Iran's foreign minister recently visited four of the six GCC countries [AFP] By Dahlia Kholaif Strained ties between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Iran may be due for a change in course, as Iran reaches out to make amends with its neighbours as part of an overall shift in its international policy. Leaders of the GCC's six member states - Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Oman, and Bahrain - are set to convene in Kuwait this week for the organisation's 34th summit. "We are watching for signs of differences in point of view. There will be a change in conventional thoughts," said Theodore Karasik, a security and political affairs analyst at the Dubai-based Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis. In the final statement of the 2012 summit, GCC states "denounced continual Iranian interference" in their internal affairs and "expressed concern over Iran's nuclear programme as a threat to regional and international security and peace". This year's summit is the first since Iran struck a breakthrough deal with with the so-called "P5+1" powers - the five members of the UN Security Council and Germany - in late November.

The agreement calls on Iran to curb its controversial nuclear programme in exchange for easing sanctions that have weakened the country's economy. Shortly afterwards, Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif went on a tour of the Gulf states, stopping in Kuwait, Oman, the UAE and Qatar. Policy shift After eight years of rule by the bombastic Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, newly elected Iranian President Hassan Rouhani seems determined to present a new image of Iran to the world. Iran's foreign minister talks to Al Jazeera The Iranians are keen to make the nuclear deal work for diplomatic as well as economic reasons, said Ghanem Nuseibeh of Cornerstone Global Associates. "Iran is keen on re-engaging with the rest of the region, particularly the GCC, and pull the carpet from underneath the Israelis," said the London-based founder of the risk analysis group. "By engaging with the GCC, the Israelis will be very concerned that the main issue of overlap of interest as they see it, namely Iran, is no longer an issue of mutual agreement between the GCC and Israel." Like Israel, Saudi Arabia - by far the GCC's biggest power - has deemed Iran a massive threat to peace.

Saudi King Abdullah, according to a US diplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks in 2010, had repeatedly urged the US ally to "cut off the head of the snake" by launching military strikes to destroy Iran's nuclear programme. Perhaps this animosity was why Zarif did not stop in Riyadh during his tour of the region. However, in a note dated December 3 on his Facebook page , Zarif expressed his country's willingness to meet with Saudi officials "when they're ready" for talks that will be "of benefit for the two countries, our region and the whole Muslim world". Real test Bahrain, too, was reluctant to follow its Gulf neighbours' acceptance of Iran's overtures. The kingdom's Sunni ruling family, backed by Saudi Arabia, holds Iran accountable for inciting Bahrain's Shia majority to stage an uprising against its rule - unrest that continues today. "The Shia-Sunni rhetoric has been very strong, particularly since the Arab Spring started," Nuseibeh said, adding that it will take time for it to be totally reversed. "Bahrain is the real test here on how Sunni-Shia relations develop.

Ultimately, the unrest in Bahrain should disappear as the GCC forges strong relations with the Iranians, and the Iranians will also have a key role to play in this." US reassures Gulf allies wary over Iran Meanwhile, Iran and the UAE have had a long-running dispute over the ownership of three islands lying between the countries. The UAE has overlooked the issue as it established diplomatic and trade links with its rival, and Iran's new leadership has already sent positive signs in this regard. "Zarif appears to be cutting deals with these states to resolve long-lasting issues, including these islands," Karasik said. Iran may also have to soften its tone on the Syrian civil war if it hopes to gain the GCC's trust. The six states - some of whom are financially supporting Syria's Sunni rebels - see Shia Iran as a loyal supporter of Bashar al-Assad's regime. "The Syrian crisis is going to be a stumbling block, but it has become apparent that military solution is no longer feasible, and that there is a need for a negotiated settlement," said Abdullah Baabood, the director of Doha-based Gulf Studies Centre at the College of Arts and Sciences at Qatar University.

"Although this may not lead to cutting down support for the rebels - but rather empowering them to reach an acceptable negotiated solution." Spelling trouble? The GCC countries' differing reactions to the Geneva nuclear pact with Iran could "spell trouble" for the union, argues Karasik. However, Sam Wilkin, a Dubai-based analyst at Control Risks Group, is not so sure. "GCC states have recently disagreed on other aspects of foreign policy, such as intervention in Libya in 2011 and response to the Egyptian coup d'etat in July, but this has not undermined the fundamental strength of the council," he said. Either way, analysts agreed that the Gulf states' negative sentiments towards Iran will not immediately dissipate. "The fear and concern about Iranian interventionist policy in the region will remain for some time to come. This does not go away because of a few positive signals send by the new Iranian leadership," said Christian Koch, the director of the Gulf Research Center Foundation.

Follow Dahlia Kholaif on Twitter: @Dee_Kholaif Source: Al Jazeera Al Jazeera Under Fire Throughout The Middle East | The Huffington Post Al Jazeera Under Fire Throughout The Middle East 07/02/2014 02:00 am ET | Updated Aug 31, 2014 ASSOCIATED PRESS * Jailing of journalists signals fresh pressure on Jazeera * Perceived backing for Brotherhood riles Gulf Arabs * Channel is undaunted, says will not change policy By Amena Bakr DOHA, July 2 (Reuters) - Al Jazeera, the Qatari-funded television station whose reporting of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings won it millions of viewers in the Middle East, is defiant following a backlash by Arab governments that accuse it of supporting Islamists. On June 23, three Al Jazeera journalists were sentenced by an Egyptian court for up to 10 years in jail for aiding a "terrorist organization" - a reference to the Muslim Brotherhood that helped sweep Hosni Mubarak from power in 2011 only to be ousted itself last year in an army-backed coup.

