Output: Yet again the second "Canon states: "To condemn criticism is perverse. The reason is given under 'not to condemn.'" (Ch. 41.) On which the second "Exposition" comments: "To condemn criticism is to condemn one's own condemnation. If one does not condemn it, there is nothing to be condemned. When one cannot condemn it, this means not to condemn criticism. (Ch. 43-) These are all criticisms against Chuang Tzu. Chuang Tzu maintained that nothing can be decided in argument. Even if someone wins, he said, the winner is not necessarily right or the loser necessarily wrong. But according lo the later Mohists, Chuang Tzu, by expressing this very doctrine, showed himself in disagreement with others and was himself arguing. If he won the argument, did not this very fact prove him to be wrong? Chuang Tzu also said: "Great argument does not require words." And again: "Speech that argues falls short of its aim. (Chuaiig—lzu, oh. 2..) Hence all speech is perverse. Furthermore, he held that everything is right in its own


Output: he held that everything is right in its own way and in its own opinion, and one should not criticize the other.


Output: (Ibid.) But according to the later Mohists, what Chuang Tzu said itself consists of speech and itself constitutes a criticism against others. So if all speech is perverse, is not this saying of Chuang Tzu also perverse? And if all criticism against others is to be condemned, then Chuang Tzu's criticism should be condemned first of all. Chuang Tzu also talked much about the importance of having no knowledge. But such discussion is itself a form of knowledge. When there is no knowledge, there can be no discussion about it.


Output:
In criticizing the Taoists, the later Mohists pointed out certain logical paradoxes that have also appeared in Western philosophy. Il is only with the development of a new logic in recent times that these paradoxes have been solved. Thus in contemporary logic, the criticisms made by the later Mohists are no longer valid. Yet it is interesting to note that the later Mohists were so logically minded. More than any other school of ancient China, they attempted to create a pure system of epistemology and logic.

 2.06 THE LATER MOHISTS

 CHAPTER 12

 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 IN the second chapter of this book I said that the Yin-Yang School had its origin in the occultists. These occultists were anciently known as the fang shih, that is, practitioner of occult arts. In the "Treatise on Literature" (ch. 30) in the History of the Former Han Dynasty, which is based on the Seven Summaries by Liu Hsin, these occult arts are grouped into six classes.


Output:
The Six Classes of Occult Arts

 The first is astrology. "Astrology, says this chapter in the Han History; "serves to arrange in order the twenty-eight constellations, and note the progressions of the five planets and of the sun and the moon, so as to record thereby the manifestations of fortune and misfortune."

 The second deals with almanacs. "Almanacs," says the same treatise, serve to arrange the four seasons in proper order, to adjust the times of the equinoxes and solstices, and to note the concordance of the periods of the sun, moon, and five planets, so as thereby to examine into the actualities of cold and heat, life and death....Through this art, the miseries of calamities and the happiness of prosperity all appear manifest."

 The third is connected with the five Elements. "This art," says the "Treatise on Literature," "arises from the revolutions of the Five Powers [Five Elements], and if it is extended to its farthest limits, there is nothing to which it will not reach.


Output:
The fourth is divination by means of the stalks of the milfoil plant and that done with ihe lortuise shell or shoulder bones of the ox. These were the two main method* of divination in ancient China. In the latter method, the diviner bored a hole in a tortoise shell or a flat piece of bone, and then applied heat to it by a metal rod in such a way as to cause cracks to radiate from the hole. These cracks were interpreted by the diviner according to their configuration as an answer to the question asked. In the former method,

 2O8 THK. YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 the diviner manipulated the stalks of the milfoil in such a way as to produce certain numerical combinations which could be interpreted by means of the Book of Changes. Such interpretation was the primary purpose of the original corpus of this work.


Output:
The fifth group is that of miscellaneous divinations and the sixth is the system of forms. The latter included physiognomy together with what in later times has been known as feng-shui, literally, "wind and water." Feng-shui is based on the concept that man is the product of the universe. Hence his house or burial place must be so arranged as to be in harmony with the natural forces, i.e., with "wind and water.

 In the days when feudalism was in its prime during the early centuries of the Chou dynasty, every aristocratic house had attached to it hereditary experts in these various occult arts, who had to be consuited when any act of importance was contemplated. But with the gradual disintegration of feudalism, many of these experts lost their hereditary positions and scattered throughout the country, where they continued to practice their arts among the people. They then came to be known as the fang shih or practitioners of occult arts.


Output:
Occultism or magic is itself, of course, based on superstition, but it has often been the origin of science. The occult arts share with science the desire to interpret nature in a positive manner, and to acquire the services of nature through its conquest by man. Occultism becomes science when it gives up its belief in supernatural forces, and tries to interpret the universe solely in terms of forces that are natural. The concepts of what these natural forces are may in themselves initially look rather simple and crude, yet in them we find the beginnings of science.

 Such has been the contribution of the Yin -Yang school to Chinese thought. This school represents a scientific tendency in the sense that it tried to give a positive interpretation to natural events in terms solely of natural forces. By the word positive I mean that which has to do with matters of fact.


Output:
In ancient China there were two lines of thought that thus tried to interpret the structure and origin of the universe. One is found in the writings of the Yin-Yang school, while the other is found in some of the "Appendices" added by anonymous Confucianists to the original text of the Book of Changes. These two lines of thought seem to have developed independently. In the "Grand Norm" and "Monthly Commands, which we will examine below, there is stress on the Five Elements but no mention of the Yin and Yang; in the Appendices of the Book of Changes, on the contrary, much is said about the Yin and Yang, but nothing about the Five Elements. Later, however, these two lines of thought became intermingled. This was already the case by the time of Ssu—ma T an (died IIO B.C.), so that in the Historical Records he lumps them together as the Yin-Yang school.

 2.IO THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 .

 The Five Elements as Described in the Grand Norm


Output: The term Wu Hsing is usually translated as the Five Elements. We should not think of them as static, however, but ratjier as five dynamic and interacting forces. The Chinese word hsing means to act or to do, so that the term Wu Hsing, literally translated, would mean the Five Activities, or Five Agents. They are also known as the Wu Te, which means Five Powers.


Output: The term Wu Hsing appears in a text traditionally said lo antedate the twentieth century B.C. (See the Book of History; Part 111, Book II, eh. I, 3.) The authenticity of this text cannot be proved, however, and even if it were proved, we cannot be sure whether the term Wu Hsing means the same thing in it as it does in other texts whose date is better fixed. The first really authentic account of the Wu Hsing, therefore, is to be found in another section of the Book of History (Part V, Book 4), known as the Hung Fan or "Great Plan" or "Grand Norm." Traditionally, the "Grand Norm" is said to be the record of a speech delivered to King Wu of the Chou dynasty by the Viscount of Chi, a prince of the Shang dynasty which King Wu conquered at the end of the twelfth century B.C. In this speech, the Viscount of Chi in turn attributes his ideas to Yli, traditional founder of the Hsia Dynasty who is said to have lived in the twenty-second century B.C. These traditions are mentioned as examples of the way the writer of


Output: mentioned as examples of the way the writer of this treatise tried to give importance to the Wu Hsing theory. As to the actual date of the "Grand Norm,"


Output:
modern scholarship inclines to place it within the fourth or third centuries B.C.

 In the "Grand INorm" we are given a list of "Nine Categories." "First [among the categories]," we read, "is that of the Wu Hsing. The first [of these] is named Water; the second, Fire; the third, Wood; the fourth, Metal; the fifth, Soil. LThe nature of] Water is to moisten and descend; of Fire, to flame and ascend; of Wood, to be crooked and straighten; of Metal, to yield and to be modified; of Soil, to provide for sowing and reaping. '

 Next comes the category of the Five Functions. "Second," we read, "is that of the Five Functions. The first !_of these] is personal appearance; the second, speech; the third, vision; the fourth, hearing; the fifth, thought. Personal appearance should be decorous; speech should follow order; vision should be clear; hearing, distinct; thought, profound. Decorum produces solemnity; following order, regularity; clearness, intelligence; distinctness, deliberation; profundity, wisdom.


Output:
Skipping now lo the eighth of the Nine Categories, we come to what the "Grand Norm" calls the various indications: "The eighth is that of various indications. These are rain, sunshine, heat, cold, wind, and seasonableness. When these five come fully and in their regular order, I he various plants will be rich and luxuriant. If there is extreme excess in any of them, disaster fol-THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 L

 lows. The following are the favorable indications: the solemnity of the sovereign will be followed by seasonable rain; his regularity, by seasonable sunshine; his intelligence, by seasonable heat; his deliberation, by seasonable cold; his wisdom, by seasonable wind. The following are the unfavorable indications: the madness of the sovereign will be followed by steady rain; his insolence, by steady sunshine; his idleness, by steady heat; his haste, by steady cold; his ignorance, by steady wind.


Output:
In the "Grand Norm" we find that the idea of the Wu Using is still crude. In speaking of them, its author is still thinking in terms of the actual substances, water, fire, etc., instead of abstract forces bearing these names, as the Wu Hsing came to be regarded later on. The author also tells us that the human and natural worlds are interlinked; bad conduct on the part of the sovereign results in the appearance of abnormal phenomena in the world of nature. This theory, which was greatly developed by the Yin—Yang school in later times, is known as that of the mutual influence between nature and man."

 Two theories have been advanced to explain the reasons for this interaction. One is teleological. It maintains that wrong conduct on the part of the sovereign causes Heaven to become angry. That anger results in abnormal natural phenomena, which represent warnings given by Heaven to the sovereign.


Output:
The other theory is mechanistic. It maintains that the sovereign s bad conduct automatically results in a disturbance of nature and thus mechanically produces abnormal phenomena. The whole universe is a mechanism. When one part of it becomes out of order, the other part must be mechanically affected.

 This theory represents the scientific spirit of the Yin-Yang school, while the other reflects its occult origin.

