Output:
superior ideology will fail to take root in the host country. For example, the
“Treatise on the Completion of Ideation Only” (Wei-shih hun)ak brought in by
Xuan Zangal and Hetuvidya (Vin-ming xiieam) are both fairly lofty constructions,
but, despite Xuan Zang’s reputation, they were not influential in China and failed to
become a constituent of Chinese philosophy.
    I think that the above three points are significant phenomena attending Bud-
dhism’s importation into China. With these in mind, I would like to bring up a
question of current concern: can Marxism merge with traditional Chinese thought
and culture. This is a large and difficult question. Predictions are hard to make, but
it can be explained. In the abstract, most people respond that they wish for a merger
of the two, but the question is whether this is possible and how it could be achieved.
    Here I wish only to discuss a few thoughts drawn from the second of the points


Output:
above: If Marxism is to take root in China, continuing lines of development begun in
traditional Chinese thought and culture, the chief issue is to find points of conver-
gence between the two so both Chinese philosophy and Marxism will progress.
    Marxism is undoubtedly a superior ideology. Moreover, it developed in the West
so that there are great differences between it and traditional Chinese thought. It is
also a vast system of thought, so that it is difficult to know just where to search for
points of convergence. Naturally, I cannot here discuss the problem in its entirety. I
merely wish to raise a few examples.
150              10   Relationships Between Traditional and Imported Thought and Culture. . .


Output:
The dialectical methodology of Marxism centers on the law of the unity of
opposites and takes actual practice as the only standard of determining truth. This I
believe to be correct. If related principles can be found among those fundamental to
traditional Chinese philosophy, then cannot Marxism be sinified and become a
further development of Chinese philosophy?
    The central problem of traditional Chinese philosophy as defined by ancient
philosophers and historians is the question of the relationship between man and
Heaven. The traditional answer to this question, in most cases, has been that Heaven
(i.e., the natural world, or the Way of Heaven) and man (society, or the way of man)
are one. From this unity derives the unity of thought and action and, in art, the unity
of subjective feeling and objective expression. (This is what Wang Fu calls the
interface of emotion and scene.)
    These three unities of man and Heaven, of thought and action, and the unity of


Output:
subjectivity and objectivity are questions of “truth,” “goodness,” and “beauty.”
Chinese philosophy, then, emphasizes unity, a fact which may have something to
do with Chinese thought processes or social conditions. Confucian thought has
always emphasized the Grand Unity and the Way of the Mean, and opposed excess.
    If we correctly understand this unity and do not regard it as inflexible, then it is
easy to see it as an active unification as in the Yi Zhuan (I Chuan) phrases “giving
birth without cessation” and “Heavens movements enduring while the Xunzi (Hsun
Tzu)an never ceases in expanding himself.”
    Would it be wrong, then, to see struggle (or “movement”) as the traditional
technique of Chinese philosophy by which union was achieved, with the unities of
Heaven and man, knowledge and action, subjective and objective as the goals of
this striving? If so, then this is a point of convergence between traditional Chinese
philosophy and Marxism. From one standpoint, the Marxist law of the reconcilia-


Output:
tion of opposites is a superior summation and more scientific continuation of
traditional Chinese philosophy. From another, absorbing Chinese ideas of unity
would enrich Marxism.
    Another special characteristic of Chinese philosophy is that it has never sepa-
rated its theories of knowledge from questions of moral cultivation. Thus, questions
of knowledge and action are at once epistemological and moral. To know one must
be able to put something into practice. The unity of thought and action, then, is an
important concept.
    From the point of view of the development of thought, it is proper and even
necessary to separate epistemological and moral questions. The failure to do so may
have been a shortcoming. Looked at from another angle, however, the traditional
Chinese concept of putting moral theories into action has a great significance.
    “Practice” in Marxism primarily denotes production struggle, class struggle, and


Output:
scientific experimentation. Of course, such things as the “struggle against Japan,”
an example of social practice, also included moral practice. “Is it not meaningful,
then, to emphasize moral practice?”
    I think that such an emphasis would have two important results: first, it would
raise our self-evaluation and cause us to view ourselves as moral human beings;
second, it would cause us to pay attention to the results of our actions.
Vocabulary                                                                        151


Output:
I think that if we can overcome the confusion of traditional Chinese philosophy
with respect to practice and, moreover, refine it through reference to Marxist views,
we can make it more scientific and more correct.
   This would serve both to advance traditional Chinese philosophy and to sinify
Marxism. The moral emphasis on the unity of thought and action in practice would
also enrich Marxism. If this is so, then here is yet another point of convergence
between traditional Chinese philosophy and Marxism.
   Undoubtedly Marxism must develop, thus it must be an open system, and not a
closed one. If it is to develop in China, then it must resolve the question of its
merger with traditional Chinese culture. Naturally, the convergence of two such
extremely different entities is difficult, but the need to advance Chinese philosophy
requires that we strive to do so.
   The advancement of Chinese philosophy depends on Marxism’s union with the


Output:
better elements of that philosophy. The modern generation of philosophers is faced
with this responsibility. I myself am without special abilities. I can only express my
feelings through an old adage: “Though I cannot achieve it, I aspire to do so.”


Output: Vocabulary


Output:
A 冯友兰                                                                      u 支亮
b 贾谊                                                                       v 阮籍
c 过秦论                                                                      w 道安
d 玄学                                                                       x 王弼
e 黄老                                                                       y 何晏
f 桓帝                                                                       z 郭象
g 理惑论                                                                      aa 张湛
h 墨子                                                                       ab 僧肇
i 四十二章经                                                                    ac 向秀
j 诗经「文王」                                                                   ad 裴[固]
k 准南子「精神训」                                                                 ae 三论宗
l 桓谭                                                                       af 慧能


Output:
m 王充                                                                       ag 禅宗
n 易经「乾」卦                                                                   ah 礼
o 安也高                                                                      ai 道
p 吐钠                                                                       aj 心
q 老子                                                                       ak 唯识论
r 庄子                                                                       al 玄奘
s 支谦                                                                       am 因明学
t 大明度无极经                                                                   an 君子
Chapter 11
On the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)


Output:
The Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) or Laozi (Lao Tzu) is a very important book for
studying Chinese philosophy. In its other title, when it was written and by whom
remain questions that scholars have long discussed. Some assert that it was written
by Lao Ran (sixth century B.C.), who was the teacher of Confucius. Most Chinese,
however, believe that it was perhaps written later around the fifth century
B.C. because some of its paragraphs criticize certain Confucians who lived around
the fifth century B.C. It is believed that someone living at that time put in writing
the thought of Lao Ran. The Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) could not have been
written as late as the Zhuangzi, around the fourth century B.C., because there are
quotations from the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) in the Zhuangzi. About the
third century B.C., a famous scholar, Han Fei, wrote a section entitled “The
Interpretation of Laozi (Lao Tzu)” in his book Han Fei zi. This is the earliest


Output:
known interpretation of Laozi (Lao Tzu). Since, from the Han Dynasty till now,
there have been more than 1,000 different commentaries and annotations of this
text. Foreign scholars pay great attention to the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) as
well. The English translations of the text already number more than twenty and
there are translations into many other languages as well. Of course, in such a long
history, many of these commentaries and annotations have been lost. According to
the old Taiwan scholar, Yen Linfeng, there should be more than 500 different
copies still remaining; he has collected 345 in the series he edited. Among these the
following five could be the most important:
– Laozi (Lao Tzu) Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching), interpreted by Wang Bi. His
  interpretation created a new philosophical theory, known as “Mysterious
  Learning,” around the third century A.D.


Output:
Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 1991:61–65

© Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd                     153
and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2015
Y. Tang, Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture,
China Academic Library, DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-45533-3_11
154                                               11   On the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)


Output:
– Laozi (Lao Tzu) Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching), interpreted by He Shang Gong.
  This is the earliest interpretation from the view of Daoist religion, around second
  century A.D.
– Xiang’er Commentary on the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching). This interpretation
  reflects the views of another faction of the Daoist religion around the third
  century A.D.
– Dao De Zhen Jing Shu, commentary of Emperor Ming Huang of Tang Dynasty.
  This is the first text interpreted by an emperor.
– Laozi Zhu, interpreted by a great politician, Wang An-Shih.
    After 1949, many Chinese scholars tried to put the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)
into the vernacular, such as A New Translation of Laozi (Lao Tzu), by Ren Jiyu,
Translation of Laozi (Lao Tzu) by Yang Liu-qiao, and Commentary and Translation
of Laozi (Lao Tzu) Written on Silk by Xu Kangsheng, etc.
    Regarding the Dao De Jing (Too Te Ching) on Silk, in 1973 many books written
during the Han Dynasty, in the second century B.C. on silk, the so-called Silk Book


Output:
(Bo Shu), were excavated from Han Tomb No. 3 at Ma Wang Dui in Hunan
Province. These silk books are of two different editions of the Dao De Jing
(Tao Te Ching), editions A and B, which differ in quite a few words, sentences,
and even in the number of characters.
    These Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) on Silk are the earliest known texts of the
Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching). In both editions, there is no title, Dao De Jing (Tao Te
Ching), but two separated tides: dao (tao) (meaning “way”) and De (meaning
“virtue”). We can understand then why in the history book, Shi Ji (meaning records
of the Historian), the writer said that Laozi (Lao Tzu) wrote two pieces of book,
one is dao (tao) and the other is De. Moreover, the order of the Dao De Jing (Tao Te
Ching) on Silk is quite different from the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) circulated
today. The former begins with De (while the latter does the contrary), which is the
order of the Interpretation of Laozi (Lao Tzu) written by Han Fei.


