Chapter IV: ‘Handling This Story Effectualie’: Editorializing Wolsey in Holinshed’s 164 The 1577 Edition: Holinshed and Wolsey 168 Wolsey, Post-Holinshed: Abraham Fleming and the 1587 Edition 181 To “frankelie and boldlie speak”: Methods and Concerns 198 Looking Forward 200 Chapter V: ‘Griped By Meaner Persons’?: Wolsey in Shakespeare and Fletcher’s Henry VIII 203 Mirrors of Courtesy: Buckingham, Norfolk, and Wolsey 211 Making Greatness Familiar: Ceremony and Processions in Henry VIII 228 Katherine and Wolsey: Representations in Conflict 233 Falling like Lucifer: Wolsey’s Final Appearances in Henry VIII 245 Eulogizing and Summarizing Cardinal Wolsey in Henry VIII 261 Conclusion 265 Traduced by Ignorant Tongues? 265 Appendix One: Wolsey Episodes in John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments 269 Appendix Two: Wolsey Episodes in Holinshed’s Chronicle 291 Appendix Three: An Honest Poor Man’s Son: A Brief Biography of Thomas Wolsey 314 Bibliography 332 Introduction to the Thesis
William Dunbar, Sir Thomas More and Sir John Cheke. It therefore seems more likely that Skelton simply meant that the livery had “Romain letters” on them and, if we accept him as the target, though Wolsey paid much attention to these marks of status and Roman affiliation, he did not serve his ecclesiastic duties with commensurate effort. Regardless of which sense of ‘lack’ Skelton meant, the lines which follow retain the same meaning. Skelton finds fault with his subject’s ignorance of and lack of attention to basic religious elements: “In your cross-row nor Christ-cross you spede, / Your Paternoster, your Ave nor your Crede.” Edwards describes these as the “contents of the schoolboy’s hornbook.” The point the poet is trying to make with this juxtaposition is that while Wolsey has eagerly embraced the symbols and trappings of his new legatine role, he has neglected even the most basic religious duties of his office. The second category of imagery is thematically based on ‘poison’ or ‘venomous animals’. This theme is represented most strongly in the title of the poem itself, ‘Against Venemous Tongues’, and is used primarily to support the argument that the power of a liar or slanderer far exceeds anything else found in nature: Malicious tunges, though they have no bones, Are sharper than swordes, sturdier then stones. Lege Philostratum de vita Tyanei Apollonii. Sharper than raysors, that shave and cut throtes, More stinging then scorpions that stang Pharaotis. Venenum aspidum sub labiis eorum. Ps. More venomous and much more virulent Than any poisoned tode, or any serpent. Skelton combines a plea to God with a series of comparisons; he lists evocative images which, though terrible themselves, are not as dangerous as a false tongue. Key among these images are the venomous toads and snakes, whose forked tongues in particular created an evocative parallel between the poisonous animals and the dangerous words of evil men. The Latin text “Venenum aspidum sub labiis eorum” is significant; here Skelton is quoting from the Vulgate Bible, Psalm 139, which constitutes a prayer to God for strength against venomous tongues:
By portraying Wolsey as a cat which ought to be controlled (in this metaphor, by means of a bell), Colin Clout both belittles Wolsey as, in essence, a relatively minor domestic predator and also provides moral contrast by comparing Wolsey with the good bishops. Of course, even the good bishops are too afraid of Wolsey to confront him for fear of punishment: “checke” here can mean a rebuke, but it can also mean a noose, as can be seen in Magnyfycence: “A Tyborne checke / Shall breke his necke” (907-11). A recurring image that Skelton was helpless to resist was to form an imagistic pun on the surname of Wolsey’s longtime mistress, Joan Larke. Wolsey’s longtime relationship with Joan Larke, who bore Wolsey two children before being married to another man, was not a well-kept secret. Colin Clout mocks the relationship by addressing Wolsey directly: I tell you as men say. Amende whan ye may, For, usque ad montem Sare, Men say, ye can nat appare; For some say ye hunte in parkes And hauke on hobby larkes And other wanton warkes Whan the nyght darkes. Skelton (via Colin Clout) states that he is merely reporting what is publicly discussed (“I tell you as men say”); indeed, he repeats this defense twice in the stanza. These deflections of accountability do two essential things: first, they allow Skelton to use Clout as an authorial shield, and second, they support the claim that Skelton is making. That claim appears in the second half of the excerpt by means of a hunting metaphor: that instead of attending to his ecclesiastical duties, Wolsey goes hunting “larkes” and “other wanton warkes”. Most tellingly, these alleged hunts take place at night: not the ideal time for hunting birds. Scattergood concurs, stating that “it seems the phrase meant ‘to indulge in illicit sexual affairs’. But here it is almost certainly also an allusion to Joan Larke, the mother of Wolsey’s two illegitimate children.”
