Idi Amin Biography - life, story, school, mother, book, information, born, tall, time Idi Amin Biography Koboko, West Nile Province, Uganda Ugandan president As president of Uganda from 1971 to 1979, Idi Amin (c. 1925–) became well known for his terrible violations of human rights, for causing the collapse of the country's economy, and for causing social disorganization. Amin is remembered best as the tyrant of Uganda who was responsible for a reign filled with mass killings and disorder. Early life Idi Amin Dada was born sometime between 1925 and 1927 in Koboko, West Nile Province, in Uganda. His father was a Kakwa, a tribe that exists in Uganda, Zaire (now Congo), and Sudan. As a boy, Amin spent much time tending goats and working in the fields. He embraced Islam and attained a fourth-grade education. He was brought up by his mother, who abandoned his father to move to Lugazi, Uganda. As Amin grew he matched the qualifications for military service desired by the British at that time. He was tall and strong.

He spoke the Kiswahili language. He also lacked a good education, which implied that he would take orders well. Joining the army as a private in 1946, Amin impressed his superiors by being a good swimmer, rugby player, and boxer. He won the Uganda heavyweight boxing championship in 1951, a title he held for nine years. He was promoted to corporal in 1949. Friendship with Obote During the 1950s Amin fought against the Mau Mau African freedom fighters, who were opposed to British rule in Kenya. Despite his cruel record during the uprisings, he was promoted to sergeant in 1951, lance corporal in 1953, and sergeant-major and platoon commander in 1958. By 1961 Amin had become one of the first two Ugandan officers with the rank of lieutenant. In 1962 Amin helped stop cattle rustling, or stealing, between neighboring ethnic groups in Karamoja, Uganda, and Turkana, Kenya.

Because of the brutal acts he committed during these operations, British officials recommended to Apolo Milton Obote (1924–), Uganda's prime minister, that he be brought to trial as a criminal. Obote instead publicly criticized him, deciding it would have been politically unwise to put on trial one of the two African officers just before Uganda was to gain independence from Britain on October 9, 1962. Thereafter Amin was promoted to captain in 1962 and major in 1963. He was selected to participate in the commanding officers' course at Wiltshire school of infantry in Britain in 1963. In 1964 he was made a colonel. Amin's close association with Obote apparently began in 1965. Obote sympathized with the followers of the murdered prime minister of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba (1925–1961). Obote asked Amin for help in establishing military training camps. Amin also brought coffee, ivory, and gold into Uganda from the Congo so that the rebels there could have money to pay for arms.

The opponents of Obote wanted an investigation into the illegal entry of gold and ivory into Uganda. Obote appointed a committee to look into the issue. He promoted Amin to chief of staff in 1966, and to brigadier and major-general in 1967. Amin seizes control By 1968 the relationship between Obote and Amin had gone sour. An attempted assassination of Obote in 1969, and Amin's suspicious behavior thereafter, further widened the gap between the two men. It is unclear why Obote promoted Amin in 1970 to become chief of general staff, a position that gave him access to every aspect of the armed forces. Amin overthrew Obote's government on January 25, 1971. Ugandans joyfully welcomed Amin. He was a larger-than-life figure and yet simple enough to shake hands with common people and participate in their traditional dances. He was charming, informal, and flexible. Amin was thought to be a nationalist (a person who supports his or her country above all else).

His popularity increased when he got rid of Obote's secret police, freed political prisoners, and told Ugandans that he would hand power back to the people. During this period, Amin's other personality began to emerge: that of a merciless, unpredictable, cunning liar. His "killer squads" murdered Obote's supporters and two Americans who were investigating massacres (large-scale killings). It was becoming clear that Amin's seeming friendliness and clowning were only a mask to hide his brutality. In 1972 he savagely attacked the Israelis and the British, with whom he had been friendly. He did not like that these countries would not sell him weapons. Once Mu'ammar al-Qaddafi (1942–) of Libya agreed to help, Amin immediately threw Israelis and fifty thousand Asians out of Uganda. Uganda's economy was wrecked because Asian traders were suddenly forced to leave. The action also earned Amin a poor international image. Between 1972 and 1979 Amin's policy was to stay in power at any cost. Though he seemed brave, Amin was a coward.

He was, for example, terrified in 1978 when a story circulated that a "talking tortoise" had predicted Idi Amin. AP/Wide World Photos . his downfall. He constantly changed bodyguards, traveling schedules and vehicles, and sleeping places. He controlled the army through frequent reorganization. He also kept his army happy by giving them tape recorders, expensive cars, rapid promotions, and businesses that had been owned by Asian traders. Trying to stay in power Amin used violence and terror to eliminate his real and imaginary enemies. The human cost of Amin's rule was huge—not only in terms of the loss of thousands of Ugandans, but also because of its dehumanizing (making people feel less than human) effects. Human life had become less important than wealth. Most government funds were devoted to the armed forces and to Amin's safety. Health, transport, production of food and cash crops (easily marketable crops), industrial and manufacturing sectors, and foreign investments were neglected. Despite his growing poor reputation, Amin was elected chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), an organization of African nations, on July 28, 1975.

In 1977 African countries blocked a United Nations resolution that would have condemned Amin for his gross violation of human rights. By the late 1970s Amin's luck was running out. The economy was getting worse. Arabs were concerned about Amin's failure to show how Uganda was becoming an Islamic nation but also concerned about his killing of fellow Muslims. It was becoming difficult for Amin to import luxury goods for his army. To distract attention from the country's internal crises, Amin ordered an invasion of Tanzania in October 1978, supposedly because the latter planned to overthrow his government. Amin's army was forced back. Tanzanians and exiled Ugandan soldiers then invaded Uganda and continued their pursuit of Amin until his government was overthrown on April 11, 1979. Amin fled to Libya, but he later moved to Jidda, Saudi Arabia. There he spends his time reciting the Koran (the holy book of Islam), reading books, playing an accordion, swimming, fishing, and watching television—especially sports programs and news channels. He follows events in his homeland closely.

