adapt to the changing needs of the partners as well as the prison setting itself. How to navigate in such a context therefore becomes important. This is knowledge that is not, and in fact cannot, be gained from reading books about prisons, torture or the effects imprisonment have on inmates. This knowledge is generated through practice. It is a learning by doing process that requires the use of intuition and skills, which are not only taught through education but also through their constant confrontation with the prison environment. The themes, questions and reflections this thesis is on are as such not uncharted waters. The dilemmas and obstacles social workers face dealing with the complexity that define us as human beings is certainly a key area of interest for many social work practitioners and researchers alike. The questions this thesis raises and explore are therefore not only relevant for social work in prisons. However, not much has been written about social work done in prisons, especially in prisons outside a western context. 1.1 Balay – a Human Rights Organization Before presenting the aim of this study as well as the research questions posed, a descriptive introduction of the organization being researched will be presented. was founded in 1985 during a time of turmoil where martial law had been instated in the Philippines under the rule of Dictator Marcos. This period was characterized by massive human right violations, which functioned as a catalyst for the establishment of Balay. Their purpose was to support people who stood up against the unjust political system. As a result of this, their target group became political prisoners. They trial
seems clear that this study is based on an inductive approach (Timmermans and Tavory 2012). This is however a simplification of the analytical position. As the metatheoretical paradigm of this study is social constructionism it is implicated that one is always irrevocably merged with the world. Being objective and without presumptions when observing the world is therefore not possible. The term abduction is in this regard useful as a way of capturing the methodical approach. As with the inductive method, abduction has its point of departure in the empirical data but does not however reject theoretical preconceptions (Timmermans and Tavory 2012). As such it acknowledges the dialectic relationship between empirical findings and theory. Knowledge gained through my studies, as well as my subjective norm and value system has played a vital part in terms of how I have interpreted and reflected upon my observations. The implication of an abductive approach is that this study does not entail a coherent theoretical lens through which the data will be analyzed. Rather it is the other way around. The use of social constructionism as the metaheoretical frame does provide me with a general understanding of the epistemology of Balay’s practice, but it does not provide any concrete methods for how to analyze the data. In a general sense it can be said that “data analysis” is the process of bringing order, structure and meaning to the mass of collected data (Marshall and Rossman 1995: 111). As a way of doing so, Kvale’s three taxonomic ranks will be used. In analyzing qualitative data, Kvale makes a distinction between what he describes as understanding (Selvforsåelse), critical common sense (kritisk common sense) and theoretical understanding (teoretisk forståelse) (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009). Understanding is the first level and implies that I am able to descriptively pass on the empirical data in an often condensed form. The next level, critical common sense, means
revolved around empiricism, instrumental reasoning and objectivity (Leung 2010). As Fook so rightfully puts it: “The rationale for professional objectivity may be the belief that clients are best helped by someone they see as a respected authority who is not emotionally involved with them. Like many functional this has true and false components” (Fook 1993: 63). Looking at the practice of Balay with this understanding of professionalism in mind it seems difficult to argue that they are acting in a professional way. They are constantly breaking down the gap between the client and the helper by being emotionally attached and by persistently pursuing a relationship based on equality and confidentiality. However a more postmodern view stretches the boundaries for what professionalism is, as it acknowledges that we are fundamentally social beings, and always intertwined with the world which we live in. As such social workers could be said to move along a continuum between the role of an expert at one end, and a friend in the other. The position the social worker chose is deliberate and influenced by the context and the concrete situation (Green et al. 2006). This understanding correlates better with what define professionalism at Balay. Being able to attend to the needs of the partners demands a certain kind of relationship where the boundaries between being the professional expert and in lack of better word, friend, is blurred and dynamic. The reason why the term friend might not be the best one to use, is that although the social workers seem to emotionally involve themselves in the lives of the partners, they still maintain some boundaries concerning how much they involve the partners in their lives. It was very rare to hear the social workers disclose much information about their lives with the partners. As such the client/helper dichotomy is maintained as the relation revolves the needs of the partners.