No more then dare he say. So that was law yisterday, is no lawe thys daye. But flatterynge lasteth always, ye may me beleve. The specifics of the allegation being made here are certainly debatable and broadly irrelevant: that the author of Godly Queene Hester included this humorous exchange is proof enough that there was a commonly-held public conception that Wolsey twisted both the law and the courts to suit his own devices, and that he could be manipulated by flattery. The second element of the “cloke of justice” image is the ‘cloak’ itself. An image which participates in one of the most vivid and enduring Wolsey-tropes—that of Wolsey’s clothing and outward wealth as inversely indicative of his moral failings—the ‘cloak’ provides a small but crucial link to this particular theme across the literary sweep of the sixteenth century. Wolsey’s critics rarely failed to connect the Cardinal’s penchant for spectacle and costume with pride. Skelton alleges throughout his satires that Wolsey used ostentatious displays of wealth to compensate for his lack of noble blood. Foxe used Wolsey’s sumptuous clothing as a metaphor for the pride and deception of the Cardinal. In Henry VIII, Shakespeare and Fletcher had Wolsey’s enemies all make references to his clothing. Cavendish, Wolsey’s displays his heritage as the son of a mercer by listing the enormous quantities of expensive cloth in the Cardinal’s household. The public image of Wolsey, bedecked in scarlet silks and velvets, always attended by his two cross-bearers (carrying the silver crosses symbolizing his cardinalate and archbishopric) and mounted on a mule covered in yet more red silks was a powerful one, and consciously used as such. It was utilized not only by the Cardinal to impress, but also by his enemies as an example of his proud nature (Foxe in particular made much of Wolsey’s displays of personal wealth). This image was used so heavily by Wolsey’s critics that the very color of his scarlet, as befitting his rank of cardinal—became linked with treason. One of the brief but vivid clothing-related images in Godly Queene Hester comes late in the usher,
either case, the second element of this passage is a warning that if someone is allowed to accrue wealth—any wealth—through this deception, he will become so greedy and possessive that he will not only seek to increase his own wealth, he will do so to the active detriment of others (“let us no moore crave it, / By God, we comme to late”). Pryde’s warning leads us to the third and (for our purposes) most significant element of this excerpt: the specific anti-Wolsey satire. The most significant stanza is lines 350-353: Outward honestie, inward infidelitie, Both rydes on a mule: In peace he is bolde, but in war he is colde, That soonest wyll recoyle. The mule was Wolsey’s preferred mount, as it was for most churchmen. It is a particular potent satiric symbol because it perfectly illustrates Wolsey’s alleged dissimulative nature: a Christ-like symbol of humility swathed in rich red silks, ridden by a man ostensibly dedicated to the Church, but instead devoted to worldly displays of wealth. This paradox was an ideal image for critics of Wolsey, and its appearance in Godly Queene Hester is noteworthy because it represents an early usage of an image that, as we shall see, resurfaced repeatedly in anti-Wolsey literature throughout the sixteenth century. Foxe was evidently so taken with it that he appears to have invented a farcical incident involving mules and the spilling of garbage disguised as riches. Of course, it must be briefly noted that this line of argument does not require the author of Godly Queene Hester to have been a Protestant; indeed, the persecuted innocents of the play (Hester’s father Marchodeus and the Jews more broadly) stand in for the monastic communities Wolsey had been investigating and suppressing in part to fund his new colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. While we might perhaps shrink from conclusively stating that the author of Godly Queene Hester was a conservative, Walker has convincingly argued for an interpretation of Godly Queene Hester as “a carefully thought out apology for monasticism based upon the social utility of the monastic houses”. Whatever labels we might wish to attach to the author, it is more relevant for
career as well as alleging that Wolsey completed particular diplomatic feats more quickly (perhaps) than he actually did. It will also allow us to consider the textual effect of Cavendish’s interrupting his work on the Metrical Visions in order to write the Life. The Metrical Visions: Rota Fortuna and Wolsey’s Lamentations Though the Life is an extraordinarily valuable text, it often eclipses Cavendish’s poetic works. During roughly the same period as he was writing the Life Cavendish also composed a series of poems now referred to as the Metrical Visions (the title given to the collection by Samuel W. Singer in his 1825 edition). To understand more fully Cavendish’s images of Wolsey, it is crucial that we do not make the same mistake and allow the Metrical Visions to be eclipsed by the Life. The Metrical Visions are unique: they are first-person de casibus poems written by a court insider who almost certainly was personally acquainted with most (if not all) of his subjects. They reveal early Tudor poetical practice and invention, provide firsthand (if poeticized) accounts of a range of Tudor court figures, and reflect a moderate Catholic’s personal politics and religious beliefs. Perhaps understandably, Tudor literature—particularly that literature which deals with the great men and women of the period—has typically presented very strong authorial opinions, both evangelical and conservative. The Metrical Visions in particular demonstrate that Cavendish was a moderate Catholic who, while resistant to the Edwardian Reformation, deplored the cycle of religious violence which had most recently manifested in 1549. The Metrical Visions also provide an essential mid-century point of contact proving that Cavendish (and by extension other early and mid-Tudor writers) was participating in a continuous and developing literary tradition firmly connected to medieval de casibus poetry and which foreshadowed Elizabethan pastoral poetry.