 The "Monthly Commands

 The next important document of the Yin-Yang school is the Yiieh Ling or "Monthly Commands,"


Output:
which is first found in the Lii-xhih Ch'un-ch'in, a work of the late third century B.C., and later was also embodied in the Li Chi {Book of Rites). The Monthly Commands gains ils name from ihe fact that it is a small almanac which tells the ruler and men generally what they should do month by month in order to retain harmony wilh ihe forces of nature. In it, the structure of the universe is described in terms of the Yin-Yang school. This structure is spacio—temporal, that is, il relates both to space and to time. The ancient Chinese, being situated in the northern hemisphere, quite naturally regarded the south as the direction of heat and the north as that of cold. Hence the Yin-Yang school correlated the four seasons with the four compass points. Summer was correlated with the south; winter with the north; spring with the east, because it is the direction of sun-

 2.14 THE YM-YANC SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY


Output: rise; and autumn with the west, because this is the direction of sunset. The school also regarded the changes of day and night as representing, on a minialure scale, ihe changes of the four seasons of the year. Thus morning is a miniature representation of spring; noon, of summer; evening, of autumn; and night, of winter.


Output: South and summer are hot, because south is the direction and summer the time in which the Power or Element of Fire is dominant. North and winter are cold, because north is the direction and winter the time in which the Power of Water is dominant, and water is associated v vi lh ice and snow, which are cold. Likewise, the Power of Wood is dominant in the east and in spring, because spring is the time when plants (symbolized by wood ) begin to grow and the east is correlated with spring. The Power of Metal is dominant in the west and in autumn, because metal was regarded as something hard and harsh, and autumn is the bleak time when growing plants reach their end, while the west is correlated with autumn. Thus four of the five Powers are accounted for, leaving only the Power of Soil without a fixed place and season. According to the "Monthly Commands," however, Soil is the central of the Five Powers, and so occupies a place at the center of the four compass points. Its lime of domination is said to be a brief


Output: Its lime of domination is said to be a brief interim period coming between summer and autumn.


Output:
With such a cosmological theory, the Yin—Yang school tried to explain natural phenomena both in terms of time and space, and furthermore maintained that these phenomena are closely interrelated with human conduct. Hence, as stated above, the "Monthly Commands" sets forth regulations as to what the sovereign should do month by month, which is the reason for its name.

 Thus we are told: "In the first month of spring the east wind resolves the cold. Creatures that have been torpid during the winter begin to move....It is in this month that the vapors of heaven descend and those of earth ascend. Heaven and earth are in harmonious cooperation. All plants bud and grow. '

 (Bonk of Rites, ch. 4.)


Output:
(Bonk of Rites, ch. 4.)

 Because man's conduct should be in harmony with the way of nature, we are told that in this month, "lie [the sovereign] charges his assistants to disseminate [lessons of] virtue and harmonize governmental orders, so as to give effect to the expressions of his satisfaction and to bestow his favors to the millions of the people....Prohibitions arc issued against cutting down trees. Nests should not be thrown down...In this month no warlike operations should be undertaken; the undertaking of such is sure to be followed by calamities from Heaven. This avoidance of warlike operations means that they are not to be commenced on our side.

 If, in each month, the sovereign fails to act in the manner befitting that month, but instead follows the conduct appropriate to another month, abnormal natural phenomena will result. If in the first month of spring, the gov— 2.16 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY


Output:
ernmental proceedings proper to summer are carried out, rain will fall unseasonably, plants and trees will decay prematurely, and the state will be kept in continual fear. If the proceedings proper to aulumn are carried out, there will be great pestilence among the people, boisterous winds will work their violence, and rain will descend in torrents....If the proceedings proper to winter are carried out, pools of water will produce destructive effects, and snow and frost will prove very injurious....

 Tsou Yen

 A major figure of the Yin-Yang school in the third century B.C. was Tsou Yen. According to Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Shin Chi oi-Historical Records, Tsou Yen was a native of the State of Ch i in the central part of present Shantung province, and lived shortly after Mencius. He wrote essays totaling more than a hundred thousand words, but all have since been lost. In the Historical Records itself, however, Ssu—ma Ch ien gives a fairly detailed account of Tsou Yen s theories.


Output: According to this work (eh. 74), Tsou Yen's method was "first to examine small objects, and to extend this to large ones until he reached what was without limit." His interests seem to have been centered on geography and history.


Output:
As regards geography, Ssu-ma Ch'ien writes: "He began by classifying China s notable mountains, great rivers and connecting valleys; its birds and beasts; the productions of its waters and soils, and its rare products; and from this he extended his survey to what is beyond the seas, and which men are unable to see....He maintained that what scholars call the Middle Kingdom [i.e., China I holds a place in the whole world of but one part in eighty-one. He named China the Spiritual Continent of the Red Region.... Besides China [there are other continents] similar to the Spiritual Continent of the Red Region, making [with China] a total of nine continents....Around each of these is a small encircling sea, so that men and beasts cannot pass from one to another. These [nine continentsJ form one division.

 There are nine divisions like this. Around their outer edge is a vast ocean which encompasses them at the point where heaven and earth meet.


Output:
As regards Tsou Yen s historical concepts, Ssu—ma Ch ien writes: He first spoke about modern times, and from this went back to the time of Huang Ti [the legendary Yellow Emperor], all of which has been recorded by scholars. Moreover, he followed the great events in the rise and fall of ages, recorded their omens and institutions, and extended his survey backward to the time when heaven and earth had not yet been born, to what was profound and abstruse and not to be examined....Starting from the time of the separation of heaven and earth and coming down, he made citations of the Il8 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 revolutions and transformations of the Five Powers, anrl the [ different ways of] government and different omens appropriate to eaeh of the Powers."

 A Philosophy of History


Output:
A Philosophy of History

 The last few lines of the quotation show that Tsou Yen developed a new philosophy of history, according to which historical changes are interpreted in accordance with the revolutions and transformations of the Five Powers. The details of this theory are not reported by Ssu —ma Ch inn, but il is treated in one section of the Lit -shift Ch' un -ch' iu, even though in this section Tsou Yen s name is not explicitly mentioned. Thus this work stales (XIII, 2.):

 Whenever an Emperor or King is about to arise, Heaven must first manifest some favorable omen to the common people. In the time of the Yellow Emperor, Heaven first made huge earthworms and mole crickets appear. The Yellow Emperor said: The force of Soil is in ascendancy. Therefore he assumed yellow as his color, and took Soil as ihe pattern for his affairs.


Output:
"in the time of Yil [founder of the Hsia dynasty] Heaven first made grass and trees appear which did not die in the autumn and winter. Yii said: The force of Wood is in ascendancy.' Therefore he assumed green as his color and took Wood as the pattern for his affairs.

 In the time of T ang [ founder ol the Shang dynasty J Heaven made some knife blades appear in the water. T ang said: The force of Metal is in ascendancy. He therefore assumed white as his color and took Metal as the pattern for his affairs.

 "In the time of King Wen [ founder of the Chou dynasty] Heaven made a flame appear, while a red bird, holding a red book in its mouth, alighted on the altar of soil of the House of Chou. King Wen said: 'The force of Fire is in ascendancy. Therefore he assumed red as his color, and took Fire as I he pattern of his affairs."


Output:
Water will inevitably be the next force that will succeed Fire. Heaven will first make the ascendancy of Water manifest. The force of Water being in ascendancy, black will be assumed as its color, and Water will be taken as the pattern for affairs....When the cycle is complete, the operation will revert once more to Soil.

 The Yin—Yang school maintained that the Five Elements produce one another and also overcome one another in a fixed sequence. It also maintained that the sequence of the four seasons accords with this process of the mutual production of the Elements. Thus Wood, which dominates spring, produces Fire, which dominates summer. Fire in its turn produces Soil, which dominates the "center ; Soil again produces Metal, which dominates autumn; Metal produces Water, which dominates winter; and Water again produces

 2.2.0 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 Wood, which dominates spring.


Output:
Wood, which dominates spring.

 According to the above quotation, the succession of dynasties likewise accords with the natural succession of the Elements. Thus Earth, under whose Power the Yellow Emperor ruled, was overcome by the Wood of the Hsia dynasty. The Wood of this dynasty was overcome by the Metal of the Shang dynasty, Metal was overcome by the Fire of the Chou dynasty, and Fire would in its turn be overcome by the Water of whatever dynasty was to follow the Chou. The Water of this dynasty would then again be overcome by the Soil of the dynasty following, thus completing the cycle.


Output: As described in the Lii-shih Ch'un-ch'iu, this is but a theory, but soon afterward it had its effect in practical politics. Thus in the year 221 B.C., the First Emperor of the Ch in dynasty, known as Ch in Shih—Huang—Ti (246— 210 B.C.), conquered all the rival feudal states and thus created a unified Chinese empire under the Ch'in. As the successor to the Chou dynasty, he actually believed that "the force of Water is in ascendancy," and so, according to Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Historical Records, "assumed black as his color" and "took Water as the pattern for affairs." "The name of ihe Yellow River," says the Historical Records, "was changed to that of Power Water, because it was supposed to mark the beginning of the Power of Water. With harshness and violence, and an extreme severity, everything was decided by the law. For by punishing and oppressing, by having neither human— heartedness nor kindness, but only conforming to strict justice, there would come an accord with [the transformations of] the Five Powers."


Output:
(Ch. 6.)

 Because of its very harshness, the Ch in dynasty did not last long, and was soon succeeded by that of Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 22O). The Han Emperors also believed that they had become Emperors "by virtue of' one of the Five Powers, but there was considerable dispute as to which of the Powers it was. This was because some people maintained that the Han was the successor of the Ch in, and therefore ruled through Soil, whereas others maintained that the Ch in had been too harsh and short to be counted as a legitimate dynasty, so that the Han dynasty was actually the successor of the Chou. Support for both sides was found from many omens which were subject to varying interpretations. Finally, in 104 B.C., the Emperor Wu decided ajid formally announced that Soil was the Power for the Han. Even afterward, however, there were still differences of opinion.