The ruling reflected the misfortunes of the Muslim Brotherhood - in retreat across much of the Middle East after the Arab Spring turned into sectarian war - and was equally a blow to Al Jazeera and its patron Qatar. They are under pressure in countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates that are intent on crushing the Muslim Brotherhood and accuse Qatar and Al Jazeera of promoting the group's activities. The journalists denied the Egyptian charge and the verdict was denounced by press freedom advocates. Al Jazeera said there wasn't "a shred of evidence" against its staff and they had been convicted for "defending people's right to know what is going on in their world." The channel says it provides objective coverage of all opposition groups. "Al Jazeera's editorial policy is not a subject to be bargained about or compromised on and we'll never do this now and there's no discussion about this," Mostefa Souag, the network's acting director general, told Reuters. The channel, Souag said in an interview, is under pressure from authorities in several places because "it is the most transparent, balanced and unbiased of all Arab channels".

Founded in 1996 as part of Qatari efforts to turn economic power into political influence, Al Jazeera has often adopted the role of supporter of the dispossessed. BROTHERHOOD CAN'T BE IGNORED From 2011 until last year, Al Jazeera and its Gulf benefactor Qatar looked set to benefit from the new Arab order. But a power-sharing agreement in Tunisia, where the Arab Spring began, a military-backed takeover in Egypt and a loss on the battlefield to extreme Islamist forces in Syria, rolled back triumphs that had empowered the Muslim Brotherhood. Added to that, Al Jazeera's image as champion of the underdog changed over the course of the Arab Spring, when its coverage drew charges from some viewers that the network was supporting the Brotherhood over other opposition groups working to topple authoritarian rulers in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Al Jazeera says its coverage is even handed. "I've stopped watching Al Jazeera given the fact it no longer tells its viewers the truth. It's sowing trouble and inciting destruction in the Arab world," said Mohamed Semai, a shopkeeper in Algiers.

Al Jazeera's troubles came to a head in Egypt, after army chief Abdel Fattah al-Sisi toppled Mohamed Mursi of the Brotherhood following protests against his rule last year. Souag said the network's offices were frequently attacked by "thugs" and authorities eventually forced them to shut in July 2013 after Mursi was ousted. Sisi was elected president in May. Despite the closure and arrests, the channel's sister "Live" and "Egypt" stations have continued to beam live streams of Brotherhood protests and broadcast call-in shows whose participants inevitably back ousted president Mursi. NEW MEDIA VENTURES Qatar is also trying its hand at media diversification. The Gulf state plans to open a London-based news channel called Al Araby, industry sources have said. A source involved in the project said the outlet will give voice to "all those who support the Arab Spring revolutions". Efforts to build a market in the United States have faltered, however. Al Jazeera America was launched in August 2013, with 12 bureaus in major cities around the country. Failure to capture a sizeable U.S. audience led to cost and job cuts, according to sources close to Al Jazeera.

Al Jazeera America is averaging just 15,000 viewers, roughly half those who tuned in to its predecessor, Current TV, according to Nielsen. The Qatari-funded Al Araby channel will be managed by Azmi Bishara, a Palestinian who runs a think tank in Qatar. While it is not yet clear what response Al Araby is likely to receive from conservative Gulf Arab states, these countries have kept up strong pressure on Qatar itself to rein in its support for opposition groups around the region. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain took the unprecedented step in March of withdrawing their envoys from Doha in protest at alleged Qatari interference in their internal affairs - a change diplomats say has its origins in anger at unflattering Al Jazeera coverage of their hereditary-ruled societies. Qatar denied the charge. For his part, Souag is defiant. "The Brotherhood is a force inside and outside Egypt and can't be ignored by the media," he said. Even before the Arab Spring, Al Jazeera was making enemies.

In addition to Egypt, there have been bureau closures in Iraq in 2004, in Bahrain in 2010, and in Syria in the first months of what started out as a popular revolt against President Bashar al-Assad. It had to freeze operations in Saudi Arabia after Riyadh withdrew its envoy in March. Algeria and the United Arab Emirates, both wary of Islamists, have not permitted Al Jazeera to operate locally. Its journalists have not escaped unscathed: Sami Al Hajj, a Sudanese national, was detained while in transit to Afghanistan in 2001 and held in Guantánamo Bay until 2008. Held on suspicion of having ties with al-Qaeda, he was released without charge. In 2005, reporter Tayseer Allouni was sentenced by a Spanish court to seven years in prison for being a financial courier for al-Qaeda. Allouni denied the charges. These days criticism of Al Jazeera comes as readily from ordinary people as from Arab governments. Some viewers have turned to Al Arabiya, a rival channel, which reflects the more conservative view of Qatar's neighbors now in the ascendant in the region.

