983 invasion of Grenada. That was all before he became the "principal strategist" for what he later described to Congress (PDF) as "the largest and most successful covert action program in the CIA’s history": the U.S.-supported Afghan insurgency against the Soviets. During that time, he became tight with a certain senior CIA official named Robert Gates.

When Gates took over the Pentagon in December 2006, it wasn't long before he roped Vickers in. Since mid-2007, Vickers has been Gates' deputy for overseeing the Special Operations community, a behind-the-scenes job that's become central to counterterrorism and, in Morrell's words, "an increasingly important portfolio of this department." One of Vickers' first tasks was to draw up a strategy for hunting al Qaeda's affiliates beyond Iraq and Afghanistan, something aides


jokingly called the "take-over-the-world plan." Next, he prevailed upon Gates to elevate irregular warfare to a core military function. As Vickers told Congress in 2007, "We are in a long irregular war that requires U.S. Armed Forces to increasingly adopt indirect, unconventional and clandestine approaches."

He meant what he said. An August expose in the New York Times about the U.S.' undeclared wars in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia named Vickers as an architect and noted, "the Pentagon is becoming more like the C.I.A."

And Vickers is in good company. In August, James Clapper, the previous Pentagon undersecretary, became the new Director of National Intelligence, nominally the leader of the intelligence community. Unlike his predecessor, Dennis Blair, Clapper is, as CBS News described him, "a big supporter of increased use ofdrones." A few weeks before, over at the CIA, John D. Bennett, the former head of CIA quasi-military operations – with some secret dabbling in drone activities – took charge of all CIA spying operations.

These three appointments reflect an unannounced shift that the Obama administration quietly made at the end of 2009. As a backstop to the counterinsurgency war in Afghanistan, Special Operations leaders pushed for a leading role in going after extremist and insurgent enclaves on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. "Every single night they are banging on these guys with a pace and fury that is pretty impressive," an anonymous administration official told Bob Woodward for Obama's Wars. (Even General David Petraeus, previously not a fan of body counts, has bragged about the intensity and lethality of the


Séamus Butler

Séamus Butler (born 1980 in Drom, County Tipperary) is an Irish sportsperson.  He plays hurling with his local club Drom-Inch, and is a former Tipperary senior inter-county hurler.

Early life

Seamus Butler was born near Nenagh, County Tipperary in 1980. His father, Tommy Butler, played with Tipperary in the 1970s and collected an All-Star award in 1978.  Seamus Butler was educated locally and later attended the Tipperary Institute where he collected a Ryan Cup medal in 2003.

Playing career

Club

Butler has played his club hurling with his local Drom-Inch club.  At underage levels he won a county minor medal and two county under-21 titles.  In 2005 Drom-Inch took on Thurles Sarsfields in the senior county final. In spite of losing the game Butler scored 11 points inThe end of the Bruce Invasion of Ireland, 1318

If you were to list the battles which most affected the history of the British Isles, which would you choose? If you went back to the Middle Ages, you might choose the Battle of Hastings, fought on 14 October 1066 between Duke William of Normandy and King Harold II of England. This is arguably the most iconic battle ever fought, at least on English soil.

William’s victory transformed land ownership as the Norman aristocracy largely supplanted their defeated foes. Political, religious and linguistic culture, as well as the built environment and the landscape, witnessed dramatic change, some of which can still be seen in Domesday Book, shortly to be on display at the British Library during their Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms: Art, Word,


War exhibition.

There is, however, another battle sharing its anniversary with Hastings that is less well known but that had important implications for the political, social and economic geography of our islands. Seven hundred years ago, on 14 October 1318, at Faughart near Dundalk in Ireland, men loyal to the English king from counties Louth and nearby Meath defeated an occupying Scottish army. Its leader, Edward – the only surviving brother of and heir presumptive to the Scottish king, Robert Bruce – was killed, his head sent to the English king, and his army chased from Ireland.

For the English, Faughart ensured that its predominance within the British Isles built up over the previous 250 years would be maintained, at least for now. The Scots were temporarily thwarted in theirambitions to broaden the military front to force the English to negotiate and recognise their independence and the dynastic rights of King Robert.

Landing near Larne in County Antrim on 26 May 1315, Edward Bruce and several thousand veterans had launched a well-planned, full scale Scottish invasion of Ireland, three and a half years previously. Within weeks, Edward had been crowned king of Ireland. This was a direct threat to English lordship in Ireland, part of the dominions of the English crown since the conquests of the late-12th century and expansion and settlement (of both government and lordship) of the 13th century.