Output:
Following the Han dynasty, people no longer paid very much attention to this question. Yet as late as 1911, when the last dynasty was brought to an end by the Chinese Republic, the official title of the Emperor was still "Emperor through Lthe Mandate ofj Heaven and in accordance with the Movements [of the Five Powers]."

 222 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 he Yin and Yang Principles As Described in the "Appendices" of the Book of Changes

 The theory of the Five Elements interpreted the structure of the universe, but did not explain the origin of the world. This was provided by the theory of the Yin and Yang.


Output: The word yang originally meant sunshine, or what pertains to sunshine and light; that of yin meant the absence of sunshine, i.e., shadow or darkness. In later development, the Yang and Yin came to be regarded as two cosmic principles or forces, respectively representing masculinity, activity, heat, brightness, dryness, hardness, etc., for the Yang, and femininity, passivity, cold, darkness, wetness, softness, etc., for the Yin. Through the interaction of these two primary principles, all phenomena of the universe are produced. This concept has remained dominant in Chinese cosmological speculation down to recent times. An early reference to it appears already in the Kuo Yu or Discussions of the States (which was itself compiled, however, probably only in the fourth or third century B.C.) This historical work records that when an earthquake occurred in the year 7&O B.C., a savant of the time explained: "When the Yang is concealed and cannot come forth, and when the Yin is repressed and cannot issue forth,


Output: when the Yin is repressed and cannot issue forth, then there are earthquakes." (Chou YU, I, 10.)


Output: Later, the theory of the Yin and Yang came to be connected primarily with the Book of Changes. The original corpus of this book consists of what are known as the eight trigrams, each made up of combinations of three divided or undivided lines, as follows: EE, E£, ZE, EJE, ErE, rE, El, E E. By combining any two of these trigrams with one another into diagrams of six lines each, ^ j l,|j, etc., a total of sixty-four combinations is obtained which are known as the sixty—four hexagrams. The original text of the Book of Changes consists of these hexagrams, and of descriptions of their supposed symbolic meaning.


Output:
According to tradition, the eight trigrams were invented by Fu Hsi, China s first legendary ruler, antedating even the Yellow Emperor. According to some scholars, Fu Hsi himself combined the eight trigrams so as to obtain the sixty-four hexagrams; according to others, this was done by King Wen of the twelfth century B.C. The textual comments on the hexagrams as a whole and on their hsiao (the individual lines in each hexagram) were, according to some scholars, written by King Wen; according to others, the comments on the hexagrams were written by King Wen, while those on the hsiao were by the Duke of Chou, the illustrious son of King Wen. Whether right or wrong, these attributions attest the importance which the Chinese attached to the eight trigrams and sixty—four hexagrams.

 Modern scholarship has advanced the theory that the trigrams and hexa-2.2-4 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY


Output: grams were invented early in the Chou dynasty as imitations of the cracks formed on a piece of tortoise shell or bone through the method of divination that was practiced under the Shang dynasty (1766?-nil'!


Output: B.C.), the dynasty that preceded the Chou. This method has already been mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. It consisted of applying heat to a shell or bone, and then, according to the cracks that resulted, determining the answer to the subject of divination. Such cracks, however, might assume an indefinite number of varying configurations, and so it was difficult to interpret them according to any fixed formula. Hence during the early part of the Chou dynasty this kind of divination seems to have been supplemented by another method, in which the stalks of a certain plant, known as the milfoil, were shuffled together so as to get varying combinations yielding odd and even numbers. These combinations were limited in number and so could be interpreted according to fixed formulas. It is now believed that the undivided and divided (i.e., odd and even) lines of the trigrams and hexagrams were graphic representations of these combinations. Thus the diviners, by shuffling the stalks of the milfoil, could


Output: by shuffling the stalks of the milfoil, could obtain a given line or set of lines, and then, by reading the comments on it contained in the Book of Changes, could give an answer to the question on which divination was made.


Output:
This, then, was the probable origin of the Book of Changes, and explains its title, which refers to the changing combinations of lines. Later, however, many supplementary interpretations were added to the Book of Changes, some moral, some metaphysical, and some cosmological. These were not composed until the latter part of the Chou dynasty, or even the earlier portion of the following Han dynasty, and are contained in a series of appendices known as the Ten Wings. In this chapter we shall discuss only the cosmological interpretations, leaving the remainder for chapter fifteen.

 Besides the concept of Yin and Yang, another important idea in the "Appendices" is that of number.

 Since divination was usually regarded by the ancients as a method for revealing the mystery of the universe, and since divination through the use of stalks of the milfoil plant was based on the combination of varying numbers, it is not surprising that the anonymous writers of the "Appendices"


Output:
tended to believe that the mystery of the universe is to be found in numbers. According to them, therefore, the numbers of the Yang are always odd, and those of the Yin are always even. Thus in "Appendix III" we read: "The number for Heaven [i.e., Yang] is one; that for Earth [i.e. Yin] is two; that for Heaven is three; that for Earth is four; that for Heaven is five; that for Earth is six; that for Heaven is seven; that for Earth is eight; that for Heaven is nine; that for Earth is ten. The numbers for Heaven and the numbers for Earth correspond with and complement one another. The numbers of Heaven [put together] are twenty-five; the num-

 * See Cheng Hsiian's (A.D. 127-200} commentary to the "Monthly Commands" in the Book of Rites, eh. 4.

 Il6 THE Y1N-YANC SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY


Output: bers of Earth Lput together] are thirty; the numbers of both Heaven and Earth [put together] are fifty—five. It is by these numbers that the evolutions and mystery of the universe are performed.


Output: Later the Yin-Yang school tried to connect the Five Elements with the Yin and Yang by means of numbers. Thus it maintained that one, the number for Heaven, produces Water, and six, the number for Earth, completes it. Two, the number for Earth, produces Fire, and seven, the number for Heaven, completes it. Three, the number fnr Heaven, produces Wood, and eight, the number for Earth, completes it. Four, the number for Earth, produces Metal, and nine, the number for Heaven, completes it. Five, the number for Heaven, produces Soil, and ten, the number for Earth, completes it. Thus one, two, three, four and five are the numbers that produce the Five Elements; six, seven, eight, nine and ten are the numbers that complete them.* This is the theory, therefore, that was used to explain the statement just quoted above: "The numbers for Heaven and the numbers for Earth correspond with and complement one another." It is remarkably similar to the theory of the Pythagoreans in ancient Greece, as reported by Diogenes


Output: in ancient Greece, as reported by Diogenes Laer-tius, according to which the four elements of Greek philosophy, namely Fire, Water, Earth and Air, are derived, though indirectly, from numbers.*


Output:
This, however, is in China a comparatively late theory, and in Appendices themselves there is no mention of the Five Elements. In these Appendices each of the eight trigrams is regarded as symbolizing certain things in the universe. Thus we read in 'Appendix V : "(The trigram) Ch' ien EEE

 is Heaven, round, and is the father....(The trigram) K un EE is Earth and is the mother. ...(The trigram) Chen zl is thunder....(The trigram) Sun = is wood and wind....(The trigram) K an — is water...and is the moon....(The trigram) Li EZ is fire and the sun... (The trigram) Ken El is mountain....(The trigram) Tui EE: is marsh.


Output:
In the trigrams, the undivided lines symbolize the Yang principle, and the divided lines the Yin principle. The trigrams Ch ien and K un, being made up entirely of undivided and divided lines respectively, are the symbols par excellence of the Yang and Yin, while the remaining six trigrams are supposedly produced through the intercourse of these primary two. Thus Ch ien and K'un are father and mother, while the other trigrams are usually spoken of in the Appendices as their sons and daughters.

 Thus the first line (from the bottom) of Ch ieh — , combined with the second and third lines of K'un EE , results in Chen Ei , which is called the eldest son. The first line of K'un, similarly combined with Ch'ien, resulls in Sun EE: , which is called the eldest daughter. The second line of Ch ich, combined with the first and third lines oi K un, results in K an EE , which is called the second son. The second line of K' un, similarly combined with Ch'


Output:
* Sec Livrs and Opinions ofEminrta Pliiliaiiphen. Honk VIII, ch. K).

 22.8 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOGONY

 ien, results in Li E-E , which is called the second daughter. The third line of Ch ien, combined with the first and second lines of K un, results in Ken z~z , which is called the youngest son. And the third line of K'un, similarly combined with Ch ien, results in Tui E£ , which is called the youngest daughter.

 This process of combination or intercourse between Ch ien and K un, which results in the production of the remaining six trigrams, is a graphic symbolization of the process of intercourse between the Yin and the Yang, whereby all things in the world are produced. That the world of things is produced through such intercourse of the Yin and Yang, is similar to the fact that living beings are produced through the intercourse of the male and female. It will be remembered that the Yang is the male principle, and the Yin, the female principle.


Output: In "Appendix III" of the Book of Changes we read: "There is an intermingling of the genial influences of heaven and earth, and the transformation of all things proceeds abundantly. There is a communication of seed between male and female, and all things are produced." Heaven and earth are the physical representations of the Yin and Yang, while Ch ien and K un are their symbolic representations. The Yang is the principle that "gives beginning to things; the Yin is that which completes them. Thus the process of the production of things by the Yang and Yin is completely analogous to that of the production of living beings by the male and female.


Output:
In the religion of the primitive Chinese, it was possible to conceive of a father god and mother goddess who actually gave birth to the world of things. In the Yin-Yang philosophy, however, such anthropomorphic concepts were replaced by, or interpreted in terms of, the Yin and Yang principles, which, though analogous to the female and male of living beings, were nevertheless conceived of as completely impersonal natural forces.

 230,

 THE YIN-YANG SCHOOL AND EARLY CHINESE COSMOCONY

 CHAPTER 13

 THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 I HE three greatest figures of the School of Literati in the Chou dynasty were Confucius (551-479), Mencius (371?-289? ) and Hsiin Tzu. The latter's dates are not definitely known, but probably lay within the years 2.98 and 238 B.C.


