Time. We recruited self-reported first- and fourth-year students; however, 32 second- and third-year students completed the study. We therefore treat time as a continuous variable (4-point scale); results persist if we retain only first- and fourth-year participants (SOM). Demographics. Participants’ gender (Female=-1; Male=1) and race (Non-White=-1; White=1) were self-reported (Table 1). Results Table 2 presents means and standard deviations. We present results of linear regressions, in which each dependent variable is regressed on social class, time (centered), gender, and race. Then, we present results from the same regressions, but including an interactive effect of social class and time (Table 3). Interdependent Motives. As hypothesized, we found a significant effect of social class on students’ endorsement of interdependent motives, b=-.22, 95%-CI=[-.38,-.05], SE=.08, t(328)=-2.56, p=.01, f2=.02. First-generation students were more likely to endorse interdependent motives than were continuing-generation students. We found no effect of time on students’ endorsement of interdependent motives, b=.01, 95%-CI=[-.10,.11], SE=.05, t(328)=.10, p=.92, f2<.001, and in additional analysis, no interactive effect of social class and time on interdependent motives, b=.02, 95%-CI=[-.10,.14], SE=.06, t(327)=.39, p=.69, f2<.001, indicating consistent endorsement of interdependent motives across college years. Independent Motives. As hypothesized, we found a significant effect of social class on students’ endorsement of independent motives, b=.19, 95%-CI=[.07,.31], SE=.06, t(328)=3.14, p=.002, f2=.03. First-generation students were less likely to endorse independent motives than were continuing-generation students.
large. Future work should also consider the role of mismatch prior to college (K-12) and after students graduate (Stephens et al., 2014; see also O’Reilly & Chatman, 1996; Schein, 1990; Schneider et al., 2000). Just as the classed cultural environment of college can perpetuate inequality among equally qualified students, so too might classed cultural environments of work organizations perpetuate inequality among equally qualified employees (Coté, 2011; Dittmann, Stephens, & Townsend, 2017; Gray & Kish-Gephart, 2013; Kohn, 2010; Lareau, 2015; Rivera, 2015). Implications Most existing theories of how social class shapes psychological functioning (Belmi & Laurin, 2015; Côté, Piff, & Willer, 2013; Croizet & Claire, 1998; Fiske & Markus, 2012; Kraus & Stephens, 2012; Phillips & Lowery, 2016; Stephens et al., 2014) do not address the question of change. Our results being to address this gap by considering how individuals experience social class change over time. Specifically, as students enter college – a gateway institution for upward mobility – we find evidence that cultural mismatch shapes the trajectory of their experiences of fit over time, in turn shaping their social and academic outcomes (cf. Edwards, 2008). Thus, while some argue that higher education provides students the chance to gain middle- and cultural capital, our results suggest that mismatch experiences can, at least in part, thwart this opportunity (Coleman, 1988; Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Lareau & Calarco, 2012; Reay, Crozier, & Clayton, 2009). Our results also shed light on acculturation as an important component of people’s social mobility experiences. Specifically, we find that class acculturation may be a relatively slow process: students’ social class backgrounds continue to shape their selves and experiences, even as their current social class standing, as indicated by obtaining an elite degree, objectively
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