voyeuristic pleasure afforded by these glimpses into the Tudor court is balanced by the author’s attempts to demonstrate the fundamental hollowness of wealth and power. The Metrical Visions clearly were written with a focused sense of the author’s purpose, the tenor of which fills the poems, from Le Historye / Cardinalis Eboracensis to the final work in the collection, an envoy from the author to his book. The Metrical Visions differs—perhaps surprisingly so—from the Life in tone. While the Life is an explicit defense of Wolsey, the Metrical Visions presents a far less flattering view of the Cardinal. However, it is difficult to ascertain exactly why Cavendish was inconsistent in his representation of Wolsey. Of course, there is no indication that Cavendish was not devoted to Wolsey, but he was not so defensive of his former employer that he could not see a number of the Cardinal’s negative qualities. However, though Wolsey was long dead when the Metrical Visions were written, the other poems in the collection were about subjects who were more recently in power (Queen Mary in particular). P.L. Wiley hypothesizes that politicial considerations may explain Cavendish’s reluctance to commit himself fully to criticising former monarchs, stating that “Cavendish was a Catholic with strong opinions on Henry VIII's divorce and Anne Boleyn’s part in it; and possession of a work dealing with such delicate subjects might cost an Elizabethan his head.” While it is certainly true that Cavendish blamed Anne for providing the spark that set off Henry VIII’s divorce and England’s break from Rome, it is overly speculative to draw a connection between Cavendish’s anti-Boleyn attitude and Elizabethans (or earlier readers) losing their heads. There is no indication (thus far, at least) that Elizabethans were persecuted for possessing either the Life or Metrical Visions. Indeed, Wiley himself acknowledges that the Life circulated “widely” in manuscript and in excerpted form, and was utilized extensively by both John Stow and Raphael Holinshed throughout the early Elizabethan period. It therefore seems unlikely that the moderate Cavendish’s texts were subjected to sustained or focused censorship, nonetheless, the author chose to employ standard authorial distancing techniques. The final poem, Thauctor to / hys boke, confirms Cavendish’s concerns
new monarch’s philosophical ideals. Furthermore, Cavendish was also in danger of trespassing on the precinct of the literally learned; he certainly would have been aware of the poetical, pedogogical, and theological arguments waged in the press (in both senses of the word) and, not being highly educated, ventured to distance himself from those disagreements. Though Cavendish attempts to mitigate any offending passages by claiming the Metrical Visions to be an “excersice / and non other thyng”, the poems are often explicitly critical of their narrators. In addition, he begs his book to carry his apology “in to the prease”, presumably interpreting ‘press’ as ‘crowd’. In addition, Cavendish may have also meant the printing press; this seems less likely, given the structure of the stanza and the lack of evidence suggesting any attempt was made to print the Metrical Visions. Given that there is only one extant manuscript copy of the Metrical Visions, it does not appear that Cavendish’s poems made it very far into the “prease” in any format. Despite Cavendish’s genuine affection for and loyalty to Wolsey—as evidenced by the Life—the Wolsey-poem (Le Historye / Cardinalis Eboracensis, hereafter referred to as Le Historye) highlights some of the Cardinal’s flaws in its opening lines: O ffortune / quod he / shold I on the complayn Or of my necligence that I susteyn this smart Thy doble visage hathe led me to this trayn Ffor at my begynnyng / thou dydest ay take my part Vntill ambysion had puffed vppe my hart With vaynglory . honor . and vsurped dignyte. Fforgettyng cleane my naturall mendycitie // In this passage—the first stanza from Le Historye— Cavendish has Wolsey bemoan how Fortune’s gifts seduced him into “ambysion” and “vsurped dignyte”. Though he blames Fortune squarely for his disastrous fall from power, Cavendish’s Wolsey does recognize that he allowed ambition to overwhelm his natural humility (“mendycitie”). Lamenting his pride in hindsight, he apologizes to Henry VIII for usurping his king’s power:
Le Historye in Context Le Historye certainly can be read in isolation and, if read in this manner, provides a nuanced and emotional poetic lamentation for the dead Cardinal. However, to more fully understand Cavendish’s characterization of his former master, it is well worth placing Le Historye in a wider context. The other poems found in the Metrical Visions all deal with the same theme: the rise and fall of great men and women in the Tudor court, and the moral lessons that the reader might draw from them. It ought to be understood, then, that all these poems are organized around this central principle and thus have much in common: to discuss all the poems in this particular context would necessitate a degree of repetition. However, there are a few poems in the collection which, when placed alongside Le Historye, highlight features worth discussing. The first poem to follow Le Historye (and the second in the collection) is Vycount / Rocheford, which discusses the rise and fall of George Boleyn (c.1504–1536), Viscount Rocheford and brother of Anne Boleyn. This poem aptly demonstrates the wide range of figures depicted in the Metrical Visions. Unlike Wolsey, George was born into the highest reaches of the English aristocracy (his father was Thomas Boleyn (1476/7–1539) and his mother was Elizabeth Howard (d. 1538), daughter of Thomas Howard, second duke of Norfolk), and in addition, as his character proudly laments in Vycount / Rocheford, “God gave me graces / dame . nature did hir part / Endewed me with gyftes / of naturall qualities”. The juxtaposition between the butcher’s son who came “ffrome pouertie to plentie” and the scion of a wealthy and powerful family is stark and is consciously positioned in the second stanzas of these two poems respectively. Despite the obvious contrasts between the two men, Cavendish emphasizes their similarities. Wolsey’s common birth is largely glossed over, with the Cardinal focusing instead on his many offices and honors and the rapidity with which they were gained. Similarly, in Vycount George Boleyn does not mention his high birth, but instead speaks about his unusual and praiseworthy gifts which led him to high preferment:
The final comparative that is essential to consider is between Le Historye and Cromwell / Erle of Essex. A comparison between Wolsey and his onetime secretary Thomas Cromwell is almost inevitable, particularly as Cavendish would not only have known Cromwell personally, but would have worked with him for several years when Cromwell was Wolsey’s lawyer and, later, secretary: both these men were plucked from obscurity and common birth by Henry to become the first ministers of the realm. Both men possessed an extraordinary talent for identifying the king’s desires and folding the accomplishment of those desires into the mechanisms of bureaucracy. The obvious differences between Cromwell and Wolsey (one a Reformist layman and the other a Roman prelate) are, by this view, rendered moot: the two men’s similarity in handling the capricious Henry was rewarded in an identical manner. Cavendish draws out these common features in the recitation of Cromwell’s advancements early in the poem. As in Le Historye, in Cromwell Cavendish emphasizes the rapidity of the subject’s promotions and explains to the reader how these offices contributed to Cromwell’s bureaucratic centrality: I Rayned and Ruled / in highe estymacion Ffrome office to office / assendyng the degrees Ffirst in the prevye councell was my foundacion And cheafe secretory / with all vauntages and ffees ... The title of vicegerent / I had in my stile. Gouernor of the prelacye / and of the lawes devyne. Also master of the Rolles / I was in short while Thus began my glory / to floryshe and to shyne / As thoughe ffortune wold / hyr whele to me resigne Vnto thestate of Baron / she did me than auaunce And next to an Earle / thus was ffortunes chaunce The rapid recitation of Cromwell’s promotions mirrors the early structure of Le Historye and sets up clear parallels to that poem (and indeed, the de casibus organizing principle of all the poems in the collection). However, it is two stanzas later that Cromwell makes a surprising comparison: To Aman the Agagite / I may be compared
former master, as well as speaking the ‘truth’ about the Cardinal’s final days, however subjective that truth might have subsequently appeared. Though it is difficult to ascertain exactly what the impact of the Life and Metrical Visions might have been during the Tudor period, the mere existence and survival of such texts (through Cavendish’s authorial efforts as well as the anonymous transmission of manuscripts) indicate that Wolsey was not wholly conceived of as the mid-Tudor villain posterity has assumed him to be.