Output:
With the discovery of the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) on Silk, some long
discussed problems were resolved. Now we know that the title, Dao De Jing (Tao
Te Ching), was formed only after the time of Emperor Jin of the Han Dynasty
(156–141 B.C.). “Jing” means “canon” or “Scripture,” so dao (tao) and De became
a canon later than many Confucian canons. Besides, there are 5,463 characters in
the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) on Silk (second century B.C.) and 5,683 characters
in the text of Wang Bi (third century A.D.). Later, the text of Daoist religion usually
includes only 5,000 characters, for which reason the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) is
called also 5,000 Characters Canon.
    The Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) is especially important because it is one of the
two trends which governed the ideology of the Chinese people for 2,000 years.
As we know, for Chinese culture, philosophy, art, and psychology, the greatest
influences have been Confucianism and Daoism (Taoism), and hence the canon of


Output:
Daoism (Taoism), the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching). When the Chinese people
established their own local Daoist religion, their scripture was the Dao De Jing
(Tao Te Ching).
11   On the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)                                              155


Output:
It seems reasonable to translate Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) as Canon of the
Way and Its Virtue, for in fact this book talks about two problems: first, the origin
and essence of the universe, that is, the problem of the Way, and second, how
people can achieve the Way, or in other words how they can reach and understand
the way, namely, the problem of virtue.
    In the period of Laozi (Lao Tzu) in answer to the question of how all things in
the universe were created, most people held that they were created by Heaven or by
the God of Heaven. As Heaven is the highest sovereign and has his own will, he is
called the God of Heaven. According to the traditional ideology of Confucianism,
Heaven is always a willful and distinctly highest sovereign power. But from the
beginning, Laozi (Lao Tzu) did not believe this. In chapter 4 of the Dao De Jing
(Tao Te Ching), Laozi (Lao Tzu) said clearly that the Dao, the ancestor of all things,


Output:
seems to have existed before the lord. It is very important to state the question in
this way, because it is the first time that someone denied the consistent belief that
all things were created by a God in Heaven and on purpose.
    Laozi (Lao Tzu) asserted that the dao (tao) is the source of Heaven and earth and
everything. What is the meaning of the Dao? Laozi (Lao Tzu) tried to use many
different adjectives to modify it. For example, he said: The thing that is called the
dao (tao) is elusive and vague, deep and obscure (21), soundless and formless (25).
Therefore, it cannot be seen or touched, does not tangle with anything, does not
desire to do anything, and is so huge that nothing cannot be included; yet it is so tiny
that it can squeeze in anywhere. As such a source of the universe basically cannot be
described by language, we have no choice but to name it dao (tao) inadequately.
The descriptions of Dao are only ways to make people understand. It must be made


Output:
clear that the explanation of dao (tao) is different from dao (tao) itself; they are two
different things and the former should not be mistaken for the latter.
    What is the essence of the Dao? According to Laozi (Lao Tzu), the dao (tao) is the
absolute supreme existence; no existence is earlier than the Dao. At the beginning of
the universe, the dao (tao) is undifferentiated: “There was something undifferentiated
and yet complete, which existed before heaven and earth” (25), that is, Dao.
Therefore, there is first the Dao, and then there is the integrated universe. Laozi
(Lao Tzu) said: “The dao (tao) produced the one. The one produced the two. The two
produced the three, and the three produced the ten thousand things” (42). It is often
understood that one is the original material force; it produces the two—yin and
yang—and the three are their blending with the original force which blending
produces ten thousand things. It should be noted that the evolution here is natural


Output:
and has nothing to do with any personal purposeful will. This is the first systematic
theory of the creation of the universe; it is a sort of cosmology. Although cosmology
later developed much further, basically it was influenced by the viewpoint of the
Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) just outlined. Of course, there are other theories of
cosmology in the classics of Confucianism, for example, the Interpretation of the
Book of Change written around the third century B.C. But what the Dao De Jing (Tao
Te Ching) emphasized is that although the dao (tao) is the origin of Heaven, earth,
and all things, dao (tao) produced them but never ruled them; everything developed
and changed naturally. Therefore, the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) is negative toward
156                                              11   On the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)


Output:
any purposeful or conscious ruling power and for the same reason often describes
the essence of dao (tao) as nameless, formless, having no action, no desire, etc.
    Furthermore, Laozi (Lao Tzu) defines the essence of dao (tao) as Wu. All things
come from being, and being comes from super being—Wu. All things in the world
were produced from something with name and form, while things with name and
form were produced by things transcending experience, time, and space. In other
words, Laozi (Lao Tzu) asserts that dao (tao) which transcends all the sensory
experience is the final cause of all things which exist in sensory experience. In this
way, the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) touches the problems of ontology. Later
during the Wei-Jin period (around third century A.D.), a scholar of mysterious
learning named Wang Bi developed the thought of Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)
from this side; he tried to use Wu, the super being that transcends experience, to


Output:
prove the rationality of existence in experience: As all things are produced by Wu,
so they are rational.
    How can the dao (tao) be gained by human beings? The Dao De Jing (Tao Te
Ching) assumes that people should follow the example of the Dao, which means
that people should have De. De means finding the way to reach the Dao. In the Dao
De Jing (Tao Te Ching), the supreme moral integrity is to take no action. The Sage
said: “I take no action, and the people of themselves are transformed. I love
tranquility and the people of themselves become correct. I engage in no activity,
and the people of themselves become prosperous. I have no desire, and the people
of themselves become simple” (57). This, then, is to follow the example of the Dao,
and a person who follows the dao (tao) is a sage.
    But how can people know the Dao? Laozi (Lao Tzu) emphasized that the way to
know the dao (tao) is totally different from the search for general knowledge.


Output:
Usually, the more you know, the more you want. Since the dao (tao) is nameless
and formless, you cannot know it as one knows things with name and form; the way
to know the dao (tao) is to get rid of things with name and form step by step.
By eliminating all things that bear names and forms, in other words, without any
so-called knowledge, you can know the dao (tao) naturally.
    How can we grasp the character of the Dao? Laozi (Lao Tzu) assumed that it is
impossible to put the dao (tao) into any language. He in fact said: “The dao (tao)
that can be told of is not the eternal Dao. The name that can be named is not the
eternal name” (1). Therefore, the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) uses many metaphors
to explain the Dao. For example, it says that the character of dao (tao) is just like
water. “There is nothing softer and weaker than water, and yet there is nothing
better for attacking hard and strong things” (78). “The great river and seas are kings


Output:
of all mountain streams, because they skillfully stay below them” (66).
    It is especially interesting that the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) often uses a
negative way to explain the Dao: nameless, formless, no activity, no desire—all are
negative ideas. Usually, what the dao (tao) is makes sense by saying what is not the
Dao, and what kind of character the dao (tao) possesses is described by saying what
kind of character the dao (tao) does not possess. Reversal is the action of the Dao,
weakness is the function of the Dao (40), sages follow the Dao, and what they
pursue is just the opposite of what common people chase after. For example,
11   On the Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)                                             157


Output:
common people seek to be in their prime, but after things reach their prime,
they begin to grow old and perish. Therefore, sages never seek their own prime.
In order not to perish, common people always compete with one another, which a
sage does not. “It is precisely because he does not compete that the world cannot
compete with him, so he can protect himself in this way and remain whole.”
In order to destroy, it is necessary first to give; in order to grasp, it is necessary
first to give. This is called the subtle light. The weak and the tender overcome the
hard and the strong. All these principles remain till the present very influential in
Chinese action and thought.
    Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) is the most important canon of Daoist philosophy as
well as the most important scripture of the Daoist religion. Daoist religion—the
only religion created by the Chinese nation—developed at the end of Han Dynasty
in the first century A.D. Its main belief is that one can attain immortality, that one


Output:
can rise to Heaven with body and soul. This belief of the immortals appeared much
earlier than Daoist religion, during the third century B.C. But in the Dao De Jing
(Tao Te Ching), we already find certain information. For example, in Chapter 59,
we find “that the roots are deep and the stalks are firm, which is the way of long life
and everlasting vision.” In the Daoist religion, people either explain the dao (tao) as
a personified god or assume that if people know the Dao and grasp the Dao, they can
attain immortality. The Xiang’er commentary, Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching),
described the dao (tao) as qi—vital energy. The supreme god of Daoist religion
was accumulated by Qi. In other words, the Qi accumulated into the being that is
the supreme god, Tai Shang Lao Jun. The He Shang Gong commentary Laozi
(Lao Tzu) Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) also said: if you can keep the dao (tao) in
your body, if you don’t waste your vital energy, don’t torture your spirit, then, you


Output:
can attain immortality. Thus, Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching) guides people in finding
their way to immortality.
Chapter 12
The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
Religion is a social phenomenon, and studying it with a view to understanding its
historical development has special significance today. We can see similar trends
in other countries where the rapid developments of science and technology do not in
any significant way lessen the people’s sense of, nor interests in, religion. Even the
people of China, for some reason or other, show similar interests in the develop-
ment of religion. This phenomenon is enough to raise several theoretical questions
concerning the need for a better understanding of religion: what is the nature of
religion? Does the human psyche require a religious faith? Is religion synonymous
with religious belief? Is religious belief beneficial to social life? Is science com-
plementary to, or inconsistent with, religious belief? Can religion be a modernizing
agent? and so forth. This paper does not pretend to deal specifically with these
questions, but, why do we study the history of religions? Should an ideal history of


Output:
religions be time-conscious? Can such a history help people think seriously about
the problems of religion that exist in the world today? All historians of religions
need to address themselves to these kinds of problems.
   The religions which had been popular in Chinese history include Buddhism,
Daoism (Taoism), Islam, Christianity, and animism. However, of all these religious
traditions, only Daoism (Taoism) is indigenous to China. To be sure, Daoism
(Taoism) is a Chinese religion; it has characteristics peculiar to the Chinese.
Besides, it has exercised considerable influence on the development of Chinese
culture and psychology, customs and habits, science and technology, philosophy
and thought, medicine and hygiene, and even political life. Can our investigation
into one of the more influential religions—the origin of Daoism (Taoism), its
development, and characteristics—help us deepen our understanding of Chinese
culture, personality, and way of thinking? Can it indirectly help us understand,


Output:
Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 1991: 67–80

© Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd                      159
and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2015
Y. Tang, Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture,
China Academic Library, DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-45533-3_12
160                                              12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism

more intimately, the theoretical and practical problems of religion in the world
today? I think it can and toward this end, the present discussion is an attempt to
analyze and discuss the following issues.

12.1     General Background

   The development of Daoism (Taoism) was an attempt to orientate the Han Chinese to their
   social, political, economic, moral and psychological lives at the end of the Eastern Han.