For More Information Uganda: Obote - From a Village Boy to a President - allAfrica.com Uganda: Obote - From a Village Boy to a President Milton Apollo Obote (December 28, 1924 - October 10, 2005) Dr Apollo Milton Obote had an unexceptional reign as president of Uganda. The charismatic politician was president in 1962 before being overthrown in 1972 by his army commander Idi Amin. He regained presidency in 1980, a regime that became known as Obote II. Obote II ruled for five years until he was dramatically overthrown by one of his army officers, Bazilio Tito Okello in 1985. Obote ruled Uganda for 14 years. When he was thrown out for the second time, Obote fled to Lusaka, Zambia. He lived there with his wife Miria until he died on October 10, 2005. Dead he might be, but Obote is well-remembered for his oratory skills and the attack on Kabaka Edward Mutesa's palace on Mengo Hill, forcing Mutesa to flee to London.

From the time he plunged himself in politics in the 1950s, Obote showed all the attributes of a leader. He often bragged "I was born of a ruling family" because his father, Stanley Apeto, a farmer, was a minor chieftain of the Lango tribe. It is said that out of the abundance of the heart, the mouth speaks. And so it was for Obote, a boy from akokoro village in Lira District, his words would spur him to Uganda's presidency. But it was more than his words. Obote studied the weaknesses of his tribal and political enemies which he thoroughly exploited. He became the President of Uganda Peoples Congress [UPC], which controversially won Uganda's first presidential electionâ-‚in 1962. Those fraudulent elections, plus his miscalculated exploitation of tribal politics, would prove to be his downfall. In 1966, after Obote and Amin were accused of smuggling gold, Obote suspended the constitution and installed himself as executive president. Sir Edward Mutesa II, the Kabaka of Buganda and president of Uganda denounced Obote's action and Obote responded by attacking the Kabaka at his Mengo hill palace.

The Kabaka fled to London. But on January 24, 1972, while attending a Commonwealth Summit Conference in Singapore, Obote was overthrown by Idi Amin, his Army Commander. Obote was exiled in Tanzania for eight years until he was helped back to power by the Tanzanian army under president Julius Nyerere in 1979. In 1980, presidential elections were held and under his UPC party, Obote was controversially elected president. He was, again, overthrown by Brigadier Tito Okello, one of his army officers, in June 1985. President Museveni, who came into power in 1986, warned Obote never to step foot on Ugandan soil again or else face prosecution for the deaths of thousands of people during the early 1980s and especially in Luweero Triangle where Museveni's National Resistance Army guerrillas operated. At that time, Uganda recorded one of the worst human rights records in the world.

One of the architects of Ugandan independence in 1962 (when he served as first prime minister), Obote was born in the village of Akokoro in the Apac district of northern Uganda. He was the third of nine children. He joined Makerere University College in 1948 after studying at a Protestant missionary school in Lira. However, he dropped out of Makerere after two years and completed his education with a number of correspondence courses. Obote is survived by four children. His wife Miria succeeded him as the UPC party President. She stood for presidency in 2006. In the same year, his son Jimmy Akena was elected as Member of Parliament for Lira Municipality. Compiled by Raphael Okello Copyright © 2008 New Vision. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media ( allAfrica.com ). To contact the copyright holder directly for corrections — or for permission to republish or make other authorized use of this material, click here. AllAfrica publishes around 700 reports a day from more than 140 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals , representing a diversity of positions on every topic.

We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct. Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica . To address comments or complaints, please Contact us . UGANDA AFTER AMIN UGANDA AFTER AMIN Uganda Table of Contents The Interim Period: 1979-80 A month before the liberation of Kampala, representatives of twenty-two Ugandan civilian and military groups were hastily called together at Moshi, Tanzania, to try to agree on an interim civilian government once Amin was removed. Called the Unity Conference in the hope that unity might prevail, it managed to establish the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) as political representative of the UNLA. Dr. Yusuf Lule, former principal of Makerere University, became head of the UNLF executive committee. As an academic rather than a politician, Lule was not regarded as a threat to any of the contending factions. Shortly after Amin's departure, Lule and the UNLF moved to Kampala, where they established an interim government.

Lule became president, advised by a temporary parliament, the National Consultative Council (NCC). The NCC, in turn, was composed of representatives from the Unity Conference. Conflict surfaced immediately between Lule and some of the more radical of the council members who saw him as too conservative, too autocratic, and too willing as a Muganda to listen to advice from other Baganda. After only three months, with the apparent approval of Nyerere, whose troops still controlled Kampala, Lule was forcibly removed from office and exiled. He was replaced by Godfrey Binaisa, a Muganda like Lule, but one who had previously served as a high-ranking member of Obote's UPC. It was not an auspicious start to the rebuilding of a new Uganda, which required political and economic stability. Indeed, the quarrels within the NCC, which Binaisa enlarged to 127 members, revealed that many rival and would-be politicians who had returned from exile were resuming their self-interested operating styles. Ugandans who endured the deprivations of the Amin era became even more disillusioned with their leaders.

Binaisa managed to stay in office longer than Lule, but his inability to gain control over a burgeoning new military presence proved to be his downfall. At the beginning of the interim government, the military numbered fewer than 1,000 troops who had fought alongside the Tanzanian People's Defence Force (TPDF) to expel Amin. The army was back to the size of the original King's African Rifles (KAR) at independence in 1962. But in 1979, in an attempt to consolidate support for the future, such leaders as Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and Major General (later Chief of Staff) David Oyite Ojok began to enroll thousands of recruits into what were rapidly becoming their private armies. Museveni's 80 original soldiers grew to 8,000; Ojok's original 600 became 24,000. When Binaisa sought to curb the use of these militias, which were harassing and detaining political opponents, he was overthrown in a military coup on May 10, 1980.

The coup was engineered by Ojok, Museveni, and others acting under the general direction of Paulo Muwanga, Obote's right-hand man and chair of the Military Commission. The TPDF was still providing necessary security while Uganda's police force--which had been decimated by Amin--was rebuilt, but Nyerere refused to help Binaisa retain power. Many Ugandans claimed that although Nyerere did not impose his own choice on Uganda, he indirectly facilitated the return to power of his old friend and ally, Milton Obote. In any case, the Military Commission headed by Muwanga effectively governed Uganda during the six months leading up to the national elections of December 1980. Further evidence of the militarization of Ugandan politics was provided by the proposed expenditures of the newly empowered Military Commission. Security and defense were to be allotted more than 30 percent of the national revenues. For a country desperately seeking funds for economic recovery from the excesses of the previous military regime, this allocation seemed unreasonable to civilian leaders. Shortly after Muwanga's 1980 coup, Obote made a triumphant return from Tanzania. In the months before the December elections, he began to rally his former UPC supporters.