Output: Hsiin Tzu's personal name is K'uang, but he was also known under the alternative name of Hsun Ch'ing. He was a native of the state of Chao in the southern part of the present Hopei and Shansi provinces. The Shih Chi or Historical Records says in its biography of him (ch. 74) that when he was fifty he went to the state of Ch i, where he was probably the last great thinker of the academy of Chi-hsia, the great center of learning of that time. The book hearting his name contains thirty—two chapters, many of them detailed and logically developed essays which probably come directly from his pen.


Output:
Among the literati, Hsun Tzu's thought is the antithesis of that of Mencius. Some people say that Mencius represents the left wing of the school, while Hsiin Tzu represents ils right wing. This saying, while suggestive, is too much of a simplified generalization. Mencius was left in that he emphasized individual freedom, but he was right in that he valued super—moral values and therefore was nearer to religion. Hsiin Tzu was right in that he emphasized social control, but left in thai he expounded naturalism and therefore was in direct opposition to any religious ideas.

 Position of Man


Output:
Position of Man

 Hsun Tzu is best known because of his theory that human nature is originally evil. This is directly opposed to that of Mencius according to which human nature is originally good. Superficially, il may seem that Hsiin Tzu had a very low opinion of man, yet the truth is quite the contrary. Hsiin Tzu' s philosophy may be called a philosophy of culture. His general thesis is that everything that is good and valuable is the product of human effort. Value comes from culture and culture is the achievement of man. It is in this that man has the same importance in the universe as Heaven and Earth. As Hsiin 232 ■ THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU


Output: Tzu says: Heaven has its seasons, Earth has its resources, man has his culture. This is what is meant [when it is said that man] is able to form a trinity [with Heaven and Earth]." (Hsiln-tzu, ch. 17.) Mencius said that by developing one s mind to the utmost, one knows one's nature, and by knowing one's nature, one knows Heaven. (Mencius, Vila, I.) Thus, according to Mencius, a sage, in order to become a sage, must "know Heaven." But Hsiin Tzu maintains, on the contrary: "It is only the sage who does not seek to know Heaven." (Hsun-lzu, ch. 17.)


Output: According to Hsiin Tzu, the three powers of the universe, Heaven, Earth and man, each has its own particular vocation: "The stars make their rounds; the sun and moon alternately shine; the four seasons succeed one another; the Yin and Yang go through their great mutations; wind and rain are widely distributed; all things acquire their harmony and have their lives. (Ibid.) Such is the vocation of Heaven and Earth. But the vocation of man is to utilize what is offered by Heaven and Earth and thus create his own culture. Hsiin Tzu asks: Is it not much better to heap up wealth and use it advantageously than to exalt Heaven and think about it? (Ibid.) And then he continues: If we neglect what man can do and think about Heaven, we fail to understand the nature of things. (Ibid.) For in so doing, according to Hsiin Tzu, man forgets his own vocation; by daring to "think" about Heaven, he arrogates the vocation of Heaven.


Output:
This is "to give up that wherewith man can form a trinity with Heaven and Earth, and yet still desire such a trinity. This is a great illusion. (Ibid.)

 Theory of Human Nature

 Human nature, too, should be cultured, for, from Hsiin Tzu s view, the very fact that it is uncultured means that it cannot be good. Hsiin Tzu's thesis is that the nature of man is evil; his goodness is acquired training. (Hsiln-tzu, ch. 2.3.) According to him, "nature is the unwrought material of the original; what are acquired are the accomplishments and refinements brought about by culture. Without nature there would be nothing upon which to add the acquired. Without the acquired, nature could not become beautiful of itself." (Ibid.)


Output:
Although Hsiin Tzu s view of human nature is the exact opposite of that of Mencius, he agrees with him that it is possible for every man to become a sage, if he choose. Mencius had said that any man can become a Yao or Shun (two traditional sages). And Hsiin Tzu says likewise that "any man in the street can become a Yii [another traditional sage]." (Ibid.) This agreement has led some people to say that ihere is no real difference between the two Confucianists after all. Yet as a matter of fact, despite this seeming agreement, the difference is very real.

 According to Mencus, man is born with the "four beginnings of the four constant virtues. By fully developing these beginnings, he becomes a sage.

 234 THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU


Output:
But according to Hsiin Tzu, man is not only born without any beginnings of goodness, but, on the contrary, has actual "beginnings' of evilness. In the chapter titled On the Evilness of Human Nature, Hstin Tzu tries to prove that man is born with inherent desire for profit and sensual pleasure. But, despite these beginnings of evilness, he asserts that man at the same time possesses intelligence, and that this intelligence makes it possible for him to become good. In his own words: "Every man on the street has the capacity of knowing humanheartedness, righteousness, obedience to law and uprightness, and the means to carry out these principles. Thus it is evident that he can become a Ytt. (Ibid.) Thus whereas Mencius says that any man can become a Yao or Shun, because he is originally good, Hsiin Tzu argues that any man can become a Yii, because he is originally intelligent.

 Origin, of Morality


Output:
Origin, of Morality

 This leads to the question: How, then, can man become morally good? For if every man is born evil, what is the origin of good? To answer this question, Hsiin Tzu offers two lines of argument.

 In the first place, Hsiin Tzu maintains that men cannot live without some kind of a social organization.

 The reason for this is that, in order to enjoy better living, men have need of cooperation and mutual support. Hsiin Tzu says: A single individual needs the support of the accomplishments of hundreds of workmen. Yet an able man cannot be skilled in more than one line, and one man can not hold two offices simultaneously. If people all live alone and do not serve one another, there will be poverty. (Ch. 10.) Likewise, men need to be united in order to conquer other creatures: "Man's strength is not equal to that of the ox; his running is not equal to that of the horse; and yet ox and horse are used by him. How is this?


Output:
I say that it is because men are able to form social organizations, whereas the others are unable....When united, men have greater strength; having greater strength, they become powerful; being powerful, they can overcome other creatures. (Ibid.)

 For these two reasons, men must have a social organization. And in order to have a social organization, they need rules of conduct. These are the Ii (rites, ceremonies, customary rules of living) which hold an important place in Confucianism generally, and arc especially emphasized by Hsiin Tzu.


Output:
Speaking about the origin of the li, he says: "Whence do the li arise? The answer is that man is born with desires. When these desires are not satisfied, he cannot remain without seeking their satisfaction. When this seeking for satisfaction is without measure or limit, there can only be contention. When there is contention, there will be disorder. When there is disorder, everything will be finished. The early kings hated this disorder, and so they established the li [rules of conduct] and yi [righteousness, moralityJ, to set an end to this confusion.' (Ch. 19.)

 In another chapter, Hsiin Tzu writes: 'People desire and hale the same 236 THE REALISTIC. WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 things. Their desires are many, but things are few. Since they are few there will inevitably be strife." (Ch.

 10.) Hsiin Tzu ,here points to one of the fundamental troubles in human life. If people did not all desire and hate the same


Output:
things------for instance, if one liked to conquer and the other enjoyed being conquered------there would be no trouble between them and they would live together quite harmoniously. Or, if all the things that everyone desired were very plentiful, like the free air, then too there would be no trouble. Or yet a-gain if people could live quite apart from one another, the problem would be much simpler. But the world is not so ideal. People must live together, and in order to do so without contention, a limit must be imposed on everyone in the satisfaction of his desires.

 The function of the li is to set this limit. When there are the li, there is morality. He who acts according to the li acts morally. He who acts against them acts immorally.

 This is one line of Hsiin Tzu s argument to explain the origin of moral goodness. It is quite utilitarianistic, and resembles that of Mo Tzu.


Output: Hsiin Tzu also employs another line of argument. He writes: "Man is not truly man in the fact that he, uniquely, has two feet and no hair [over his body], but ruther in the fact that he makes social distinctions.


Output: Birds and beasts have fathers and offspring, but not the affection between father and son. They are male and female, but do not have the proper separation between males and females. Hence in the Way of Humanity there must be distinctions. No distinctions are greater than those of society. No social distinctions are greater than the li." (Ch. 5.) Here Hsiin Tzu points out the difference between what is of nature and what is of culture, or, as Chuang Tzu puts it, what is of nature and what is of man. The fact that birds and beasts have fathers and offspring and that they are either male or female, is a fact of nature. The social relationships between father and son, husband and wife, on the contrary, are products of culture and civilization. They are not gifts of nature, but achievements of spirit. Man should have social relations and the li, because it is these that distinguish him from birds and beasts. According to this line of argument, man must have morality, not because he cannot help it, but because he


Output: not because he cannot help it, but because he ought to have it. This line of argument is more akin to that of Mencius.


Output:
In Confucianism, li is a very comprehensive idea. It can be translated as ceremonies, rituals, or rules of social conduct. It is all these, but in the above arguments, it is taken more or less in the third sense. In this sense, the function of the li is to regulate. The li provide regulation for the satisfaction of man' s desires. But in the sense of ceremonies and rituals, the li have another function, that of refining. In this sense, the li give refinement and purification to man's emotions. In this latter interpretation, Hsiin Tzu also made a great contribution.

 THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 Theory of Riles and Music


Output:
Theory of Riles and Music

 For the Confucianists, the most important of the ceremonies are those of mourning and sacrifice (especially to the ancestors). These ceremonies were universal at that time, and as popularly practiced they contained not a little of superstition and mythology. In justifying them, however, the Confucianists gave them new interpretations and read into them new ideas. These we find in the Hsiin—tzu and the Li Chi or Book of Rites.

 Among the Confucian classics, there are two devoted to the rites. One is the Yi Li or Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, which is a factual record of the procedures of ceremonies as practiced at that time. The other is the Li Chi, which consists of the interpretations on the ceremonies given by the Confucianists. I believe that most of the chapters of the Li Chi were written by the followers of Hsiin Tzu.