Output:
Why did Daoism (Taoism) develop only at the end of the Eastern Han period?
Historically, such Daoist ideas, as “immortality” and “sanctification of the bodies,”
had already existed during the time of the Warring States (Zhanguo). They became
even more popular during the Qin and Han dynasties—why? We know that not just
any kind of superstition can be called religion, although religion often embodies a
good deal of superstitious elements. Neither can we say that any theistic discourse can
become a religion, even if it is capable of extending its influence over a sizable cross
section of the population. Its growth and development were directly related to the
social life of the people, their history, and other objective facts. The development of
Daoism (Taoism) during the Eastern Han may be attributed to the following factors.
   First, the reality of social life at the end of the Eastern Han had laid fertile
grounds for the growth of Daoism (Taoism). The social and political conditions,


Output:
since Shundi of the Eastern Han, had begun to deteriorate. There was outside
interference in the day-to-day administration, and the administrative machinery
was in the hands of a bureaucracy. Debauchery, unruly behavior, and social strife,
both from within and without, were the order of the day. Finally there were crop
failures due to severe drought, and large numbers of people died in ditches
(Chong Zhangdong, Changyuan).1
   Undue economic exploitations and political pressure at that time had made it
impossible for the populace to lead a decent life; bankruptcy and emigration were
common. The conflict between the ruling class and the ruled was intense and acute.
According to historical records, from Shundi’s time, peasant uprisings were ram-
pant. At that time, apart from the common class interest that united them in social
movements, their leaders resorted to magic and superstitions as organizing agents.
That is why, in history books, the rebels after Shundi’s time were often called


Output:
yaozei or “the goblin thieves.”
   Two conclusions may be drawn from the above discussion. First, a period of
economic and political unrest, as well as spiritual and moral decay, provided an
objective vantage for the development of religion. Second, as the leaders of the
peasantry had used magic and superstitions to rally support in their movements,
they knew that these could be used as tools for mobilizing the people, thus
paving the way for the widespread development of religion. As is always the
case, social turbulence often caused great hardship and suffering to the lower
class. Thus, when people became desperate, they tended to hinge their hopes
upon some kind of spiritual power, or shenling. This was one of the most common
12.1   General Background                                                         161


Output:
avenues through which people, in antiquity, reconciled themselves with their
social reality. This also explains why a majority of the early Daoist believers
were members of the lower social strata.
    Second, the social conditions at the end of the Eastern Han had provided useful
material for the founding of Daoism (Taoism). Since the time of Han Wudi, when
Dong Zhongshu pointed out that “of the hundred schools, only Confucianism is the
most revered,” Confucian thought had adapted itself to the needs of building a
unified feudal society and serving as an ideology for the ruling class. From then on,
the development of Confucianism depended primarily on the teaching of a recip-
rocal relationship between Heaven and man, followed by an increased interest in
the development of theology and metaphysics. Though ideally a religion is theistic,
not any form of theism is adequate or sufficiently meaningful to become a religion.
This is because such a religion (namely, the religion of the masses) must include not


Output:
only the worship of spiritual beings but also possess a body of canon together with
an endurable form of church organization, doctrines, and dogmas, and a historical
medium for the dissemination of religious knowledge. Generally, religion must see
the world in two forms: the real and the supernatural. Based on this premise, human
beings feel that they can only disengage themselves from the problems of social life
in a supernatural world—believing that an ideal life can manifest itself only in the
yonder shore of the supernatural world.
    Despite the fact that Confucianism acknowledged the existence of Shen or God,
especially during the Han Dynasty, it had never thought it necessary that its ideals
be fulfilled outside the world, but required rather that the ideals of “governing the
state and pacifying the world” (zhi guo ping tianxia) be actualized in the real world,
even though this were merely an illusion. Although religion had played a very


Output:
important role in feudal China, it had never become a force to reckon with. Instead
it had, many a time, occupied a secondary position, which state of affairs clearly
bespoke as well the dominance of Confucian ideology.
    From the developmental point of view, after the Eastern Han, Confucianism
could very well have become a religion, because its metaphysics together with
the conception of the sacred could be easily converted into religion. However,
Confucianism did not become a religion during the Han Dynasty for the simple
reason that it attempted to materialize the ideals of “governing the state and
pacifying the world” in the real world. Thus, following the decay of the Han
Dynasty, Confucian ideology not only fell short of becoming a religion, but its
position as an ideology of the ruling class continued to decline. Because of this
decline, Confucian thought had given way to the growth of Daoism (Taoism).
History shows that, whenever the dominant ideology of the ruling class lost its


Output:
power, it often signaled the growth and dominance of a countervailing religion.
    Even though Confucianism had declined at the end of the Eastern Han, certain
facets of its ideology could still be absorbed and put to good use by an ongoing
religion. The fact that Confucian ideas are found in Daoism (Taoism) is clear proof
that such assimilation did take place. For example, the idea of “the ultimate peace
in the unity of the three (Heaven, earth, and man) in one” (tian-di-ren san heyi zhi
taiping) shows that the Confucianists were concerned about political reality and the
162                                         12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
notion of sancai (three endowments) mentioned in Yi Zhuan.2 The idea that the sky
and the universe were formed by breath (qi) could have derived from the knowledge
of world creation as well as the yin-yang principles and the five elements mentioned
in the apocryphal texts. All these ideas were closely connected to Han Confucian
thought. That most of the scholars who studied the development of Daoism
(Taoism) focused their attention on its relationship with Daoist sources and
overlooked the nexus between Daoist and Confucianist ideas is a bias.
    Daoism (Taoism) could have another source in its gradual mingling with the
tradition of the saints. Although there was a connection between the Daoists and the
saints of the early Qin, both seem to belong to quite different schools of thought.
Until the beginning of the Western Han, the popular Huang-Lao learning was
essentially Daoist. It frequently emphasized the exemplary qualities of the sage


Output:
and was thus deemed capable of exercising its power over the state and the cosmos.
That is why Sima Qian, in his preface, commented that the importance of the
Huang-Lao learning lies in the doctrine of “self-actualization through non-action,
and self-correction through expiation” (wuwei zihua, qingjing zizheng).
    The Huang-Lao Daoist learning underwent a change during the Eastern Han:
part of its adherents sought the help of the gods installed in shrines, thus becoming
unified with the saints. Huandi, for example, made sacrifices to Laozi (Lao Tzu) at
the latter’s shrine with the aim to “preserve shen for the uplift of character and the
ultimate ascent to Heaven,” thus signaling the initial transformation or Huang-Lao’s
Daoist teaching. Also, as early as the end of the Western Han, there was already in
existence of what was known as “Huang-Lao’s Dao” (the Way of Huang-Lao) and,
later on, the “Fangxian’s Dao” (the Way of the Saints), all of which actually


Output:
belonged to the immortalist sects. Further, the saints’ underlying objective was
to attain “eternal life” (changsheng busi) and to cause the bodies to be sanctified
(routi chengxian). Thus, once it merged with the Daoist ideas of “attaining peace
through inaction, and remaining in peace through abstinence” (qingjing wuwei,
tiandan guayu), it increasingly began to attract the masses and became a powerful
social force. Lastly, the basic tenets of Daoism (Taoism), such as “immortality” and
“the sanctification of the bodies,” although derived from the Way of the Saints,
became part of the Daoist system. Hence, its transformation also represents an
important factor contributing to the growth of Daoism (Taoism).
    From the above viewpoints, Daoism (Taoism) as a religion may be said to have
deviated from the Confucianists’ and Daoists’ schools of thought. However, its
source of ideas was inseparable from both. Hence, from the beginning, it had


Output:
distinguished itself as a religious system in which Confucian and Daoist ideas
supplemented each other. This system represents some of the characteristics typical
of Chinese culture, psychology, and way of thinking.
    Third, the introduction of Buddhism into China had greatly stimulated the
development of Chinese religion. From the time Buddhism spread to China during
the Western Han till after the middle or the Eastern Han, it maintained a steady level
of propagation. Buddhism, acting like a catalyst, escalated the development of
Daoism (Taoism). Actually, the school of the saints was already popular during
the Western Han, and disciples frequently had given tributes to Huang-Lao.
12.1   General Background                                                            163


Output:
This was evidenced in the existing learnings of “Huang-Lao’s Dao” and
“Fangxian’s Dao.” The former sanctified Huangdi and worshipped him in
shrines dedicated to him; the latter talked about “non-death and everlasting life”
(zhongshen busi). Shiji3 records that the teacher of the river elder, Le Jigong,
learned about Huangdi. The book of Fengchan4 records that Huangdi became an
immortal because of Fengchan. Yujie (more appropriately, Ganjie), who compiled
the Daoist scripture Taiping Jing,5 suggested that the book was originally by Laozi
(Lao Tzu). During Han Mingdi, Chu Wangying had already worshipped Huangdi
and Foutu. Chu Wangying recited Huang-Lao’s words and honored Foutu’s shrine.
Huandi erected Huang-Lao’s and Foutu’s shrines in his palace. The fact that
Huang-Lao and Foutu were worshiped manifestly shows that Huangdi was at that
time regarded as a deity or a Buddha. Sainthood was in fact a form of sagehood.
Living the life of an immortal is but a human discipline. There was no formal nor


Output:
endurable form of organization to be used as a base for the interaction of the
religious community. But after the spread of Buddhism to China, it became an
organized form of religion, possessing not only a set of teaching which differed
from that of traditional China but also an organized church, with a religious canon
and a spiritual community, all of which served as a blueprint for the founding of
Daoism (Taoism).
    It is true that Buddhism had served as a model for the establishment of Daoism
(Taoism). Of even greater importance is that Buddhism was alien to Chinese culture
and its propagation in China was greeted with protests by the bearers of Xia’s
cultural tradition. This defensive attitude acted as a stimulus spurring the Chinese to
strive even harder toward establishing an indigenous religion. When an ethnic
culture encountered an alien culture, it often gave rise to mutual absorption or
rejection.
    This situation was particularly marked in the case of the Chinese response to


Output:
Indian Buddhism. We can provide evidence to show how it was actually reflected in
the earliest Daoist scripture, Taiping Jing. In this scripture, we see how some
Buddhist ideas, like benqi (the primal beginning) and sanjie (the three worlds),
had their origins in the Buddhist canon. On the other hand, there were criticisms
about Buddhism, for example, the talks that “the conduct of the four destructions
collectively denigrates the spiritual Way of Heaven” (Shihui zhi xing, gong wuru
huangtian zhi shendao). Moreover, upon the establishment of Daoism (Taoism), its
adherents circulated the story about Laozi (Lao Tzu)’s role in bringing about a
renaissance among the northern Chinese (Laozi [Lao Tzu] huahu). This was
designed not only as a blow to Buddhism but also as an attempt to boost the
image of Daoism (Taoism). All this suggests a kind of antagonistic reaction against
the entry of the alien culture.
    Therefore, it is not at all surprising that the end of the Eastern Han period saw the


Output:
need for the development of an indigenous religion. The founding of this religion
could be traced to the existing tradition of the saints. The fact that it adopted
Confucian and Daoist ideas as a basis for the development of Daoism (Taoism) is
even less surprising. Once it emerged, it immediately became charged with an intense
ethnic fervor and came into direct conflict with the alien Buddhist religion. The
outcome is, precisely, a manifestation of an indigenously endowed Chinese culture.
164                                           12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
12.2    The Development of Daoism

   The Process through which Daoism (Taoism) developed into an organized religion also a
   clear manifestation of how a religious community came into being.