Ominously, in view of recent Ugandan history, he often appeared on the platform with General Oyite-Ojok, a fellow Langi. Obote also began to speak of the need to return to a UPC one-party state. The national election on December 10, 1980, was a crucial turning point for Uganda. It was, after all, the first election in eighteen years. Several parties contested, the most important of which were Obote's UPC and the DP led by Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere. Most of Uganda's Roman Catholics were DP members, along with many others whose main concern was to prevent the return of another Obote regime. Because the Military Commission, as the acting government, was dominated by Obote supporters (notably chairman Paulo Muwanga), the DP and other contenders faced formidable obstacles. By election day, the UPC had achieved some exceptional advantages, summarized by Minority Rights Group Report Number 66 as follows: Seventeen UPC candidates were declared "unopposed" by the simple procedure of not allowing DP or other candidates to run against them. Fourteen district commissioners, who were expected to supervise local polling, were replaced with UPC nominees.

The chief justice of Uganda, to whom complaints of election irregularities would have to be made, was replaced with a UPC member. In a number of districts, non-UPC candidates were arrested, and one was murdered. Even before the election, the government press and Radio Uganda appeared to treat the UPC as the victor. Muwanga insisted that each party have a separate ballot box on election day, thus negating the right of secret ballot. There were a number of other moves to aid the UPC, including Muwanga's statement that the future parliament would also contain an unspecified number of unelected representatives of the army and other interest groups. Polling appeared to be heavy on election day, and by the end of the voting, the DP, on the basis of its own estimates, declared victory in 81 of 126 constituencies. The British Broadcasting Corporation and Voice of America broadcast the news of the DP triumph, and Kampala's streets were filled with DP celebrants. At this point, Muwanga seized control of the Electoral Commission, along with the power to count the ballots, and declared that anyone disputing his count would be subject to a heavy fine and five years in jail.

Eighteen hours later, Muwanga announced a UPC victory, with seventy-two seats. Some DP candidates claimed the ballot boxes were simply switched to give their own vote tally to the UPC runner-up. Nevertheless, a small contingent of neutral election watchers, the Commonwealth Observer Group, declared itself satisfied with the validity of the election. Some Ugandans criticized the Commonwealth Observer Group, suggesting that members of the group measured African elections by different standards than those used elsewhere or that they feared civil war if the results were questioned. Indeed, popular perception of a stolen election actually helped bring about the civil war the Commonwealth Observer Group may have feared. Custom Search Idi Amin - Facts & Summary - HISTORY.com A+E Networks Introduction In 1971, General Idi Amin overthrew the elected government of Milton Obote and declared himself president of Uganda, launching a ruthless eight-year regime in which an estimated 300,000 civilians were massacred. His expulsion of all Indian and Pakistani citizens in 1972—along with increasing military expenditures—brought about the country’s economic decline, the impact of which lasted decades.

In 1979 his reign of terror came to an end as Ugandan exiles and Tanzanians took control of the capital of Kampala, forcing Amin to flee. Never brought to justice for his heinous crimes, Amin lived out the remainder of his life in Saudi Arabia. ‹ › Google Idi Amin: Early Life and Military Career Idi Amin Dada was born c. 1925 in Koboko, in northwestern Uganda, to a Kakwa father and Lugbara mother, who separated shortly afterwards. In 1946, after receiving only a rudimentary education, Amin joined the King’s African Rifles (KAR), a regiment of the British colonial army, and quickly rose through the ranks. He was deployed to Somalia in 1949 to fight the Shifta rebels and later fought with the British during the suppression of the Mau Mau Rebellion in Kenya (1952-56). In 1959 he attained the rank of effendi—the highest position for a black African soldier within the KAR—and, by 1966, he had been appointed commander of the armed forces. Did You Know?

During his time in the army, Amin became the light heavyweight boxing champion of Uganda, a title he held for nine years between 1951 and 1960. Amin Commandeers Control of Uganda’s Government After more than 70 years under British rule, Uganda gained its independence on October 9, 1962, and Milton Obote became the nation’s first prime minister. By 1964, Obote had forged an alliance with Amin, who helped expand the size and power of the Ugandan Army. In February 1966, following accusations that the pair was responsible for smuggling gold and ivory from Congo that were subsequently traded for arms, Obote suspended the constitution and proclaimed himself executive president. Shortly thereafter, Obote sent Amin to dethrone King Mutesa II, also known as “King Freddie,” who ruled the powerful kingdom of Buganda in south-central Uganda. A few years and two failed—but unidentified—assassination attempts later, Obote began to question Amin’s loyalty and ordered his arrest while en route to Singapore for a Commonwealth Heads of Government Conference.

During his absence, Amin took the offensive and staged a coup on January 25, 1971, seizing control of the government and forcing Obote into exile. Amin’s Regime of Terror Once in power, Amin began mass executions upon the Acholi and Lango, Christian tribes that had been loyal to Obote and therefore perceived as a threat. He also began terrorizing the general public through the various internal security forces he organized, such as the State Research Bureau (SRB) and Public Safety Unity (PSU), whose main purpose was to eliminate those who opposed his regime. In 1972, Amin expelled Uganda’s Asian population, which numbered between 50,000 and 70,000, resulting in a collapse of the economy as manufacturing, agriculture and commerce came to a screeching halt without the appropriate resources to support them.

When the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) hijacked an Air France flight from Israel to Paris on June 27, 1976, Idi Amin welcomed the terrorists and supplied them with troops and weapons, but was humiliated when Israeli commandos subsequently rescued the hostages in a surprise raid on the Entebbe airport. In the aftermath, Amin ordered the execution of several airport personnel, hundreds of Kenyans whom were believed to have conspired with Israel and an elderly British hostage who had previously been escorted to a nearby hospital. Throughout his oppressive rule, Amin was estimated to have been responsible for the deaths of roughly 300,000 civilians. Amin Loses Control and Enters Exile Over time, the number of Amin’s intimate allies dwindled and formerly loyal troops began to mutiny. When some fled across the border into Tanzania, Amin accused Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere of instigating the unrest and retaliated by annexing the Kagera Salient, a strip of territory north of the Kagera River, in November 1978.

