early in 1912 at the young age of forty-five years. The official cause of death was typhoid fever, but it seems Wilbur’s spirit was dying for quite some time before his body expired. In May of 1910, the brothers, who did all their own flying from the project’s onset in 1900, went up together in their Wright Flyer for the very first time – some seven years after Orville’s first flight at Kitty Hawk. Their disciplined methodology throughout the project dictated that, should there be an accident, at least one of them should survive to carry on the work. Their flight together that day seemed their tacit acknowledgement that they had completed their life’s dream; all that remained was to form and grow a profitable company which wouldcarry on their work and insure a comfortable livelihood for the brothers and their immediate relatives.

By 1912, two years had passed since Wilbur Wright had last done what he truly loved to do: Piloting the Wright Flyer while perfecting its design. His weeks and months the past two years were spent on business trips to New York and Washington and in courtrooms defending the patent portfolio he and Orville had assembled as the backbone of their new Wright Company… for the manufacture of airplanes. In author McCullough’s account, Orville took note of Wilbur’s restless discontent with the tedium and exasperations of establishing their company, noting that after a day spent in offices dealing with business and patent matters, Wilbur would “come home white.”

Wilbur, himself, wrote of the patent


in similar circumstances made sadly different decisions when faced with the indigestion of success and the never-ending need to protect intellectual property. The two examples that follow vividly illustrate just how bad these matters of priority and intellectual property can become, especially for the most-principled of participants.

Edwin Howard Armstrong: Radio’s Greatest Inventor/Engineer and Tragic Victim of His Own Success and the Patent System

For radio and electrical engineers who know the history, Edwin Howard Armstrong is the tragic hero of early “wireless” and a victim of the radio empire which he helped to create. Howard Armstrong was the quintessential radio engineer’s engineer – bright, motivated, creative…and stubbornly persistent. He exuded personal integrity. The very qualities which made him the greatest inventor/engineer in the history of radio, led to hisdownfall and suicide in 1954. Howard Armstrong surfaced in 1912 as a senior electrical engineering major at Columbia University with an obsessive interest in the infant science of “wireless” radio. He was a fine student with a probing, independent mind that suffered no fools. In 1912, while living at home in nearby Yonkers, New York, and commuting daily to Columbia on an Indian-brand motorcycle, he invented a way to greatly increase signal amplification using a single De Forest Audion vacuum tube by feeding part of the tube’s marginally amplified output back to the input of the device where it was amplified over and over again. This technique is now known in the trade as “regeneration,” or positive feedback. Along the way, young Armstrong had made great strides in


the regenerative receiving circuit – one of the foundations of early wireless radio and a gateway to efficient tube-based radio transmitters, as well.Armstrong’s historic, handwritten chronological account of inventing the regenerative circuit – page one of six; likely written around 1920 to serve as evidence in the litigation with De Forest over Armstrong’s regeneration patent. Note the Sept. 22, 1912 date of his triumph (near the bottom).

In 1914, Lee De Forest stepped forward to challenge Armstrong in court over Armstrong’s patent, claiming that he, De Forest, was the legitimate inventor of regeneration. The litigation in the court system over regeneration went back and forth, lasting twenty years and finally ending up in the United States Supreme Court. Shockingly, De Forest was handed the final decision by the court,but the substantial body of radio engineers across the nation in 1934, who were well aware of the “radio art” and its history, were not buying De Forest’s claim. They fully supported Armstrong as the legitimate inventor – the same view held today. The twenty-year patent litigation battle over regeneration was the longest in U.S. patent court history. Unfortunately, that was only the beginning of Armstrong’s troubles with the patent courts and those who would take advantage of his work.

The Tragedy of Edwin Howard Armstrong

Howard Armstrong was one of the last, great, lone-inventor/engineers. He was long affiliated with his alma-mater, Columbia University, and had extensive business/patent dealings with giant corporations, such as RCA and Philco, which drew their life-blood from his inventions and the industry which he helped


to create. By licensing his many important patents to these corporations, Armstrong became a very wealthy man. At one time, he was the largest stockholder in the giant RCA Corporation. Despite such wide-spread affiliations, he was, by temperament, an independent thinker in the lone-inventor mold. As radio entered the late nineteen thirties, men-of-action like Armstrong were becoming obsolete, increasingly overrun by corporate bureaucracies and their in-house armies of engineers. Radio was now out of the hands of the lone-inventor, becoming the exclusive domain of the moneyed corporations with influence at the FCC (Federal Communications Commission) in Washington. Armstrong increasingly found himself defending his legitimate patent rights against large corporations which were treading on those rights, battling their great financial resources and their legions of corporate lawyers. As hecontinued to lose rightful patent royalties to corporate violations of his patents, he stubbornly fought back fueled by his personal principles of fair play, all the while dissipating his once-great financial security to fund the necessary lawyer’s fees. Armstrong was a man of principled integrity; he could have capitulated, retreated, retired comfortably, and lived out his life, but he chose to fight.

Ultimately, those ceaseless legal battles wore him down, bankrupted him, and destroyed his long marriage. On May 5, 1954, he stepped from his New York apartment window to his death thirteen stories below. In an ironic sense, he fell victim to the industry and the changing times he helped to create. He also was victimized by the very qualities which made him great: Intellectual independence, principled integrity,


template for future large-scale engineering and manufacturing processes.

There are few stories more engaging than that of these two brothers who turned the world on its ear through their vision, ingenuity, and stark determination. Imagine: Two brothers in the business of manufacturing and selling bicycles from their tiny shop in Dayton, Ohio, taking upon themselves the immense task of building a flying machine by studying and observing birds in order to decipher their DNA encoded secrets of flight. Wilbur and Orville had no fancy college education to enable them. It was their curiosity and sense of wonder, coupled with their practical, can-do attitude, that powered them to success in the venture.

Their father, Bishop Wright, was a religious man – a traveling pastor whose personal example instilled in the brothersaccurately illustrates the adage that talent attracts talent. It is quite incredible and so fitting that the brothers produced, as icing on the cake, their own power-plant for the world’s first true flying machine.

The brothers continued their pioneering work on flight in the years which followed Kitty Hawk, keeping much of it under wraps for fear of those who would steal from them, their patentable ideas. Indeed, in France they believed that they, the French, were leading the charge in aviation – that is, until Wilbur traveled to France in 1908 and took the wraps off the brothers’ latest refinements with a tour-de-force series of demonstration flights by Wilbur in the latest “Wright Flyer.” The French were stunned and found themselves quickly relegated to a back seat in


his thorough research which figures so prominently in highlighting the personal characteristics of these men, characteristics which enabled their great success. The world has been and continues to be changed forever by the likes of them.

Remarkably, they achieved this great success without any outside funding for their efforts – unlike some other competitors who failed, despite government funding. True to their independent nature, the brothers paid their own way – entirely. Later, the government in Washington predictably became very interested in their flying machine… for military purposes.

I found fascinating, McCullough’s vignette on Amos I. Root, an enterprising beekeeper from upstate Ohio and one of the very few people who took any notice of the Wright’s extensive test flying at Huffman Prairie, near Dayton, in the spring of 1904.It was over that expansive prairie that the brothers perfected their flyer and honed their flying skills. This went on for months, to the complete oblivion of virtually everyone in the region including the local Dayton newspapers. Proud owner of a new Oldsmobile automobile, Root would motor down to Dayton to watch the brothers fly, earning their friendship and confidence, in the process. It was months before the population and the local papers finally latched on to the importance of what was visibly happening right under their distracted noses. In contrast to the public at large, Mr. Root possessed intellectual curiosity and sufficient wisdom to be able to discern history in the making.

And finally, much like the brave, intrepid test pilots like Chuck Yeager at the Edwards Air


you for sharing that story.

I retired from my thirty-seven year career in electrical engineering twelve years ago, at the age of sixty-one. Over many years, prior to retirement, I had become fascinated with science, especially physics and its history from the sixteenth to the early twentieth century. I began assembling a reference library, a collection of books which could enlighten and explain while also providing historical context.

Working, here, in Silicon Valley, California, for most of my career, I was a part of this culture which is almost exclusively focused on present, unfolding technology and visions of the “next big thing.” There is not much time spent on retrospection in this valley. My side-interests in pure science and its historical development gave me a different perspective from that ofmost of my engineering colleagues. After years of reading and researching the history of science, a story materialized in my mind which I felt was important to share.

I had read a lot about four men in particular: Johannes Kepler, Galileo Galilei, Isaac Newton, and Albert Einstein. They are the brightest of stars in the vast firmament of science, and I came to appreciate that they each earned their greatest fame through their work on the physics of motion. For example, Kepler was one of the first to support the heliocentric (sun-centered) solar system proposed by Nicholas Copernicus in 1543. He proceeded to determine the planetary motions around the sun to be elliptical in shape and not the perfect, “divine” circles espoused by Copernicus and his many predecessors. Galileo


Careers

LRIG Mid Atlantic photos on left and top right are courtesy of Gary Chrebet of Insight Images LLC.

Member Profile: David Pechter

A fascination for all aspects of science and a life-long practice of surveying the work landscape for new opportunities have served David Pechter well throughout his 30-plus-year-career. He quickly adapts his skills set to suit the prospect.

Engineering a Career

It was a shaky career launch says Pechter, MSME, a senior principal engineer at Merck Research Laboratories, NJ. After graduation in 1980, he showed up for the first day on his first job at a small wind energy company in Berkeley, CA. The plant was closed.

"I knocked on the door, and the owner, who lived over the factory, poked his head out of the window. ‘Oh, I forgot to callyou,' he says. Uh-oh," Pechter relates. "He came down and explained to me that he was in a labor dispute, and all hiring was frozen until the labor dispute was resolved. Long story short, I was out of job."

He observes that it is hard to pick an area and make that your career while still a student and even in the early years of work. "You can't control events, just how you react to them," Pechter says. "With that in mind, I would recommend continuously developing your skill set and taking a shot at whatever opportunities come your way."