Output:
What is the nature or religion? It can be defined in a great number of ways.
Even in Marx’s writings,6 religion is conceived differently under different circum-
stances. He said, “religion is the opiate of the people,” which is interpreted in terms
of the use of religion as a way of hypnotizing the masses. This statement came not
from Marx but Feuerbach.7 It means that the purveyors of religion who claimed that
it could bring comfort to humankind were not being honest. Lenin8 conceived of
“religion as the workers’ groaning sound,” which is interpreted as relating to the
agony of the proletariat. Brezhnev9 said, “Religion has a countless number of
definitions. . .. It may be interpreted as a form of relationship that helps to realize
the existence of the mystical superhuman power, for humans believe that they can
depend on this power.” Brezhnev’s definition seems to be more relevant and
practical, but is there such a mystical power? How do we adjust to the existence


Output:
of such a power? Why do people find it necessary to believe in such a power?
Is belief in a mystical superhuman power superstitious? This raises some philo-
sophical problems, viz, the problems of religion vis-à-vis superstition and belief.
    Is religion a superstition? This question can be debated for a long time and no
one knows when it will end, but devout believers most certainly will reject the
pronouncement that “religion is superstition.” Why? It is because believers
frequently rely upon certain ideal principles to interpret what often is called the
“mystical superhuman power” in the form of ultimate “truth, goodness, and beauty”
(zhen, shan, mei), or else they often look upon the ideals of “truth, goodness, and
beauty” as a form of “mystical superhuman power.” They sincerely believe it to be
true and try very hard to apply these ideals in their social life. Probably the belief in,
and dependence upon, this ultimate “truth, goodness, and beauty” in the guise of


Output:
a “mystical superhuman power” is a matter of the human psyche’s response to
specific social conditions. But believers of the “mystical superhuman power”
assume superstition and religion to be two different things. To them, “superstition”
can only be a trick played upon those who lack scientific knowledge, i.e., a
manifestation of spiritual poverty due to a lack of ideals. Devotees who believe
that the “mystical superhuman power” is a manifestation of “truth, goodness, and
beauty” may perhaps accept the idea that “religion is synonymous with belief” but
certainly will not accept that “religion is superstition.” According to them people
should have faith: even the agnostics believe in agnosticism.
    Religion and belief are undoubtedly related. Religion is based on belief, but
whether belief is based on religion, in the classical sense, is a different matter. As a
matter of illustration, we can say that “we believe in the scientific explanation of


Output:
atheism” or even accept that “we believe in Confucian philosophy.” Nonetheless,
there is no doubt that atheism is not a religion but a scientific doctrine. Even
Confucianism may be said to have embodied certain religious elements, although
it is not a religion. Therefore, we should distinguish not only between “religion”
12.2   The Development of Daoism                                                    165


Output:
and “belief” but also between “religion” and “religious thought.” Otherwise,
almost any kind of philosophical discourse could be regarded as a religion, and if
that be the case, it would be as good as abnegating the existence of religion.
    Based on our understanding of the human psyche, we may postulate that human
beings really need a certain kind of belief. The question is whether there is the need
for a religious belief. If we could divide religion into two categories—one a
scientific belief and another a nonscientific belief—religion may be said, generally,
to belong to the latter category. What follows immediately will be questions like
whether human spiritual life requires a certain kind of self-satisfaction obtained
from a nonscientific discipline or whether social life looks upon religious belief
itself as a psychological need. This is too gigantic a problem to be discussed here.
We can only postulate that for a nonscientific belief to become an organized


Output:
religion, it must offer some kind of theoretical bases or support. Also, these
arguments must be able to reflect the spirit of the time. If there were no religious
teachings to be used as a theoretical system, nonscientific beliefs could become an
established religion. Besides, as an established religion, especially one that had
colored the history of the social masses, there must be a perduring church organi-
zation, a religious canon, a community of devotees, and a history of religion.
    In Chinese history, there were thousands of the so-called religious sects, but not
all of them could be regarded strictly as “religious organizations.” In fact, a number
of them could only be looked upon as “superstitious cults.” If that be the case, what
then may be thought to be an organized religion? We shall analyze the growth of
Daoism (Taoism) first before illuminating the really meaningful form of religious
organization.
    An organized religion must have a canon with a philosophical base of its


Output:
own. The religious teachings should not be nonsensical but must contain a
well-organized system of ideas for the advancement of humankind. The reason
why Indian Buddhism has become an influential world religion is that it provides an
impressive system of thought which is capable of enlightening the human mind.
If Daoism (Taoism) merely confined itself to a haphazard way of thinking, as is
represented in the Taiping Jing, it would have been difficult to become an
established religion in China. Thus, from the end of the Han Dynasty, through the
Three Kingdoms, till after the Western and Eastern Jin, there emerged Daoists
like Ge Hong, Lu Xiujing, Kou Qianzhi, Tao Hongjing, and others who, in an
attempt to fulfill the requirement of the time, not only integrated some of the Daoist
and Confucian ideas but also absorbed some of the Buddhist elements to enrich
Daoism (Taoism).
    A really meaningful and influential religious community must have a formal or


Output:
more serious form of church organization. Even though the ideas of “immortality”
and “the sanctification of the bodies” were subsequently incorporated into the
Daoist religion, the saints relied heavily on personal devotion without developing
a distinctive church, and so they failed to develop a religion. It was not until the end
of the Han Dynasty that Daoism (Taoism) became an established religion with a
permanent membership of disciples, together with a body of clergy and church
leaders. However, the regimes of the Three Kingdoms and the Western Jin
166                                          12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
banned this organization, subjecting it to dissolution until the Eastern Jin when Du
Zhigong and others revived it and once again set it on course.
    An organized religion must also have a more permanent set of religious
teaching and canon. Although Daoism (Taoism) had its own precepts and canon
when it was first instituted at the end of the Eastern Han, they were rather simple
and impermanent in nature. From the Eastern Han onward, Daoism (Taoism)
gradually became more firmly established under the impact of Buddhism and
with the tireless efforts of Lu Xiujing, Kou Qianzhi, and others.
    An organized religion must have its own canon and scriptures for the guidance
of its believers. Although there were a number of Daoist books, like the Laozi
(Lao Tzu)10 and the Zhuangzi,11 before the Wei and the Jin dynasties, these books
came to be accepted as scriptures only after being popularized by the devotees.
All these books were written by Daoist philosophers of the early Qin, and they had


Output:
hardly any connection with Daoist religion. It was due to the believers’ attempt to
look for historical evidences that they decided to upgrade them as scriptures.
Taiping Jing, for example, was written before the inception of the Daoist religion.
Hence, it served only as a groundwork for the development of Daoism (Taoism).
However, by the time of the Eastern Jin and the Northern and Southern dynasties,
when Daoism (Taoism) was firmly rooted and a church was organized, a large
quantity of scriptures expounding the Daoist canon began to appear (Ge Hong’s
Pao Pozi).12 This period saw the appearance of three distinctive categories
of scriptures: SanhuangJing13 (the Three Emperors Scripture), Shangqingjing14
(the High Pure Scripture), and Lingbaojing15 (the Spirit Protected Scripture).
All these scriptures subsequently combined to form the “three caves” (sandong)
of the Dizhangjing, namely, the cave of the real (dongzhen), the cave of the gods
(dongshen), and the cave of the occult (dongxuan).


Output:
An established religion must have a spirit being, or shenling, as specific object of
worship and a history of its own. When Daoism (Taoism) was first instituted, it had
inherited part of the saints’ tradition. The Daoist disciples claimed that it was
imparted to them by the immortals, mostly with Laozi (Lao Tzu)’s assistance.
Until the Northern and the Southern dynasties, Daoist disciples created the “rank
of the real being” based on the conception of the social hierarchy prevailing at the
time. Tao Hongjing’s Zhenlin Yueweitu16 (Real Spirit’s Occupational Status Chart)
divided the immortals into seven classes, the highest of which was occupied by the
first three: the Primal Lord of Heaven (Yuanshi Tianzun), the Daoist Lord on
High (Gaoshang Daojun), and the First Divine Daoist Lord (Yuanhuang Daojun).
From then on, these three deities became the most honored in the objects of worship
in the Daoist temples (daoguan). Since a religion always finds it necessary to


Output:
undermine the existence of other competing religions, it has to create a history of
its own in order to raise its own status. Thus, being an indigenous Chinese religion,
Daoism (Taoism) had to tackle the entry of alien Buddhism. Besides emphasizing
the differences between “Chinese” and “non-Chinese” (huayi zhi bian) to under-
mine Buddhism, Daoists also spread the story of “Laozi (Lao Tzu) huahu” and
elevated Laozi (Lao Tzu)’s position to that of Buddha Shakyamuni’s teacher.
Consequently, both Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism) remained in conflict for a
long time.
12.3   Characteristics of Daoism                                                            167


Output:
However, it was not until the Eastern Jin and the Northern and Southern
dynasties that Daoism (Taoism) finally became an established religion. The various
stages of its development may be summarized as follows. First, from the Eastern Jin
onward, the Daoists began to revive their religion by reorganizing the Daoist
community which had become scattered and unstable. At the same time, in order
to overcome the inadequacy of Daoist teaching and theoretical formulations, Ge
Hong and others had provided a body of Daoist canon and precepts. Thereafter, as
an attempt to consolidate the founding of the Daoist church, a set of religious
teaching was formulated, and in order to propagate Daoist teaching, the required
scriptures were made available. Lastly, so as to set the religion on a proper footing,
a compendium of fairy tales and legendary stories was kept alive. The various
phases involved in the development of Daoism (Taoism) may thus be said to be


Output:
characteristic of the circumstances under which a religious body came into
existence. One of our aims of studying the history of religion is to use it as a source
for illuminating the various phases of its development so as to enable us to assess,
more accurately, the role it played in society.