Output: Our mind has two aspects, the intellectual and the emotional. When our loved ones die, we know, through our intellect, that the dead are dead and that there is no rational ground for believing in the immortality of the soul. If we were to act solely under the direction of our intellect, therefore, we would need no mourning rites. But since our mind also has its emotional aspect, this causes us, when our loved ones die, to hope that the dead may live again and that there may be a soul that will continue existing in the other world. When we thus give way to our fancy, we take superstition as truth, and deny the judgment of our intellect.


Output: Thus there is a difference between what we know and what we hope. Knowledge is important, but we cannot live with knowledge only. We need emotional satisfaction as well. In determining our attitude towards the dead, we have to take both aspects into consideration. As interpreted by the Confu— cianists, the mourning and sacrificial rites did precisely this. I have said that these rites were originally not without superstition and mythology. But with the interpretations of the Confucianists, these aspects were purged. The religious elements in them were transformed into poetry, so that they were no longer religious, but simply poetic.


Output:
Religion and poetry are both expressions of the fancy of man. They both mingle imagination with reality. The difference between them is that religion takes what it itself says as true, while poetry takes what it itself says as false. What poetry presents is not reality, and it knows that it is not. Therefore it deceives itself, yet it is a conscious self—deception. It is very unscientific, yet it does not contradict science. In poetry we obtain emotional satisfaction without obstructing the progress of the intellect.

 According to the Confucianist, when we perform the mourning and sacrificial rites, we are deceiving ourselves without being really deceived. In the Li Chi, Confucius is reported to have said: In dealing with the dead, if we treat them as if they were really dead, that would mean a want of affection, 2-4° THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU


Output: and should not be done. If we treat them as if they were really alive, that would mean a want of wisdom, and should not be done." (Ch. 2.) That is to say, we cannot Ireat the dead simply as we know, or hope, them to be. The middle way is to treat them both as we know and as we hope them to be. This way consists in treating the dead as if they were living.


Output: In Ins Treatise on Rites, Hsiin Tzu says: The rites are careful about the treatment of man's life and death. Life is the beginning of man, death is his end. If the beginning and end of man are both well treated, the Way of Humanity is complete....If we render adequate service to our parents when they are living hul not when they are dead, that means that we respect our parents when they have knowledge, but neglect them when they do not. One's death means that one is gone forever. That is the last chance for a subject to serve his sovereign, and a son his parents....The mourning rites serve to decorate the dead by the living, to send off the dead as if they were still living, and to render the same service to the dead as that to the living, a service uniform from the beginning to the end....Therefore the function of the mourning riles is to make clear the meaning of life and death, to send off the dead with sorrow and respect, and thus to complete the end of man." (Ch. 19.) In the same chapter, Hsiin Tzu


Output: of man." (Ch. 19.) In the same chapter, Hsiin Tzu says: The sacrificial rites are the expression of man s affectionate longing. They represent the height of piety and faithfulness, of love and respect. They represent also the completion of propriety and refinement. Their meaning cannot be fully understood except by the sages.


Output: The sages understand their meaning. Superior men enjoy their practice. They become the routine of the officer. They become the custom of the people. Superior men consider them to be the activity of man, while ordinary people consider them as something that has to do with spirits and ghosts....They exist to render the same service to the dead as to the living, to render the same service to the lost as to the existing. What they serve has neither shape nor even a shadow, yet they are the completion of culture and refinement. With this interpretation, the meaning of the mourning and sacrificial rites becomes completely poetic, not religious.


Output:
There are other kinds of sacrifice besides those offered to ancestors. These Hsiin Tzu interprets from the same point of view. Tn his chapter titled "Treatise on Nature," one passage reads: "Why is it that it rains after people have offered sacrifice for rain? Hsiin Tzu said:'There is no reason for that. It is the same as if there had been rain without praying for it. When there is an eclipse of the sun and the moon, we make demonstrations to save them. When rain is deficient, we pray for it. And when there are important affairs, we divine before we reach any decision. We do these things not because we can thereby get what we want. They are simply a sort of decorum. The superior man considers them as a sort of decorum, while ordinary people consider them as having supernatural force. One will be happy if one considers them as a sort of decorum; one will not, if one considers them as having su-2.42 THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 pernatural force."' (Ch. 17.)


Output:
pernatural force."' (Ch. 17.)

 We pray for rain, and divine before we make any important decision, because we want to express our anxiety. That is all. If we were to take prayer as really being able to move the gods, or divination as really being able to make predictions about the future, this would result in superstition with all its consequences.


Output:
Hsiin Tzu is also the author of a Treatise on Music, in which he writes: Man cannot be without joy, and wheii there is joy, it must have a physical embodiment. When this embodiment does not conform to the right principle, there will be disorder. The early kings hated this disorder, and so they established the music of the Ya and ung Ltwo of the divisions of the Book of Odes ] to guide it. They caused its music to be joyful and not degenerate, and its beauty to be distinct and not limited. They caused it in its indirect and direct appeals, its complexity and simplicity, its frugality and richness, its rests and notes, to stir up the goodness in men s minds and to prevent evil feelings from gaining any foothold. This is the manner in which the early kings established music. " (Ch. 2.0.) Thus music, for Hsiin Tzu, functions as an instrument for moral education. This has been the prevailing Confucianist view of music.

 Logical Theories


Output:
Logical Theories

 In the Hsiln-tzu there is a chapter titled "On the Rectification of Names." This subject is an old one in Confucianism. The term itself was originated by Confucius, as we have seen in chapter four. He said: "Let the ruler be ruler, the subject be subject; let the father be father and the son be son."

 (Analects, XII, 11.) Likewise Mencius said: "To be without the relationship of ruler and of father is to be like the beasts. (Mencius, IVb, 90 Because the interests of these two thinkers were purely ethical, their application of the rectification of names was likewise confined primarily to the sphere of ethics.

 Hsiin Tzu, however, lived in an age when the School of Names was flourishing. Hence his theory of the rectification of names possesses logical as well as ethical interest.


Output:
In his chapter, "On the Rectification of Names," Hsiin Tzu first describes his epistemological theory, which is similar to that of the later Mohists. He writes: "That in man by which he knows is L called the faculty ofj knowing. That in [the faculty of] knowing which corresponds [to external things] is called knowledge." (Ch. 2X) The faculty of knowing consists of two parts. One is what he calls the natural senses, such as those of the ears and eyes. The other is the mind itself. The natural senses receive impressions, and the mind interprets and gives meaning to them. Hsiin Tzu writes: "The mind gives meaning to impressions. It gives meaning to impressions, and only then, by means of the ear, can sound be known; by means of the eye, can forms be known....When the five senses note something but cannot classify it,

 2-44 . THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 and the mind tries to identify it but fails to give it meaning, then one can only say that there is no knowledge.' (Ibid.)


Output:
As to the origin and use of names, Hsiln Tzu says: "Names were made in order to denote actualities, on the one hand so as to make evident the distinctions between superior and inferior [in society], and on the other hand to distinguish similarities and differences. (Ibid.) That is to say, names were originated partly for ethical and partly for logical reasons.

 As to the logical use of names, he says: 'Names are given to things. When things are alike, they are named alike; when different, they are named differently....The one who knows that different actualities have different names, and who therefore never refers to different actualities otherwise than by different names, will not experience any confusion. Likewise he who refers to the same actualities should never use any other but the same names. (Ibid.)


Output: Regarding the logical classification of names, he writes further: Although things are innumerable, there are times when we wish to speak of them all in general, so we call them 'things.' 'Things' is the most general term. We press on and generalize; we generalize arid generalize still more, until there is nothing more general. Then only we stop. There are times when we wish lo speak of one aspect, so we say birds and beasts. Birds and beasts is the great classifying term. We press on and classify. We classify and classify still more, until there is no more classification to be made, and then we stop." (Ibid.) Thus Hsiin Tzu distinguishes two kinds of names, the general and the classifying. The general name is the product of the synthetic process of our reasoning, while the classifying name is that of its analytic process.


Output: All names are man-made. When they were in the process of invention, there was no reason why an actuality should be designated by one particular name rather than another. The animal that came to be known as ' dog, for example, might equally well have been called "cat" instead. Once, however, certain names came through convention to be applied to certain actualities, they could be attached to these and none other. As Hsiin Tzu explains: "There are no names necessarily appropriate themselves. Names were named by convention. But when the convention having been established, it has become customary, this is called an appropriate name." (Ibid)


Output:
He also writes: "Should a true King arise, he must certainly follow the ancient terms and make the new ones. (Ibid) Thus the invention of new names and determination of their meanings is a function of the ruler and his government. Hsiin Tzu says: "When the kings had regulated names, the names were fixed and actualities distinguished. Their principles were thus able to be carried out, and their will could be known. They thus carefully led the people to unity. Therefore, the making of unauthorized distinctions between words, and the making of new words, so as thus to confuse the correct nomenclature, cause the people to be in doubt, and bring much litigation, was called great wickedness.

 It was a crime like that of using false credentials or false measures. (Ibid.) 2-46 THE REALISTIC. WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 Fallacies of Other Schools


Output:
Fallacies of Other Schools

 Hsiin Tzu considered most of the arguments of the School of Names and the later Mohists to be based upon logical sophistries and so fallacious. He grouped them into three classes of fallacies.

 The first is what he calls 'the fallacy of corrupting names with names." (Ibid.) In this class, he includes the Mohist argument that "to kill a robber is not to kill a man. Tins is because, according to Hsiin Tzu, the very fact of being a robber implies being a man, since by extension the category which bears the name "man includes the category which has the name "robber." When one speaks of a robber, therefore, one means by this a being who is at the same time a man.

 The second class Hsiin Tzu calls "the fallacy of corrupting names with actualities." (Ibid.) In this group he includes the argument that "mountains and abysses are on the same level, which is a rephrasing by Hsiin Tzu of Hui Shih's argument that "mountains and marshes are on the same level."