As a high school student, all aspects of science fascinated Pechter, who came from an encouraging, yet surprisingly non-science oriented family. His goal when planning for college was to keep


than in the days of faxes and blueprints. This also can tend to separate the engineers from the scientists.

"Clearly, today's scientists have very technically sophisticated tools in their hands," Pechter says. "Approaching the issue from another vantage point, that sophistication may mean that the challenges facing engineers developing next-generation mass-specs, liquid handlers, PCR readers and so on have become somewhat abstracted from the issues of laboratory science."

While he doesn't think this trend is good or bad, he does think that the product managers and application scientists at those product companies need to keep the big picture in mind and bring new requirements back to engineering to guide further development. "It may be that, besides the changes in the pharmaceutical industry and outsourcing, technical maturity itself has resulted in(NJ) High School, Pechter continues to mentor students there through For Inspiration and Recognition of Science and Technology (FIRST), a nonprofit organization that inspires young people's interest and participation in science and technology. Ewing's FIRST club established a combined robotics team between Ewing High School and the Marie Katzenbach School for the Deaf. Pechter has served as a technology mentor for FIRST for five years, showing kids the basics of engineering, beginning with design.

"Kids don't understand that you have to design things to make them," he says. "They understand putting something together, but they didn't understand design. By seeing it done and being involved, each student takes on what they can," he says.

Pechter logs numerous hours during the seasons, which run from January through April, as well as


In a rare public appearance amid the ongoing US surveillance controversy, the director of the National Security Agency is scheduled to speak to a conference of hackers in Las Vegas later this month.

Army General Keith Alexander, the director of the NSA and the leader of the US Cyber Command, is slated to give a keynote presentation at Black Hat, a convention that bills itself as bringing together "all facets of the infosec [information security] world – from the corporate and government sectors to academic and even underground researchers."

The conference's representatives say Alexander is due to speak at 9am on July 31.

Alexander has been confirmed to address Black Hat since mid-May, before the Guardian and the Washington Post, relying on leaks from ex-NSA contractor Edward Snowden, revealed widespread NSAsurveillance on Americans' phone records and the online habits of persons the NSA believes to be non-Americans living outside the US.

"We are honored to have General Alexander join us this year at Black Hat in Las Vegas for the first time. We couldn't have asked for a better time to welcome him," said Black Hat general manager Trey Ford.

"The security and intelligence communities have common interest in protecting international critical infrastructure and the internet at large. We both have an acute interest in defining and defending privacy."

As befits one of the US's spymasters, Alexander rarely speaks publicly, and his public appearances beyond the Beltway are rarer still. The last time Alexander did so, he sparked a controversy that got his nominal boss, director of National Intelligence James Clapper,


partnership then existing between Ream and Dyer as the sole partners.
10. The taking of the assignment and possession of the contract and paying new value therefor by plaintiff, Thorp, were in the ordinary course of its business.
11. By virtue of said assignment, Thorp was granted and took a security interest in the tractor.
12. To perfect its security interest, Thorp filed UCC-1 Financing Statements with the Recorder of Morgan County, Indiana, and with the Indiana Secretary of State.
13. Dyer did not take immediate delivery and possession of the tractor. Instead he left it at Martinsville Equipment to have service performed so that the tractor would meet his specific needs.
14. Martinsville Equipment did not complete the service, and the tractor remained on the premises of Martinsville Equipment. Dyer, nevertheless, possessedrights to the tractor as evidenced by the installment sales contract and Dyer's directives that certain changes be made to the tractor.
15. The tractor remained on Martinsville Equipment Company's unsold inventory list. No reference was made in the books and records of Martinsville Equipment of any sale to Dyer, no sales ticket was issued, and no entry was made in the sales and receipt ledger.
16. On or about October 18, 1979, Massey-Ferguson terminated the dealership of Martinsville Equipment and, incident to such termination, repossessed from the premises of the dealer the tractor together *485 with all other items of equipment which were held as unsold items of equipment by the dealer pursuant to the floor plan arrangement between it and Massey-Ferguson.
17. On or about December 21, 1979, Dyer


issued his check in the amount of $29,108.30 payable to Thorp which represented the first annual installment due under the retail contract of $14,815.00, the balance of such check representing payment of the first annual installment due on a Sperry-New Holland Combine which was also the subject of a retail contract by Dyer with Martinsville Equipment financed by and assigned to Thorp.
18. Dyer thereafter defaulted on his obligations under the contract, failing to remit installment payments as due.
19. In or about August of 1980, Thorp obtained an order of the Morgan County, Indiana, Circuit Court in Cause No. C80-C-279, a replevin action brought by it against Dyer, ruling that, as between Thorp and Dyer, Thorp was entitled to possession of the tractor.
20. At the time of the executionFIGS. 3a and 3b. In this Specification, such an escaping (light) at the first chance is called xe2x80x9cdirect escaping (light)xe2x80x9d
Needless to say, such direct escaping occurs generally corresponding to positions of the micro-reflectors 20. On the other hand, an efficient emission can not be expected in a blank region (a flat region on the flat back face 14) without micro-reflectors 20 among the micro-reflectors. As a result, a fine unevenness in brightness appears on the emission face.
In the instant Specification, the term xe2x80x9cindirect escapingxe2x80x9d or xe2x80x9cindirect escaping lightxe2x80x9d means a phenomena or escaping light which occurs or generates at second or later chances after being inner-reflected by the emission face. Simply saying, if the direct escaping light is produced to much as compared with the indirect escaping light,


direction-conversion of light. Each of the micro-reflectors includes a guiding portion and a conversion output portion provided with a ridge portion and a pair of first and second reflection surfaces formed on both sides of the ridge portion respectively.
The ridge portion and the first and second reflection surfaces form a valley in the micro-reflector, the valley being configurated as to tend to get narrower and shallower as being distant from the guiding portion.
Through this, an inner input light reaching the valley via the guiding portion is reflected by one of the first and second reflection surfaces and is further reflected by the other of the first and second reflection surfaces as to produce an inner output light directed to the emission face.
On the other hand, the emission facePhytochemical induction by herbivores could affect quality of essential oils from aromatic plants.
Plant tissues may show chemical changes following herbivory. In aromatic plants such changes could affect the specific compounds on which commercial exploitation is based. This possibility was analyzed for Mintosthachys mollis, a member of the Lamiaceae native to Central Argentina with medicinal and aromatic uses in the region, and two types of insect herbivores: a leaf miner and a gall insect. Analysis of the essential oils of mined/undamaged leaves, as well as leaves from stems with and without galls, revealed changes in concentrations of the two main monoterpenes. A decrease in pulegone concentration was associated with both types of insect damage, whereas menthone increased significantly only in mined leaves. Inducible chemical changes in aromatic and medicinal


care business out of a mobile
home which was destroyed by fire on August 4, 1989.  Robert Lee, a professional fire fighter,
testified that his "outfit" responded to a call at 2:30 a.m. on the date in question to find a mobile
home on Caldwell County Road 191 "fully involved" in fire.  Upon arrival at the scene, Lee
observed sparks coming from an electric line leading to the house.  Lee saw two people standing
in the street, but was unable to identify them.  Lee stated an electrical short "could cause a fire."
	Ed Stamnitz, an investigator with the State Fire Marshall's office, testified that his
investigation revealed a "pour pattern" burn on the floor of the mobile home that was not natural
to a regular fire.  Stamnitz collected two debris samples,one of which was determined to contain
a medium range petroleum distillate substance such as a "lighting fluid product."  Stamnitz
concluded that the fire was deliberately set and the source of the accelerant was found in debris
samples examined in the D.P.S. crime lab in Austin.  Douglas testified that there were two coal
oil lamps used in the mobile home; however, Stamnitz stated that he was unable to find any
evidence of coal oil lamps nor was he able to find any coal oil in the samples.  Stamnitz related
that his investigation excluded any accidental causes.
	It is undisputed that there is no direct evidence which places appellants at the fire
scene immediately prior to, during, or immediately after the fire.  Appellants testified that they
were on a camping trip north of Dallas


at Lake Lavon and East Fork Camp on the night of the
fire.  A "user permit" shown to be issued by the Army Corps of Engineers reflects that a camping
permit was issued to Douglas for the East Fork area of the Lavon project on August 2, 1989, with
a stated departure date of August 7, 1989.  Appellants testified that they were at Delana Teems'
house in the White Rock area of Dallas earlier that evening.  Teems, however, did not testify.
The State offered evidence that it would have been possible for appellants to leave Teems' home
at the stated time and reach the mobile home before the fire began.
	Applicable to the instant cause, a person commits the offense of arson if he starts
a fire with intent to destroy orhe frequently slept in the trailer house
because it was air conditioned and the structure that burned was not.  The evidence regarding the
incendiary nature of the fire was highly controverted, both the State and the defendant having
offered the testimony of expert witnesses.  The defendant explained that he had used gasoline in
refinishing the furniture, and that it was stored on the front porch.  The defendant had made no
threat to start a fire nor had there been any suspicious circumstances such as showing an increase
in insurance coverage.  The Baugh court held that the State did not negate every reasonable
hypothesis as to the cause of the fire, stating that the evidence circumstantially supported the
inference that the fire started as the result of an accident rather than arson.


care business was insolvent and no
longer in operation.  Tracey Krause, a former employee, testified that Douglas stated in July 1989
that, "he might as well burn it and take the money and go."  Krause related that the business was
in bad financial condition before she was fired.  While it was shown that Krause was not on
friendly terms with appellants, the jury, as the fact finder, was in a position to determine the
weight to be given her testimony.  Both appellants stood to improve their financial condition as
the result of the fire.  While Douglas made no claim against the insurance company, his chance
of collecting any portion of the money Barrett owed him would be greatly enhanced by Barrett's
collection of insurance following a fire.  Eight months priormobile home.  Other items of personal property were
taken from the mobile home and placed in the barn, including a trunk owned by Douglas that
contained his personal property.  During the investigation of the fire a television was found on
top of the trunk with no dust or debris on it.  Appellants related that items were placed in the barn
because it was a safer location.  However, Barrett claimed that he had left nine hundred dollars
in an antique organ in the mobile home.  No evidence of the existence of an antique organ was
found by investigators following the fire.
	Appellants were notified of the fire the following morning between nine and ten
o'clock.  Unlike the defendants in O'Keefe who returned home immediately after learning of the
fire, the appellants remained


following question of law to the Supreme Court of Florida for instructions concerning said question of law, based on the facts recited herein, pursuant to Sec. 25.031, Florida Statutes, 1959 F.S.A., and Rule 4.61, Florida Appellate Rules, 32 F.S.A., as follows:

6
(1) Style of the Case

7
The style of the case in which this certificate is made is Abner Wynn Gordon, appellant, versus Deere & Company, a Delaware corporation, John Deere Company of Baltimore, a Maryland corporation, and John Deere Company of St. Louis, a Missouri corporation, appellees, case No. S71-1824, United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, such case being an appeal from the United States District Court for the Northern District of Florida, 320 F. Supp. 293.