Output:
12.3     Characteristics of Daoism

   As a form of religious philosophy Daoism (Taoism) has special characteristic, which can be
   illuminated only through comparison with other religions.


Output:
An established religion has characteristics which are distinctively different from
those of other religions. Besides such external forms, as church organization, reli-
gious doctrines, and canon, as well as its conception of the sacred, its characteristics
should be reflected in the theoretical system which forms the core of the religion.
This theoretical system usually contains a body of basic ideals and conceptual
schema. For instance, the ultimate reality of the Buddhist belief, as embodied in
the concepts of self-denial, transcendentalism, and Nirvana, is the insignia
which distinguishes it from other religions. The three doctrines of the medieval
Christianity—namely, “the existence of God,” “the resurrection of the soul,” and
“free will”—form its religious philosophy and conceptual schema. If that be the case,
does Daoist philosophy contain any doctrines and tenets which differ from those of
other religions? I think it does, especially in the earlier form of Daoism (Taoism).


Output:
While almost all religions ask the question “what happens after the demise of a
person?” Daoism (Taoism) wanted to know “why humans don’t die?” This basic
question serves as the key to the theoretical system of Daoism (Taoism). All this
shows that it has characteristics different from those of other religions. The early
form of Daoism (Taoism) held that its body of belief was made up of the tenet of
“the ascent of the three in one,” that is, “the unity of Heaven, earth, and man for
the attainment of the Great Peace” (tian-di-ren, sanzhe heyi yi zhi taiping) and “the
blending of the essence, breath, and shen to become a saint” (jing-qi-shen, sanzhe
hunyi er cheng shenxian). From this it evolves into “non-death and eternal life”
168                                         12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
(zhongshen busi), “resurrection of the bodies” (routi feisheng), and “transformation
of the breath into the three pure ones” (qihua sanqing), thus forming the basis of
Daoism (Taoism).
    To understand the tenets of the Buddhist philosophy, one must know the
meaning of Nirvana. Hence, a Russian Buddhist scholar17 wrote a book analyzing
the meaning of Nirvana. In Mou Zongsan’s book,18 he analyzed the concept of
Nirvana from the Chinese Buddhist viewpoint. In studying Christianity, one should
analyze the concept of “God.” Thus, Aurelius Augustinus (354–430), in his The
City of God,19 formulated his thesis regarding the “godliness” of the “Almighty.”
In his Shenxue Dazhuan,20 Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) put forward five para-
meters to prove that “God exists.” In Daoist philosophy, the basic concept is breath
(qi), the existence of which may be proved by the following.
    First, the unity of the three in one refers to the unity of Heaven, earth, and man,


Output:
and the reason why “Heaven, earth, and man” can be unified is due to the fact that
the breaths of Tian-di-ren are the same. The three Jing-qi-shen (essence, breath,
and god) blend to become one, and the reason why Jing-qi-shen can be fused in one
is due to the fact that the breaths of the Jing-qi-shen are the same.
    Second, the so-called one breath giving birth to the three pure ones means
the three most respected worthies of Daoism (Taoism) were the manifestations
of the breath, or the three layers of the most sacred Heaven were manifested by
breath, or qi. This also shows how the basic concept of Daoism (Taoism) came to
be formed.
    Third, although dao (the way) is the highest form of Daoist doctrine, its early
period identified three circumstances under which the relationship between dao
and qi was highlighted. The first circumstance was that dao is more basic than qi,
but dao cannot be isolated from qi. Another circumstance showed that qi is more


Output:
basic than dao, because Daoism (Taoism) used qi as its prime mover—for example,
Liu Xie in his Mie Huo Lun21 (on the Extinction of illusion), while citing
Sampolun22 (The Three Breakthroughs) said “qi is the prime mover of dao.”
The third circumstance was the synthesis that dao is qi—for example, Tao Hongjing
in his Yangsheng Yanmionglu23 cited Fuqijing24 (Breathtaking Scripture) that
“dao is qi.” In studying the philosophical basis of the Daoist canon, if one could
analyze the meaning of qi and the conceptual base upon which it is built, one would
be able to gain further insight into the various salient features of Daoism (Taoism).
    Hegel in his Lectures on the History of Philosophy25 said, “the difference in
cultures is due to the difference in the systems of ideas.” If we compare Daoism
(Taoism) with other religious systems, the doctrines formulated by Daoist ideas,
and the school of thought which formed the basis of these doctrines, we would be


Output:
able to understand more clearly the characteristics of Daoism (Taoism). Although
Daoism (Taoism) is indigenous to the Chinese, it actually owes its development to
the inspiration of Buddhism when the latter spread to China. Thus, we are able
to identify the rival relationship between Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism) as one of
its special characteristics.
    The earliest Daoist scripture, Taiping Jing, on the one hand, shows that it was
influenced by Buddhism. For example, it relates to the question of conformity,
12.3   Characteristics of Daoism                                                  169


Output:
a concept which was already in use in traditional Chinese thought. But in Taiping
Jing, this was discussed in such a detailed and outstanding manner that it became
obvious that it was influenced by the Hinayanist Zen Buddhist concept of “mind
control” or “control of desire.” On the other hand, the scripture also shows that it
was antagonistic to Buddhism. For example, Taiping Jing’s satirical expression,
“the way of the four destructions” (sihui zhi xing), was clearly aimed at Buddhism.
It also put forward the argument that “one’s burden is one’s responsibility”
(chengfu) as a direct confrontation to the Buddhist concept of “reincarnation”
(laishi baoying). After the Eastern Jin, Daoism (Taoism) gradually developed into
a full-fledged religion. It had a theoretical system of its own, and consequently its
differentiation from Buddhism became more and more pronounced. At that time,
the differences between Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism) might be related to the


Output:
following problems: (1) life and death and the form of god, (2) the cause and
effect of one’s deeds and misdeeds (yinguo baoying), and (3) this-worldly and
other-worldly orientations. By analyzing of all these issues, we would be able to
appreciate the special characteristics of Daoism (Taoism) as a religion.
    In comparing Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism), we may encounter yet another
question: why does not Daoism (Taoism) become a world religion as did Buddhism
rather than remaining merely a Chinese religion? From the historical point of view,
it is possible that Daoism (Taoism) could have spread to Korea at the end of
the Northern and the Southern dynasties. Sanguo Shiji26 (The History of the
Three Kingdoms) recorded how Daoism (Taoism) spread to Korea at the beginning
of the Tang Dynasty, but, shortly afterwards, Buddhism became popular in Korea
and very soon it outran Daoism (Taoism), which thence forward ceased to retain its
foothold there. During the same period, Daoism (Taoism) passed through Korea to


Output:
Japan, where it might have exercised some influence on Japan’s Shinto, though this
does not mean that the development of Shinto was due to the Daoist influence.
Unlike Buddhism, however, Daoism (Taoism) also failed to spread its wing over
Japan. In history Daoism (Taoism) had even less influence on other countries
(notwithstanding its continuing impact on Chinese devotees who made their
homes outside China).
    In my opinion, the main reason why Daoism (Taoism) could not become a world
religion is that it not only contains defects in its system of beliefs and practices
but also carries a heavy load of sentiments which are peculiarly Chinese. The goal
Daoism (Taoism) seeks to achieve is “non-death and eternal life” and “the sancti-
fication of bodies.” All this differs from the monotheistic doctrine that “the soul
does not die.” On the one hand, its theoretical arguments, such as “the sanctification
of bodies” and “non-death and eternal life,” are too crude and difficult to be


Output:
absorbed. Consequently, Daoism (Taoism) had no alternative but to take in some
Buddhist ideas, such as “when the form ceases, its spirit remains” (xingjin shen
bu mie) and “the three kalpas’ wheel of karma” (somshi lunhui). Thus, the spread
of Daoism (Taoism) has been seriously restricted, whereas wherever it goes,
Buddhism has been able to take the place of Daoism (Taoism) wherever the latter
goes. On the other hand, Daoism (Taoism) is too closely related to science. For the
sake of preserving life, ensuring “non-death and eternal life,” and sanctifying
170                                         12   The Origin and Characteristics of Daoism


Output:
the dead, it emphasizes a great deal of physical conditioning for lifting the breath
(qi) of material reality to the highest level. Consequently, China’s science and
technology, especially medicine, came to be developed alongside Daoism
(Taoism). Daoism (Taoism)’s use of science was bound to curtail its dynamism
as a religion. Thus, the “nonscience” and “antiscience” components, in conjunction
with the basic qualities of science, began to contradict each other. Religion usually
emphasizes “other-worldly orientations,” but Daoism (Taoism) seems to insist
instead on “this-worldly orientations” instead. Its adherents believe that they
could blend “the three (jing, qi, shen) to become saints” (sanzhe heyi er cheng
xian). But as a religious system, Daoism (Taoism) also advocates the unity of the
three (tian, di, ran) in one to ensure the Great Peace (sanzhe heyi er zhi taiping) and
for this reason can be a potent disruptive force in the political process. In thus


Output:
fabricating the supernatural world of the saints, Daoism (Taoism) hopes to translate
the real world into an ideal one—this undeniably is a conflict of ideas.
   The study of the characteristics of Daoism (Taoism) is of great importance for it
enables us to understand the difference between Daoism (Taoism) and other
religions. By analyzing its characteristics, we are able to illuminate the salient
features of Chinese culture, psychology, and philosophy, as well as the direction of
developments in science and technology, medicine, and hygiene, and the ensuing
shortcomings hidden therein. For people to succeed in development, they must
know not only the present and the future but also the past. They must come to grips
not only with the reality of political life and economic exigencies but also with their
traditional culture, religious belief, and pattern of thought. Herein lies the reason
why serious research must be conducted on Daoism (Taoism) so as to enable us to
understand its role as a Chinese religion.


