intermediate level of society is not a vague or mystical entity, but is a sphere which is occupied by concrete human beings, i.e. by society's professional intellectuals. While Gramsci was aware of the fact that all intellectuals have a class position, that in one way or another they do form part and parcel of the economic base of society, he nevertheless insisted that intellectuals have a superstructural task: namely the building of consent, of public opinion among the diverse social classes and layers, in favour of society's dominant class. Hence, Gramsci taught us that (professional) intellectuals perform an autonomous social function, located between state repression - and the direct appropriation of labour's fruits by capitalist enterprises. 3. Gramsci's Use of the Term Society' Let's now try to delineate the meaning of each of Gramsci's concepts separately. The term civil society can be traced to the great 19th Century German philosophers. It was used both by Marx and by Hegel, from whom Marx borrowed (a part of) his method of analysis. Hegel had used the term civil society to refer to all pre-state relations, i.e. to all relations beyond the immediate sphere of the state. Thus, for Hegel, the term civil society included all economic relations. Further, Marx too had employed the term civil society in his writings, but contrary to Hegel had restricted it to refer only to the economic base of society. It can be very confusing to compare the definitions given by various philosophers for the same concept. Nevertheless, for a proper understanding of Gramsci's system of thought it is necessary to know that the definition of the term civil society has historically evolved, and that Gramsci transformed the meaning of the term to suit his own theoretical ends (3). To repeat for the sake of clarity, what has been briefly stated in the section above: Antonio Gramsci, contrary to Hegel and Marx, used the term civil society exclusively to describe and conceptualise the superstructure, and in particular those institutions of the superstructure which do not (or not officially) form a part of the repressive apparatus of the capitalist state. They include church institutions; the educational establishments, ranging from primary schools to the academia; the media such as newspapers, journals and the radio; trade unions and political parties; and all other intermediate institutions that play a distinct role in
those intellectuals who represent the interest of 'rising classes' under capitalism, i.e. either the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. When representing the oppressed, such intellectuals directly hail from slaves, from feudal peasants, waged workers, etc., and they develop their own worldview primarily in course of their organizational work in the revolutionary movement (7). Traditional intellectuals, on the contrary, form an intrinsic part of the old class structure of society; their interests are tied up with the interests of the aristocracy and landlords, i.e. those classes which have a vested interest in opposing societal change. While it is often presumed, by superficial 'post-modernist' readers of Gramsci's, that the distinction between traditional and organic intellectuals is the main line of distinction he draws between sections of intellectuals, this is far from true. Another key-line of demarcation which he draws is that between urban and rural intellectuals, and this distinction is equally important for a re-analysis of (East) Bengal's socio-political history. Like the former distinction, this distinction brings out the fact that there are a large number of intellectuals - such as school teachers, rural doctors, journalists, lawyers, etc. - who in view of their profession form a part of society's intellectual community, but whose labour is not recognized as intellectual labour by the dominant section of (urban based, comprador) intellectuals. Rural intellectuals, according to Gramsci, are closest to the peasantry, and they often mediate between the peasantry and the institutions of the state. While rural intellectuals include a traditional segment (for instance, religious preachers) and a segment (e.g., teachers in secular schools), both categories lack social recognition for the intellectual work which they contribute to society. Gramsci's above-summarized categorisation of professional intellectuals was rudimentary, and it can be refined on the basis of further social investigations. Nevertheless, it represents a departure, an innovation, in the history of Marxism, for these categorisations were not put forward by any other Marxist philosopher. Moreover, Gramsci as no other Marxist theoretician argued that political work is the task of intellectuals: whether they be recognized or non-recognized, it is society's intellectuals who engage in the work of opinion-building on behalf of the various social classes aspiring to achieve or preserve hegemony. Hence,
Foreign Loan and Economic Impact It is in the wake of an announcement that the excessive foreign borrowing of the previous regime has contributed to the present economic crisis that the deal is being negotiated. Each steel house that Arcelor will build costs Rs. 2.1 million. Thus, the Government will incur a foreign debt of over $ 1 billion for the 65,000 houses, to be paid back over a 10-year period. A financing arrangement through HSBC offers two options: a EU currency-based facility at EURIBOR +1.34% and a six-month US dollar-based facility at LIBOR +1.74%. concessionary rates apply to 85% of the loan. The remaining 15% will be based on commercial rates of LIBOR +5.61%. For example, based on the current rates for LIBOR, the applicable interest rate for the loan is 3.23%. Perhaps the Government is attracted by the opportunity to take this loan and show macroeconomic growth. Certainly, such large-scale construction activities will account as economic activities of the country and contribute to its GDP figures. However, taking another massive loan will only add to the crisis by continuing to increase our foreign debt. It will deplete our foreign reserves and add to our future balance of payment problems. Although the financing comes with a one-year grace period, the Government will eventually have to pay back the dollar loan. A few years down the line it may contribute to another similar crisis like the one we are presently experiencing. Alternatively, obtaining financing for the housing project through local financing will have less impact on the country’s external finances. The required financing can be raised through a combination of Government fund allocation, local bank borrowings and an arrangement with a donor agency like the ADB. This is how many of our highways
The people of the affected regions should be medically examined. Medical relief should be provided for those physically affected. A long-term programme of action to protect the soil and the people should be developed and promptly put into effect. It should be a programme of action to fully remove all waste oil and heavy metal contaminants in the groundwater. Locations where harmful toxic oil deposits lie buried should be identified and steps taken to remove the toxic waste safely. Every house in the affected area should be provided with activated carbon filters free of charge to filter well water. A hydrological research centre should be established in the region. Sustained research should be carried out promptly and properly. The people should mobilize and struggle relentlessly until the correct solution is found for this disaster, those responsible for it and their accomplices are identified and punished, and proper compensation is made for the ill effects. Let us protect the water and air! People’s power is the greatest power! Issued by Mass Movement for Social Justice, Jaffna NDMLP Diary Workers Must Fight for Rs 1000/- Daily Wage NDMLP Statement to the Media