Two weeks later, Nyerere mobilized a counter-offensive to recapture the land, and drove the Ugandan Army out with the help of Ugandan exiles. The battle raged into Uganda, and on April 11, 1979, Amin was forced to flee when Kampala was captured. Although he originally sought refuge in Libya, he later moved to Saudi Arabia, where he lived comfortably until his death of multiple organ failure in 2003. Tags President Apollo Milton Obote | State House Uganda President Apollo Milton Obote 15 April 1966 to 25 January 1971, 17 December 1980 to 27 July 1985 President Apollo Milton Obote He is the only President to have sat in State House on two different tenures; first in the 60’s just after Independence and then from 1981-85 after Idi Amin. It was also to Milton Obote that the very symbolically important National Flag was handed at Independence Day on October 9th, 1962.

On the other hand, Obote is held responsible for much of the political and military turmoil, which characterized Uganda in the early years after independence. Milton Obote was born in a small village, called Akokoro, in 1925 to Stanley Opeto - a village chief and Puliska Opeto who was a simple housewife. Milton Obote was the third child out of 11 children. For Primary education, he went to Ibuje Primary School in Lira and later moved to Jinja and joined the famous Busoga College, Mwiri for his higher education. He later qualified to join Makerere College (now Makerere University) to study Economics. However Milton Obote did not finish his education at Makerere University and there are conflicting reports about why he left Makerere without completing his degree. He claimed that he did so because he was being forced to study what he was not comfortable with. He explained that his major goal was to study Law and not economics. Another report however indicates that he was expelled from the University after leading a strike. On leaving Makerere, he tried to go for various scholarships in both the US and the UK, but his moves were thwarted by the British.

While still a student, the young Obote had already distinguished himself as a leader. Throughout Lango and many parts of the north, he mobilized the masses for both work and political self determination. With no educational qualifications and hence jobless, Obote decided to work as a casual laborer for Mowlem, a famous construction firm at the time. For some reason, he was transferred to Kenya and it is here that his political dynamism came to the fore. He soon joined Kenya’s agitation for political independence and his political party of choice was the Kenya African Union. Along his employers, Obote continued shining and soon, he was removed from being a mere casual laborer to an office worker. He grew in stature as a trade unionist in Kenya, advocating for workers’ rights and at the same time propagating self determination for Kenya. It was then that the British colonialists took notice of him. Obote returned to Uganda in 1975 when the country was agitating for independence. He had already heard about the political parties leading the fight in Uganda and he made his choice.

Among the parties of the time included the Uganda National Congress (UNC) of Ignatius Kangave Musaazi, the Democratic Party (DP) of Bendicto Kiwanuka among others. He chose the UNC and soon rose to the level of Deputy Chairman of the party. For coming late, when the independence agitation had started way back, Obote was in some circles called 'a late comer' who ate the juicy piece! He also came back at a time when the independence discussions between Ugandan agitators and the British were set to kick off under the Legislative Council (LEGCO). Obote was nominated as a member of the LEGCO by the Lango District Council in 1958. By 1960, Obote had 'disorganised' Musaazi and Kiwanuka out of the UNC and became its President. However, seeing no future with the UNC, he formed his own political party, the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). In 1962, after losing to DP in the earlier elections, Obote jumped into an alliance with Kabakka Yekka (KY) a party that was largely advocating for Buganda’s rights.

The alliance then won the independence elections, which warranted them to form the first independence government. Subsequently, Obote became the executive Prime Minister of Uganda while Sir Edward Muteesa became the ceremonial President of Uganda. By 1964, the alliance between UPC and KY had started to crack over different factors and by 1966; Obote ordered his then Army Commander Colonel Idi Amin to attack the Lubiri-resulting into the desecration of the Kingdom. The Baganda were angry with Obote for destroying their kingdom. On his part however, Obote claimed that he did so because he wanted to maintain Uganda as a nation. But it is largely because of this fall out that, according to political observers, Uganda set on the road to the carnage and turbulence that characterized the 70s and 80s. In 1967, Obote promulgated a new constitution that replaced the 1962 Independence Constitution and declared Uganda a Republic. Obote then became the President of Uganda. By 1969, he had fallen out with more of his party members. They argued that he was becoming more autocratic and was no longer listening to them.

He also got the idea of nationalizing all businesses in the country and was looking at more support from the East than Uganda’s traditional allies, the west. In 1969, there was an attempted assassination at him at Lugogo. This was a harbinger of things to come. But it was also around this time that he implemented some of the most notable development projects in the country, when his government constructed 22 big hospitals and at least 30 big secondary schools across the country. By 1970, the British and Israelis that had supported Uganda for much longer had completely fallen out with him. A plot to get rid of him was then hatched. Surprisingly, the person that the coup plotters chose to replace him was none other than Idi Amin, his long standing ally. On January 25, 1971, while Obote was attending a Common Wealth Conference in Singapore, he was overthrown by Idi Amin. Obote ended up in Tanzania as a refugee, however, he soon started organizing fighters to come back and overthrow Idi Amin. In 1971, he tried to organize a force to attack Uganda from the Sudan.

In September 1972, an attack organized by him and other exiles like Yoweri Museveni finally took place. It was however a fiasco as Amin’s forces defeated the attackers and chased them back to Tanzania. But Obote’s friendship with Nyerere meant that he stayed in Tanzania and continued organizing. When Amin attacked Tanzania in 1978, Obote and his fighters on one part, then other groups like FRONASA supported by the Tanzanian government counter attacked and on April 11 1979, overthrew Amin. Because of the animosity that Obote had generated in his first term, many neutrals did not want him to return as President of Uganda. This is why Yusuf Lule was named President, followed by Godfrey Binaisa, then Paulo Muwanga before elections were held. It was only through elections that Obote found a clear way of returning as President. In an election organized by his cohorts like Paulo Muwanga and with the army headed by David Oyite Ojok totally behind him, Obote returned and took part in the elections that were so bungled up and rigged that he had to win them.