8
(2) Statement of the Facts

9
The original complaint alleges that onor about July 19, 1965, Abner Wynn Gordon was injured by a tractor and pan, commonly called a scraper unit, which unit was defective in that it was not equipped with proper safety devices.  The unit was manufactured by Deere & Company, a Delaware corporation, at Moline, Illinois, and shipped to Shelton-Witt Equipment Corporation, Lynchburg, Virginia, by order of John Deere Company of Baltimore, a Maryland corporation, a subsidiary of Deere & Company and a distributor of Deere products.

10
Shelton-Witt, a retail John Deere dealer, subsequently sold the unit to Wiley N. Jackson Company of Roanoke, Virginia, such sale taking place in Virginia.  Jackson later transported the unit to Escambia County, Florida, where it was in use by employees of that company on the date of the


accident.

11
Neither Deere & Company nor John Deere of Baltimore is qualified to do business in Florida.  Prior to July, 1967, John Deere Company of St. Louis, a Missouri corporation and a subsidiary of Deere & Company, was the distributor of all Deere products in Florida.  Since July, 1967, it has distributed Deere industrial products at wholesale to retail dealers in Florida and John Deere of Baltimore has similarly distributed Deere industrial products in Florida.  Thus, at the time of the accident, John Deere of Baltimore was not distributing any products in Florida, nor was it doing any business in Florida.  None of the defendants had any connection with Wiley N. Jackson Company, and after the sale to Jackson none had any control over theunit or its subsequent transportation and use.

12
The original complaint named The John Deere Company and John Deere Company of St. Louis as defendants.  Service of process was made on John Deere of St. Louis by serving a statutory resident agent in Jacksonville, plaintiff being under the impression at that time that John Deere of St. Louis was the distributor of the scraper in question.

13
The is no entity known as The John Deere Company.  References in the style of the case to The John Deere Company are merely pro forma copying of the original style of the case.  The John Deere Company is not a party and does not exist.

14
When it was discovered that the scraper had been manufactured by Deere & Company and distributed to


a retail dealer in Virginia by John Deere of Baltimore, substituted service was attempted on Deere & Company and John Deere of Baltimore under Florida Statutes, Section 48.161 and 48.181, F.S.A., Florida's "long-arm" statutes.

15
Deere & Company and John Deere of Baltimore moved to dismiss the amended complaints or in lieu thereof to quash the return of summons on the grounds that process under Sections 48.161 and 48.181 on the ground that the cause of action did not arise out of any transaction or Deere & Company and John Deere of Baltimore are not subject to service of operation connected with or incidental to any business or business venture of Deere & Company or John Deere of Baltimore in Florida.2

16
In its order of December 8, 1970, the United StatesDistrict Court for the Northern District of Florida granted the motion of Deere & Company and John Deere Company of Baltimore to quash service of process, which had been attempted under the Florida long-arm statutes, F.S.A., Secs. 48.161 and 48.181, but denied the motion to dismiss the action without prejudice to defendants' right to move for dismissal if effective service of process were not obtained within thirty days.

17
Plaintiff then attempted service on defendants by serving the Secretary of State under F.S.A., Sec. 48.182, a statute passed after the accrual of the cause of action and after this suit had been commenced and the service under the prior statutes had been attempted.

18
In its orders of March 9, 1971, and March 21, 1971, the United States District Court dismissed the


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Claire has worked in the pensions arena for the whole of her career which has ranged from a financial adviser dealing with pension transfers to helping advisers deal with the complexities of Sipps and SSAS in a post simplification environment. She joined Technical Connection in November 2016. Her role there continues to build on her ability to communicate clearly with various audiences using a wide array of media.

In this video, Technical Connection head of pensions strategy Claire Trott looks at what financial planners need to consider when it comes to block transfers, also known as 'buddy transfers'.

Block transfers are where two or more people are transferring from one registered pension scheme to another. They come into play where there are members with a protected pension age orpremises
at 110 Nueva (the "Leased Premises") from  George Stumberg ("Stumberg").  ENOA then subleased
the Leased Premises to various sub-tenants, including Rogers.
	In April of 2000, Stumberg gave ENOA notice of its intent to terminate the lease effective
June 30, 2000.  Notice also was sent to Rogers.
	After the notice was received, the members of ENOA met and decided to disband ENOA
effective May 31, 2000, and to form LORA.  Rogers declined the invitation to join LORA.  ENOA
and LORA were joint ventures formed for the purpose of renting the Leased Premises.  ENOA
assigned its rights and obligations to LORA.
	Rogers failed to pay LORA the rental owed for June.  On June 16, 2000, LORA's attorney
sent Rogers a letter, demanding that he vacate the Leased Premises by midnight June


30, 2000.  On
July 1, 2000, LORA's attorney notified Rogers that if he failed to vacate the Leased Premises by July
4, 2000, LORA would file a suit for forcible detainer.
	On July 5, 2000, LORA filed its forcible detainer suit, which was set for hearing on July 14,
2000.  On July 14, 2000, the justice court entered a judgment awarding LORA possession.  Rogers
appealed the justice court's decision to county court.  Before the county court's hearing on August
11, 2000, Rogers vacated the Leased Premises.  The county court entered judgment awarding LORA
attorneys' fees, and Rogers appealed to this court.
Jurisdiction
	Section 24.007 of the Texas Property Code prohibits an appeal on the issue of possession
from a final judgment of a county court in an eviction suit unless the premises areLORA dated May 17, 2000.  The assignment states that ENOA disbanded effective May
31, 2000.  The assignment assigns all of ENOA's rights and responsibilities under the lease of the
Leased Premises to LORA.  The trial court could reasonably infer that the assignment included
ENOA's rights as sub-landlord as well as tenant under the lease.  Accordingly, the evidence was
sufficient to support the trial court's finding that LORA was Rogers's landlord on June 16, 2000.
Rogers's first two issues are overruled.
Attorneys' Fees
	In his third and fourth issues, Rogers contends that LORA is not entitled to recover attorneys'
fees because: (1) Rogers vacated the Leased Premises prior to the county court's hearing; and (2) the
county court refused to hear evidence regarding LORA's right to possession, which was an essential
element to LORA's right


the issue of possession.  We disagree.  The justice court entered a
judgment of possession in favor of LORA.  The county court held that the issue of possession was
moot because Rogers surrendered the premises.  Because the county court did not reach the issue of
possession, the only judgment addressing the issue of possession is the justice court's judgment in
favor of LORA.  Therefore, LORA did prevail on its claim.  Rogers's third and fourth issues are
overruled.
Conclusion
	The county court's judgment is affirmed.
							PHIL HARDBERGER,
							CHIEF JUSTICE
DO NOT PUBLISH

TFT, a reference numeral 13 denotes a gate insulating film included in the TFT, a reference numeral 14 denotes a source/drain region included in the TFT, a reference number 15 is a channel formation region included in the TFT, a reference numeral 17 denotes a wiring, a reference numeral 31 denotes a protection film, a reference numeral 32 denotes an adhesive layer, and a reference number 33 denotes a second substrate, which will be described in detail in Embodiment 1.
Since the stacked structures 123 are formed over the first substrate 11 on which the TFTs are formed through the interlayer insulating layer 16, in the case of an organic EL display device of a so-called bottom surface emitting type in which emitted light generated at the stacked structures


Schultze Gets the Blues

Starring Horst Krause. In English and German with English subtitles. Rated PG. Opens Friday, April 22, at the Granville 7

A fat, middle-aged Bavarian accordion wizard named Schultze (Horst Krause), as you might have guessed, wins a contest and gets a free trip to a music festival in Texas. No biggie there, as Schultze's father and grandfather before him could always be counted on to win the annual event, now celebrating its 50th anniversary. However, the confluence of forced retirement and a sudden discovery of alternative radio have confronted him with other forms of squeezebox playing. His newfound love of zydeco freaks him out at first and alienates him from his oompah colleagues, although they are intrigued by the lifelong bachelor's new interest in Cajun cooking.

Thedon’t include the officers names or many other details of serious misconduct.

In the urinal licking case, four officers were initially under investigation after they were reported to commanders by another officer. The case was later turned over to the FBI.

Two of the officers, John Rabago and Reginald Ramones, pleaded guilty in Circuit Court last year. Ramones pleaded guilty for failing to report the incident, and could face up to three years in prison.

Rabago, the officer accused of forcing the man to lick the urinal, pleaded guilty in December and could face up to 10 years in prison.

Last week, Samuel Ingall, the man forced to lick the urinal, sued Rabago, HPD and the City and County of Honolulu for violating his civil rights.