But no English king had set foot in his lordship since John in 1210. The present king, Edward II, was in no place to react swiftly, following his


seismic defeat by the Scots at the Battle of Bannockburn in June 1314. This permitted the Scots to take the military initiative over the next three years and attempt, arguably, not only to conquer Ireland but to extend their ambitions to Wales, and so threaten to alter radically the balance of power in the British Isles.

For anyone wanting a detailed narrative of the invasion, there are numerous chronicle accounts and modern retellings. The record evidence is equally rich.

We are fortunate that the medieval English state was based on extremely solid recordkeeping foundations, of which The National Archives is the principal custodian. In the 13th century the Westminster model of government – Chancery (writing office), Exchequer (finance office), law courts and local administration (sheriffs, itinerant justices) – was translatedto Dublin. The Dublin government enacted the English king’s laws, dispensed his justice and collected his revenues, but largely at one remove from the king. Ireland, too, was never fully settled; there remained large areas of native Irish power outside the authority of the king, some of whom looked to Bruce for aid to shed the ‘Norman yoke’. Communities on the margins increasingly exploited or circumvented English royal power as circumstance dictated.

Communication between Westminster and Dublin created masses of records: Irish government officials had to return to Westminster, for example, findings from inquisitions into lands held by deceased royal tenants; also, at regular intervals the Irish treasurer had his accounts audited in England. The value of these processes can best be seen in the survival of receipt and


issue rolls of the Irish Exchequer (record series E 101). These are duplicate copies of those produced in Ireland, detailing monies received and spent on royal business – including raising and supplying armies – and deposited in the English Exchequer. Their survival is all the more fortunate as the overwhelming bulk of record material for medieval Ireland, formerly held at the Public Record Office of Ireland (PROI), was lost in the destruction of that building in 1922 during the Irish Civil War.

Within four months of landing, Edward Bruce had brought Ulster to heel. By the end of February 1316, he had converted early triumphs into a genuine threat to the security of the English lordship: following victory in battles at Kells in Meath in December 1315 and thenearly in the new year at Arscoll and Skerries in Kildare, Dublin itself lay vulnerable. The English royal government failed to assess the threat accurately and did not react quickly. Only in September 1315 had a special envoy, John of Hotham, a royal clerk, arrived with men, money and a mandate to reorganise the Dublin government to put it on a war footing. Ultimately, the Scots could not press their advantage due to heavy losses in battle and the scourge of famine, which now struck much of Europe following heavy rains. Nevertheless, their southwards foray posed a severe psychological threat to the capital and from there the prospect of relatively easy communication with north Wales.

Over the summer of 1316 the English king and his barons descended into bitter


personal rivalry. Meanwhile, the Scots in Ireland reached out to senior Welsh figures in the Principality, who were disaffected by the oppressive activities of English officials. In an exchange of correspondence, Edward Bruce addressed ‘all those [in Wales] desiring freedom’, stressing common bonds of kinship between the Welsh and the Scots. He offered to undertake a joint struggle, if the Welsh were to commit to him and grant him the chief lordship which their prince formerly exercised. Around Christmas that year, King Robert himself arrived in Ireland with a large army of reinforcement. Despite the perils of a winter campaign the Bruce brothers surged southwards through Ireland, terrorising the citizens of Dublin, who panicked and burned some of their suburbs in self-defence.

By March 1317, the Scots had reachedthe Shannon in southwest Ireland. There is a very strong suspicion that King Robert was aiming to assist his brother give full force to his claims over the kingship of Ireland and therefore to establish Ireland as a satellite Scottish state.

When the English government roused itself, the response was extensive and coordinated to tackle the threats to Ireland and Wales. In the last quarter of 1316, Edward II shored up his garrisons on the northern border of England, restored a former chief governor of Wales – Roger Mortimer of Chirk – to his role, and named Chirk’s nephew, Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, as his Lieutenant in Ireland. Wigmore, himself the lord of the liberty of Trim northwest of Dublin, received an enormous fee of £4,000, which proved so


difficult to raise in Ireland that he was still drawing it from the king’s wardrobe ten years later; his chief objective was to raise a force of 150 mounted men and 500 foot-soldiers and defeat and expel the Scots.

The expeditionary force landed in county Cork in early April 1317 and succeeded in pursuing the starving Scots northwards back to their Ulster base without toppling the English administration in Ireland. The lieutenant – a title only previously used for Edward’s notorious favourite Piers Gaveston in 1308 to 1309 – was able to bring the authority of personality and patronage to bear in reinforcing English lordship in Ireland. Record and chronicle evidence demonstrates that, over the next 18 months, the Dublin government used military force to cow rebels and nativeIrish leaders; however, they also negotiated hard across Ireland with warring family groups to bring them to peace, with a reasonable measure of success. Access to English law was also expanded to members of the native community who wished to enjoy it, too.