Obote’s second term was nothing but bloody. In February 1981, a rebel group, the National Resistance Army (NRA) led by Yoweri Museveni launched a people’s protracted war in Luwero. There was also a rebellion in West-Nile by Amin’s remnants and another by Andrew Kayiira’s Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM). It was Obote’s reaction to the attacks by these groups that however made him more unpopular. This is because his soldiers tried to defeat the rebellion by killing innocent civilians within and outside the operational areas. Besides, rising casualties amongst his soldiers, but especially the Acholi created divisions within the ranks of the army. The death of Major General David Oyite Ojok, Obote`s main arm in the country aggravated the divisions within the army, after Obote appointed a less experienced Brigadier Smith Opon Acak, instead of one of the top Acholi officers Brigadier Bazilio Okello. On July 27th 1985, Obote was again overthrown by the army. He fled to Zambia and remained there until his death in 2005.

Apollo Milton Obote facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com articles about Apollo Milton Obote 1925-2005 Ugandan politician A leader in the movement for Ugandan independence in the 1960s, Apollo Milton Obote presided over the withdrawal of the British colonial government in 1962 and became the country's first prime minister and later, its first president. Despite bold moves to improve Uganda's economy and modernize the country, Obote was not able to resolve tribal conflicts that threatened Ugandan unity, and in 1971 he was deposed in a coup led by Idi Amin, whose despotic eight-year-rule was marked by blatant human rights violations. In 1979, the Tanzanian military overthrew Amin, and in 1980 Obote was re-elected president. Conditions in Uganda only grew worse under Obote's second administration. He continued Amin's brutal tactics against guerilla forces that opposed him. He also ordered the slaughter of civilians; an estimated 300,000 civilians were killed between 1981 and 1985, when Obote was ousted in another coup.

Obote fled to Zambia, where he was granted political asylum and lived in comfort until his death in 2005. Drawn to Revolutionary Politics The third of nine children, Obote was born in the Apac district of northern Uganda. Because his father, a farmer, was a minor chieftain of the Lango tribe, Obote believed himself destined to become a leader and often proclaimed that "I was born of a ruling family." The young Obote attended missionary schools before entering Makerere University College in the capital city, Kampala, in 1948. After being expelled for leading a student strike, Obote finished his degree as a correspondence student. Obote worked odd jobs as a laborer and a salesman in the southern Ugandan region of Buganda and then moved to Kenya, which was in the throes of a violent uprising against British rule that became known as the Mau Mau emergency. Obote joined the Kenya National Union, a political organization led by accused Mau Mau instigator (and later, first prime minister and president of independent Kenya) Jomo Kenyatta. Here Obote learned political skills that would help him go on to play a central role in the struggle for Ugandan independence.

Britain had ruled Uganda as a protectorate since 1894. Under this arrangement, Uganda—a sovereign but relatively small and vulnerable nation—signed a treaty accepting Britain as its protector. This meant that Britain provided diplomatic and military protection, organized government administrative functions, and imposed taxes. Many British policies benefited the Baganda, the largest ethnic group in Uganda, whose homeland of Buganda was a separate kingdom within Ugandan territory. But the British also favored Indian immigrants in Uganda, giving them a monopoly in the lucrative business of cotton ginning. By the early twentieth century, Ugandans were demanding an end to these and other policies that created division and injustice, and were growing increasingly impatient for full independence. After the end of World War II, Britain began planning the formal end of the protectorate. Created Alliances and Enemies On returning to Uganda, Obote focused his energies on political organizing. Of central importance was the need to reach out to traditional tribal leaders to bridge the divides among them and gain their political support. In 1955 Obote formed the Uganda People's Congress (UPC), which attempted to draw Uganda's various tribal interests together so that separate factions would not threaten the country's unity on the eve of independence.

In 1958 Obote joined the Uganda legislative council, continuing to forge tribal alliances that would ensure a UPC victory in the country's first independent election, scheduled for 1962. Eager not to alienate the powerful and influential Baganda, Obote made a deal: if they voted for the UPC, he would see to it that their king, Edward Mutesa II (known as King Freddy) would become president—a largely ceremonial post—while Obote himself would take the more powerful position as prime minister. Obote's bargain paid off, and in 1962 he was sworn in as Uganda's first prime minister, under President Mutesa. Relations between Mutesa and Obote, however, did not go smoothly. Mutesa continued to push for recognition of Buganda as a separate kingdom—an aim that Obote thoroughly rejected. At the same time, Obote angered other tribal leaders by pushing an economic agenda that was strongly pro-communist and that weakened their own governing powers. In 1966, amid accusations of involvement in an illegal gold smuggling ring, Obote suspended Uganda's constitution and declared himself president, with almost absolute powers.

When Mutesa strenuously objected, calling this move illegal, Obote exiled him to England, where he died in 1969. Many Buganda never forgave Obote for removing their beloved king and for abolishing the traditional powers of Uganda's tribal leaders. Uganda experienced a short period of political stability and economic growth in the late 1960s. In 1969 Obote announced a Common Man's Charter, which promoted classic socialist ideals such as workers' ownership of the means of production. This move immediately alienated western powers, who feared that Uganda, like some other newly-independent African nations, would form a strong alliance with the Soviet Union. In fact, Uganda followed a policy of nonalignment; its relations with the Soviet Union were friendly but not extensive or deep. Obote's policies, as described by Julian Marshall in the Guardian, were "a diluted form of socialism" that sought "substantial, but not majority, shareholding in foreign-owned businesses"—not the full-scale nationalization that was feared. Nor did Obote intend to decree such measures on his own—he expected to let Ugandans vote for his policies.

Nevertheless, according to Marshall, Obote was seen by western countries as a kind of "socialist ogre of the emerging independent Africa." Deposed by Amin In 1971, while attending a conference of prime ministers in Singapore, Obote was overthrown by General Idi Amin and sought refuge in Tanzania. Many Ugandans supported this coup at first, but Amin's brutal tactics soon made him a hated tyrant. During Amin's eight-year rule, an estimated 500,000 Ugandans were tortured and killed. Obote repeatedly denounced Amin, gaining political support from the many thousands of Ugandans who fled Amin's regime for exile in Tanzania. In 1979 Tanzanian troops entered Uganda and deposed Amin, paving the way for Obote to resume power. A general election in 1980 gave the presidency to Obote, but most observers believed the voting to have been rigged.