The Dubai-based, Saudi-owned channel has provided glowing coverage of Sisi and was granted the first television interview with U.S. President Barack Obama in 2009. (Additional reporting by Noah Browning in Dubai,; Hamid Ould Ahmed in Algiers and Maggie Fick in Cairo; Editing by Yara Bayoumy, William Maclean and Janet McBride) More: Abstract The difficulties facing member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in securing sustainable water supplies seem to be increasing and becoming chronic. The fact that natural water resources are rare in this region, combined with minimal precipitation and high evaporation rates, are just some of the reasons why the region’s water resources are dwindling at alarming rates. The problem is compounded by the scarcity of renewable water resources and the limited availability of arable land. The dependency of the GCC states on desalination has severely strained their national budgets and caused irreparable damage to their ecosystems. This chapter analyses the status of water security within the GCC as of 2015. It describes the state of water resources in the member states, outlines their respective national water policies, and considers possible future threats to their water security in the foreseeable future.

Based on this analysis, the author recommends that GCC countries waste no time in obtaining a better understanding of the dangers threatening their water supplies, and an appreciation of the grave consequences of water insecurity for their political and social stability. The GCC states must, therefore, develop an early warning system, and improve their readiness to monitor this system. Introduction Lengthy periods of drought, combined with naturally low rates of precipitation, have become major contributory factors in to the serious problems which GCC countries face in securing their water supplies. The natural features and climates of the six member states are very similar. With the exception of a few parts of Saudi Arabia and Oman, all the states have extremely arid climates with negligible precipitation. Natural water sources are scarce and arable land is extremely limited. Human factors, such as high population growth, rapid urbanisation, and gigantic industrial and agricultural projects exacerbate the pressure on already strained water-supply systems. The GCC states have had little choice but to secure alternative water supplies. The most important of these are desalination plants, which, as of 2014, accounted for some seventy per cent of the world’s desalinated water output.

The member states have also resorted to recycling waste water from sewage systems, and from industrial and agricultural operations. However, their dependence on desalination has placed a severe strain on the national budgets of the GCC states, and caused irreparable damage to local and regional ecosystems. Understanding water security In 2000, the second World Water Forum, held in the Netherlands under the banner of ‘Water Security in the 21st Century’, defined water security as: “Water security, at any level from the household to the global, means that every person has access to enough safe water at affordable cost to lead a clean, healthy and productive life, while ensuring that the natural environment is protected and enhanced”. (1) Similarly, the Global Water Partnership has defined a water-secure world as vital for “a future in which there is enough water for social and economic development and for ecosystems. A water-secure world integrates a concern for the intrinsic value of water together with its full range of uses for human survival and well-being. A water-secure world harnesses water’s productive power and minimizes its destructive force. It is a world where every person has enough safe, afford¬able water to lead a clean, healthy and productive life.

It is a world where communities are protected from floods, droughts, landslides, erosion and water-borne diseases”. (2) Various experts suggest that the concept of water security must be measured in relation to a water balance. This refers to the balance between the aggregate water supply (from conventional and non-conventional water sources) over a period of time, and the aggregate water demand for various purposes over the same period. In other words, it is necessary to establish both the input and output quantities of water within a system. (3) With this information, it is possible to determine which of the following possibilities apply: • A water balance: in which demand equals available supply. • A water surplus: in which water resources are more than ample. • A water deficit: in which water resources are less than required. Finite water resources Using a quantitative scale, analysts apply the concept of finite water resources to either of two situations. The first is water poverty, where less than 1000m3 of water is available per person per year.

(4) The second is a water deficit, which describes a sudden case of demand for water outstripping the available and renewable supplies in an otherwise balanced system, leading to an apparent water deficit, sometimes called a water gap. (5) Water supplies in the GCC countries Water in the Arabian Gulf is obtained from three main sources: • Groundwater, including water in surface wells (which are usually replenished by seasonal rains) and deep wells (which are refilled via ancient geological formations). • Desalinated seawater, which is supplied via modern, high-tech desalination stations. • Recycled water, which has been introduced relatively recently and is obtained via wastewater and sewage treatment plants that supply water for agricultural purposes only. (6) In relation to these water resources, we need to consider the demand for water in the GCC countries and the productive efficiency of their existing water resources. The UNDP’s Arab Human Development Report 2009 indicates that water scarcity is one of the gravest threats to the environment and therefore to human security both in the Arab world generally and to the GCC member states in particular. (7) If we apply the quantitative scale to the Arab world, at least thirteen Arab countries fall into the water-poor category.

(8) Renewable freshwater resources now stand at less than 500m3 per person per year in all six GCC states, while Kuwait is almost completely dependent on non-conventional water resources, such as desalination. (9) Based on this information, the Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization and the Arab Center for the Studies of Arid Zones and Dry Lands have predicted severe water deficits in all six GCC countries by 2030, further forecasting that all the Arab Gulf nations will be classified as water-poor. To assess the current water situation in GCC countries, this list provides the primary resources of water and basic water demand level, and outlines how available water resources are managed: Primary water resources Surface water resources include rainwater and seasonal estuaries. Rainfall rates range from 1mm to 100mm per year. Rain is the main source of replenishment for many of the region’s groundwater basins but about 85 per cent of these basins are in extremely arid areas, and their water is too brackish for agricultural use. Networks of seasonal estuaries exist across the GCC, with flow rates that vary according to topography, soil, prevailing environmental conditions, and annual rainfall.