Output: Actualities, being concrete, are individual cases, while names, being abstract, represent general categories or rules. When one tries to disprove general rules by individual exceptions, the result is a corruption of the name by the actuality. Thus a particular abyss that happens to be located on a high mountain may indeed be on the same level as a particular mountain that happens to be on low land. But one cannot infer from this exceptional instance that all abysses are on the same level with all mountains.


Output:
The third class is what Hsiin Tzu calls "the fallacy of corrupting actualities with names. (Ibid.) Here he includes the Mohist argument that "ox-and-horse are not horse, an argument which is the same in kind as Kung—sun Lung's statement that "a white horse is not a horse." If one examines the name of ox-and-horse, one sees that it is indeed not equivalent to that of the name horse. Yet as a matter of fact some of the creatures belonging to the group known as "ox-and-horse" are, as actualities, indeed horses.

 Hsiin Tzu then concludes that the rise of all these fallacies is due to the fact that no sage-king exists.

 Were there to be such a sage-king, he would use his political authority to unify the minds of the people, and lead them to the true way of life in which there is no place or need for disputation and argument.


Output:
Hsiin Tzu here reflects the spirit of the troubled age of his time. It was an age in which men longed desperately for a political unification which would bring these troubles to an end. Such a unification, though in actual fact one of China only, was regarded, by these people, as equivalent to a unification of the whole world.

 Among Hsiin Tzu s disciples, the two most famous were Li Ssu and Han Fei Tzu, both of whom were to have a great influence on Chinese history. Li Ssu later became Prime Minister of the First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty, the man who finally forcibly unified China in 2.21 B.C. Together with his

 2-48 . THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU


Output:
master, he labored not only for a political but an ideological unification as well, a movement which culminated in the Burning of the Books in 213 B.C. The other disciple, Han Fei Tzu, became a leading figure in the Legalist school which supplied the theoretical justification for this political and ideological unification. The ideas of this school will be described in the next chapter.

 2.50.

 THE REALISTIC WING OF CONFUCIANISM: HSUN TZU

 CHAPTER 14

 AN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL


Output:
AN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 1 HE feudalistic society of the early Chou dynasty operated according to two principles: one was that of the li (rituals, ceremonies, rules of conduct, mores); the other was that of the hsing (penalties, punishments). The li formed the unwritten code of honor governing the conduct of the aristocrats, who were known as chiin tzu (a term literally meaning son of a prince, princely man, or gentleman); the hsing, on the contrary, applied only to the people of ordinary birth who were known as shu jen (common men) or hsiao jen (small men). This is the meaning of the saying in the Li Chi (Book of Rites): "The li do not go down to the common people; the hsing do not go up to the ministers." (Ch.

 10.)

 Social Background of the Legalists

 This was possible because the structure of Chinese feudalistic society was comparatively simple.


Output: Kings, princes, and feudal lords were all related to each other either by blood or by marriage. In theory the princes of each state were subordinate to the king, and the feudal lords within these states were in turn subordinate to their prince. But in actual fact, these nobles, having long inherited their rights from their ancestors, came in the course of lime to regard these rights as existing independently of their theoretical allegiance to their superiors. Thus the many states that belonged to the hegemony theoretically controlled by the central Chou King were in actual fact semi-independent, and within each of these states there were likewise many semi-independent "houses of lesser nobles. Being relatives, these various feudatories maintained social and diplomatic contacts, and transacted business, if any, according to their unwritten code of gentleman s agreements. That is to say, their conduct was governed by li.


Output:
The kings and princes at the top had no direct dealings with the common people. They left such matters to the lesser feudal lords, each of whom ruled the common people living within his own fief.

 Since such fiefs were usually

 252.

 HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 not large, their populations were limited. Hence the nobles were able in considerable measure lo rule the people under them on a personal basis. Punishments were applied to keep their subjects obedient. Thus we find that in early Chinese feudalistic society, relationships, both high and low, were maintained on a basis of personal influence and personal contact.


Output: The distintcgration of this type of society in the later centuries of the Chou dynasty brought with it far-reaching social and political changes. The social distinctions between the class of princely men on the one hand and small men on the other were no longer so absolutely demarcated. Already in the time of Confucius, we sec how aristocrats somelimes lost their land and titles, and how members of the common people, either by talent or good luck, succeeded in becoming socially and politically prominent. The old fixity of social classes was breaking down. Likewise, as time wore on, the territories of the larger states became ever larger through aggression and conquest. In order to carry on warfare or prepare for war, these states needed a strong government, thai is, a government with a high concentration of power. As a consequence, the structure as well as ihe functions of government became ever more complex than formerly.


Output:
New situations brought with them new problems. Such were the conditions faced by all the rulers of the feudal states of the time, and it was the common endeavor of all the schools of thought since Confucius to solve these problems. Most of their proposed solutions, however, were not realistic e-nough to be practical. What the rulers needed were not idealistic programs for doing good to their people, but realistic methods for dealing with the new situations faced by their government.

 There were certain men who had a keen understanding of real and practical polities. The rulers of the time used to seek the advice of these men, and if their suggestions proved effective, they often became trusted advisers of the rulers, and in some cases became Prime Ministers. Such advisers were known as fang shu chih shih or men of method.


Output:
They were so (tailed because they developed methods for governing large areas; methods which left a high concentration of power in the person of the ruler, and which they boasted were foolproof.

 According to them, it was quite unnecessary that a ruler be a sage or superman. By faithfully applying their methods, a person of even merely average intelligence could govern, and govern well. There were also some "men of melhod ' who went further and supplied a rational justification or theoretical expression for their techniques. It was this that constituted the thought of the Legalist school.

 Thus it is wrong to associate ihe thought of the Legalist school with jurisprudence. In modem terms, what this school taught was the theory and melhod of organization and leadership. If one wants to organize people and be their leader, one will find that the Legalist theory and practice are still instructive and useful, but only if one is willing to follow totalitarian lines.


Output:
254 , HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 Han Fei Tzu, the Synthesizer of the Legalist School

 In this chapter, 1 take Han Fei Tzu as the culminating representative of the Legalist school. He was a descendant of the royal house of the state of Han, in present Western Honan province. The Shih Chi or Historical Records says of him: "Together with Li Ssu, he studied under Hsiln Tzu. Li Ssu considered himself not equal to Han Fei. (Ch. 63.) He was an able writer and composed a lengthy work bearing his name in fifty—five chapters. Ironically enough, it was in Ch'in, the state which more than any other applied his principles and thus conquered the other states, that he died in prison in 2.33 B.C. The cause was a political intrigue on the part of his former fellow student, Li Ssu, who was an official in Ch in, and who may have been jealous of the growing favor accorded to Han Fei Tzu.


Output: Before Han Fei Tzu, who was the last and greatest theorizer of the legalist school, there had been three groups, each with its own line of thought. One was headed by Shen Tao, a contemporary of Mencius, who held that shih was the most important factor in politics and government. Another was headed by Shen Pu-hai (died 337 B.C.), who stressed that shu was the most important factor. Still another was headed by Shang Yang, also known as Lord Shang (died 33$ B.C.), who, for his part, emphasized fa. Shih means power or authority; fa means law or regulation; shu means the method or art of conducting affairs and handling men, i.e., "statecraft.


Output:
Han Fei Tzu considered all three alike as indispensable. He said: The intelligent ruler carries out his regulations as would Heaven, and handles men as if he were a divine being. Being like Heaven, he commits no wrong, and being like a divine being, he falls into no difficulties. His shih [power] enforces his strict orders, and nothing that he encounters resists him....Only when this is so can his laws [fa] be carried out in concert." (Han-fei-tzu, ch. 48-) The intelligent ruler is like Heaven because he acts in accordance with law fairly and impartially. This is the function of fa. He is like a divine being, because he has the art of handling men, so that men are handled without knowing how they are handled. This is the function of the shu. And he has the authority or power to enforce his orders. This is the function of shih. These three together are "the implements of emperors and kings" (ch. 43), no one of which can be neglected.

 Legalist Philosophy of HLslory


Output:
Legalist Philosophy of HLslory

 Perhaps the Chinese traditional respect for past experience stems from the ways of thought of their overwhelmingly agrarian population. Farmers arc rooted to the soil and travel but rarely. They cultivate their land in accordance with seasonal changes which repeat themselves year after year. Past experience is a sufficient guide for their work, so that whenever they want to try something new, they first look back to past experience for precedent.

 256 HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL


Output: This mentality has influenced Chinese philosophy a great deal, so that since the time of Confucius, most philosophers have appealed to ancient authority as justification for their own teaching. Thus Confucius ancient authorities were King Wen and the Duke of Chou, of the beginning of the Chou dynasty. In order to improve upon Confucius, Mo Tzu appealed to the au-ihority of the legendary Yii, who supposedly lived a thousand years earlier than King Wen and the Duke of Chou. Mencius, to gel the better of the Mohists, went still further back to Yao and Shun, who were supposed to have antedated Yii. And finally the Taoists, in order to gain a hearing for their ideas against those of both the Confucianists and Mohists, appealed to the authority of Fu Hsi and Shcn Nung, who were reputed to have lived several centuries earlier than either Yao or Shun.


Output:
By thus looking to the past, these philosophers created a regressive view of history. Although belonging to different schools, they all agreed that the golden age of man lies in the past rather than the future. The movement of history since then has been one of progressive degeneration. Hence man s salvation consists not in the creation of something new, but in a return to what has already existed.

 To this view of history the Legalists, the last major school of the Chou period, took sharp exception.

 They fully understood the changing needs of the time and viewed them realistically. Although admitting that the people of ancient times were more innocent and in this sense perhaps more virtuous, they maintained that this was due to material circumstances rather than to any inherent superior goodness.