Once in power again, Obote ordered Uganda's National Liberation Army to conduct a brutal campaign against the those who opposed him—chiefly the Buganda, the Acholi, and the especially the National Resistance Army, a guerilla movement in the western part of the country led by Yoweri Museveni. The National Liberation Army destroyed entire villages, killing thousands of civilians with impunity. Atrocities against civilians in the Luwero Triangle, a region north of Kampala, were especially notorious. Local officials reported that government forces killed between 100,000 and 200,000 civilians there, and detained and tortured several thousand others. At least 150,000 refugees from the region were forced to flee to International Red Cross refugee camps. At a Glance … Born on December 28, 1925, in Akokoro, Uganda; died on October 10, 2005, in Johannesburg, South Africa; married Miria Obote; four children. Education: Attended Makerere University College, Kampala, Uganda, 1948-1950; completed his education through correspondence courses.

Career: Uganda National Congress, founder, 1955; Uganda legislative council, member, 1958-62; prime minister of Uganda, 1962-66; president of Uganda, 1966-71, 1980-85. Obote was accused of imprisoning and torturing his political enemies and restricting basic freedoms throughout the country, making Uganda into a virtual police state. During his second administration, Uganda had one of the worst human rights records in the world. Makerere University law professor Sylvia Tamale, a teenager at the time, explained in a memoir published in African Gender Institute Newsletter that roadblocks, thievery, and rape were common throughout the country in the early 1980s. "Apart from the gang rapes that happened routinely in the war zone," she wrote, "there were many more horrendous stories: tales of mothers who were raped in full view of their children before being bludgeoned to death. Stories of machete-wielding soldiers who split open the bellies of pregnant women at roadblocks, ‘to find hidden rebels!’" Tamale also described roadblocks where "the infamous ‘panda gari’ exercises usually happened.

An impromptu roadblock would be mounted with a big truck by the roadside, onto which young men would be ordered to climb. The men would then be taken to various frontlines in the war zone and literally turned into cannon fodder. Very few ever rejoined their families." In all, an estimated 300,000 Ugandan civilians died during this conflict. According to some analysts, the brutality of Obote's regime was even worse than Amin's record. Ousted in second coup By 1985 factions within Obote's own army strongly opposed him, and they organized a coup that July. Obote fled to Kenya and then found permanent refuge in Zambia. Museveni took over as president of Uganda. Though many Ugandans believed Obote would eventually return, Museveni warned him that if he did so he would face criminal prosecution for the deaths of thousands who had perished during his regime in the 1980s. Obote lived comfortably in Zambia for 20 years. He died at age 80 on October 10, 2005, in Johannesburg, South Africa, where he had been hospitalized for treatment of kidney disease.

To the surprise of many Ugandans, President Museveni ordered a state funeral for the deposed leader. "We reviewed the turbulent history of Uganda and we saw the need for reconciliation," Museveni said in remarks reported by BBC News. For some Ugandans, Obote was a champion of independence whose downfall was due mostly to external forces beyond his control, or to the policies of subordinates who acted without his authority. For others, however, he remains the architect of corruption and misrule that almost tore Uganda apart and left lasting scars on a country struggling to find its place in a rapidly modernizing world. Sources Ingham, Kenneth, Obote: A Political Biography, Routledge, 1994. Periodicals New York Times, October 11, 2005, p. 9. Washington Post, October12, 2005, p. B6. On-line "‘Duka-Duka!’: Memories of the Ugandan Civil War," African Gender Institute, (September 10, 2007). "Government of Uganda—Past Leaders," My Uganda, (September 10, 2007).

"Ugandans Mourn at Obote's Funeral," BBC News, (September 10, 2007). Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. MLA BIBLIOGRAPHY Apollo Milton Obote became the first prime minister of Uganda when the country gained independence in 1962. He later served as Uganda’s president from 1966 to 1971 and 1980 to 1985. Obote was born in the village of Akokoro in northern Uganda, and received his education in his home district of Lango, at Gulu High School in Busoga, and at Makerere University College in Kampala . Over time, Obote developed into an astute and progressive Ugandan nationalist. Overthrown by Idi Amin (1925–2003) in a military coup in January 1971, Obote went into exile for eight years in Tanzania .

But he returned to Uganda in 1980 and was elected for a second term as president, only to be overthrown in yet another coup staged by Ugandan military officers Tito Okello (1914–1996) and Bazilio Okello (1929–1990) in July 1985. Obote again went into exile, this time in Zambia , where he died in October 2005 at the age of eighty. Obote’s demise brought to an end a long, colorful, and controversial political career spanning nearly half a century. During his first term as Uganda’s leader, Obote supported domestic nation-building, a concept he understood to include a quickened pace of progress toward national unity in the face of Uganda’s deep social cleavages. Obote also called for economic and social transformation to uproot what he saw as the evil trinity of poverty, ignorance, and disease. On the international scene, Obote stood for East African cooperation, Pan-Africanism, and Uganda’s active participation in world affairs.

Obote managed Uganda’s external relations successfully, with the exception of a falling out with the United Kingdom in 1971 over Britain ’s sale of military arms to apartheidera South Africa . During Obote’s tenure, Uganda became not only a respected, albeit small, member of the community of nations, but the country also benefited from its membership in numerous international institutions and the acquisition of new trade and development partners. But in the domestic sphere, Obote’s performance was mixed. He began well, with a remarkable record of achievements in education, health, agriculture, and the building of infrastructure. In general, government was managed on a pluralist or multiparty basis, with keen constitutional oversight, as evidenced by the numerous challenges to government actions that were presented to the courts. The situation began to deteriorate with Obote’s handling of the so-called Lost Counties of Bunyoro, a part of Uganda that Britain had handed over to the kingdom of Buganda at the beginning of its period of colonial rule. Following a referendum, Obote returned these regions to Bunyoro, despite stiff opposition from Edward Mutesa (1924–1969), Uganda’s ceremonial head of state and the kabaka of Buganda.

After a furious confrontation that culminated in the Battle of Mengo in May 1966, Mutesa fled into exile in the United Kingdom. Triumphant, Obote moved forward with a radical overhaul of the country’s political system. He abolished monarchism and federalism under his new republican constitution of 1967. Shortly thereafter, he declared what has been called his “move to the Left” by introducing socialist principles and work methods to guide the country’s development. Finally, he declared that his party, the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), was the only legitimate party. In the course of this overhaul, however, Obote failed to give adequate attention to the army, and in the end it was his military commanders, first Idi Amin and later Tito Okello and Bazilio Okello, who booted him from power. In his second term as president, Obote was an older and more mellowed politician, made perhaps wiser by the trials and vicissitudes of life in exile.