These estuaries usually flow for limited periods during the year, ranging from a few hours to days or even months. In some very dry areas, they flow only every few years. Groundwater resources The quality of groundwater differs from one basin to another. Most sources of groundwater are concentrated in central Saudi Arabia, and are very ancient. Information about the condition of these resources is incomplete. Programs to preserve these basins and ensure that they are replenished with rainwater need to be devised, so they can be tapped when needed. This will require precise record-keeping, follow-up and evaluations. Some of the region’s best-known groundwater basins are the one in the Eastern Region, the Al-Hammad basin, the Riyadh basin, and the Empty Quarter basin, all of which are in (or partially in) Saudi Arabia. Data collected by the UN Food Programme indicates that groundwater is the primary source of fresh water in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, while surface water is the prevailing source of fresh water in Oman and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Unconventional water resources In their quest to find new resources of water, the GCC states are now among the most prolific producers of non-conventionally-produced water, through the desalination of seawater, and the recycling and reuse of sewage and industrial waste water. Although these processes are hugely expensive when compared to conventional water resources, they are bound to be of great significance in future, as demand for potable water rises and other water resources grow increasingly scarce. (10) Renewable water resources Unfortunately, groundwater is currently being used at a rate that far outstrips the pace at which it is able to replenish itself. For example, Saudi Arabia draws 14.430 million cubic metres of groundwater a year, which is roughly 3.5 times the replenishment rate of its renewable groundwater resources. The other GCC member states have reached a similar draw ratio of about 3:1, except for the UAE where that ratio is significantly higher. (11) This is why desalination has a major role to play in increasing the supply of potable water and satisfying the demand for water in various sectors, with the six GCC states currently collectively responsible for some 60% of the global production of desalinated water.

(12) Rising demand for water Demand for water in the GCC states has risen by a massive 140 per cent since the mid-2000s. Kuwait tops the list with its increased demand for municipal water. Significant change in the distribution of water allocations in the six member states is unlikely in the near future, but the aggregate allocation for the agricultural sector in the GCC countries is expected to drop from an average of 63 per cent in 1995 to 48 per cent by 2025. (13) Meanwhile, the combined population of all six states has quintupled over the past few decades, increasing from around eight million people in the 1970s to some 43.5 million in 2010, meaning that the population growth rate is among the highest in the world. (14) Since the 1980s, accelerating development and population growth have led to the demand for water increasing dramatically from six billion m3 in 1980 to more than 32 billion m3 in 2005.

(15) Sharp increases in population and the ensuing rise in demand for food led most GCC countries to devise ambitious agricultural policies which aim to sustain social and economic development and achieve food self-sufficiency. As a result, the agricultural sector has become the region’s largest consumer of water, accounting for more than 85 per cent of gross water usage in these countries. (16) It is clear that three interconnected, intersecting factors are responsible for the increase in demand for water in the GCC: population growth, the rising demand for water resulting from developmental requirements, and excessive water consumption associated with consumption patterns in these countries. National water security policies in GCC countries (water resource management) A water policy is the framework by which available water resources are managed, and the set of rules and regulations governing water management internally and externally. National water security policies means water policies adopted at a national level by each state within the GCC. From the perspective of integrated water-resources management (IWRM), most reports concerning global water issues agree that three kinds of problems need to be addressed, namely: • Problems caused by extreme waste of water resources. • Problems that are well known and for which no economically efficient solutions are available at this time.

• Problems resulting from excessive demand for water, which are now being studied and analysed through governmental policymaking and investment strategies. (17) A study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation Development indicated that the two main factors preventing better water governance in the OECD countries are the multiplicity of government institutions responsible for water resources, and generally poor governance at all levels. (18) Improving water governance at all levels is key to the sustainable management of water resources, and essential for achieving water security. National water security policies – those already adopted and those that might be adopted in future – can be divided into supply-based and demand-based policies. In terms of demand-based policies, researchers have been working hard to determine the optimal instruments and mechanisms for water-demand management. These include analysing modern irrigation techniques, the privatisation of the water industry, government subsidisation of water in urban areas, and water quota systems. Comprehensive reviews of the distribution of water to various sectors, and public water-awareness campaigns derived from the World Bank’s so-called ‘new thinking on water management’ are beginning to replace the more traditional supply-side management approach with a strategy focusing instead on management of demand.

(19) Measures to manage demand include: • Using modern irrigation technologies and saline water for irrigation where possible. • Developing strains of crops that require less water, and modifying crop mixes. • Redistributing water supplies among other sectors. • Rationalising water consumption and promoting water awareness. The major water issues and challenges facing the GCC countries The Arab world is a generally arid region, and this is unlikely to change anytime soon. In 1950, renewable water resources in the Arab world amounted to more than 4,000m3 per capita per year. By 1995, this figure had declined to 1,312m3 and reached 1,233m3 by 1998. By 2025, this figure is expected to drop to as low as 547m3. (20) It is worth noting that since the early 1990s, water consumption globally has been rising at more than double the rate of population growth. A study by the UK-based risk-assessment firm Maplecroft found that fourteen of the eighteen countries designated as having extremely stressed water resources are in the Middle East and North Africa.