Output:
Vocabulary

1.        仲长统hh昌言ii
2.        hh易传ii
3.        hh史记ii
4.        hh封禅书ii
5.        hh太平经ii
6.        马克思
7.        费尔巴哈
8.        列宁
9.        普列汉诺夫
10.       hh老子ii
11.       hh荘子ii
12.       葛洪hh抱朴子ii
                                                                             (continued)
Vocabulary                   171

13.          hh三皇经ii
14.          hh上清经ii
15.          hh灵寳经ii
16.          陶弘景hh真灵业位图ii
17.          撤尔巴斯基
18.          牟宗三
19.          圣奥古斯丁hh上帝之城ii
20.          hh神学大全ii
21.          刘勰hh减惑论ii
22.          hh三破论ii
23.          陶弘景hh养生延命录ii
24.          hh服气经ii
25.          黑格尔hh哲学史讲演录ii
26.          hh三国史记ii
Chapter 13
The Daoist Religion of China


Output:
In Chinese history, there have been various religions such as Buddhism, Daoism
(Taoism), Islam, and Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant, but among them
only Daoism (Taoism) is the religion of the Chinese people. To be more precise,
Daoism (Taoism) is a religion of the Han people and has certain concrete features
that come from this association. It has had a large influence on Chinese culture,
psychology, customs, science and technology, medicine and hygiene, philosophy,
and even on Chinese politics and economics. How did the Daoist religion arise and
what are its particular characteristics relative to other religions?
    Daoist religion was born at the time of the Han Emperor Shundi at the end of the
first century A.D. At this time, China already had a written history of about 2,000
years. At the end of the Warring States period (i.e., the third and second centuries
B.C.), there had existed people called “immortals” who claimed that by certain


Output:
practices, they could “extend their lives and not die.” These “immortals” were only
individuals practicing by themselves; they never formed any kind of religious
organization. However, at the end of the Western Han period (at the beginning of
the first century A.D.), Buddhism came to China from India. The entry of Buddhism
had a transformative effect and sped up the foundation of a Chinese religion.
Because Buddhism was a foreign culture entering China, however, it elicited a
strong reaction among the Chinese people.
    The interaction of Chinese culture with a foreign culture led to both borrowing
and criticizing. We can see both of these in the earliest of the Daoist religious
writings, the Taiping Jing. In this work, Daoists borrowed such Buddhist terms as
the “three realms” but also criticized Buddhists for their so-called four practices.
(These were the unfilial abandonment of father and mother to become a monk, the
abandoning of wife, and therefore the cutting off of future generations, the practice


Output: of begging, and the practice of eating excrement.) The Daoists said that this was


Output:
Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 1991: 81–85

© Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd                     173
and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2015
Y. Tang, Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture,
China Academic Library, DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-45533-3_13
174                                                   13   The Daoist Religion of China


Output:
contravening the spiritual Way of Heaven. In particular, once established,
the Daoist religion set forth the doctrine of “Laozi (Lao Tzu) converting the
barbarians” in order to criticize Buddhism. They said that Laozi (Lao Tzu), the
original teacher of Daoism (Taoism) in the Zhou period (the sixth century B.C.),
had left China through the Hangu Pass and gone to India, where he had taught
Shakyamuni, the historical Buddha. Therefore, the Buddha was the disciple of
Laozi (Lao Tzu).
   The founder of the Daoist religion is generally recognized to be Zhang
Daoling. There are two views in the Chinese scholarly community as to where
the Daoist religion originated. The scholar Chen Yinge claims that the Daoist
religion originated in Shandong, Jiangsu, and other coastal areas. Another scholar,
Meng Wentong, claims that it originated in Sichuan and was influenced by the
customs and practices of minority peoples there. I think that the Daoist religion


Output:
originated in the coastal areas because the immortals were active in this area.
Further, Zhang Daoling himself was from Feng County in Jiangsu and only later
went to Sichuan, where he formally established the organization of the Daoist
religion. It is quite possible that certain elements of minority peoples’ customs
were absorbed into his teachings at that time.
   The Daoist religion that later developed in Sichuan and the Han River area is
called Five Pecks of Rice Daoism (Taoism) because people on entering the sect
made an offering of five pecks of rice. It is also called Heavenly Teacher Daoism
(Taoism) because the leader of this sect, Zhang Daoling, was called the Heavenly
Teacher. Heavenly Teacher Daoism (Taoism) was passed on from Zhang to his son,
Zhang Heng, and again transmitted to Zhang Lu, the latter’s son. Zhang Lu
established a Daoist kingdom in the Han River area, which he ruled for 30 years.
Eventually he was defeated by Cao, to whom he surrendered. Zhang Lu’s son,


Output:
Zhang Sheng, fled to Longhu Mountain in Jiangxi where he became the fourth-
generation Heavenly Teacher. At the present time, this sect of Daoism (Taoism) has
already been transmitted to its sixty-fifth generation. The sixty-fourth-generation
Heavenly Teacher is in Taiwan. His nephew is on the Chinese mainland continuing
the tradition as the sixty-fifth-generation Heavenly Teacher. This young Heavenly
Teacher, a man in his twenties, came to my home to study the Daoist religion.
   After the Five Pecks of Rich school, in Yan (Hebei), Qi (Shandong), Jiang
(Jiangsu), and Huai (Huaihe, Anhui), another sect of the Daoist religion was
founded by Zhang Jiao called Taiping Daoism (Taoism). Zhang Jiao used the
Daoist religion to organize an extremely large-scale peasant uprising. When this
was put down, Taiping Daoism (Taoism) largely disappeared.
   In the Three Kingdoms and Western Jin periods (the third century A.D.), the
Daoist religion was hemmed in by imperial rulers and developed very little.


Output:
However, in the Eastern Jin period (fourth century A.D.), the Daoist religion
began to develop speedily and many nobles adhered to it. For example, the most
famous aristocratic families of the time for generations believed in Daoism
(Taoism). The most famous calligrapher in Chinese history, Wang Xizhi, was
also a follower of the Daoist religion. One story recounts that Wang Xizhi partic-
ularly loved geese and wanted to buy the dozen or so geese raised by a Daoist priest.
13   The Daoist Religion of China                                                  175


Output:
The priest would not sell, and Wang asked a second and a third time. Finally the
priest said that if Wang would copy out for the whole Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching),
he would give him the geese. So Wang copied the entire work.
    An interesting development occurred in the Tang period (618–907), whose
rulers had the surname Li. At this time, the leaders of the Daoist religion were
looking for a mythological figure they could venerate as the founder of the religion,
and they came upon Laozi (Lao Tzu), who was also named Li. This was not a
coincidence. First of all, even before the Daoist religion was formally established,
Laozi (Lao Tzu) had been mythologized. Second, the Han Dynasty had venerated
Confucian thought as orthodoxy, which, of course, honored Confucius. The Daoists
claimed that Laozi (Lao Tzu) was Confucius’s teacher, thus hoping to overcome
the Confucianists. Now, according to the Shiji, Laozi (Lao Tzu) was surnamed Li


Output:
with a given name of Erh. Since the Tang emperors were also surnamed Li, in order
to increase their own importance, they said that they were descendants of Laozi
(Lao Tzu). Because of this, the Tang emperors took the Daoist religion relatively
seriously: Emperor Xuanzong even wrote his own commentary on the Dao De Jing
(Tao Te Ching).
    After the Daoist religion was established, on the one hand, it struggled with
Buddhism and, on the other, it absorbed Buddhist thought. But the Daoist religion
also has its own definite characteristics. Many religions seek to understand or
answer such questions as what happens to human beings after death? For example,
Buddhists seek to answer the question: What can people do after death to keep from
being reborn into this world? The Daoists, however, seek to answer this question:
How can people keep from dying? The ideal in the Daoist religion is for people to
“extend their lives and not die,” to “fly up in this very body”—that is, to become an
immortal.


Output:
immortal.
    Regarding this question, the Daoist religion has certain theories. Daoists
claim that people have both a spirit or soul and a body, both of which are
constructed from qi. The qi that makes up the spirit or soul is called soul-qi.
The qi that makes up the body is called form-qi. Only when the soul-qi and the
body-qi are joined together in a single person do we have life. People should seek
two things—to live forever and to obtain good fortune. If you die, everything is
finished, so in order to seek to extend life, first, you must get a body that does not
decay so that the spirit or soul will have a place to abide. Then seek a method for the
soul to stay with the body, otherwise you will be dead and not be able to achieve any
kind of good fortune.
    Because of this, Daoists seek ways to keep body and soul together, and Daoism
(Taoism) has various methods to accomplish this purpose. The most basic of these
are of two sorts: the outer pill and the inner pill. The outer pill consists of using


Output:
various minerals, especially mercury, in order to concoct a potion. It is hoped that
by ingesting various potions, one can keep one’s body from decaying, and then the
soul can continue forever in its midst. They claim that if you put a bronze mud on
your feet and soak your feet in water for a very long time, you will not decay. If you
can find the so-called golden pill, once you eat it, your whole body will be able to
live forever without decaying.
176                                                    13   The Daoist Religion of China


Output:
The inner pill is a series of practices that cause the qi within the human body to
circulate through certain channels. This is called “working on your qi” and is the
same kind of thing that is known these days as qigong. If the qi continually
circulates in the human body, the whole body will be suffused with the light of
an extremely fine qi. The body itself will become as light as qi and the person will
be able to ascend to Heaven, which is called “to fly up in this very body.”
   When Daoism (Taoism) became a religion, it had to have its own deities to
venerate. At first the deity most venerated was the mythologized Laozi (Lao Tzu),
called “Laojun” or “Taishang Laojun.” Afterwards, under the influence of
Buddhism, very many other deities were added. Originally Buddhism had only
Shakyamuni as the Buddha, but afterwards they said that before Shakyamuni there
had been seven other Buddhas. Toward the end of the Northern and Southern


Output:
dynasties, a Daoist priest named Tao Hongjing wrote a book called Zhenling
Weiye Tu in which he divided Daoist deities into seven levels. The highest level
contained three deities. In the center was one called Yuanshi Tiandao. On his left
was Gaoshang Daojun and on his right was Yuanhuang Daojun. Laozi (Lao Tzu),
or Taishang Laojun, was placed below on the fourth level. Today in Daoist temples,
the formal hall is called the Hall of the Three Pure Ones, and most sects
worship these three deities. However, not all Daoist sects are alike. Some still
claim Taishang Laojun as the highest deity, saying that he existed before Heaven
and Earth were dreaded and that in different times he has different causes.
Originally he was Pan’gu Xiansheng. Heaven and Earth were separated by him,
and he has various spiritual powers.
   The Daoist religion has one female deity of particular power who is named
Xiwang Mu (Queen Mother of the West). Xiwang Mu existed as a deity before