This depiction sets the tone for the dominant image of Wolsey, a figuring which Buckingham reinforces at every opportunity. However, it is Buckingham who initially presents both the main themes of Wolsey’s characterization. As we have seen, he makes repeated references to Wolsey’s base heritage, often related to the Cardinal’s father’s trade as a butcher. Buckingham is also the first character to introduce the second theme: paperwork. The Duke of Buckingham first draws the audience’s awareness to Wolsey’s proclivity for paperwork with a pun: Why the devil, Upon this French going-out, took he upon him, Without the privity o’th’ King, t’appoint Who should attend on him? He makes up the file Of all the gentry, for the most part such To whom as great a charge, as little honour He meant to lay upon; and his own letter— The honourable board of Council out— Must fetch him in he papers. (1.1.72-80) The pun here is on “file”, meaning both a catalogue or list as well as a row or order of people. The further paper-themed connections to “letter” and “papers” in lines 78 and 80 are less clear in a grammatical sense, but certainly reinforce the paperwork trope. Buckingham gives perhaps the most succinct connection of his feelings regarding Wolsey and paperwork when he sardonically laments that “A beggar’s book / Outworths a noble’s blood” (1.1.122-123). Buckingham’s complaint is one of class resentment: his noble ancestry appears to matter little when set against Wolsey’s bureaucratic administration. His concerns are prescient as his downfall is brought about not by any on-stage action, but rather by evidence given in his trial. As Henry observes, it is the machinery of law which passes judgment on Buckingham, and even the king cannot (or will not) attempt to force an outcome: “If he may / Find mercy in the law, ’tis his; if none, / Let him not seek’t of us.” (1.2.211-213). Buckingham’s “beggar’s book” thus introduces the audience to the second main characterization of Wolsey. Though it is perhaps more subtle than the image of the grandiose, obese Cardinal, paperwork is an essential component of Wolsey’s
Conclusion Traduced by Ignorant Tongues? The aim of this thesis was to provide an overview of the Tudor literary characterizations of Cardinal Wolsey, and how these images evolved across the sixteenth century in response to the social, political, and religious events of that period. We have seen how early critics of Wolsey began a process of adopting generalized negative imagery to criticising the Cardinal (beginning with the general insult ‘dog’ before moving on to calling Wolsey a ‘butcher’s dog’, for example). As the century wore on, these images were refined and reapplied to Wolsey so that they came to crystallize around the Cardinal and, despite their initially nonspecific applicability, increasingly were utilized and understood to represent Wolsey alone (‘that butcher’s cur’). What is so fascinating about Wolsey and these Wolsey-texts is this process of adaptation. Any cardinal could have been represented by the scarlet galero, and there were several English cardinals throughout the sixteenth century who were well-known during their respective careers: certainly William Cardinal Allen’s efforts to undermine Elizabeth I would have earned him a high level of domestic interest, for example. However, whatever their contemporary or subsequent relevance, no English prelate has ever managed to capture the public imagination quite like Wolsey. His own aggressive evidenced through the reporting of events like the elaborately contrived reception of his galero in London, was an overwhelming success. Indeed, his efforts appear to have been so effective that they eventually came to represent his lack of godly humility. Equally, Wolsey’s apparent efforts to seek out and punish those he felt were undermining his reputation (as when he punished John Roo of Grey’s Inn for his libellous play) demonstrated the Cardinal’s keen awareness of the importance of In part by the careful manipulation of his public image, Wolsey managed to place himself squarely at the center of the European political stage.