According to that study, the countries are listed in the following order with 1 being the most stressed: 1. Mauritania; 17. Tunisia 18. Algeria In addition, the Maplecroft report placed Iran and Qatar’s water situation in the ‘highly stressed’ category. (21) As such, all six GCC member states except Bahrain suffer from severe or high water stress. Clearly, it is impractical for the region to depend on its own natural water resources, as these are inherently just too scarce. Furthermore, since the groundwater resources of most GCC countries are drawn from basins that cross national boundaries, numerous issues and challenges arise in the management of water, with some of the most important of these including: • The freshwater per capita index of these countries already stands at less than 500m3 per year (the severe stress threshold). (22) • The rates of water demand in the municipal sector are far higher than these countries are capable of supplying via their desalination and recycling projects, which already place a considerable strain on their national budgets.

(23) • Reserves in the groundwater reservoirs are dropping and the quality of groundwater, is declining due to its unregulated usage. • The gap between the requirements of the agricultural sector and available resources is growing constantly: at 85 percent of aggregate consumption, the agricultural sector is the region’s single biggest water consumer. (24) • Poorly designed water subsidies to urban households caused an increase in the demand for water, placing a huge financial burden on national budgets with virtually no cost recovery. (25) • According to international reports, water resources have been adversely affected by climate change in the Arab world in general and in the Arabian Peninsula in particular. One of the most important reports on this is by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change of the UNDP and the UNEP. (26) The future water security of the GCC states Recent studies predict that global demand for water is going to be around 40 per cent higher in 2030 than it is today, with population growth usually being the biggest cause of increased demand. The world’s population already exceeds seven billion.

If the growth rate continues at the current level, approximately 60 per cent of the world’s population will suffer severe water shortages by 2025. (27) The situation is only going to get worse as shown in Table 1: Table 1: The availability of water in world’s driest places in 2035 Country Source: Four of the GCC’s six member states – including Qatar – are among the world’s top ten countries in terms of vulnerability to severe water scarcity. Kuwait (at only 10m3 per capita per year) tops the list; the UAE (at 58m3 per capita per year) is third; Qatar (at 94m3 per capita per year) is fifth, and Saudi Arabia (at 118m3 per capita per year) is eighth. In addition, Qatar and Bahrain are reportedly already consuming 2.8 and 1.5 times than their available water resources respectively.

(28) Strategies for managing and protecting water security in the GCC Several imaginative strategies have been proposed to address the aforementioned challenges, including: • Importing water via pipelines: one example of this was the ‘Peace Pipe’ project, which was on the agenda when the Middle East peace talks began in Madrid in 1991, although many economic and political issues prevented it from seeing the light of day. • Using modern cloud seeding and rainmaking techniques. • Moving icebergs to water-poor areas: this is a technically intricate, complex and costly process that is fraught with practical, political and environmental problems. The World Bank have developed a number of more reality-based development strategies including: • Agricultural investment in water-rich countries such as Sudan, the Philippines, Ethiopia, Uganda and Turkey. Some GCC countries are already making such investments. • Investing in agricultural projects in partnership with Turkey on Arab lands that are irrigated by Turkish water, with a framework for revenue sharing. • Expediting a comprehensive strategy for the development of water resource management policies in all the GCC countries. • Expediting water interconnectivity projects between the GCC countries, along the lines of existing projects linked to electricity. • Investment in scientific research to improve desalination technologies.

Conclusion Potable water is becoming an increasingly rare commodity, and factors such as runaway population growth, poor management and climate change are making water management and allocation exceptionally complex. Desalinated water is invaluable in fulfilling the demands of the GCC member states and their economies. However, any disruptions of water supply would have dire consequences for the political and social stability in the affected countries. A better understanding of the dangers threatening water supplies is crucial, and the capacity of the relevant government institutions to issue early warnings should be publicly accessible. At the same time, preventative and mitigating procedures must be put in place to ensure water security for all, and plans to counter threats to water security should be expedited. _________________________________________________ *Dr. Taha Al-Farra is a professor at Naif Arab University for Security Sciences. References 1 . Global Water Partnership (2000), Towards Water Security: A Framework for Action, Stockholm. 2 . Global Water Partnership (2012) Increasing Water Security: A Development Imperative 3 . Al-Ashram, Mahmoud (2001).

Iqtisadiyyat Al-Miyah Fi Al-Watan Al-Arabi wa Al-Alam [Water Economics in Arab Countries and the World] Center for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut. 4 . This assessment forms part of a continuum whereby areas are considered: water-rich if individuals have access to more than 2,000m3 of potable water per year; water-stressed where individuals have access to 1,000-1,700m3 of water per year; water-poor where individuals have access to less than 1,000m3 of water per year; and extremely water-poor: where individuals have access to less than 500m3 of water per year. For more details, see: Gleick, Peter H (2002). The World’s Water, 2002–2003: The Biennial Report on Freshwater Resources. Washington, DC: Island Press. 5 .