He left behind the political excesses of his first term, including his commitment to socialism and to a one-party system, and he accepted the aid of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund toward the recovery of Uganda’s economy, which was left shattered after the reign of Idi Amin. By the time the two Okello generals staged yet another military coup, positive results had begun to be registered. Nevertheless, during Obote’s second administration, the country’s sharp social cleavages, particularly between the Bantu and Nilotic ethnicities and north/south regionalism, became politically relevant, and led to civil war. Obote’s management of this conflict has been a major blot on his record, not just for his inability to resolve it quickly but because of the large number of civilian deaths and the human rights abuses that occurred. Rendered helpless as an exile in Zambia, the blame for all of these issues was laid at his feet by his chief antagonist during the conflict, Yoweri Museveni, who became president of Uganda in 1986. Obote died just as he was shaping his response to these accusations.

Obote is survived by his political party, the UPC, and a large body of supporters in Uganda and elsewhere, who will, no doubt, contribute to a more profound appreciation or critique of his long political career. SEE ALSO Amin, Idi; Kenyatta, Jomo; Museveni, Yoweri BIBLIOGRAPHY Adoko, Akena. 1983. From Obote to Obote. New Delhi: Vikas. Gingyera-Pinycwa, A. G. G. 1976. Issues in Pre-Independence Politics in Uganda, 1952–62. Nairobi, Kenya: East African Literature Bureau. Gingyera-Pinycwa, A. G. G. 1978. Apollo Milton Obote and His Times. New York: NOK. Ingham, Kenneth. 1994. Obote: A Political Biography. London and New York: Routledge. Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. 1996. The Roots of Instability in Uganda. 2nd ed. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers. Milton Obote: My Story. 2005.

Obote Focus (a series of articles by various authors.) Daily Monitor. Museveni, Yoweri Kaguta. 1997. Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda. Ed. Elizabeth Kanyogonya and Kevin Shillington. London: Macmillan. Mutesa, Edward. 1967. Desecration of My Kingdom. London: Constable. Mutibwa, Phares Mukasa. 1992. Uganda since Independence: A Story of Unfulfilled Hopes. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Obote, Apollo Milton. 1969. The Common Man’s Charter. Kampala, Uganda: Consolidated Printers. A. G. G. Gingyera-Pinycwa Idi Amin facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com articles about Idi Amin COPYRIGHT 2004 The Gale Group Inc. Idi Amin Dada As president of Uganda (1971-1979) Idi Amin Dada (born c. 1925) became notorious for massive violations of human rights, economic decline, and social disintegration.

Born between 1925 and 1927 in Koboko, West Nile Province, Idi Amin's father was a Kakwa. The Kakwa tribe exists in Uganda, Zaire (now Congo), and Sudan; some members of the tribe are associated with the Nubi, an uprooted population which emerged as a result of 19th century political upheavals. The Nubi (Nubians) are urbanized and individualistic, have a reputation for homicide and military careers, and are Muslims. Amin embraced Islam and attained a fourth grade education. Amin was brought up by his mother, who abandoned his father to move to Lugazi. The death of his stepfather soon after separation from his mother led to speculation that he must have been either poisoned or "bewitched" by her. Amin accompanied his mother and apparently acquired the militaristic qualifications prized by the British at that time: he was tall and strong, spoke the Kiswahili language, and lacked a good education, ensuring subservience. Enlisting in the army as a private in 1946, Amin impressed his superiors by being a good swimmer, rugby player, and boxer.

He won the Uganda heavyweight boxing championship in 1951, a title he held for nine years. He was promoted to corporal in 1949. Friendship with Obote During the 1950s Amin fought against the Mau Mau African freedom fighters, who were opposed to British colonialism in Kenya. Despite his ruthless record during the uprisings, he was promoted to sergeant in 1951, lance corporal in 1953, and sergeant-major and platoon commander in 1958. In 1959 he attended a course in Nakuru (Kenya) where he performed so well that he was awarded the sword of honor and promoted to effendi, a rank invented for outstanding African non-commissioned officers (NCOs). By 1961 Amin and Shaban Opolot became the first two Ugandan commissioned officers with the rank of lieutenant. In 1962 Amin participated in stopping cattle rustling between neighboring ethnic groups in Karamoja (Uganda) and Turkana (Kenya).

Because of atrocities he committed during these operations, British officials recommended to Apolo Milton Obote (Uganda's prime minister) that he be prosecuted. Obote instead reprimanded him, since it would have been unpolitical to prosecute one of the two African commissioned officers just before Uganda was to gain her independence from Britain on October 9, 1962. Thereafter Amin was promoted to captain in 1962 and major in 1963 and was selected to participate in the commanding officers' course at Wiltshire school of infantry in Britain in 1963. The need for pay increases and the removal of British officers led to an army mutiny in 1964. Amin was called upon to calm the soldiers. The resulting settlement from this crisis led to Amin's promotion to colonel and commanding officer of the First Battalion Uganda Rifles. The 1964 events catapulted the army into political prominence, something Amin fully understood, and he used the political process to gain favors from his superiors.

Amin's close association with Obote apparently began in 1965 when, in sympathy for the followers of Patrice Lumumba (the murdered prime minister of Congo), Obote asked Amin for help in establishing military training camps. Amin also brought coffee, ivory, and gold into Uganda from the Congo so that the rebels there could have money to pay for arms. The opponents of Obote, such as the Kabaka (king) of Buganda (one of Uganda's ancient precolonial kingdoms), wanted an investigation of the illegal entry of gold and ivory into Uganda. Obote appointed a face-saving commission of inquiry and promoted Amin to chief of staff in 1966 and to brigadier and major-general in 1967. An attack on the Kabaka's palace forced the king to flee to Britain, where he died in exile in 1969. Amin Seizes Control By 1968 the relationship between Obote and Amin went sour as the latter showed an interest in the young educated army officers and in creating paramilitary units. An attempted assassination on Obote in 1969 and Amin's suspicious behavior thereafter further widened the gap between the two men.