Appendix One: Wolsey Episodes in John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments Approximate Date/Summary of Episode 1563 Edition: (25 total marginal comments: 5 editorial, 3 citations) 1570 Edition: (160 total marginal comments: 48 editorial, 10 citations) 1576 Edition: (133 total marginal comments: 45 editorial, 6 citations) 1583 Edition: (168 total marginal comments: 44 editorial, 9 citations). 1. 1515: W. manipulates H8 and the courts to free three clergymen accused of murdering Richard Hunne. 1. This episode does not appear in this edition. 1. p. 936, 14 lines, 1 marginal comment (editorial). Preceded by the inquest clearing Richard Hunne of suicide and convicting the three clergymen of murder, followed by H8's letter clearing Hunne of suicide. 1. p. 775 (orig. p. 785), 11 lines, 1 marginal comment (editorial). Preceded by the inquest clearing Hunne of suicide and convicting three clergyment of his murder, followed by H8's letter clearing Hunne of suicide. 1. p. 811, 14 lines, 2 marginal comments (1 descriptive, 1 editorial). Reiterated p. 813, 3 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by the inquest clearing Hunne of suicide and convicting three clergyment of his murder, followed by H8's letter clearing Hunne of suicide. 2. Sept. 1515: W. arranges for a elaborate reception for his cardinal's hat; having received the hat informally, he sends the messenger back to Dover and arranged for a large procession 2. This episode does not appear in this edition. 39. p. 966, 4 lines, 2 marginal comments (one descriptive, one editorial). Preceded by a description of the degeneracy of the contemporary Church, followed by an argument for the 39. p. 804 (orig. p. 814), 4 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by a description of the degeneracy of the Roman Church, followed by an argument for the necessity of 39. p. 840, 4 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by a description of the degeneracy of the Roman Church, followed by an argument for the necessity of reform.
5. 1517: W. sets up a legatine court to discuss ecclesiastic matters; instead of reform, he uses his legatine powers to display his vanity and strengthen his hold over the Church and nobility. 5. This episode does not appear in this edition. 4. pp. 30 lines, 5 marginal comments (two editorial, two descriptive, one citation). Preceded by Campeius's delayed arrival in England, followed by an editorial passage about W.'s proud and sinful behavior in regards to his legatine court. 4. pp. 959-960, 60 lines (columnated), 5 marginal comments (two editorial, two descriptive, one citation). Preceded by Campeius's delayed arrival in England, followed by an editorial passage about W.'s proud and sinful behavior in regards to his legatine court. 4. p. 986, 29 lines, 5 marginal comments (two editorial, two descriptive, one citation). Preceded by Campeius's delayed arrival in England, followed by an editorial passage about W.'s proud and sinful behavior in regards to his legatine court. 6. c.1517: A ‘comic’ tale about a supposed fire in St. Mary’s in Oxford; described as worthy of “great reproche and derysion euen of chyldren”, just as W. and Campeius were as well. 4. p. 418, 32 lines, 2 marginal comments (one editorial, one citation). Preceded by Campeius's arrival in England, followed by a catalogue of English Protestant abjurations in H8’s reign. 6. This episode does not appear in this edition. 6. This episode does not appear in this edition. 6. This episode does not appear in this edition. 1121,
the 1/6th tax. 12. Feb. 6 1526: W. persecutes Fr. Barnes and two merchants for heresy. 15. p. 436, 6 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by W.’s reorganization of H8’s household, followed by W.’s judgment of Fr. Barnes and two merchants. 18. pp. 9 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by W.'s implementation of the 1/6th tax, followed by W. trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor. 17. p. 960, 10 lines (columnated), 1 marginal comment (citation). Preceded by an editorial on W.'s suppression of monasteries, followed by W.'s reorganization of H8's household. 17. p. 987, 6 lines, 1 marginal comment (citation). Preceded by an editorial on W.'s suppression of monasteries, followed by W.'s reorganization of H8's household. 13. Feb. 11 1526: W. hears the arguments of Barnes, wherein Barnes describes the pompousness of W. W. then orders the punishment of Barnes et al. 12. p. 436, 5 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by W. accepting Richmond from H8, followed by an account of Tyndale beginning his translation of the Bible and of the death of Ludovic of Hungary. 13. This episode does not appear in this edition. 18. p. 960, 9 lines (columnated), 0 marginal comments. Preceded by W.'s implementation of the 1/6th tax, followed by W. trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor. 13. This episode does not appear in this edition. 1122,
14. Shrovetide 1526: Testimony of a witness that Garret was arrested by order of W. for possession of Protestant books. 20. pp. 439-440, 30 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Clement VII's capture by Charles V, followed by the account of a Jew murdered in Constantinople for converting to Christianity. 15. p. 7 lines, one marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s reorganization of H8's household, followed by W.'s 1524-1526 involvement in the Holy Roman Emperor's wars against France. 15. p. 960, 14 lines (columnated), one marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s reorganization of H8's household, followed by W.'s 1524-1526 involvement in the Holy Roman Emperor's wars against France. 18. p. 987, 9 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by W.'s implementation of the 1/6th tax, followed by W. trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor. 15. 1526: W. gives Hampton Court to H8 in exchange for Richmond Manor. 14. This episode does not appear in this edition. 16. p. 1122, 17 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor, followed by the 1527 capture of the Pope by the Holy Roman Emperor. 16. pp. 960-961, 34 lines (columnated), 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor, followed by the 1527 capture of the Pope by the Holy Roman Emperor. 15. p. 987, 7 lines, one marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s reorganization of H8's household, followed by W.'s 1524-1526 involvement in the Holy Roman Emperor's wars against France.