One of the most important aspects of the lieutenant’s activities was his attempt to redraw the landholding map in and around Dublin to the benefit of his own followers. Mortimer intruded English clients into manors and lands in counties Dublin and Meath in 1317 and 1318. Crucially, he also gave John de Bermingham, one of his main military advisers, a stake in county Louth closer to the border with Ulster. It was precisely these men with whom Edward Bruce clashed as he again marched southwards out


were used for the purpose of procuring books, and this appears to have stimulated the energies of the Athenian booksellers. In Rome, toward the end of the republic, it became the fashion to have a library as part of the household furniture. Roman booksellers carried on a flourishing trade. Their shops (taberna librarii) were chiefly in the Argiletum, and in the Vicus Sandalarius. On the door, or on the side posts, was a list of the books on sale; and Martial, who mentions this also, says that a copy of his First Book of Epigrams might be purchased for five denarii. In the time of Augustus the great booksellers were the Sosii. According to Justinian, a law was passed granting to the scribes the ownership of the materialand southwestern Yup'ik Eskimo clothes. Also, among the Yup'ik regional or socioterritorial groups (their native names will generally be found ending in -miut postbase which signifies "inhabitants of ..."), like those of north Alaska, were differentiated by territory, speech patterns, clothing details, annual cycles, and ceremonial life. Four basic designs are used for women's fancy parkas among the Yup'ik, with some regional variations, including one style adopted from Iñupiaq skin sewers.

Native peoples have flourished in the extreme cold of the Arctic for millennia. Arctic people living throughout the circumpolar region have time-tested their caribou (or reindeer) skin clothing ensembles for 3000 to 8000 years. During that time, their clothing has evolved, so that today they are able to live comfortably within the region, in spite of the bitter


made of local salmon or trout skins. Through rarely used today, in the past fish skin was also used for waterproof boots (amirak ~ amiraq) and mittens (arilluk) also parka (qasperrluk), making these items water-repellent and durable. Fish skin was also used to make parkas, mittens, and pants for summer use. The sinew for fish skins known as yualunguaq (fish-skin thread).

Pacific salmons Oncorhynchus (neqpik sg neqpiik dual neqpiit in Yup'ik, literally "real fish")
Dog salmon or chum salmon Oncorhynchus keta (iqalluk sg iqalluuk dual iqalluut pl [Kuskokwim, Yukon], kangitneq sg kangitnerek dual kangitneret pl [Bristol Bay] in Yup'ik, mac'utar sg mac'ut'ag dual mac'ut'at pl in Cup'ig)
Silver salmon or coho salmon Oncorhynchus kisutch (qakiiyaq sg qakiiyak dual qakiiyat pl [Bristol Bay Kuskokwim ], uqurliq  [Yukon], caayuryaq [Unaliq-Pastuliq] in Yup'ik,would have slaves carry the food out to them. Occasionally the officers slept in the house, but at other times in the woods not far from a spring. One of the slaves saw Mudd exchanging letters with the officers, and giving them clothing and socks.

Mudd's most frequent visitor was John Surratt, a slim, light-haired Confederate courier with a pale complexion, sunken eyes, and prominent forehead whom slaves remembered staying over from Saturday night through Monday evening and always being addressed by Mudd and his wife, Sarah, as "Mr. Surratt." By one slave's reckoning he came about a dozen times in the summer of 1864, when he would talk with Mudd in the privacy of an upstairs room, away from other members of the family.

Surratt had grown up in


his head to one side and walking with one shoulder higher than the other. A heavy drinker, he was frequently in bars but always backed out of trouble, even when picked upon or insulted by others spoiling for a fight. For some years he had been living with a widowed mother of four, the youngest fathered by Atzerodt.

His usefulness to the conspirators lay in his weak and malleable character and his acquired expertise in the nooks and crannies, paths and trails of Charles and neighboring counties. A loser in urban society, Atzerodt needed neither guidance nor mentor when riding off the beaten track in Maryland's lower counties. Here he was the leader whom others would have to follow to find their way out of the wild. And hespecial train would be ready to take him through to Washington.