These divisions became even more evident when Amin gave unauthorized assistance to the rebels fighting against the Sudanese government. It is unclear in light of these conflicts why Obote promoted Amin in 1970 to become chief of general staff, a position which gave him access to every aspect of the armed forces. Amin overthrew Obote's government on January 25, 1971. Ugandans joyfully welcomed Amin. He was a towering charismatic figure and yet simple enough to shake hands with common people and participate in their traditional dances; he was charming, informal, and flexible: and because he married women from different ethnic groups, he was perceived as a nationalist. His popularity increased when he allowed the return of Kabaka's body for a royal burial, appointed a cabinet of technocrats, disbanded Obote's secret police, granted amnesty to political prisoners, and assured Ugandans that he would hand power back to the civilians. During this euphoric period, Amin's other personality began to emerge: ruthless, capricious, cunning, shrewd, and a consummate liar.

His "killer squads" systematically eliminated Obote's supporters and murdered two Americans (Nicholas Stroh and Robert Siedle) who were investigating massacres that had occurred at Mbarara barracks in Western Uganda. It was becoming clear that Amin's apparent friendliness, buffoonery, and clowning were but a mask to hide a terrible brutality. In 1972 he savagely attacked the Israelis and the British who previously had been his close foreign allies. The bone of contention was his inability to procure arms from these countries. Once Muammar Qaddafi of Libya agreed to help, Amin immediately expelled the Israelis and 50,000 Asians holding British passports. The sudden expulsion of Asian traders not only wrecked Uganda's once prosperous economy, it also earned Amin a negative international image. Between 1972 and 1979 Amin's overriding policy was to stay in power at any cost. Though outwardly looking brave, Amin was a coward. He was, for example, terrified in 1978 when a story circulated that a "talking tortoise" had predicted his downfall. He constantly changed body guards, travelling schedules and vehicles, and sleeping places.

His promiscuous life style enabled him to have several possible sleeping places. At one time he was married to four wives and had over 30 mistresses. He controlled the army through frequent reorganization. The powerful position of chief of defense staff was abolished and replaced by army, air, and paratroop commanders. Similarly, when he was out of the country he entrusted power to a defense council made up of several people, making it hard for opponents to plot against him. He also appeased his forces by lavishing on them free whisky, tape recorders, expensive cars, rapid promotions, and lucrative businesses previously owned by Asian traders. Trying to Stay in Power Amin used institutionalized violence or terror to eliminate his real and imaginary enemies. His success in using terror was partly due to divisions among Ugandans who on different occasions became his willing spies. The human cost of Amin's rule was devastating not only in terms of the loss of thousands of Ugandans, but also because of its dehumanizing effects. Human life became less important than wealth. The ritualistic and sadistic methods used in the various murders led to conclusions by reputable doctors that Amin's "mental ill-health" must account for what transpired.

With most national funds devoted to the armed forces and to Amin's personal security, education, health, transport, food and cash-crop production, industrial and manufacturing sectors, and foreign investments were neglected. Despite his growing infamy, Amin was elected chairman of the prestigious Organization of African Unity (OAU) on July 28, 1975. Indeed, 1975 must have been a rewarding year for Amin, as his senior officers promoted him to field marshal. African countries also blocked in 1977 a United Nations resolution which would have condemned Amin for his gross violation of human rights. Through individuals and private companies in the West, Amin received torture equipment for his "killer squads," had his planes serviced and pilots trained, procured hard liquor for the army, and had his coffee sold. By the late 1970s Amin's luck was running out.

Coffee prices had plummeted from a high of $3.18 a pound to $1.28; the United States' stoppage of the purchase of Ugandan coffee in 1978 exacerbated the situation, and Arabs, who had generously donated funds, were concerned about Amin's failure to show how Uganda was being Islamized and why he was killing fellow Muslims. The deteriorating state of the economy made it difficult to import luxury consumer goods for the army. To divert attention from this internal crisis, Amin ordered an invasion of Tanzania in October 1978, allegedly because the latter planned to overthrow his government. The invaders were repelled. Tanzanians and exiled Ugandan soldiers then invaded Uganda and continued their pursuit of Amin until his government was overthrown on April 11, 1979. Amin fled to Libya, which had assisted throughout the years and during the war, but he later moved to Jidda, Saudi Arabia. Amin remained in Saudia Arabia until he was expelled in the early 1990s, when he relocated to Bahrain.

A continuing instability in Uganda attested to the enormous drain which Amin's policies had upon the political, economic, social, and cultural life of that country. Amin has been remembered best as the tyrant of Uganda who was responsible for a reign which was overwrought with mass killings and disarray. Further Reading Amin's fortune may be followed in: lain Grahame, Amin and Uganda: A Personal Memoir (London, 1980); David Gwyn, Idi Amin: Deathlight of Africa (1977); Henry Kyemba, State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin (1977); Judith Listowel, Amin (1973); David Martin, General Amin (London, 1974); Ali A. Mazrui, Soldiers and Kinsmen in Uganda (1975); and Thomas Medlady and Margaret Medlady, Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa (1977). □ Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. MLA The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.

Copyright The Columbia University Press Idi Amin (ē´dē amēn´), c.1925–2003, Ugandan army officer and dictator. From the small Kakwa ethnic group, he advanced in the Ugandan armed forces from private (1946) to major general (1968). In 1971 he seized control of the government, toppling the regime of Milton Obote . In power, Amin exhibited an unpredictable personality, often capricious and cruel yet displaying a modicum of shrewdness and cunning. His relatively brief regime was nonetheless vicious and corrupt; he brutally suppressed other ethnic groups and political enemies, killed what is believed to be nearly 300,000 (most innocent of any wrongdoing), tortured uncounted thousands more, and looted the nation's treasury. In 1972 he ordered the expulsion of Ugandans of Asian extraction, thrusting the nation into economic chaos. Tanzanian troops joined exiled Ugandan nationalists to invade Uganda in 1978, and Amin was driven into exile in Saudi Arabia the following year. See J. T.

Strate, Post-Military Coup Strategy in Uganda: Amin's Early Attempts to Consolidate Political Support in Africa (1973), H. Kyemba, A State of Blood (1977), D. Barnett and R. Wooding, Uganda Holocaust (1980), and P. A. Allen, Interesting Times: Life in Uganda under Idi Amin (2000); B. Schroeder, dir., General Idi Amin Dada (documentary film, 1976; video, 2002). Cite this article

Question: Who became president of Uganda after Idi Amin was overthrown in 1980?
Answer: Milton Obote