Output:
the founding of the Daoist religion. In the Shanhaijing (from the fourth to the
second century B.C.), Xiwang Mu is not yet a female deity, but either of
undifferentiated sex or male. Only after the Mutianzi Zhuan does Xiwang Mu
become a female deity. This book recounts the story of the Zhou King Mu
(of about 1000 B.C.) who went to the Kunlun Mountains to seek Xiwang
Mu. In the earliest Daoist scriptures, however, where it is said there that the
character “Mi” indicates the proof of the longevity of the deity, Xiwang Mu is
merely a deity of long life. Thus, “Mu” here does not necessarily mean a female
deity. Only in the Jin and Northern and Southern dynasties, when the Daoist
religion set up Dongwang Gong as a counterpart to Xiwang Mu, did Xi-Wang
Mu emerge as an important female deity.
   The Daoist religion took the human body and its cultivation very seriously, as in
such matters as exilers, the inner and outer pill, and qigong. Because of this, it has


Output:
had a great influence on ancient medicine, pharmacology, chemistry, and the
nourishment of the human body. Many great Daoist leaders such as Ge Hong,
Tao Hongjing, and Sun Simiao were important scientists of Old China. Because of
this, people today who research the history and development of Chinese science
and technology cannot but study the history of the Daoist religion. The English
historian of science, Joseph Needham, in his Science and Civilization in China,
has relied extensively on the writings of the Daoist religion.
13   The Daoist Religion of China                                                  177


Output:
Daoists have written many works. The earliest collection of Daoist works,
called the Zhengtong Daozang, has 5,000 volumes. It was compiled in 1445 in
the tenth year of the Zhengtong Emperor of the Ming. Later, in the Wanli period,
a supplement appeared. These are important resources for the study of the history of
Chinese religion.
    In China today, Daoism (Taoism) is one of the important religions. About
3,000 people have formally become Daoist priests, and several important Daoist
temples have been restored. In Beijing there is a Daoist temple, called the Temple
of the White Clouds (Baiyun Guan), which was established in the Yuan Dynasty
(the thirteenth century) and belongs to the Guanzhen sect of Daoism (Taoism).
Its Hall of the Three Pure Ones is very fine; it also has two areas for the display of
historical objects of the Daoist religion. In Chengdu, Sichuan there is the Green
Goat palace and in Wuhan the Temple of Eternal Spring, both of which have been


Output:
very well restored and belong to the Guanzhen Daoist sect. In Xian a Daoist temple
called Louguan Tai belongs to the Northern sect of Daoism (Taoism). It was first
built in the Northern Zhou Dynasty (fifth century A.D.), but what exists now was
rebuilt in the Ming (fifteenth and sixteenth centuries). It is said that in the Louguan
Tai, Laozi (Lao Tzu), before he left for the West, dictated the Dao De Jing (Tao Te
Ching) to the gatekeeper, named Yixi.
    Longhu Mountain in Jiangxi is the birthplace of the Zhengyi sect of Daoism
(Taoism). Maoshan in Jiangsu is the birthplace of Tao Hongjing’s Maoshan sect.
Hangzhou has a Daoist temple in Geling where, it is said, Ge Hong refined the
pill. At each of these Daoist temples are Daoist priests, young and old, male and
female. At Beijing’s Temple of the White Clouds, a school of Daoist religion
teaches priests how to read Daoist scriptures. Beijing also has a Daoist Association,
a national organization publishing the Journal of the Chinese Daoist Association.


Output:
At Sichuan University, the Institute for the Study of Religion is dedicated solely to
the Daoist religion and is editing a Daoist dictionary. Beijing University has
established an Institute for the Study of the History of the Daoist Religion, where
I teach. The Institute for the Study of World Religions at the Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences in Beijing is doing a synopsis of the 5,000 volumes of the Daoist
canon. Two national conferences have been devoted to the study of the
Daoist religion, one at Beijing University. Thus, the study of Daoist currently is
developing very quickly.
Chapter 14
The Attempt of Matteo Ricci to Link Chinese
and Western Cultures


Output:
When introduced into another country or nation, a foreign culture is confronted
by the problem of how to treat that cultural tradition. If it wishes to spread easily
and exert influence in the country in which it is introduced, it must identify with that
country’s native culture. Hence, as the attitude of Matteo Ricci toward traditional
Chinese culture is related to his missionary goals in contacting Chinese and
especially Confucianist culture, he developed an intensive knowledge of that
culture and recognized its very positive value. Therefore, his missionary work
is related to an important issue in the history of culture: how effectively to blend
not only into one but to communicate between two cultural traditions with
different backgrounds. This is the heart of the problem of cultural transplantation.
Most probably, he appreciated well the significance of solving the problem and on
the whole took a positive attitude toward Confucianist culture. We may observe this


Output:
problem in two aspects: one is his own description of the problem, and the other
is how the literati of the period or a little later looked upon Matteo Ricci.
    Matteo Ricci not only had a good command of Chinese but also knew a great
deal about Chinese customs and etiquette. He not only dressed in Confucianist style
and called himself a “Western Confucianist” (xiru) with a square piece of cloth on
his head but also followed the etiquette of a Chinese scholar when meeting visitors.
He made a careful study of ancient Chinese classics and records and regarded
Confucius as a great man of wide knowledge. Of The Four Books (sishu) which he
translated, he wrote that it “was written by the four great philosophers and is full
of reasonable ethical thought.”1 To his mind, “it is no use at all just to know our
learning without the knowledge of theirs.”2


Output:
Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture, 1991: 147–157
1
  Quoted from Luo Guang, Matteo Ricci (in Chinese: Taipei, Taiwan).
2
  Ibid., pp. 208–209.

© Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd                        179
and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2015
Y. Tang, Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity and Chinese Culture,
China Academic Library, DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-45533-3_14
180                    14 The Attempt of Matteo Ricci to Link Chinese and Western Cultures


Output:
But how did he treat Chinese culture? In a letter dated 15 February 1609 to
another missionary, he wrote:
   As I have gradually illustrated, they (the Chinese) also appreciate very much the principle
   of filial piety, although one might hold different views. To date from its very beginning,
   they faithfully followed natural law in ancient times, just like the case in our country. In
   1500, this nation did not simply worship any idols. Even though they did worship some,
   these idols were not so detestable as those worshipped by our Egyptians, Greeks and
   Romans. Some of the gods were even very moral and well-known for their good conduct.
   As a matter of fact, in the most ancient and authoritative works of the literati, they only
   worshipped Heaven and Nature and their common master. When making a careful study of
   all these works, we may find few things contrary to reason, but instead, most of them are


Output: corresponding to reason. And their natural philosophers are no worse than anyone else.3


Output:
The above quotations make clear the following: (1) Ricci knew very well
traditional—especially Confucian—Chinese culture. As in ancient society, China
was dominated by the patriarchal clan system, and moral importance was
attached to filial piety based on the principle of blood relation and “natural law.”
In China worship of Heaven and Nature also is moral and hence naturally
“reasonable.” Being quite knowledgeable regarding Chinese culture, Ricci
regarded Confucianism not as a kind of religion but rather as based on “natural
law.” (2) Ricci highly appreciated China’s Confucianist culture. He saw that the
idolatry in ancient Chinese culture was not like that of the Egyptians, Greeks, and
Romans and hence that ancient Chinese philosophy, in speaking of human nature
and heavenly principles, transcended Western philosophy. This appears in his
answer to Xu Guangqi’s question, “China now, when virtue and rite and cultural


Output:
relics are all prevailing, really flourishes culturally as though it has dispelled clouds
and seen the sun again.”4 This may be due to the fact that as Catholic, he attached
great importance to opposing idolatry and advocating morality. Matteo Ricci was
strongly against the idolatry of Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism), but he did not
regard Confucian worship as a kind of idolatry. Thus, we can say that, on the whole,
Matteo Ricci agreed with and appreciated the orthodox Confucianist thought of
Chinese culture.
   As Xu Guangqi believed in Catholicism through his contact with Ricci, he
respected Ricci both for his learning and for his morality. He noted that in Ricci’s
speech, “you cannot find even a single word which runs counter to the principle of
loyalty and piety, nor can you find one harmful to the will of the people and the
world.”5 That Xu Guangqi should attach special importance to “loyalty and piety”
was influenced strongly by traditional Chinese ideas, and it is on this basis that


Output: Matteo Ricci preached the Catholic doctrines and received Chinese culture.


Output:
3
  Matteo Ricci, Lettere dalla China, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Zhonghuashu, China: China Press,
1983), p. 687.
4
  See the “Epilogue” to Twenty-five Sayings from Epictetus, in Xu Zongmian, ed. Extracts of the
Translated Works by the Protestants in Ming and Qing Dynasties (Beijing: China Press,
1949), p. 329.
5
  Ibid., p. 328.
14.1     Modes of Relating Oriental and Occidental Cultures                                        181

One passage in Ten Discourses by a Paradoxical Man describes the statement of
Gong Dacan made on Matteo Ricci:
      On hearing his wise talk, I feel that the Confucian classics of China and those of his country
      corroborate each other. Thus those who believe in the real sages, either from the East or
      from the West, from the North or from the South, are actually all the same.6


Output:
All the Chinese scholars mentioned above think that what Ricci preached
corresponded to traditional Chinese thought, especially to that of Confucianism,
the most fundamental linking point of which lies in “the principle of loyalty and
piety.” As far as we know, although the Chinese intellectuals at the time set store in
Ricci’s knowledge of astronomy, almanac, science, and technology, they valued
even more highly his attempt to combine Western with Chinese culture. This
probably is one of the earliest manifestations of “regarding Chinese learning as
the body and Western learning for use.” I shall discuss this problem later on.

14.1        Modes of Relating Oriental and Occidental Cultures


Output:
Judging from the above two aspects, we see that, while doing missionary work in
China, Matteo Ricci actually was trying to link Oriental and Occidental cultures.
On this premise, we would conclude that his attempt adopted the methods of
“linking Catholicism with Confucianism” (heru), “using the Catholic doctrines as
a complement to Confucianism” (buru), “making in some respects the Catholic
doctrines transcend the Confucian ones” (chaoru), “and making some revisions of
the Catholic doctrines so that they would concord with the Confucianist ones”
( furu). In short, on the above bases, Ricci attempted to discover the point at which
Oriental and Occidental cultures could be linked.