Output: Thus according to Han Fei Tzu, anciently there were few people but plenty of supplies, and therefore the people did not quarrel. But nowadays people do not consider a family of five children as large, and each child having again five children, before the death of the grandfather there may be twenty—five grandchildren. The result is that there are many people but few supplies, and that one has to work hard for a meager return. So the people fall to quarreling." (Han-fei-tzu, ch. 49.) Because of these completely new circumstances, according to Han Fei Tzu, new problems can only be solved by new measures. Only a fool can fail to realize this obvious fact. Han Fei Tzu illustrates this kind of folly with a story: "There was once a man of Sung who tilled his field. In the midst of the field stood a stem of a tree, and one day a hare in full course rushed against that stem, broke its neck, and died. Thereupon the man left his plough and stood waiting at that tree in the hope that he would catch another hare. But


Output: in the hope that he would catch another hare. But he never caught another hare and was ridiculed by the people of Sung. If, however, you wish to rule the people of today by the methods of government of the early kings, you do exactly the same thing as the man who waited by the tree....Therefore affairs go according to their time, and preparations are made in accordance with affairs. (Ibid.)


Output:
Before Han Fei Tzu, Lord Shang already said similarly: "When the guiding principles of the people become unsuited to the circumstances, their

 258-HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 standards of value must change. As conditions in the world change, different principles are practised. '

 (Book of Lord Shang, II, 7.)

 This conception of history as a process of change is a commonplace to our modern mind, but it was revolutionary viewed against the prevailing theories of the other schools of ancient China.

 Way of Government


Output:
Way of Government

 To meet new political circumstances, the Legalists proposed new ways of government, which, as stated above, they claimed to be infallible. The first necessary step, according to them, was to set up laws. Han Fei Tzu writes: "A law is that which is recorded on the registers, set up in the government offices, and promulgated among the people. (Han—fei—tzu, eh. 38) Through these laws the people are told what they should and should not do. Once the laws are promulgated, the ruler must keep a sharp watch on the conduct of the people. Because he possesses shih or authority, he can punish those who violate his laws, and reward those who obey them. By so doing he can successfully rule the people, no matter how numerous they may be.


Output:
Han Fei Tzu writes on this point: "in his rule of a state, the sage does not depend upon men doing good themselves, but brings it about that they can do no wrong. Within the frontiers of a state, there are no more than ten people who will do good of themselves; nevertheless, if one brings it about that the people can do no wrong, the entire state can be kept peaceful. He who rules a country makes use of the majority and neglects the few, and so does not concern himself with virtue but with law. (Ch. 50.) Thus with law and authority, the ruler rules his people. He need have no special ability or high virtue, nor need he, as the Confucianists maintained, set a personal example of good conduct, or rule through personal influence.

 It may be argued that this procedure is not really foolproof, because the ruler needs ability and knowledge to make laws and keep a watch on the conduct of the people, who may be large in number.


Output:
The Legalists answer this objection by saying that the ruler need not do all these things himself. If he merely possesses shu, the art of handling men, he can then get the right men to do everything for him.

 The concept of shu is of philosophical interest. It is also one aspect of the old doctrine of the rectification of names. The term used by the Legalists for this doctrine is "holding the actualities responsible for their names.' (Han-fei-tzu, ch. 43.)

 By "actualities," the Legalists mean the individuals who hold government office, while by "names,"

 they mean the titles of the offices thus held. These titles are indicative of what the individuals who hold the office in question should ideally accomplish. Hence "holding the actualities responsible for their names," means holding the individuals who occupy certain offices responsible for carrying out what should be ideally accomplished in these of-

 260

 HAN FEI TZU AND THE LECALIST SCHOOL


Output:
HAN FEI TZU AND THE LECALIST SCHOOL

 fices. The ruler's duty is to attach a particular name to a particular individual, that is to say, confer a given office upon a given person. The functions pertaining to this office have already been defined by law and are indicated by the name given to it. Hence the ruler need not, and should not, bother about the methods used to carry out his work, so long as the work itself is done and well done. If it is well done, the ruler rewards him; if not, he punishes him. That is all.


Output: It may yet be asked how the ruler is to know which man is the best for a certain office. The Legalists answer that this too can be known by the same shu or method of statecraft. Han Fei Tzu says: "When a minister makes claims, the ruler gives him work according to what he has claimed, but holds him wholly responsible for accomplishment corresponding to this work. When the accomplishment corresponds to this work, and the work corresponds to what the man has claimed he could do, he is rewarded. Tf the accomplishment does not correspond to the work, nor the work correspond to what the man has claimed for himself, he is punished. (Ch. 7-) After this procedure has been followed in several instances, if the ruler is strict in his rewards and punishments, incompetent people will no longer dare to take office even if it is offered to them. Thus all incompetents are eliminated, leaving government positions only to those who can successfully fill them.


Output:
Yet the problem still remains: How is the ruler to know whether an "actuality does in fact correspond to its name ? The Legalist reply is that it is up to the ruler himself, if he is uncertain, to test the result. If he is not sure that his cook is really a good cook, he can settle the matter simply by tasting his cooking.

 He need not always judge results for himself, however. He can appoint others to judge for him, and these judges will then, in their turn, be held strictly responsible for their names.

 Thus, according to the Legalists, their way of government is really foolproof. The ruler need only retain the authority of rewards and punishments in his own hands. He will then rule by "doing nothing, yet there is nothing that is not done."


Output:
Such rewards and punishments are what Han Fei Tzu calls the two handles of the ruler." (Ch. 7) Their effectiveness derives from the fact that il is the nature of man to seek profit and to avoid harm. Han Fei Tzu says: In ruling the world, one must act in accordance with human nature. In human nature there are the feelings of liking and disliking, and hence rewards and punishments are effective. When rewards and punishments are effective, interdicts and commands can be established, and the way of government is complete. "(Ch. 48.)

 Han Fei Tzu, as a student of Hsiin Tzu, was convinced that human nature is evil. But he differed from Hsiin Tzu in that he was not interested in the latter s stress on culture as a means of changing human nature so as to make it something good. According to him and the other Legalists, it is precisely because human nature is what it is, that the Legalist way of govern—

 i62. HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL


Output:
ment is practical. The Legalists proposed this way of government on the assumption that man is what he is, i.e., naturally evil, and not on the assumption that he is to be converted into what he ought to be.

 Legalism and Taoism


Output:
Legalism and Taoism

 "Doing nothing, yet there is nothing that is not done.' This is the Taoist idea of wu wei, having-no-activity or non-action, but it is also a Legalist idea. According to Han Fei Tzu and the Legalists, the one great virtue required of a ruler is lhat he follow the course of non—action. He should do nothing himself but should merely let others do everything for him. Han Fei Tzu says: "just as the sun and moon shine forth, the four seasons progress, the clouds spread, and the wind blows, so does the ruler not encumber his mind with knowledge, or himself with selfishness. He relies for good government or disorder upon laws and methods [shui; leaves right and wrong to be dealt with through rewards and punishments; and refers lightness and heaviness to the balance of the scale. (Ch. 29) In other words, the ruler possesses the implements and mechanism through which government is conducted, and having these, does nothing, yet there is nothing that is not done.


Output: Taoism and Legalism represent the two extremes of Chinese thought. The Taoists maintained that man originally is completely innocent; the Legalists, on the other hand, that he is completely evil. The Taoists stood for absolute individual freedom; the Legalists for absolute social control. Yet in the idea of non-action, the two extremes meet. That is to say, they had here some common ground.


Output: Under somewhat different wording, the Legalist way of government was also maintained by the later Taoists. In the Chuang-tzu we find a passage that speaks about the way of employing human society. Tn this passage distinctions are made between having activity and having-no-activity, and between "being employed by the world" and "employing the world." Hav-ing-no-activity is the way of employing the world; having-activity is the way of being employed by the world. The ruler s reason for existence is to rule the whole world. Hence his function and duty is not to do things himself, but to tell others to do them for him. In other words, his method of rule is to employ the world by having—no—activity. The duty and function of subordinates, on the other hand, is to take orders and do things accordingly. In other words, the function of the subordinate is to be employed by the world by having activity. The same passage says: "The superior must have no activity, so as thus to employ the world; but the subordinates


Output: as thus to employ the world; but the subordinates must have activity, so as thus to be employed by the world. This is the invariable way."


Output:
(Chuang-tzu, ch. 13.)

 The Chuang-tzu continues: "Therefore, the rulers of old, although their knowledge spread throughjout the whole universe, did not themselves think. Although their eloquence beautified all things, they did not themselves

 1 6 4 HAN FEI TZU AND THE LECALIST SCHOOL

 speak. Although their abilities exhausted all things within the four seas, they did not themselves act."

 (Ibid.) A ruler should be so, because if he once thinks about something, this means that there is something else about which he does not think; yet his whole duty and function is to think about all things under his rule. The solution, therefore, is for him not to try to think, speak, and act himself, but merely to tell others to think, speak, and act in his place. In this way he does nothing, and yet there is nothing that is not done.


Output: As to the detailed procedure by which the ruler is thus to "employ the world, the same passage says: Those of old who made manifest the great Tan, first made manifest Heaven, and Too and Te came next.


Output: Too and Te being manifested, the virtues of humanheartedness and righteousness came next. These being manifested, the division of offices came next. These being manifested, actualities and names came next. These being manifested, employment without interference came next. This being manifested, examinations and discriminations came next. These being manifested, judgement of right and wrong came next. This being manifested, rewards and punishments came next. With the manifestation of rewards and punishments, the foolish and the wise assumed their proper positions, the noble and the humble occupied their proper places, and the virtuous and the worthless were employed according to their nature. ...This is perfect peace, the acme of good government. (Ibid.) It is clear that the latter part of this program is the same as that of the Legalists. Yet the passage goes on by saying: Those of antiquity who spoke about the great Too, mentioned actualities and names only at the fifth step, and rewards and punishments


Output: at the fifth step, and rewards and punishments only at the ninth step. He who speaks immediately about actualities and names, does not know the fundamentals [that underlie them I. He who speaks immediately about rewards and punishments, does not know their beginning....Such a one knows the implements of government, but not its principles. He can be employed by the world, but is not sufficient to employ the world. He is a one-sided man and only knows how to talk." (Ibid.) Here we have the criticism of the Taoists against the Legalists. The Legalist way of government requires unselfishness and impartiality on the part of the ruler. He must punish those who ought to be punished, even though they be his friends and relatives, and he must reward those who ought to be rewarded, even though they be his enemies. If he fails only a few times to do this, the whole mechanism breaks down. Such requirements are too much for a man of only average intelligence. He who can really fulfill them is nothing less than a sage.