Suspensions And Leniency

One HPD officer was suspended


1. Field of the Invention
The present invention relates to an apparatus for driving a variable reluctance motor
2. Description of the Related Art
A variable reluctance motor, which includes a stator having a plurality of salient poles around which exciting coils are wound and a rotor having a plurality of salient poles, is so arranged as to rotate the rotor by means of magnetic attraction forces produced by the salient poles of excited stators, rotor salient poles concerned being attracted by the forces toward these stator salient poles. A rotary torque applied to the rotor acts in the direction to decrease the reluctance between the stator salient poles and the rotor salient poles regardless of the direction of electric currents flowing through the exciting coils. Thus, the acting direction ofSaturday, July 29, 2017

Man said missing from downstate likely in Northern Michigan

LEELANAU COUNTY, Mich. (WPBN/WTOM) On Saturday July 22, The Michigan State Police along with the Leelanau County Sheriff’s workplace recovered the car of a missing individual from Wyandotte, Michigan.
The vehicle was determined near the intersection of S. Schomberg Rd. and E. Hohnke Rd. in Solon Twp. of Leelanau Co. The lacking individual was recognized as Christopher William Valentine (12/16/1976), who was last noticed on July 14, 2017 in Wyandotte.
The vehicle was first located by the land owner roughly a week prior to reporting it to police. Valentine is believed to be in the area of Cedar, MI. All makes an attempt to discover Valentine have failed and the Michigan State Police is now asking for the public’s


In the near future, breathable air is nonexistent. Virtually all of humanity has disappeared, and those chosen to reestablish society reside in a controlled state of suspended animation. Two engineers tasked with guarding the last hope for mankind struggle to preserve their own sanity and lives while administering to the vital task at hand. Starring Norman Reedus and two-time Oscar® nominee Djimon Hounsou (Best Supporting Actor, Blood Diamond, 2006 and In America, 2003).

In the near future, breathable air is nonexistent. Virtually all of humanity has disappeared, and those chosen to reestablish society reside in a controlled state of suspended animation. Two engineers tasked with guarding the last hope for mankind struggle to preserve their own sanity and lives while administering to the vital task at hand. Starring NormanStamford house torn down after 5 die in fire

A Stamford house where five people died in a Christmas morning fire has been torn down.

Officials ordered the $1.7 million home torn down for safety reasons.

The fire broke out yesterday morning at Madonna Badger's home on Shipman Avenue while she, a male acquaintance, her three children and her parents were inside.

Police say Badger's three daughters, a 10-year-old and 7-year-old twins, and her parents, died in the fire.

Badger and her male acquaintance both escaped the flames.

Officials say that Badger has been released from the hospital after sustaining injuries from the fire.Authorities tell News 12 Connecticut that results of the investigation into the fire will be released tomorrow afternoon.

5 killed in Christmas morning house fireVIDEO: Press conference on the Christmas Day fire


wave propagation. One prior art football locating system using radio frequency waves is disclosed in U.S. Pat. No. 4,675,816 issued to Brandon, et al. That patent discloses a ball locator system in which a gaming official positions a radio transmitter at the football's location and then energizes the transmitter to send a radio signal to a series of rotating antennas positioned at predetermined locations relative to the playing field. The antennas "home" in on the transmitted signal and through the use of triangulation principles, the position of the football is determined relative to the playing field.
The above described radio frequency ball locator, as well as other radio frequency ball 1ocators, suffer from a number of limitations and drawbacks. Because of the relatively small area of the playing fieldelectrolyte held becomes large, and this causes a large drift of the electrode sensitivity and a short lifetime for the electrode. Thirdly, since the cathode surface has a large round area, the distances to the anode and hence the exchange of the electrolytes are not equal in the central part and in the peripheral part. Therefore, the overall current of the cathode reaction does not precisely respond to the change in the partial oxygen pressure. Fourthly, since the large working surface of the cathode consumes a large amount of oxygen, the oxygen flux in the skin tissue becomes large. This causes the skin to disturb the flow of oxygen, and hence the partial oxygen pressure is measured as a smaller value than in actually is, in the other


with pool, foosball, Ping Pong, arcade games, and video games. All student facilities and events are free for all students. Community members can also buy memberships or day passes to the fitness center.

Satellite campus

In July 1992 the Niles Campus opened with a new 25,000-square-foot (2,300 m) facility, located just outside the city limits of Niles, Michigan. In 1999 a 22,000-square-foot (2,000 m) addition was completed which came close to doubling the size of the Niles Campus. In 2001 a 14,000-square-foot (1,300 m) Michigan Technology Center was add to the Niles Campus. This building is known as the Harry T. Gast Building, named for the former Michigan state senator. Renovations began on the main building at the Niles Campus in 2013, and continued improvements are planned.

Accreditations

Southwestern Michigan College isaccredited by The Higher Learning Commission of North Central Association of Colleges and Schools. Southwestern Michigan College is also a member of the American Association of Community Colleges.

On-campus student housing

SMC Housing offers apartment style living with full kitchens and private, lockable bedrooms. These fully furnished four bedroom apartments have two bathrooms. SMC housing covers all utilities including wired and wireless internet, air conditioning, electricity, and water.

In fall 2009, Southwestern Michigan College opened their first residential housing facility on campus with a 130-bed student housing unit. On August 16, 2009 the student housing was dedicated and named in Honor of Keith H. McKenzie. Southwestern Michigan College's second housing unit, East Hall, on the College's Dowagiac campus opened for the fall 2010 semester.

Due to continuing high demand, SMC built their


third housing facility which opened to students in 2013. Originally named South Hall, the building became William M. White Hall on August 19, 2013; East Hall was renamed Thomas F. Jerdon Hall on this date as well.

Board of Trustees

Southwestern Michigan College is governed by a 7 member locally-elected Board of Trustees.President of Welsh Tribunals

The President of Welsh Tribunals () is a senior judge in the United Kingdom who presides over the Welsh tribunal system. The position was established by the Wales Act 2017 and is the first senior judicial role relating solely to Wales.  The President of the Welsh Tribunals is not a devolved subject matter, however the Welsh Assembly may create additional Welsh tribunals.

The President of Welsh Tribunals is appointed by the Lord Chief Justice after consultation with the Welsh Ministers and Lord Chancellor, if no agreement is met then the recruitment may be referred to the Judicial Appointments Commission. The President of the Welsh Tribunals must satisfy the judicial-appointment eligibility condition on a seven-year basis. The President must have regard to the need


also leaning towards hawkishness, which was a view shared by a majority of watchers.

Japanese brokerage Nomura also called the minutes 'hawkish', which has increased the probability of rate hikes.

Its American peer Morgan Stanley said the tone of the minutes was broadly similar, but deputy Governor Viral Acharya's commentary on shifting away from the accommodatory stance was the biggest surprise, reports PTI.

Silver followed suit and declined by Rs 180 to Rs 41,300 per kg on reduced offtake by industrial units and coin makers.

Traders said apart from a weak trend overseas, fall in demand from local jewellers and retailers at prevailing higher levels at the domestic spot market mainly weighed on the precious metals' prices, reports PTI.

2:35 pm TCS eyes USD 100 billion in market cap: TCS is the mostvalued company at Dalal Street, with a market capitalisation of Rs 6.5 lakh crore and inching towards to become the first USD 100 billion company after its healthy earnings performance and strong commentary.

2:25 pm Buzzing: Lasa Supergenerics share price gained 5 percent after it has received WHO-GMP certificate for unit situated at Mahad, Maharashtra issued by The Commissioner, The Food and Drug Administration.

2:16 pm Market Update: Benchmark indices remained under pressure in afternoon trade, weighed by correction in banks and metal stocks, but further rally in technology stocks capped losses.

Global weakness also weighed on the market.

The 30-share BSE Sensex was down 53.72 points at 34,373.57 and the 50-share NSE Nifty fell 19 points to 10,546.30. About three shares declined for every two shares rising on the BSE.

On the


other side, extended selling pressure in Reliance Industries, L&T and banking & financials stocks is keeping the market in bear trap.

1:58 pm Buzzing: Prakash Constrowell share price rallied 10 percent after the company has been declared L-1 bidder by the MCGM (Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai) for the new project Dumpsite Reclamation at Mulund Dumping Ground (MDG) in Mumbai by adopting suitable technology for existing garbage dump.

1:45 pm DeMO led to highest fake currency: The country's banks received an all-time high amount of fake currency and also detected an over 480 percent jump in suspicious transactions post demonetisation, a first-ever report on dubious deposits made in the wake of the 2016 notes ban has revealed.

The banks, including those in the private, public and cooperative sectors, and other financialof corporate earnings and economic data.

In Asia, equities were dragged lower after the world's largest chipmaker delivered a disappointing forecast late Thursday. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing slashed its revenue target to the lower end of forecast, citing weaker-than-expected demand for smartphones. MSCI's broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares, excluding Japan, was off almost 1 percent on Friday.

Meanwhile, oil prices hovered close to multi-year highs after climbing to their highest level since late 2014 on Thursday. International benchmark Brent crude traded at nearly USD 74 in early morning deals, boosted by a drawdown in global supply as OPEC kingpin Saudi Arabia appeared poised to increase its export revenue, reports CNBC.

12:45 pm Market Update: The market remained under selling pressure following negative lead from global stocks. But the sharp rally in technology


to open two representative offices in London and Singapore.

"This is a significant development in the overall augmentation of Yes Bank's business model and will help in further diversification and expansion of financial services to the NRI diaspora," Yes Bank MD and CEO Rana Kapoor said.

"Opening of representative offices in key financial and trade hubs...gives us an effective coverage for most key global geographies and demonstrates our commitment to grow our footprint in the international banking space," he added.

Yes Bank opened its first representative office in Abu Dhabi in April 2015 and also launched IFSC banking unit (IBU) at GIFT City, Gandhinagar, in the same year, reports PTI.

11:25 am Buzzing: Shares of TCS jumped 6.5 percent intraday after the company reported a 4.4 percent rise in March quarter netpeople, making a strong case for more steps, a top IMF official has said.

The implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), despite a bumpy road, is going to help secure the solidity of foundation of public finances, David Lipton, the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s First Deputy Managing Director David Lipton, told PTI.

The recent steps taken to deal with the accumulated problems in banks are important ones, Lipton said, as he identified digital ID technology and other structural reforms important moves towards inclusive growth and making India an economic powerhouse.