Mekhemar, Samer and Khalid Hijazi (1996), Azmat Al-Miyah fi Al-Alam Al-Arabi: Al-Haqa’iq Wal-Bada’il Al-Mumkinah [The Water Crisis in the Arab World: Facts and Possible Solutions], Alam Al-Maarifa Series, No. 209, Kuwait: National Council for Culture, Arts and Literature. 6 . Abu Zaid, Mahmoud, (1998), Al-Miyah Masdarun Lil-Tawattur Fi Al-Qarn Al-21 [Water: A Source of Tension in the Twenty-first Century], Cairo: Al-Ahram Center for Translation and Publication. 7 . UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2009) Arab Human Development Report: Challenges to Human Security in the Arab Countries. 8 . Falkenmark, Malin (1998), Willful Neglect of Water: Pollution, A Major Barrier to Overcome, Stockholm: Stockholm International Water Institute. 9 . UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2009) Arab Human Development Report: Challenges to Human Security in the Arab Countries. 10 . See . 11 . Ibid.

12 . Alterman, JB and Dziuban, M (2010), Clear Gold: Water as a Strategic Resource in the Middle East, Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies. 13 . Wallace, JS (2000). Increasing Agricultural Water Efficiency to Meet Future Food Production, Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 82: 105–119. 14 . Grey, David and Sadoff, Claudia W (2007), Sink or swim? Water Security for Growth and Development, Water Policy 9(6) 545–571. 15 . Fathollahzadeh Aghdam, Reza (2008), Why Invest in Eastern Province?, Asharqia Chamber of Commerce. 16 . Fagan, Brian (2011), Fresh Water Supplies are Going to Run Out, So What Can We Do to Make the Taps Keep Running?, The Independent (UK), 30 June. 17 . IPS News Agency (2010), UAE–GCC Summit: Abu Dhabi Water Declaration Calls for Adoption of Modern Farming Technologies, Emirates News Agency, 8 December . 18 .

OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) (2001), Water Governance in OECD Countries: A Multi-Level Approach, Paris. 19 . Rosegrant, Mark W (1991) Irrigation Investment and Management in Asia: Trends, Priorities and Policy Directions. Washington, DC: World Bank.Royal Academy of Engineering (2010(Royal Academy of Engineering (2010). Global Water Security: An Engineering Perspective. 20 . Arab Water Council, (2009), Arab Countries Regional Report to the Fifth World Water Forum, Istanbul. 21 . UN Water (2011) Statistics, Graphs and Maps: Water Use. http: 22 . Falkenmark, Malin (1989), The Massive Water Scarcity Now Threatening Africa: Why Isn’t It Being Addressed? Ambio 18: 112–118. 23 . UNDP (2011) Human Development Report. 24 .

Al-Zubari, Waleed K (2008) Integrated Groundwater Resources Management in the GCC Countries: A Review, Proceedings of the Water Science and Technology Association Eighth Gulf Water Conference: Manama, Bahrain, 2-6 March. 25 . Heathwaite, AL (2010), Multiple Stressors on Water Availability at Global to Catchment Scales: Understanding Human Impact on Nutrient Cycles to Protect Water Quality and Water Availability in the Long Term, Freshwater Biology 55(s1): 241–257 26 . The IPCC issues regular reports that are available at . 27 . Qadir, M, BR Sharma, A Bruggeman, R Choukr-Allah, and F Karajeh (2007), Non-Conventional Water Resources and Opportunities for Water Augmentation to Achieve Food Security in Water-Scarce Countries, Agricultural Water Management 87: 2–22.

Why Al Jazeera Matters - The New York Times The New York Times The Opinion Pages |Why Al Jazeera Matters Search Continue reading the main story In August 1990, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, precipitating the first Persian Gulf war, state-run media in the Arab world suppressed the news for three days. Today, word of such an attack would be out within minutes because of a television station called Al Jazeera. Financed by the iconoclastic emir of Qatar, the gulf state where our war operations are based, Al Jazeera is the only independent broadcasting voice in the Arab world, watched by 35 million people. That is why the decision by the New York Stock Exchange and Nasdaq to bar the station's reporters is so repugnant. The exchanges' complaint against Al Jazeera is that it is not ''responsible.'' This is a cryptic allegation but it seems linked to the television station's decision last Sunday to show images of dead American and British soldiers as well as P.O.W.'s in Iraq. But Al Jazeera says that after the Pentagon asked it to remove the pictures until families had been notified it did so for eight hours, while the television stations of numerous countries continued to show them.

In truth, it seems that New York's exchanges have a broader complaint, heard in various forms elsewhere -- that Al Jazeera is insufficiently supportive of America and its war in Iraq. As the only uncensored Arabic television in the world, Al Jazeera does indeed slant its debates and discussions in a way that can be hostile to the West. It is not Fox News. But if our hope for the Arab world is, as the Bush administration never ceases to remind us, for it to enjoy a free, democratic life, Al Jazeera is the kind of television station we should encourage. It is the only Arabic television station that regularly interviews Israeli officials. It is also an important forum for American officials. Last week alone, it interviewed three senior members of the American government, including Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Al Jazeera has also been a vital source of information about Al Qaeda. Its reporters have had access to Qaeda leaders, and tapes of Osama bin Laden have found their way to the station's offices. This has been a useful window on a world that for too long has been utterly alien to us. The ban on Al Jazeera by the princes of the free market puts them in impressive company.