In the nation's capital, Stanton was commanding at his administrative best, exuding drive and authority, marshaling his forces, pulling the strings, devising strategy, and creating order in a time of turmoil. Within hours he would authorize a reward of ten thousand dollars, confident that it would stoke the self-interest of police and detectives in capturing the assassin and Seward's assailant. Directives quickly went down the chain of command for armed guards to protect the Washington homes of other likely targets of assassins, including the vice president, cabinet members, the chief justice, and the quartermaster general. The military blocked roads leading into and out of the capital and Baltimore, prevented steamboats from leaving, and halted train traffic in both


behind a desk to avoid being seen should the real assailant actually appear. A door opened and, Bell noticed, "a good many men walked in." Instantly he recognized Payne. Eagerly and unafraid, he sprang from his hiding place and walked boldly up to the stranger who had slashed and bloodied five men in the Seward household. Bell put his finger on the culprit's lips and exclaimed with triumphant certainty, "I know him! He is the man!"

Weary officials were jubilant. Payne was the most wanted man after Booth. It would be a long, sleepless night for the hungry detainee, who was escorted by marine guard to the Navy Yard and at 5 AM taken by boat to board the ironclad Saugus, moored in a stream.

Though the case against Paynean awkward toll on his demeanor. Even though he tried to stick to fictitious details, his pallor betrayed his unease. Lovett thought he looked "very much excited and got as pale as a sheet of paper... and blue about the lips like a man that is frightened at something." He was evasive and reserved, far from being the forthcoming agent he had pledged to be. He claimed he first learned of the assassination at church. And he would not budge in repeating that the uninvited visitors were "entire strangers." Pressed once more to say whether he knew them, Mudd answered, "I think not." The couple stumbled early into contradictions, with the doctor declaring the two men stayed "but a short time," and Sarah stating they departed the farm


But our cause being almost lost something decisive and great must be done." Booth bristled at charges he was cowardly by shooting a man from behind. To the contrary, he pictured himself as infinitely fearless and heroic, daring to cut down a tyrant in an enclosure packed with enemies. "I struck boldly, and not as the papers say. I walked with a firm step through a thousand of his friends, was stopped, but pushed on." He corrected eyewitness accounts by insisting, "I shouted sic semper before I fired." By his own estimation, he was even more valiant for pressing on though grievously injured. And with the purity of a messianic deliverer, he viewed himself as blessed by providence to rid the country of its errant leader. "In jumpingthe latrine, unless compelled by necessity.

Although eventually the conditions were grudgingly modified for relief, the detainees' ordeal spread over six weeks. Hancock's charges suffered in cocoons of silence, the stillness broken only by the occasional crow of a cockerel, the chirping of passing birds, or guards making spot checks, delivering food, or walking them to the toilets. Weeks of deprivation in idle monotony began to affect their sanity. Though looked upon as caged wild animals, several could not even prowl the perimeters of their monastically quiet cells because of the drag of the heavy metal balls chained to their legs.

Security remained at the highest level of alert, with soldiers posted on each side of the ground floor just to watch over other sentinels on duty. Outside, a regimental


the end of June, albeit with a new cast performing at rival Grover's Theater.

On Thursday, June 29, the commissioners met in the courtroom at 10 AM. Summarily everyone was ordered out, leaving the commission members alone with the judge advocate general and his assistants. According to Kautz, his colleagues "got along very amicably but did not finish," and adjourned until 10 AM the following day.

Again they met in secret without the public or reporters and were quick to reach agreement before adjourning sine die. Though commission members had taken an oath of secrecy not to divulge the findings or sentences until promulgated, rumors spread that all eight accused had been found guilty. As Kautz and others prepared to leave Washington, he hurriedly collected autographs of Grant, Halleck, andSC.

. H.M. Brewster to N.B. Sweitzer, May 11, 1865, HP.

. Hartranft Special Orders 2, May 10, 1865, Hartranft order book, 73, HP.

24. Weeks of Deprivation and Solitude

. Washington Evening Star, May 22, 1865. Doster, Episodes of Civil War, 265.

. Washington Evening Star, May 27, 1865.

. Ibid., May 25, 1865.

. Ibid., May 15, 1865.

. Ibid., May 29, 1865.

. Marian Hooper to Mary Louisa Shaw, June 2, 1865, in Thoron, editor, Letters of Mrs. Henry Adams, 10.

. Ibid.

. Phineas Gurley to E. Darwin Brooks, May 22, 1865, Phineas Gurley Papers, LC.

. B.B. French, Journal, June 18, 1865, reel 2, BBFFP.

. Simon Newcomb to Mary Newcomb, June 3, 1865, box 8, Simon Newcomb Papers, LC.

. Simon Newcomb diary, June 3, 1865, box 1, Simon Newcomb Papers, LC.

. Washington Evening Star, May