16. 1526: W.'s political machinations during the Holy Roman Emperor's war against France. 26. p. 440, 6 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by the martyrdom of the converted Jew in Constantinople by the Turks, followed by W. stirring up trouble with the Emperor in order to be made Pope. 20. pp. 41 lines, 3 marginal comments (two descriptive, one editorial). Episode revisited. Preceded by W.'s political dealings during HRE's war against France, followed by W.'s threats against HRE in an effort to be made Pope. 20. pp. 961-962, 82 lines (columnated), 3 marginal comments (two descriptive, one editorial). Episode revisited. Preceded by W.'s political dealings during HRE's war against France, followed by W.'s threats against HRE in an effort to be made Pope. 16. p. 987, 24 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s trading Hampton Court to H8 for Richmond Manor, followed by the 1527 capture of the Pope by the Holy Roman Emperor. 17. 1526: W. implements the 1/6th tax in Norfolk and Suffolk. 16. This episode does not appear in this edition. 25. p. 1124, 16 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s efforts to free Pope Clement VII, followed by W.'s efforts to get the Pope to name H8 'defender of the faith'. 25. p. 962, 32 lines (columnated), 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s efforts to free Pope Clement VII, followed by W.'s efforts to get the Pope to name H8 'defender of the faith'. 20. p. 988, 23 lines, 5 marginal comments (descriptive). Episode revisited. Preceded by W.'s political dealings during HRE's war against France, followed by W.'s threats against HRE in an effort to be made Pope. 1526
reasons for Frith’s martyrdom. appointment as Chancellor. bid for the Papacy, followed by W.'s condemnation of Fr. Barnes. Thomas More's appointment as Chancellor. 28. May 28 1529: Katherine’s response to H8’s divorce proceedings in W. and Campeius’s legatine court, wherein she accuses W. of pushing forward the divorce in retribution for Charles V not making W. Pope. 13. pp. 605 (orig.p. (orig. p. 603), 99 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Barnes’s activities prior to his arrest, followed by Barnes’s attempts to escape and his subsequent imprisonment. 31. p. 1130, 13 lines, 2 marginal comments (1 citation, 1 descriptive). Preceded by Thomas More's appointment as Chancellor, followed by the Nov. 1530 Parliament's concerns about the abuses of the clergy. 28. This episode does not appear in this edition. 28. This episode does not appear in this edition. 29. Oct. 1 1529: A council of nobles informs H8 that W. is cast in the praemunire. W. deprived of the Great Seal and dismissed from London. 29. This episode does not appear in this edition. 32. p. 1132, 20 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by a debate in Parliament about clergymen holding pluralities, followed by W.'s journey to York. 12. p. 967, 12 lines (columnated), 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by H8's letter to his Roman ambassadors instructing them to help W. become Pope, followed by the abjuration of Bilney et al. 31. p. 994 (orig. p. 966), 13 lines 2 marginal comments (1 citation, 1 descriptive). Preceded by Thomas More's appointment as Chancellor, followed by the Nov. 1530 Parliament's concerns about the abuses of the clergy.
30. Nov. 1529: Campeius returns to England to decide with W. on H8's divorce. The cardinals defer the decision to Rome. 30. This episode does not appear in this edition. 34. p. 1132, 16 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by selected articles of W.'s arrest, followed by W.'s arrest for treason. 23. p. 967, 8 lines (columnated), 1 marginal comment (citation). Preceded by W.'s persecution of Barnes and two merchants, followed by H8's divorce. 32. p. 996, 20 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by a debate in Parliament about clergymen holding pluralities, followed by W.'s journey to York. 31. 1530: Letter from Erasmus to John Vergera in which he describes W.'s fall from power. 31. This episode does not appear in this edition. 35. pp. 40 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s journey north to York, followed by W.'s death. 30. p. 967, 28 lines (columnated), 4 marginal comments (3 descriptive, 1 editorial). Preceded by the trial of Bilney et al., followed by W. cast in the praemunire. 34. p. 996, 19 lines, 2 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by selected articles of W.'s arrest, followed by W.'s arrest for treason. 32. Nov. 1530: articles of W.'s arrest brought into Parliament. 32. This episode does not appear in this edition. 36. p. 1133, 14 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s arrest for treason, followed by the imprisonment of Protestants in Cardinal College. 29. pp. 967-968, 64 lines (columnated), 8 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the cardinals' deferral of the decision on H8's divorce, followed by Thomas More's appointment as Chancellor. 35. p. 996, 36 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s journey north to York, followed by W.'s death.