Libya and Tunisia have both complained that Al Jazeera gives too much airtime to opposition leaders. Jordan has thrown it out. Kuwait refused visas to its correspondents who were to be placed with American forces based there. Advertisement Continue reading the main story If a free, uncensored press ever arrives in the Arab world, many Americans will be shocked by what it says. Then, the energetic if somewhat tendentious broadcasts of Al Jazeera will seem, in comparison, like the nuanced objectivity of the BBC. For right now, Al Jazeera deserves all the help and support it can get. Al Jazeera America closure marks a quieter Qatar - Middle East - Jerusalem Post Al Jazeera America closure marks a quieter Qatar ByTOM FINN/REUTERS Qatar's support for the entire Al Jazeera operation is in question, diplomats say. An aerial view of Doha, Qatar's capital. (photo credit:REUTERS) When Qatar announced the closure of Al Jazeera America this month, the decision by its new ruler marked a more cautious approach to public diplomacy by the tiny Gulf state after years of cultivating a high-profile international role.

Departing from a crowded US media market after a foray costing perhaps $2 billion is also consistent with a retreat from confrontation with Gulf Arab neighbors over Qatar's promotion of Islamists in the 2011 Arab uprisings. Al Jazeera to cease US operations by April While the gas-exporting nation is still determined to remain a power broker in the Middle East turmoil, its use of Al Jazeera as a megaphone in support of that goal appears to be on the wane under the young emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, former Qatari officials and Arab commentators say. The days of unstinting Qatari financial support for the trail-blazing channel, whose reporting of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings won it millions of viewers and brought resentment from Arab governments at its airing of dissident views, appear over, media analysts and commentators say. Al Jazeera America was launched in 2013, an ambitious bid by Qatar to infiltrate the US media market, but the channel was plagued by low ratings, wavering between 20,000 and 40,000 viewers in prime time.

The channel also struggled to shake off a perception, held by some Americans, that its corporate parent, Al Jazeera, was anti-American and a source of propaganda, a view articulated in 2004 by then-President George W. Bush. Sheik Tamim, who succeeded his father Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in 2013, prefers a different role for Qatar and more conventional forms of "soft power" like trade and investment, diplomats say. As a result of this, support for the entire Al Jazeera operation, which includes Al Jazeera English and Al Jazeera Arabic, Doha-based but editorially separate entities, is in question, they say. "ERA OF THROWING MONEY ENDING" "The era of throwing money at Jazeera is ending," said Hafez al-Mirazi, a former Washington bureau chief at Al Jazeera Arabic who directs the Kamal Adham Center for Television and Digital Journalism at Cairo's American University.

"Al Jazeera fulfilled its mission: making Qatar a household name, influencing politics, at one point it was a powerful tool of foreign policy but all of that is over now," he said, adding that current low oil prices had given the Qatari leadership an excuse to end "the extravagance of Jazeera which has lost credibility in parts of the Arab world." "It no longer represents both sides of the argument in the Arab world," said Mirazi. Al Jazeera executives and representatives of the royal family or the Qatari government declined to comment on the future of the channel and its funding for this article. The channel cheered on Doha's bank-rolling of the Arab Spring revolts, particularly a mass uprising in Egypt, but now faces aggressive competition in its home region, and suspicion from many governments over air time given to Islamist groups in Syria, Libya and elsewhere. Al Jazeera's spectacular growth took place under Sheikh Hamad who, unlike other Gulf Arab leaders, backed Middle East protest movements and played mediator in a host of wars. Expanding into America was conceived under Sheikh Hamad. Under Sheikh Tamim, Qatar has toned down its foreign policy.

Since taking over in 2013, the Arab world's youngest head of state has adopted more conciliatory and inward-looking policies, analysts and diplomats say. LESS NOISY, MORE CAUTIOUS "Sheik Tamim wants Qatar to remain relevant on the world stage, but he wants to do that without squandering money or angering neighbors ... he doesn't want to be sucked into conflicts in the region," said a former Qatari diplomat, who declined to be named. "The new approach is less noisy, it's more cautious." Founded in 1996 as part of Qatari efforts to turn economic power into political influence, Al Jazeera offered free-wheeling, uncensored debate rarely seen on Arab televisions. Its talk-shows hosted guests who challenged the wisdom of Arab rulers and adopted the role of supporter of the dispossessed. Reporters broke with a widespread taboo of the Arab news media by interviewing Israeli officials.