14.1.1 Linking Catholicism with Confucianism (Heru)


Output:
Matteo Ricci wrote three important books on Catholic doctrines: The True Meaning
of the Lord of Heaven, Ten Discourses by a Paradoxical Man, and Twenty-five
Sayings from Epictetus. The original title of the first one is “The True Meaning
of the Learning of Heaven.” Obviously, he first thought of avoiding the name
“the Lord of Heaven” because there is no such thing in China, to facilitate its
reception by the Chinese. Fang Yingjing explains in the Preface as follows:
      This book is about the questions and answers between Matteo Ricci and his fellow friends
      and five Chinese. What is the Lord of Heaven? It is God. It does exist.

6
    See Ten Discourses by a Paradoxical Man (Yanzhoufu: Catholic Press, 1930), Vol. II, p. 76.
182                       14 The Attempt of Matteo Ricci to Link Chinese and Western Cultures


Output:
The edition of The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven in the Ming Dynasty
often used the titles “God” and “Heaven” for “the Lord of Heaven” or “the Lord of
Supremacy,” while the present edition often uses instead “the Lord of Heaven” and
“the Lord of Supremacy” simply because Ricci used those titles in order to be
easily received by the Chinese. Thus, in ancient times, the Chinese people
worshipped Heaven, their state, and their forefathers, but not “the Lord of Heaven.”
He tries to conform to this by quoting the classics to show that in ancient China
“the Lord of Heaven” is God himself. The Chinese classics which he quotes include
The Book of Songs (shi), The Book of History (shu), The Book of Rites (li), The Book
of Changes (yi), and The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong). These quotes appear
more frequently in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven. For instance, in
Discourse 6 of Vol. II, where he answers the question about “rewarding the good


Output:
and punishing the evil,” he more than once quotes Chinese classics to confirm that
the doctrines of Catholicism should be combined with those of Confucianism.
(1) Matteo Ricci is quite aware of the existence of a supreme personal “God” in
ancient China, regarding which he argues that the “Lord of Heaven” in Western
Catholicism and “God” in China are one thing with different names. (2) Criticizing
Zhu Xi’s explanation, he argues that there is only one “supreme lord,” not two
(Heaven and earth). In his Introduction to The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven,
he notes that the ancient sage advised that the subject should be faithful, but that
they cannot be faithful to two lords. Of the three Cardinal Guides, ruler guiding
subject stands first for since a state has its head, how can Heaven and earth not have
their lord? As a state should be unified, how can Heaven and earth have two lords?
All these ideas obviously show his interpretations of the Catholic doctrines in


Output:
relation to Confucianism. (3) Quoting the ancient classics, he also states that God
wills to impose fortune and misfortune on humanity. (4) So God has his own
“sphere” (ting) which is different from the “Heaven” (tian) in nature. From all
these, we can see that what Matteo Ricci attempts to prove is that Catholicism
coincides with Confucianism and the ancient Chinese classics.


Output:
14.1.2 Complementing Confucianism (Buru)

Lettere dalla China is a note written by Matteo Ricci in Italian in China. Later a
British missionary translated it from Italian into Latin and added something
concerning the history of missionary work as well as of Matteo Ricci, the
missionary. It also has an appendix relating the missionary’s posthumous glory
and pathos. One passage in the book reads as follows:
      In answering what the main content of Christianity is, Dr. Xu Guangqi sums it up very
      exactly in four Chinese characters: “expelling Buddhism and omplementing Confucian-
      ism” (qufuburu). That is to say, he wants to expel the idol of Buddhism and add something
      to the doctrines of Confucianism.7

7
    Lettere dalla China, p. 663.
14.1     Modes of Relating Oriental and Occidental Cultures                                  183


Output:
As generally any religion is characterized by excluding others, Ricci criticized
Buddhism and Daoism (Taoism), especially the former, since he wanted to bring
Catholicism to China; this shows signs in nearly all his works. St. Augustine once
pointed out that the main content of a heathen religion should resolutely be given
up, but that the ideas put forward by some heathen philosophers should be taken
into account, accepted, or approved if they were really reasonable. Matteo Ricci
took this approach to the doctrines of Confucianism. He declared that Confucianism
had nothing to do with religion, but was rather a kind of philosophy. He particularly
esteemed Confucius, noting that as Confucius lived five centuries before the birth of
Jesus Christ, he could not know what was to happen 500 years later. “Ricci just
quotes the classics of Confucianism in their own terms, saying nothing of how they
should be evaluated after the death of Confucius.”8 In Ten Discourses by a


Output:
Paradoxical Man, there is a passage about Gong Dacan’s discussion with Ricci
on the issue: “whether good or evil will be rewarded posthumously.” Gong first
notes that the Chinese classics, because Emperor Qin Shihuang burned books and
persecuted scholars after the death of Confucius, lost the records of the paradise,
hell, and retribution, which are still in a good state of preservation in the West:
“Thus the stories about the paradise and hell are well preserved.” In China, the story
of retribution in later ages “is both vague and strange to scholars, who half believe
and half doubt its existence.” Gong also tries to prove the probable existence of the
paradise by quoting ancient classics, but he still doubts the idea that “bestowing
charity is bound to be rewarded a place and stand long.” Ricci explains this
according to the doctrines of Catholicism in which retribution to those who bestow
favor does not consist in “place” or “life span.” A man living in the world should


Output:
work hard for the Lord of Heaven instead of intending to be rewarded in his
lifetime; he should be confident that he will finally go to the paradise. Therefore,
answering Xu Guangqi he says: “Those who suffer simply for benefit and emolu-
ment or fame and official rank or lasciviousness rather than the sacred cause are
actually tragic. But those who suffer for the Lord of Heaven are obviously happy
and seem to live in the paradise.”9 It is apparent that he wants to complement the
thought of Confucianism with Catholic doctrines, but the approach he adopts is
not to negate the Confucian classics but to extend and develop them so as to show
that the Confucian ideas do not run counter to those of Western religions but may be
complemented by them.
    In The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, many passages deal with the
“retribution of good and evil.” In Discourse VI “On Man’s Being Rewarded with
Heaven or Punished with Hell after Death,” he more or less complements and


Output:
revises the Confucianist concept that “the family always doing good is bound to be
fortunate, whereas the family always doing evil is doomed to misfortune.” To him,
there is not only retribution in one’s lifetime or to one’s descendants (he seems not
to be favor of that to one’s descendants). What is more important is posthumous


Output:
8
    Ibid., p. 664; also cf. p. 693.
9
    All the quotations are from Vol. II of Ten Discourses by a Paradoxical Man, pp. 57–79.
184                      14 The Attempt of Matteo Ricci to Link Chinese and Western Cultures

retribution: those who do good will go to Heaven instead of going to Hell after
death. But as their purpose is not just this, Ricci adds:
     All those who do good usually have three intentions: (1) to go to Heaven instead of going to
     Hell; (2) to reward the kindness bestowed by the Lord of Heaven; and (3) just to follow the
     imperial edict given by the Lord of Heaven.10


Output:
The first intention serves as a bridge in order for one to reach the third; that is, doing
good is after all following the imperial edict. However, the Confucianists did not
know this and even criticized the concepts of Heaven and Hell simply because they
could not understand their deep significance: “The Confucianists criticize the
concepts of the Heaven and Hell because they do not know truth.”11 We can see
roughly the difference between Catholicism and China’s Confucianist tradition.
Since the Confucianists talk about “the retribution of good or evil” just from
personal moral cultivation, everyone should “have self-cultivation” or “stick to
morality” only for the purpose of reaching one’s inner moral accomplishment.
In this sense, it is pursuing a kind of “inner transcendence.” But the Catholic
doing good is after all for “the Lord of Heaven,” which is a kind of power of
“outer transcendence.” So it pursues or follows a kind of “outer transcendence.”
I shall discuss this problem later on.


Output: 14.1.3 Transcending Confucianism (Chaoru)


Output:
The aim of China’s Confucianist theory is to pursue “inner transcendence,” whereas
that of Catholicism is to pursue “outer transcendence.” In The True Meaning of the
Lord of Heaven, Matteo Ricci points out this shortcoming of Confucianism and
criticizes it.12
   As far as we know, traditional Chinese philosophy, and Confucianist philosophy
in particular, is strikingly different from Western philosophy and religion. The
Greek philosophy of Plato and Aristotle already had divided the world into two
parts: a transcendental noumenon and a real world. Thereafter Christianity was
concerned especially with an outer transcendent God, whereas traditional Chinese
philosophy was characterized by “inner transcendence.” What Confucius means by
“nature and the doctrine of Heaven” is a matter of inner transcendence, and what
Mencius meant by “thinking hard, knowing nature and Heaven” is also a matter of
“inner transcendence.” There is a sentence in Xici saying: “A feminine (yin) and a


Output:
masculine (yang) equals a word, and it is followed by virtue (shan) and will have
a nature,” which is a matter of “inner transcendence.” According to this, one may
reach a realm leading to a transcendental “Way of Heaven” through one’s own


Output:
10
   See The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (T’ien chu shih), p. 52.
11
   Ibid., p. 55.
12
   Ibid., p. 71.
14.1     Modes of Relating Oriental and Occidental Cultures                                           185

inner moral cultivation, without the help of an outer transcendent power. But for
Ricci, one can hardly reach the culminating realm just through one’s inner moral
cultivation; one must be pushed by an outer transcendent power or God; thus, it is
necessary to believe in God. That is to say, Ricci considers the doctrines of
Catholicism to be more perfect than those of Confucianism.

14.1.4 Concordance with Confucianism (Furu)


Output:
This concept means that it is necessary to make some revisions of the Catholic
doctrines or to yield to some of the Confucianist ideas in order to concord or chime
in with China’s traditional Confucianist thought.
   The editor’s Preface to the French 1978 edition of Lettere dalla China says:
      Immediately before Ricci’s death, the methods adapted by the Chinese missionary group
      led by him had already become an issue argued both at home and abroad. It was disputed
      with two objections. In practice, he was accused of paying too much attention to developing
      his relation to the Confucianist elite instead of pushing forward the missionary cause.
      In theory, he was also opposed for his positive evaluation of Confucianism. Some people
      even pointed out that, if so, it would run a risk of sullying the purity of Christianity. Only by
      means of a heightened religious emphasis can the missionary preach the Gospel to the


Output: broad masses of people and make evident the characteristics of Christianity.13