"There's certainly more to be done but India is certainly seeing benefits from what it has done," he said on the sidelines of the Spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.

9:55 am Rupee Trade: Rupee weakened by


process of Binani Cement: Aditya Birla group firm UltraTech Cement told the Kolkata bench of NCLT that the process followed by the Resolution Professional and the Committee of Creditors while evaluating the bids for Binani Cement was "fraudulent".

Appearing on behalf of UltraTech Cement, senior advocate Mukul Rohatgi questioned the process followed by the Committee of Creditors (CoC) of Binani Cement led by Bank of Baroda in selecting rival Dalmia Bharat Group as the highest bidder.

He submitted that UltraTech apprehends that it was not declared as the H1 bidder in view of the penalty imposed by the Competition Commission of India.

The Tata Group firm has reported consolidated profit at Rs 6,904 crore for the quarter ended March 2018, registering a 5.7 percent growth compared to Rs 6,531 crore inDutch Black Pete is 'negative stereotype' - court Published duration 3 July 2014

image caption The debate over Black Pete has intensified in the Netherlands in recent years

Black Pete, the traditional sidekick to the Dutch St Nicholas is a "negative stereotype of black people", a court in Amsterdam has ruled.

It said the capital must review the character's involvement in the annual festivities in November-December.

The Dutch version of the St Nicholas legend has him and armies of Black Petes arriving by steamboat from Spain.

Previous calls to ban Black Petes - with their blackened faces, red lips and Afro wigs - have caused outrage.

On Thursday, Amsterdam's regional court said the "image of Black Pete with his thick red lips, being a stupid servant, gives rise to a negative stereotyping of black


people".

It said "many black Amsterdammers felt discriminated against".

The court added that the mayor now had six weeks to review the traditional festival - one of the biggest dates on the Dutch calendar.

Supporters of the ban say Black Pete (or Zwarte Piet) is a racist throwback to the times when black people were enslaved by the Dutch in the country's overseas colonies.

Last year, hundreds of people staged a protest in Amsterdam. The issue has even sparked an investigation by a United Nations advisory panel.

But many ordinary people argue that Black Pete is a just a harmless prankster and a key figure on annual celebrations on 5 December - when the festivities conclude with a night of gift giving across the country.action taken by DOJ lessened DPI's ability to assert its position in court, but DOJ is not able under the circumstances to advocate on their behalf."

The federal case stems from a lawsuit, initially filed by WILL in Washington County Circuit Court on behalf of St. Augustine School in Hartford and the parents of three of its students.

The lawsuit accuses Evers and the Friess Lake School District of abridging the family's free exercise of religion by refusing to provide the students free transportation to and from their Catholic school.

State law requires public school districts to provide transportation to private school students who live in their geographic area if they meet certain criteria. However, districts can refuse students if their school's attendance area overlaps with another of the same denomination


fish to ration imported slave labor. The liberalization of trade after 1814 led to the commercialization of Benguela fisheries by Cape Town merchants drying barrracouta (snoek) for export to ration indentured Indian labor on the sugar plantations of the southwest Indian Ocean and canning rock lobster to feed the urban bourgeoisies of Europe. The mineral revolution in the final quarter of the 19th century created an expanded southern African demand for fish in the new mining centers of the subcontinent, prompting the colonial state to pioneer the demersal fisheries of the Agulhas current, which were monopolized for the first half of the 20th century by British-owned steam trawlers. The motorization of rock lobster fishing in the same period created widespread poverty in the inshore subsistence fisheries. This becamean increasingly politicized issue as Afrikaner nationalists laid blame on the British monopoly over the national fish market. Proposed state nationalization of the demersal fishery and reorganization of the inshore fisheries into cooperatives was defeated in 1944 in favor of state financing of private capital through the provision of research, infrastructure, and finance. Afrikaner nationalists after 1948 utilized the latter to engineer the rapid industrialization of the pelagic inshore fisheries and concomitant rise of Afrikaner capital. Falling inshore catches and increasing foreign competition in the demersal fishery led to a crisis in the 1960s that was resolved through the creation and strict conservation of an exclusive economic zone south of the Orange River coupled with the looting of the Namibian colony’s fish resources. The postcolonial states in Namibia


(1990) and South Africa (1994) thus inherited severely depleted fisheries resources dominated by white capital and superintended by neoliberal states, severely constraining black capital formation. Both consequently satisfied themselves with blackening the white monopolies and defending their exclusive resource access against escalating insurgencies from the excluded black underclass.

The geographical ambit of the “South African” fisheries expanded dramatically over the course of the 20th century. It began, in 1910, as an inherited colonial sea that reached just three nautical miles seaward of the coast along a 1,738-mile coastline from the Orange River mouth in the west to Kosi Bay in the east. The postcolonial white national state increased it by half through the conquest of Namibia in 1915 (977 miles) and then pushed its seaward border out, first totwelve nautical miles in 1964 and then to 200 nautical miles in 1978, including that of the Prince Edward Islands (annexed in 1948), whose two tiny volcanic cinder cones (208 square miles) added more than 310,685 square miles of the southern Indian Ocean to the national estate. The scale of the national sea thus grew by an order of magnitude over the century after 1910; from a 9,320-square-mile coastal rind in 1910 to more than 932,056 square miles today, significantly larger than the surface area of the terrestrial nation state. South Africa also acquired an Antarctic base in 1960 with concomitant fishing rights in the southern ocean, and South African fishing capital extended its operations into both the Humboldt (Chile) and Canary (Mauritania) upwelling current systems in the


second half of the 20th century.

The South African state’s reach always far exceeded its grasp over this burgeoning maritime estate. While it acquired rudimentary naval (1922) and marine research (1930) capacities in the first half of the 20th century, it only took control over marine fisheries from the Cape Province in 1940. In addition, it was unable to enforce its claim (against both national and international fishing fleets) to enlarged territorial waters in the Namibian colony after 1964, or its own contingent exclusive economic zone (much less than that of the Prince Edward Islands) after 1978. The postcolonial state’s ownership of the sea was most effectively exercised through the inheritance from its colonial predecessors of a 120-foot “naval reserve” above the high-water mark along the length of itscoastline. This was the basis of its gatekeeping over the maritime commons until the final third of the 20th century, when the arrival of international fishing fleets in the southeast Atlantic rendered it an increasingly impotent sovereign of the sea. The various colonial, provincial, and national states were primarily rent-seekers on the marine commons, charging users for the right to access the sea and its resources, but always lacking the marine research and compliance capacity to value those resources accurately or exclude non-fee-paying users effectively, and so always hostage to particular interests of various kinds. The post-1910 national state was thus unable to even assert control over all the fisheries along its coastline; the Natal province refused to surrender its marine fisheries in the mid-1930s, and the national


state was forced to cede authority over sea fisheries back to the “independent” Bantustans of Transkei (1976–1994) and Ciskei (1981–1994).

The national sea is governed by the two prevailing current systems; the Benguela on the west coast (from the mouth of the Orange River to Cape Agulhas) and the Agulhas on the east coast (from Cape Agulhas to Kosi Bay).1 The former is a slow-moving, wind-driven upwelling current flowing south to north and dominated by relatively few species occurring in great abundance. The latter a fast-moving warm current flowing north to south with abundant species occurring in much lower numbers. As a result, since the beginning of white settlement of the subcontinent in the mid-17th century, the commercial fisheries have always focused on the Benguela current, while the Agulhascurrent has been exploited mainly by subsistence fishers to supplement agropastoralism or migrant wage labor. Thus, although the coastline is devoid of natural protection, state harbor and other infrastructure investment has focused on the west coast, as has marine research spending. However, even at the height of their industrial exploitation in the 1960s, the fisheries have never contributed more than 1 percent to South Africa’s gross domestic product. As a result, they have always been developed to subsidize the needs of the economically dominant mining and politically powerful agricultural sectors for cheap protein to feed wage labor and domestic livestock. The national market, however, could not absorb the production from the industrialized fisheries, and South Africa became a net fish exporter in the second half of the 20th


century. The combination of a gatekeeper state and low national economic importance have made fisheries use rights a form of political patronage for the successive states that have laid claim to control of the maritime commons since the 19th century.

In contrast to the sea, the inland waters of South Africa are relatively fish poor and their fisheries have historically been small-scale, seasonal supplements to hunting and gathering, pastoralism, and agriculture, focused on the resource-rich estuaries that are important nursery sites for marine species. Since the mineral revolution, beginning in the 1850s, the national river systems have been extensively degraded by and re-engineered to serve the demands of commercial agriculture, mining, urbanization, and white middle-class recreation. The British colonial states and their 20th-century provincial successors established hatcheries for theproduction and distribution at cost of a range of invasive alien sport and food fishes from the 1890s onward. Control over these so-called inland fisheries was vested in the provinces at Union in 1910 and has remained there ever since, only passing briefly into the hands of the various “independent” Bantustan administrations in the final quarter of the 20th century. The South African inland fisheries have no historiography, only archaeology and anthropology, and are not further discussed here. In what follows, the focus is on the Benguela fisheries, as that is where historiography has focused, and the most intensive human exploitation has occurred.

The Precolonial Fisheries of South Africa

There is archaeological evidence of a human presence on the South African coast from the Early Stone Age (1–0.5 million years


before present, or bp), but the earliest evidence for systematic use of marine resources dates from 120,000 years bp, when they were integrated into the hunter-gathering economy. Most of what is known about the precolonial marine fisheries derives from the far more numerous Late Stone Age sites deposited in the last 12,000 years. Most earlier sites were submerged on the coastal shelf by the 393.7-foot rise in sea level since the end of the last glacial maximum, 18,000 years bp. The Late Stone Age sites reveal low population levels, rudimentary technology, and harvesting confined to the intertidal zone and targeting overwhelmingly shellfish and crustaceans, with some hunting and scavenging (of washed-up seabirds, seals, and cetaceans). There is evidence of at least ten species of fish being caught byby C. L. Griffiths et al. (see “Further Reading”).