Output:
2.66 HAN FFJ TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 Legalism and Confucianism

 The Confucianists maintained that the people should be governed by li and morality, not by law and punishment. They upheld the traditional way of government, but did not realize that the circumstances that had once rendered this way practical had already changed. In this respect, they were conservative. In another respect, however, they were at the same time revolutionary, and reflected in their ideas the changes of the time. Thus they no longer upheld the traditional class distinctions that were based merely on the accident of birth or fortune. Confucius and Mencius, to be sure, continued to speak about the difference between the princely man and the small man. Yet for them, this distinction depended upon the moral worth of the individual, and was not necessarily based upon inherited class differences.


Output:
I pointed ont at the beginning of this chapter that in early Chinese feudalistic society, the nobles were governed according to the li, but the common people only according to the punishments. Hence the Confucian insistence that not only the nobles, but the mass of the people as well, should be governed by li rather than by punishment, was in fact a demand for a higher standard of conduct to be applied to the people. In this sense the Confu — cianists were revolutionary.

 In Legalist thought, too, there were no class distinctions. Everyone was e— qual before law and the ruler.

 Instead of elevating the common people to a higher standard of conduct, however, the Legalists lowered the nobles to a lower standard by discarding li and putting sole reliance on rewards and punishments for all alike.


Output:
The Confucianist ideas are idealistic, while those of the Legalists are realistic. That is the reason why, in Chinese history, the Confucianists have always accused the Legalists of being mean and vulgar, while the Legalists have accused the Confucianists of being bookish and impractical.

 2.68

 HAN FEI TZU AND THE LEGALIST SCHOOL

 L

 CHAFrER 15

 CONFUCIANIST METAPHYSICS

 IN chapter twelve we have seen that the Yi Ching or Book of Changes (also known simply as the Yi) was originally a book of divination. Later the Confucianists gave it cosmological, metaphysical, and ethical interpretations, which constitute the "Appendices" now found in the Book of Change,s.


Output: The cosmological theory contained in the "Appendices" has already been considered in chapter twelve, and we shall revert to it again in chapter twenty-three. In the present chapter we shall confine ourselves to the metaphysical and ethical theories found in the "Appendices" and in the Chung Yung.


Output:
The Chung Yung or Doctrine of the Mean is one of the chapters in the Li Chi (Book of Rites). According to tradition, it was written by Tzu—ssu, the grandson of Confucius, but in actual fact a large part of it seems to have been written at a somewhat later date. The "Appendices" and the Chung Yung represent the last phase in the metaphysical development of ancient Confucianism. So great is their metaphysical interest, indeed, that the NeoTaoists of the third and fourth centuries A.D. considered the Yi as one of the three major classics of speculative philosophy, the others being the Lao-tzu and Chitting—tzu. Similarly, Emperor Wu (501-549) of the Liang dynasty, himself a Buddhist, wrote commentaries on the Chung Yung, and in the tenth and eleventh centuries, monks of the Ch an sect of Buddhism also wrote such commentaries, which marked the beginning of Neo—Confucianism.

 The Principles of Things


Output:
The Principles of Things

 The most important metaphysical idea in the "Appendices," as in Taoism, is that of Too. Yet it is quite different from the concept of Too of the Taoists. For the latter, Too is nameless, unnamable.

 But for the authors of the "Appendices, not only is Too namable, but, strictly speaking, it is Too and Too only that is thus namable.

 We may distinguish between the two concepts by referring to the Too of 2.72 CONFUCIANIST METAPHYSICS

 Taoism as the Too, and to that of the "Appendices" as too. The Too of Taoism is the unitary "that" from which springs the production and change of all things in the universe. The too of the "Appendices, on the contrary, are multiple, and are the principles which govern each separate category of things in the universe. As such, they are somewhat analogous to the concept of the "universal" in Western philosophy.


Output:
Kung-sun Lung, as we have seen, regarded hardness as a universal of this kind, since it is this hardness that enables concrete objects in our physical universe to be hard. Likewise, in the terminology of the "Appendices," that by which hard things are hard would be called the too of hardness. This too of hardness is separable from the hardness of individual physical objects, and constitutes a namable metaphysical principle.

 There are many such too, such as the too of sovereignship and ol minister-ship, or of fatherhood and sonhood. They are what a sovereign, a minister, a father, and a son ought to be. Each of them is represented by a name, and an individual should ideally act according to these various names. Here we find the old theory of the rectification of names of Confucius. In him, however, this was only an ethical theory, whereas in the Appendices it becomes metaphysical as well.


Output:
The Yi, as we have seen, was originally a book of divination. By the manipulation of the stalks of the milfoil plant, one is led to a certain line of a certain hexagram, the comments on which in the Yi are supposed to provide the information one is seeking. Hence these comments are to be applied to the various specific cases in actual life. This procedure led the authors of the "Appendices" to the concept of the formula. Seeing the Yi from this point of view, they considered the comments on the hexagrams and the individual lines of these hexagrams as formulas, each representing one or more tav or universal principles. The comments on the entire sixty-four hexagrams and their 384 individual lines are thus supposed to represent all the too in the universe.

 The hexagrams and their individual lines are looked upon as graphic symbols of these universal tan.


Output:
Appendix III says: The Yi consists of symbols." Such symbols are similar to what in symbolic logic are called variables. A variable functions as a substitute for a class or a number of classes of concrete objects.

 An object belonging to a certain class and satisfying certain conditions can fit into a certain formula with a certain variable; that is, it can fit into the comment made on a certain hexagram or a certain line within a hexagram, these hexagrams or lines being taken as symbols. This formula represents the too which the objects of this class ought to obey. From the point of view of divination, if they obey it, they will enjoy good luck, but if not, they will suffer bad fortune. From the point of view of moral teaching, if they obey it, they are right, but if not, they are wrong.

 The first of the sixty-four hexagrams, Ch ien, for example, is supposed to 2 7 4 CONFUCIANIST METAPHYSICS


Output: be the symbol of virility, while the second hexagram, K' un, is that of docility. Everything that satisfies the condition of being virile can fit into a formula in which the symbol of Ch'ien occurs, and everything that satisfies the condition of being docile can fit into one in which the symbol of K un occurs. Hence the comments on the hexagram Ch ien and its individual lines are supposed to represent the tao for all things in the universe that are virile; those on the hexagram K un and its individual lines represent the tao for all things that are docile.


Output:
Thus in "Appendix I," the section dealing with the hexagram K'un says: "If it takes the initiative, it will become confused and lose the way. If it follows, it will docilely gain the regular [way]." And in "Appendix IV": "Although the Yin has its beauties, it keeps them under restraint in its service of the king, and does not dare to claim success for itself. This is the tao of Earth, of a wife, of a subject. The tao of Earth is, not to claim the merit of achievement, but on another s behalf to bring things to their proper issue.

 Quite the opposite is the hexagram of Ch ien, the symbol of Heaven, of a husband, of a sovereign. The judgements made on this hexagram and its individual lines represent the tao of Heaven, of a husband, of a sovereign.


Output:
Hence if one wants to know how to be a ruler or a husband, one should look up what is said in the Yi under the hexagram Ch'ien, but if one wants to know how to be a subject or a wife, one should look under the hexagram K'un. Thus in "Appendix III" it is said: "With the expansion of the use of the hexagrams, and the application of them to new classes, everything that man can do in the world is there.

 Again: What does the Yi accomplish? The Yi opens the door to the myriad things in nature and brings man's task to completion. It embraces all the governing principles of the world. This, and no more or less, is what the Yi accomplishes."


Output:
It is said that the name of the Yi has three meanings: (i) easiness and simpleness, (2.) transformation and change, and (3) invariability.* Transformation and change refers to the individual things of the universe. Simpleness and invariability refers to their tao or underlying principles. Things ever change, but tao are invariable. Things are complex, but tao are easy and simple.

 The Tao of the Production of Things

 Besides the tao of every class of things, there is another Tao for all things as a whole. In other words, besides the specific multiple tao, there is a general unitary Tao which governs the production and transformation of all things. "Appendix III" says: "One Yang and one Yin: this is called the Tao. That which ensues from this is goodness, and that which is completed there-


Output:
* See Cheng HsUan (A.D. 12.7-200), Discussion of the Yi, quoted by

 K'ung Ying-ta

 (574-648),

 in the

 Preface to his sub-commentary on Wang Pi's (226-49) Commentary on the Yi 2.76 CONFUCIANIST METAPHYSICS

 by is the nature [of man and things]." This is the Too of the production of things, and such production is the major achievement of the universe. In "Appendix III' it is said: ' The supreme virtue of Heaven is to produce.

 When a thing is produced, there must be that which is able to produce it, and there must also be that which constitutes the material from which this production is made. The former is the active element and the latter the passive one. The active element is virile and is the Yang; the passive element is docile and is the Yin. The production of things needs the cooperation of these two elements. Hence the words: "One Yang and one Yin: this is the Too."


Output: Everything can in one sense be Yang and in another sense Yin, according to its relation with other things. For instance, a man is Yang in relation to his wife, but Yin in relation to his father. The metaphysical Yang which produces all things, however, can only be Yang, and the metaphysical Yin out of which everything is produced can only be Yin. Hence in the metaphysical statement: One Yang and one Yin: this is called the Too, the Yin and Yang thus spoken of are Yin and Yang in the absolute sense.