33. Late 1530: Humphrey (alternatively Humfrey Mummouth) compelled to write to W. answering charges of heresy. 6. p. 625 (orig. p.621), 3 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by Foxe’s reasons for providing the ‘comic’ tale about the supposed St. Mary’s fire in Oxford, followed by the account of the fire. 10. p. 1133, 7 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by the death of W., followed by W.'s persecution of Humphrey Monmouth. 33. This episode does not appear in this edition. 36. pp. 996-997, 20 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s arrest for treason, followed by the imprisonment of Protestants in Cardinal College. 34. Late 1530: W. journeys north to York at the request of H8. 34. This episode does not appear in this edition. 33. pp. 69 lines, 9 marginal comments (7 descriptive, 2 citations). Preceded by the persecution of Frith and others, followed by the story of Thomas Hytten. 31. p. 968, 26 lines (columnated), 2 marginal comments (1 citation, 1 descriptive). Preceded by Thomas More's appointment as Chancellor, followed by the Nov. 1530 Parliament's concerns about the abuses of the clergy. 10. p. 997, 7 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by the death of W., followed by W.'s persecution of Humphrey Monmouth. 35. 1530: W. arrested for treason on account of his having written to the Pope complaining about his treatment by 35. This episode does not appear in this edition. 22. pp. 200 lines (columnated), 7 marginal comments (5 descriptive, 2 editorial). Preceded by the story of Thomas Hytten, followed by the 32. p. 969, 40 lines (columnated), 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by a debate in Parliament about clergymen holding 33. pp. 997, 69 lines, 9 marginal comments (7 descriptive, 2 citations). Preceded by the persecution of Frith and others, followed by the story of Thomas 1135,
H8, including W.'s apparent antagonism towards the divorce. articles laid against Bilney and Arthur. pluralities, followed by W.'s journey to York. Hytten. 36. Nov. 29, 1530: The death of W., in which horrible signs of his sinfulness could be seen. 36. This episode does not appear in this edition. Note: only reference to W.'s death is in 38. (p. 1754, orig. p. 1738) in the account of Gardiner's death. 23. p. 27 lines (columnated), 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by an introduction to the story of Thomas Hitten, followed by the trial of Bilney. 34. p. 969-970, 32 lines (columnated), 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by selected articles of W.'s arrest, followed by W.'s arrest for treason. 22. pp. 998-999, 95 lines (46 columnated), 7 marginal comments (5 descriptive, 2 editorial). Preceded by the story of Thomas Hytten, followed by the articles laid against Bilney and Arthur. 37. July 1540: Cromwell compares Cranmer favorably against W. 37. This episode does not appear in this edition. 19. pp. 32 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the death of Stafford, reader in divinity in Cambridge, followed by the persecution of Fishe and his wife by Thomas More. 35. p. 970, 80 lines (columnated), 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by W.'s journey north to York, followed by W.'s death. 19. pp. 35 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the death of Stafford, reader in divinity in Cambridge, followed by the persecution of Fishe and his wife by Thomas More.
Parliament. 43. Editorial on W.'s suppression of monasteries c. 1528. 43. This episode does not appear in this edition. 46. p. 11 lines, 1 marginal comment (editorial). Reference to 47. Preceded by the Pope's unwillingness to allow the divorce, followed by H8's resolution to break from the Roman Church. 42. p. 1161, 17 lines, 2 marginal comments (editorial). Preceded by an editorial defense of Cromwell, followed by an account of H8's divorce from Anne of Cleves. 27. p. 1051, 6 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by arguments in the legatine court, followed by Clement VII's delay in making a decision regarding the divorce. 44. W. brings the Great Seal to Brussels for a treaty conference, displaying it and compelling many English noblemen to kneel to him, to impress the Germans. 44. This episode does not appear in this edition. 44. This episode does not appear in this edition. 44. This episode does not appear in this edition. 46. p. 1051, 16 lines, 3 marginal comments (2 editorial, 1 citation). Preceded by Clement VII's delays in making a decision on the divorce, followed by H8's placing trade embargoes on Roman goods.
45. Letter from W. to Gardiner, requesting Gardiner's assistance in regards to W.'s bid to be made Pope. 45. This episode does not appear in this edition. 9. p. 1347, 14 lines, 4 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Cromwell's career prior to his employment by W., followed by Cromwell's role in W.'s suppression of monasteries. 13. p. 1164, 38 lines, 3 marginal comments (2 editorial, 1 descriptive). Preceded by the arrest of Barnes, followed by the examination of Barnes. 9. p. 1179, 15 lines, 4 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Cromwell's career prior to his employment by W., followed by Cromwell's role in W.'s suppression of monasteries. 46. Editorial reference to W.'s efforts to be made Pope, as seen in 47. 46. This episode does not appear in this edition. 8. p. 1347, 13 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the details of Cromwell's initial employment by W., followed by Cromwell's career after W.'s downfall. 46. This episode does not appear in this edition. 8. p. 1179, 9 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the details of Cromwell's initial employment by W., followed by Cromwell's career after W.'s downfall. 47. Letter from H8 to his Roman ambassadors instructing them to assist W.'s bid to become Pope. 47. This episode does not appear in this edition. 37. p. 1360, 18 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by conflicts between Gardiner and Cromwell, followed by the 1541 Parliament. 12. p. 1165, 18 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by the imprisonment of Barnes, followed by Barnes' escape from prison. 37. p. 1189, 18 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by conflicts between Gardiner and Cromwell, followed by the 1541 Parliament.
26. p. 1364, 23 lines, 3 marginal comments (1 descriptive, 2 editorial). Preceded by the arrest of Barnes, followed by the examination of Barnes by Gardiner. 14. p. 1166, 9 lines, 3 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Garret's bringing Protestant books into England, followed by Dalaber's account of Garret's persecution. 26. pp. 23 lines, 3 marginal comments (1 descriptive, 2 editorial). Preceded by the arrest of Barnes, followed by the examination of Barnes by Gardiner. 14. p. 1366, 27 lines, 4 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Garret's bringing Protestant books into England, followed by Dalaber's account of Garret's persecution. 38. p. 1680, 2 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by Gardiner's antagonism towards Elizabeth, followed by an exhortation to Boner to learn from Gardiner's mistakes. 14. p. 27 lines, 4 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Garret's bringing Protestant books into England, followed by Dalaber's account of Garret's persecution. 38. p. 1952, 2 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by Gardiner's antagonism towards Elizabeth, followed by an exhortation to Boner to learn from Gardiner's mistakes. 27. p. 1753, 11 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by Cranmer's early career, followed by Cranmer's position on H8's divorce of Anne Boleyn. 38. p. 1787, 2 lines, 0 marginal comments. Preceded by Gardiner's antagonism towards Elizabeth, followed by an exhortation to Boner to learn from Gardiner's mistakes.