The Dutch Colonial Fisheries c. 1652–1814

The first European seafarers entered the seas of southern Africa in the late 15th century en route to Asia, but in the mid-17th century, the Dutch East India Company (DEIC) established a resupply base at Table Bay (Cape Town) to service its annual fleets. The company claimed the west coast to the Berg (c. 1700), Olifants (1750), and Buffels (1798) Rivers, as well as five bays north of the Orange River, including Walvis Bay and Lüderitz, in 1793, but had no means of enforcing its claims. The rich marine resources of the Benguela supplemented the initial DEIC settlement and were systematically exploited to provision the slave labor force imported from 1658 onward, but attempts to


develop marine export trades were unsuccessful. The seal and seabird colonies on offshore islands within easy reach of Table Bay were dramatically reduced in number, and European fishing boats and catching technologies were introduced to harvest whales and fish. The DEIC’s strict mercantilism, however, constrained the level of exploitation by preventing the emergence of a free market in marine commodities within the colony. It was only at the end of the 18th century that American and European whalers discovered and decimated the migratory right whale populations on their summer breeding grounds in bays along the southern African coast, taking an estimated 12,000 animals in the quarter century after 1785.3

The sole historian of the Dutch colonial fisheries is Christoffel F. J. Muller, whose doctoral thesis was completed in 1938.The thesis is written in Afrikaans, but despite its antiquity remains valuable for its systematic working of a large and opaque archive. A few subsequent historians have written complementary histories of DEIC outstations, some of them coastal, again in Afrikaans.4 The earliest scholarship in English deals with the late-18th century right whale fishery, but is written predominantly by marine scientists concerned with reconstructing the scale and periodicity of the historical catch as a guide to management of the modern right whale population.5

The British Colonial Fisheries c. 1814–1910

The British takeover at the Cape in 1814 led to the abolition of both slavery and mercantilism and their replacement by free labor and trade. The combination of public land and abundant marine resources made the Benguela coastal margins attractive to both


black ex-slaves and European merchants; the former as a site of independent subsistence production and the latter as a source of commodities for exchange. The colonial state facilitated the ingress of both in return for use fees. Unlike the Dutch East India Company (DEIC), the British were able to enforce their rentier interest on the coast; when an international fleet rushed Ichaboe and Malgas Islands for guano in 1843–1845 British navy warships imposed the rule of law and license fees on the diggers.6 Initial local merchant interest focused on marine commodities with established international markets; an estimated 1,580 right whales, 650,000 seals, and 110,231 tons of guano were taken from the Benguela over the course of the 19th century, largely for export.7 Cape Colony merchants also hunted elephantseal in the islands of the southern Indian Ocean.8

The mainstay of the 19th-century Benguela fisheries was the production of cured fish to ration agricultural labor. The domestic demand was supplied by farmer and subsistence fisheries, but the importation of more than 630,000 indentured Indian laborers to the sugar plantations of the southwest Indian Ocean during the 19th century created a massive new market for Cape merchants, who after 1840 exported 77,161 tons of cured fish to supply it. The ration fisheries were labor intensive, and it was this demand for labor that brought merchants into increasing conflict with subsistence fishers along the Benguela littoral as the mineral revolution and associated public works programs drained labor from the coast in the last quarter of the 19th century. Seeking to


secure their labor supply, the largest merchants in the ration fisheries, Stephan Brothers, bought up all the land at the main fishing sites on the southern west coast and evicted any subsistence fishers who refused to sign a labor contract with the firm. The contract, coupled with free housing and payment in kind, enabled Stephan Brothers to create a debt-bonded proletariat in the fisheries by the end of the 19th century.

The ration fisheries were also constrained by the seasonal nature of pelagic fish stocks and pre-industrial catching technologies. Combined, these factors rendered them incapable of expanding output to meet the burgeoning demand for food in the new mining centers of the interior, which had been brought within reach by colonial state railway construction. These new markets encouraged theCape colonial state to industrialize the fisheries in the final decade of the 19th century by appointing a British marine biologist and purchasing a British steam trawler to prospect for trawling grounds out to the 50-fathom line (300 feet). By 1904 there were nine steam trawlers fishing the Benguela, but the lack of refrigeration and high cost of rail transport stunted the development of a demersal trawling industry. The Cape colonial state also provided a marine fertilizer subsidy to colonial agriculture by taking over control of the offshore guano islands from private merchants in the mid-1890s and redirecting the annual harvest free to colonial wine and wheat farmers in the southwestern Cape.

There is a useful contemporary account of the Cape colonial fisheries written by a senior civil servant


Wardlaw Thompson.9 The colonial guano trade has recently found a historian in Hendrik Snyders, and there are a number of histories of the 19th-century ration fisheries on the Cape Peninsula and west coast.10 The one glaring omission is the nascent demersal trawling industry, the history of which remains the exclusive domain of corporate praise singers due to the denial of access to company archives to scholars.11 The history of the colonial marine survey has been sketched by van Sittert.12

The British National Fisheries c. 1910–1948

The unification of the two British colonies (Cape and Natal) and two conquered Boer republics (Orange Free State and South African Republic) in 1910 unified previously separate markets on the subcontinent under a single authority, triggering the reorganization of the demersal trawl fishery into aits profits from an oversupply of fish on the national market. The combination of public subsidy and profiteering made I&J the target of sustained attack by both Afrikaner nationalist and white labor politicians after 1924, culminating in the proposed nationalization of the demersal industry in 1943 and 1944.

Although I&J was blamed for the collapse of catches and rising poverty in the ration fisheries after 1910, demersal trawling did not compete with them for resources, labor, or markets. Rather, the growing crisis in the ration fisheries was caused by a second, much weaker industrialization based on the canning of rock lobster for export to Europe. Although lobster canning began in the 1890s, it was only consolidated by British merchant capital after 1910 and the burgeoning demand for canned food


in Europe created by the World War I. The lobster canneries competed directly with the ration fisheries for both fish and labor and, by motorizing their fishing fleets and equipping them with gill and purse seine nets in the 1920s, increasingly starved the latter of both. The new white national state was initially indifferent to the crisis in the ration fisheries, but deepening poverty among white fishers forced the state to intervene in the 1930s. At that time, the national state took over control of marine fisheries from the Cape provincial state and initiated a small-harbor construction program intended to assist the modernization of the ration fisheries. By the 1940s, however, its diagnosis of the problem shifted from lack of infrastructure to lack of capital, leading to anew proposal to reorganize the ration fisheries into producer cooperatives whose catch was distributed by a central state fish marketing board. This plan was abandoned when I&J defeated the attempted nationalization of its distribution network. Instead, the state established a Fisheries Development Corporation (FDC) to finance industrialization of the ration fisheries by private capital.

A third new area of fisheries industrialization after 1910 was whaling, where the introduction of steam-powered vessels vastly increased the range of shore processing factories, enabling them to target new species: humpbacks in the 1910s, blue and fin whales in the 1920s, and Southern Ocean whale stocks in the 1930s. The new white national state also continued the colonial guano subsidy to white agriculture, cross-subsidizing the cost of guano production with the revenue from the


sale of seal skins and penguin eggs harvested from its offshore islands.

As indicated above, the history of I&J remains to be written, but that of the marine survey and the assault of Afrikaner nationalism and organized labor on the company during World War II has received initial treatment.13 The interwar industrialization of the inshore fisheries has been better covered, and so too the state’s plans to nationalize the fisheries during World War II.14 The history of the 20th-century whaling and guano industries, however, have been written exclusively by marine scientists concerned with cetacean and seabird management, and so are primarily concerned with reconstructing annual production as a proxy for species abundance.15

The Afrikaner Nationalist Fisheries c. 1948–1994

Afrikaner nationalism came to power in 1948 determined to foster Afrikaner capital (volkskapitalisme)and secure it a significant share of the national economy dominated by English capital. The fisheries were ideally suited to this purpose, having both undeveloped resources and a gatekeeper state with public funds dedicated to fisheries development. The cessation of imports and requisitioning of half the trawler fleet for seaward defense purposes during World War II encouraged rock lobster canners and others, including Afrikaner entrepreneurs, to start canning pilchard; reduction plants for fish oil and meal manufacture were added after the war. The new National Party government consolidated Afrikaner capital in the pilchard fishery and handed it the lion’s share of the newly opened Namibian pilchard fishery together with research, infrastructure, and financing support. In so doing, it increasingly discounted the sustainability of the pilchard resource to accommodate


the access and profit demands of Afrikaner capital, leading to the fishery’s collapse in the 1960s.

Gaining capital access to the two established industrial fisheries, however, brought the Afrikaner nationalist state into direct conflict with English capital over the redistribution of lobster export rights in 1963 and the creation of Afrikaner trawling capital in 1965. English capital retaliated by launching a direct assault on the Namibian pilchard stock, using factory ships operating outside the territorial waters from 1966 to 1971. The discovery of a new deep-water rock lobster fishery on the south coast and increasing competition for demersal fish from an international fishing armada in the 1970s led to a new modus vivendi between the Afrikaner nationalist state and English fishing capital, culminating in the declaration of an exclusivemarine resources by incumbent white capital, which continued long into the post-apartheid era.

The history of the postwar industrialization of the pilchard fishery has been written for cannery row in South Africa, but not Namibia, where the only history of the post-1945 fisheries is by a political scientist.16 The postwar reorganization of the rock lobster fishery and Afrikaner capital’s belated penetration of its Anglo capital monopoly has also been covered, but, predictably, that of Afrikaner capital’s challenge to I&J has not.17 The disappearance of records after c. 1970 in the public archives make this the approximate terminal point of paper-based historical enquiries, fully half a century short of the present.