98. November 4, 1530: The Earl of Northumberland arrests Wolsey at Cawood and conducts him south. While en route he sickens and dies at Leicester Abbey on Nov. 29th. 98. p. 1555, 8 lines, 2 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by H8's ordering Wolsey to be arrested, followed by an editorial on Wolsey's various deeds, flaws, and qualities. 98. pp. 915-917, 99 lines, 15 marginal comments (descriptive). Preceded by H8's ordering Wolsey to be arrested, followed by an editorial on Wolsey's various deeds, flaws, and qualities. 99. November 1530: Editorial on Wolsey's various deeds, flaws, and qualities. The 1587 edition includes a substantive biography of Wolsey composed of smaller sections written by Campion, Stow, and Hall. 99. pp. 1555-1556, 10 lines, 1 marginal comment (descriptive). Preceded by Wolsey's arrest and death, followed by the clergy of England nearly falling under a writ of praemunire for having supported Wolsey. 99. pp. 917-923, 298 lines, 69 marginal comments (52 descriptive, 6 editorial, 11 citations [1 Guicciardini, 1 Campion, 1 Stow, 1 Hall, 2 Abr. Fl., 3 self-references, 1 Leland). Preceded by Wolsey's arrest, followed by H8 and Katherine celebrating Christmas at York Place (renamed 'The King's Manor of Westminster').
during this period Wolsey expanded his numerous building projects on a massive scale. The Scottish problem was settled by the earl of Surrey’s victory over the duke of Albany at Wark Castle in 1523, but Wolsey’s domestic troubles were not so easily dispatched. Much has been made of the earl of Surrey’s apparent hatred for Wolsey, though as Greg Walker has demonstrated in John Skelton and the Politics of the 1520s, the Cardinal’s relationship with the Howard family is far from clear. More troubling were the lingering difficulties resulting from the death of the duke of Buckingham. Though Buckingham had been executed in 1521 and his son marginalized, his former friends at court persisted in circulating rumors that it was Wolsey who had been responsible for his downfall. That alone was not necessarily a problem for the apparently indomitable Lord Chancellor: however, he also managed to anger Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk and Henry’s close friend. This was perhaps somewhat unfair, as Suffolk blamed Wolsey for the failure of the 1523 campaign against the French. While Wolsey’s tendency to micromanage may well have played a part in Suffolk’s difficulties, the efforts of his allies (Charles V and Charles III, duke of Bourbon and constable of France) almost certainly doomed the invasion from the start. Whatever the reasons, by 1523 Wolsey had earned himself a powerful enemy close to the king. The emergence of a public opposition to Wolsey’s dominance provided a nucleus around which anti-Wolsey resentment would crystallize in later years. For the moment, however, Wolsey seemed to turn from strength to strength. Though it appears his ambitions did not extend to the triple crown, he was raised as a candidate in the conclaves of 1521/1522 and 1523 and enjoyed some imperial support from Charles V and Margaret of Austria. Despite the extreme unlikelihood of either conclave choosing a non-Italianate candidate in absentia, it doubtlessly flattered Wolsey (and, perhaps more importantly, Henry) that he was considered a potential contender at all. While managing Henry’s papal ambitions, Wolsey managed to secure the title Defensor fidei for Henry as a direct result of the growing religious tensions stirred by Martin Luther. Previously refused in 1516, this title was finally granted in 1521 as an expression of papal thanks for Henry’s Assertio. That Wolsey was utterly committed to
John Fisher as chancellor and Nicholas West as diocesan bishop, with Hugh Latimer being most prominent amongst these new reformists. Beyond the universities, the line between Lutheranism and anti-clericalism (and more broad demands for reform) was blurred, and Wolsey was called upon numerous times to hear appeals in the legatine court against losses of preaching licenses and accusations of heresy, as well as organizing book-burnings and other anti-heretical measures. However, religious reform was a difficult issue, and Wolsey was awkwardly placed to deal with it. While he was empowered as legate a latere to conduct monastic visitations and deal with lay and clerical heresy, he had no clear target. Monasteries were, by and large, extremely popular throughout Henry’s reign, with one of the most obvious expressions of this popularity being the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536. Yet monasteries—which were generally exempted from diocesan interference—could very well fall short of their society’s standards, as with the Cistercian house at Tharne, which Wolsey visited in 1526. Wolsey’s efforts to promote reform through education seemed to have necessarily taken precedence over support for monasteries. This is further supported by Wolsey’s plans to redraw diocesan boundaries at the expense of monastic houses. This process was an ongoing one, and monastic reform took a substantial amount of Wolsey’s time well into 1529. However, from 1526 Wolsey’s relationship with his monarch was beginning to change. After the failure of the Amicable Grant, Henry appears to have made some attempts to branch out and seek counsel from other court figures. As we have seen, Wolsey had managed to anger the duke of Suffolk and the former friends of the duke of Buckingham, and his relationship with the earl of Surrey (and from 1524, the third duke of Norfolk) is difficult to ascertain. Henry’s own psychology is uncertain and the monarch’s transition into adulthood may well have played a role in his growing interest in diversifying his council. However, there is one event that certainly played a leading role in Wolsey’s downfall, and managing the resulting diplomatic crises, religious upheaval, and the vast cast of characters grew to dominate Wolsey’s final years in power. What initially motivated Henry to express uncertainty over the validity of his
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