The Black Nationalist Fisheries c. 1994–2016

The end of the Cold War in 1989 led to South Africa’s withdrawal from Namibia


(1990) and the abandonment of apartheid (1994), belatedly inaugurating a postcolonial black state in the fisheries. African nationalism enjoyed none of the advantages of its predecessor with regard to the fisheries; all stocks, with the possible exception of demersal hake, were overexploited, and the interventionist state in the fisheries had been systematically dismantled. African nationalism thus had neither the room nor means for maneuver in fostering black capital in the fisheries except to redistribute the access rights of incumbent white capital. Its attempt to do so in 1999 ended in disaster, however, when the combined deluge of applications and lawsuits incapacitated the fisheries administration. In a bid to depoliticize and stabilize the fisheries, the African National Congress changed tack and decided to redistribute ownership rather than access rights,and to grant the latter for ten years at a time. This so-called black economic empowerment (BEE) strategy saw white capital hastily transferring shares more or less genuinely into black hands to have their access rights confirmed by the first long-term rights allocation in 2004.

The postcolonial black state faced the same pressure to accommodate aspirant black capital in the fisheries as Afrikaner nationalism had a half-century earlier, but without the resources to do so. This has led to a number of poaching insurgencies against high-value inshore resources like abalone and rock lobster, as well as toothfish in the Prince Edward Islands exclusive economic zone—all of which have proved beyond the capacity of the state to resolve either through the granting of access rights or repression.18 This failure reflects


century, and with the same likely outcome of confirming the status quo.20 He has also critiqued the advocacy of co-management in the 1990s by comparing the post-1994 fisheries with the successful fisheries co-management regimes of the Cape colonial and provincial states in the half-century after 1890.21

Discussion of the Literature

In common with the rest of Africa, there has always been and remains a profound terrestrial bias in the South African historiography. That on fisheries is consequently vanishingly small and impoverished, there being no better indicators of its marginality to the dominant white national historiographies than the pioneering role of Afrikaner nationalist historians and the continued prominence and production of company histories.22 The fisheries historiography is further heavily skewed to the Benguela fisheries, often treated as synonymous with the nationalfisheries, and mostly in the form of unpublished postgraduate theses, making it largely invisible outside of South Africa. This literature is with very few exceptions of low quality, marred mainly by a reliance on and uncritical use of published official sources. The only substantial published critical historiography dates from the 1990s and employs an historical materialist frame derived from the revisionist turn in the wider national historiography, but with the same Benguela bias of the earlier fisheries historiography.

There has been a post-1994 efflorescence in a wider social science scholarship on fisheries reform, some of which is of interest to historians for its recovery and reconstruction of historical access rights from around the whole of the national coast in support of black claims for the recognition and/or restitution of


provincial state to mid-century, the director of sea fisheries (FDS) and Nature Conservation Department (PAN) are helpful, while the superintendent of Guano Islands (GIS) straddles the two regimes. The Cape Town Records Centre (TBK) contains the superintendent of Guano Islands (GIS) and the Cape Province’s Nature Conservation Department (PAF) records for the third quarter of the 20th century as well as the Department of Environmental Affairs: Branch Marine Development (SF). The key series in the national state archives in Pretoria are those of the Departments of Mines (MNW), Trade and Industry (HEN), and Board of Trade and Industry (RHN). While the national archives can be searched online, none of the holdings are as yet available online.

In addition to the archives, there are numerous published state series on thefisheries. The most important for the Cape colonial state are the annual reports of the Government Marine Biologist (1896–1906); for the Cape provincial state, the Marine Biological Reports (1913–1918); and for the national state, the annual reports of the director of fisheries (1920ff.) and the Fisheries Development Corporation (1945–1987) together with the various official investigations into fishing harbors (1927–1929), the fishing industry (1934), the Crawfish Export Control and Sea Fisheries Acts (1939), and the Fishing Industry Development Bill (1944), which either printed their verbatim evidence or deposited it the national archives. The protracted fisheries crisis in the final third of the 20th century also spawned a host of official investigations in 1968–1972, 1980, 1984, 1986, and 1993, but none of these published their evidence and only the first


                    (Filed: February 6, 2008)

       Before: FUENTES, JORDAN, Circuit Judges and O’Neill, District Judge 1

Genet Getachew, Esquire (Argued)
Suite 1902
26 Court Street
Brooklyn, NY 11242

   1
   Honorable Thomas O’Neill, District Judge, United States District Court for the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, sitting by designation.
       Attorney for Petitioner

Richard M. Evans, Esq. (Argued)
Kohsei Ugunori, Esq.
United States Department of Justice
Office of Immigration Litigation
P.O. Box 878
Ben Franklin Station
Washington, D.C. 20044

       Attorneys for Respondent

                     Orthodox Christian until 1991. During that

year she required hospitalization. Members of the Jehovah’s Witness faith visited and

prayed for her, daily. Chelle believed the prayers helped cure her and upon recovering

from her various illnesses she converted and became a Jehovah’s Witness.

       In her affidavit Chelle claimed that after her conversion she was outcast by her

family and community. She stated that because the Eritrean government considered

Jehovah’s Witnesses to be its enemies, Jehovah’s Witnesses were unable to work, go to

school, or attend religious services. Chelle claims that she lost her job because of her

religion. Her affidavit states that because she was unable to find employment due to her

religious affiliation she left Eritrea and traveled to Ethiopia in May 1995. The affidavit

also states that she left


Eritrea because of hostilities against Jehovah’s Witnesses. Chelle

claims that she was stoned by small children because of her religious beliefs.

       In her affidavit Chelle states that while she was in Ethiopia she contracted with an

employment agency to work as a maid in Saudi Arabia. She provided the employment

agency with passport photographs. Chelle claims that shortly after she executed the

employment contract the agency’s personnel advised her that she would fly to Saudi

Arabia. She stated that the employment agency provided her with her passport and that

upon her receipt thereof she was surprised to see that her name had been changed to a

                                            3
Muslim name, Hayat Awel. She asserts that she inquired about the name change, was

told that the name change was not a problem, and flew to Saudi Arabia because she had

no other option.

        Chelle’s affidavit also states that her Saudi Arabian employers initially believed

that she was Muslim. She claims that she refused to convert to Islam and that her refusal

caused some problems with her employers. Nevertheless, she remained in their employ

for over five years. Chelle traveled to the United States with her employers in June 2000

and worked for them while they were in the United States for approximately one month.

Upon


their return to Saudi Arabia she remained in the United States working for their

daughter. Chelle claims to have escaped from the daughter on a trip to New York City.

Her affidavit states she subsequently discovered a community of Eritrean nationals and

began living among them in New York City.

       A hearing was held before the IJ on July 14, 2004 and an Tigrignian interpreter

was provided for Petitioner. Some of her testimony contradicted statements made in her

application for asylum and in the supporting affidavit. As the IJ also noted, Chelle

testified inconsistently during the hearing. The IJ made adverse credibility determinations

against Chelle and concluded that her true identity had not been established. The IJ also

found that the evidence did not support Chelle’s claims that she isthe IJ's adverse credibility

determination. Chelle’s true identity is questionable. As the IJ noted, Chelle does not

have a valid passport in her name and her birth record is not authenticated. Moreover, the

dates of birth on her passport differs from that on her birth record and on her application

for asylum. Chelle had an opportunity to correct the date of birth entered on her

application and she did not. In fact, she testified that the Asylum Officer reviewed her

application with her to verify the accuracy of her responses. Nevertheless, Chelle failed

to correct what she presently asserts is an incorrect date of birth. In addition, the IJ found

it troubling that although Chelle claims to be a citizen of Eritrea she was somehow able to

obtain an Ethiopian passport. She claims to have obtained an


she was

unemployed and supported by Jehovah’s Witnesses from July of 1991 through July of

1995. However, during the hearing she testified that she worked in a sweater factory in

Eritrea until the end of 1994 when she claims to have lost her position because of her

religion. Chelle also provided inconsistent testimony regarding her claims that she is a

Jehovah’s Witness and was persecuted because of her religion. During the hearing Chelle

testified that she attended prayer meetings two or three times per week. She subsequently

testified that she may have attended a total of ten Jehovah’s Witness meeting during the

course of a four year period. When questioned by her counsel, Chelle attempted to

rehabilitate her testimony and stated that during the same four year period she may have

attended over 100 meetings.

   Sunday, 2 November 2014

Britain is no longer a country for and says "Farewell" to an old pioneer of photojournalism called Thurston Hopkins

Thurston, who has died at the age of 101, had a long professional life which started with book illustration and moved through commercial photography and teaching before painting finally took over his sunset years.

What you possibly didn't know about Thurston, that he :

* was born before the outbreak of the First World War in 1913 in South London, to Sybil and Robert, a bank cashier and prolific writer of ghost stories and real crime stories, biographies of Wilde, Wells and Rudyard Kipling.and topographical studies of Sussex, Cornwall and London.

* was a pupil at the Roman Catholic primary school, St. Joseph's Academy, Blackheath and a wide-eyed small boy


who, at home met the publisher, Cecil Palmer and was taken to saturday night events at London's 'Savage Club', bohemian meeting place of journalists and writers, where he met musicians and artists and was struck by the drawings.

* moved to Brighton with the family when he was 9 years old in 1922, briefly attended a state run junior school, was baptised into the Roman Catholic Church and was sent away to board at St Joseph’s Roman Catholic private prep school, run by the Salesian Order of Brothers at Burwash in East Sussex near Kipling’s home at Batemans.
* recalled "the one thing that never failed to raise my spirits was the arrival of the boys’ magazines my parents sent me each week. Although I was an avid reader ofthe adventure stories, I enjoyed even more studying and copying, in pen and ink, the black and white illustrations that went with them" and desperately unhappy, ran away from school and was then placed in a small boys school, Montpelier College, in Brighton.* drew and wrote for the school magazine, while at the same time made illustrations for books by his father, who "drew my attention to the dramatic use of black in the work of Aubrey Beardsley, which further excited my imagination and made me think that sitting at a drawing board, producing my own visual recreations of incidents in stories by writers like Kipling and Somerset Maugham, would be a highly enjoyable way of earning a living."

* when his father saw he was a serious about


take pictures by flash-powder with the attendant shower of magnesium fall-out, because his ration of bulbs was limited, took his first press portrait, the stage set designer, Oliver Messel, followed by Walter Sickert at Sadler's Wells then Coward, Leigh and Olivier.

* having joined the Photo Press Agency, disliked the 'dog-eat-dog' practices of Fleet Street and left London at the age of 23 in 1936, to work as a freelance wedding photographer in his native Brighton, where, perhaps to please his father, disappointed that he had not chosen to become a writer and fed on a diet of Jack London, Warwick Deeping and Compton Mackenzie, wrote two draft novels.

* became familiar with the new Leica camera and recalled it as the first "I can recall handling without a certainfeeling of distaste” and "loved the absence of the requirement for technical perfection” and as a young photographer, was attracted to the 'Picture Post' magazine launched in 1938, conceived by the Hungarian émigré Stefan Lorant, former editor of illustrated weeklies in Berlin and Munich and introducing a fresh international outlook, first hand experience of the rise and spread of Nazism and using the new photographic genres of picture story, photo essay and editorial feature.

* after the outbreak of the Second World War, agreed with his friend, chief photographer at the Evening Argus who said :"Look, we don't want to be holding rifles do we ? Much better holding cameras " and in 1940, joined the RAF Photographic Unit armed with Leica which he "took it to bed in


cold weather so that its sensitive shutter would function freely the following morning."

* served in Algiers undertaking air reconnaissance and a study of camp life and posted to Italy, started writing again, swapping his leica for a typewriter, contributing film reviews and an article on James Joyce to the officer's magazine and when demobbed in 1945, having had a short story published in 'Tribune', met George Orwell to discuss a possible literary career before confirming, to himself, his ambition to join the Post as a photojournalist.

* with a view to building a portfolio of work, hitchhiked around Europe, photographing the civilian population, fascinated by their endurance in the face of the suffering and tragedy of war and worked to produce a dummy issue of the Post, composed entirelyof his own features.

* finally joined the Post as a freelancer and at the age of 37 in 1950, liked its practice of writer and photographer working as colleagues and not competitors on a story, said : "I take the rather unpopular view that words and pictures need one another" and was promoted to 'staffer', working alongside Humphrey Spender, Leonard McCombe, Bert Hardy and John Chillingworth. and made his signature feature with 'The Cats of London' in 1951.

* enjoyed working in the theatre : John Gielgud in 'Much Ado about Nothing' and Morecambe and Wise for 'Blackpool Entertainers' Story' and assignments : 'Sunday at Round Pond'and eschewed Cartier-Bresson’s dogma of the snatched 'decisive moment', by stage-managing pictures like his 'La Dolce Vita Knightbridge, London' with its chaufferred poodle


with students, Janine Wiedel and Robin Constable, then in retirement, renewed his love of painting :

* witnessed collections of his work at the 'V and A', the 'Arts Council', the 'Museum of Modern Art', New York and to celebrate his 80th birthday in 1993, saw the gallerist Zelda Cheatle, show his nocturnal images in 'After Dark' and for his 90th, 'Getty Images', mount a major retrospective and the National Theatre showcase the 'Golden Age of Reportage' and in 2005, granted Leica Fotografie International access to his archives for 'A Life in Image.'

* was recorded by the Guardian in 2013, on the occasion of his hundredth birthday, describing his time at Picture Post : http://ow.ly/DOcQQ

* always maintained that he would have rather become either a painter or a writer,than a photographer, but having said that, once observed that :

" Many photographers are naturally shy people. Hiding behind a camera helps them overcome their shyness. It's a common experience with photographers that they never notice imminent danger, when they've got a camera in their hands. Something sort of takes over."

Other photographers lost to Britain :

Monday, 27 October 2014 :

Britain is a country where old men of Salford said "Goodbye" to an old photographer called Shirley Baker who captured them on film when they were boys http://ow.ly/DHpNpFriday, 13 June 2014

Britain is no longer a country for and says "Goodbye" to an old artist-photographer, once 'Laureate of Teenage London' called Roger Mayne http://ow.ly/DHpTYTuesday, 9 March 2010

Britain was once a country for young boys who are now old men who


House Democrats have asked President Donald Trump's former national security advisor John Bolton to testify in their impeachment probe on Nov. 7, NBC News reported Wednesday.

The top lawyer for the National Security Council, John Eisenberg, has been called testify next Monday, as has Michael Ellis, another lawyer for that council, which advises presidents on security and foreign policy issues, NBC reported.

Bolton's lawyer, Charles Cooper, responded to the House request for his testimony, telling NBC News: "Bolton is not willing to appear voluntarily."

Cooper added: "I stand ready at all times to accept service of a subpoena on his behalf."

The White House also did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

It was not immediately clear if Eisenberg or Ellis would show up for their requested depositions — or ifthe White House would seek to block their appearances.

Last Friday, NBC News reported that lawyers for Bolton were in touch with House officials about his possible testimony.

On that same day, the former deputy national security advisor Charles Kupperman asked a federal judge to rule on whether he can be forced to testify to the House, which had issued a subpoena to him. The White House has moved to block his deposition by invoking a claim of so-called constitutional immunity.

Kupperman's lawyer in that case, Cooper, also represents Bolton.

The House is investigating Trump's pressuring of Ukraine to launch an investigation of former Vice President Joe Biden.

At the time that Trump asked Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky for that inquiry into Biden, who is seeking the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination, the White


subject""s posture selected from multiple posture options and transmits a predetermined instruction signal to the electrocardiograph when the posture is accepted. The electrocardiograph stores the cardiogram produced when said instruction signal is received from said communication device, as a reference cardiogram corresponding to the selected posture.
According to another aspect of the present invention, an electrocardiograph system has an input circuit producing cardiograms based on electrical potential changes detected by biological electrodes, an operating unit accepting a subject""s posture selected from multiple posture options, a memory storing a cardiogram produced by the input circuit when the operating unit accepts a posture selection as the reference cardiogram corresponding to the selected posture discriminating it from other cardiograms, and a display displaying as a static image the waveform of the referenceDisclosure statement

Peter Rayner receives funding from Australian Research Council linkage grant.

Cathy Trudinger has received funding from the Australian Climate Change Science Program (a partnership between the Department of the Environment, the Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO).

David Etheridge has received funding from the Australian Climate Change Science Program (a partnership between the Department of the Environment, the Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO), from the University of Copenhagen, from the CO2CRC and from the Gas Industry Social and Environmental Research Alliance.

Mauro Rubino does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The dip in atmospheric carbon dioxide levels during the Little Ice Age wasn’t caused by New World


pioneers cutting a swathe through native American agriculture, as had been previously thought.

Instead, our new analysis of the climate record contained within Antarctic ice cores suggests that the fall in atmospheric CO₂ levels during the cold period from 1500 to 1750 was driven by increased net uptake of carbon by plants.

This in turn suggests that if plants reacted to falling temperatures by taking up more carbon, they are likely to react to the current rising CO₂ levels by releasing yet more of it into the atmosphere.

Historical atmospheres

Atmospheric CO₂ concentrations were fairly stable from around 2000 years ago until the start of the Industrial Revolution, since when they have begun to climb dramatically. However, along the way were relatively small shifts, such as that seen during the Little IceAge (LIA).

Carbon dioxide naturally cycles between the atmosphere, the land and the ocean. On land, it is removed from the atmosphere by plant photosynthesis and returned when plant material decomposes. Normally these processes balance out, but a change in the rate of one of these processes can shift atmospheric CO₂ levels to a new equilibrium.

If decomposition increases as it warms, this will slow or reverse the rebalancing uptake, leaving more carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, warming the climate still further and so on, in a positive feedback.

The LIA corresponded with the start of European colonisation of the New World. European diseases devastated populations in the Americas, and one theory held that this led to a decrease in indigenous agriculture, which in turn let forests grow back and took


the AEDPA’s effective date of April 24, 1996,

the one-year limitation period began to run on that date. See Hoggro v. Boone,

150 F.3d 1223, 1225 (10th Cir. 1998).

      Mr. Villanueva filed his petition for state habeas relief on April 22, 1997.

Relief was summarily denied on July 18, 1997, and Mr. Villanueva sought

reconsideration of that denial on August 7, 1997, by a motion for reconsideration

under the state rules of civil procedure. The state district court did not rule on the

request for reconsideration and Mr. Villanueva filed a petition for writ of

certiorari with the state supreme court on August 19, 1997. That court issued two

orders denying the writ on September 8 and September 19, 1997. Mr. Villanueva

filed his petition for federal habeas relief on November 7,1997.

      With this time-table in mind, we must determine whether Mr. Villanueva’s

federal petition is timely. Mr. Villanueva’s state petition was filed on April 22,

1997, within the one-year grace period that had begun to run on April 24, 1996.

That period was thus tolled while his state habeas proceedings were pending,

leaving him with two days after the completion of those proceedings within which

to file his federal habeas petition. Although the state proceedings were completed

at the latest on September 19, 1997, Mr. Villanueva did not file his federal

petition until November 7, 1997, long after the expiration of the two-day period


Hotel California Lyrics Eagles

The lyrics to the song Hotel California — by The Eagles — have been parodied to describe the situation at JNU by Swarajya magazine author Shefali Vaidya. The lyrics encapsulate the same stereotypes — some foisted, some. May 03, 2017 · The Eagles Sue Hotel California The band claims the hotel is falsely leading consumers to believe there is a connection to the hit song. Pdf of hal leonard hotel california…port of a water jacket around the chamber in which the saline bathing solution flows, and circulates out of the water jacket through an upper port. Warm water is supplied and circulated by two (upper and lower) manifolds that are connected to a constant temperature bath.
A homogeneous distribution of the temperature of the saline bathing solution is sought to be accomplished by the agitating motion of a Teflon-covered magnetic stirring bar, driven by an external magnet and mounted on a timing motor.
The cell cap is open to the air, exposing the skin or epidermis to the ambient conditions of the laboratory environment. The open cap also allows for a finite dose application of study compounds to the skin or epidermis by use of a micropipette or stirring rod.
During