Funded by Qatar's royal family, Wadah Khanfar, a Palestinian journalist who was director general of the network between 2006-2011, helped turn the Arab satellite channel into a world network with millions of viewers and more than 20 channels broadcasting in languages including Arabic, English and Swahili. With Al Jazeera's expansion came unprecedented influence in the Arab world, but also new enemies. "The more successful Al Jazeera became, the higher the stakes became," said William Youmans, a professor at the School of Media and Public Affairs at George Washington University. "Qatar started paying a political price for the channel. Its popularity incurred new pressures and costs." BOMBED, RAIDED AND SHUTTERED In the last decade Al Jazeera's bureaus have been bombed, raided, and shuttered and its reporters imprisoned and killed. Critics of Al Jazeera accused the network of aggressively covering unrest in Syria and Libya, while skirting over protests in Bahrain, Qatar's small neighbor in the Arab Gulf, which Qatar's ruling elite has an interest in seeing remain stable. In 2014, Al Jazeera said it provided objective coverage of all opposition groups.

Mostefa Souag, the network's acting director general, told Reuters that the channel is under pressure from authorities in several places because "it is the most transparent, balanced and unbiased of all Arab channels." The channel now faces stiff competition from media outlets that have emulated its assertive style of news reporting including US-funded Al Hurra, Sky News Arabia and Al Arabiya, a rival Saudi-owned channel, which reflects the more conservative view of Qatar's neighbors now in the ascendant in the region. Qatar is trying its hand at media diversification. Last year the Gulf state opened a London-based news channel, Al Araby Al-Jadeed, with links to Azmi Bishara, a Palestinian who advises Sheikh Tamim and runs a think-tank in Qatar. Khanfar, the former Al Jazeera director, runs the Arabic version of the American online news aggregator, Huffington Post. Some at the channel suspect that Qatar's commitment to Al Jazeera, along with its influence, may be waning. According to two employees at Al Jazeera Arabic and a senior journalist at Al Jazeera English, plans to cut staff scheduled for September 2015 are expected to happen over the summer.

"We were told three months ago that we were going to face significant cuts, but there was some kind of intervention from the top that stopped them happening," said the Al Jazeera English journalist. "I think we will see cuts though. Al Jazeera America was a huge drain on resources and honestly we don't even know what commitment there is anymore (to other parts of Al Jazeera)." "There is this feeling that Jazeera has done what it was supposed to do." Relevant to your professional network? Please share on Linkedin Tags: Al Jazeera America closure marks a quieter Qatar | Reuters Wed Jan 27, 2016 | 10:14 AM EST Al Jazeera America closure marks a quieter Qatar * Young Emir cautious amidst Middle East turmoil * Determined to remain power broker * Era of Qatar "throwing money" at Al Jazeera over * New, London-based channels part of effort to diversify By Tom Finn DOHA, Jan 27 When Qatar announced the closure of Al Jazeera America this month, the decision by its new ruler marked a more cautious approach to public diplomacy by the tiny Gulf state after years of cultivating a high-profile international role. Departing from a crowded U.S.

media market after a foray costing perhaps $2 billion is also consistent with a retreat from confrontation with Gulf Arab neighbours over Qatar's promotion of Islamists in the 2011 Arab uprisings. While the gas-exporting nation is still determined to remain a power broker in the Middle East turmoil, its use of Al Jazeera as a megaphone in support of that goal appears to be on the wane under the young emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, former Qatari officials and Arab commentators say. The days of unstinting Qatari financial support for the trail-blazing channel, whose reporting of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings won it millions of viewers and brought resentment from Arab governments at its airing of dissident views, appear over, media analysts and commentators say. Al Jazeera America was launched in 2013, an ambitious bid by Qatar to infiltrate the U.S. media market, but the channel was plagued by low ratings, wavering between 20,000 and 40,000 viewers in prime time.

The channel also struggled to shake off a perception, held by some Americans, that its corporate parent, Al Jazeera, was anti-American and a source of propaganda, a view articulated in 2004 by then-President George W. Bush. Sheikh Tamim, who succeeded his father Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in 2013, prefers a different role for Qatar and more conventional forms of "soft power" like trade and investment, diplomats say. As a result of this, support for the entire Al Jazeera operation, which includes Al Jazeera English and Al Jazeera Arabic, Doha-based but editorially separate entities, is in question, they say. "ERA OF THROWING MONEY ENDING" "The era of throwing money at Jazeera is ending," said Hafez al-Mirazi, a former Washington bureau chief at Al Jazeera Arabic who directs the Kamal Adham Center for Television and Digital Journalism at Cairo's American University.

"Al Jazeera fulfilled its mission: making Qatar a household name, influencing politics, at one point it was a powerful tool of foreign policy but all of that is over now," he said, adding that current low oil prices had given the Qatari leadership an excuse to end "the extravagance of Jazeera which has lost credibility in parts of the Arab world". "It no longer represents both sides of the argument in the Arab world," said Mirazi. Al Jazeera executives and representatives of the royal family or the Qatari government declined to comment on the future of the channel and its funding for this article. The channel cheered on Doha's bank-rolling of the Arab Spring revolts, particularly a mass uprising in Egypt, but now faces aggressive competition in its home region, and suspicion from many governments over air time given to Islamist groups in Syria, Libya and elsewhere. Al Jazeera's spectacular growth took place under Sheikh Hamad who, unlike other Gulf Arab leaders, backed Middle East protest movements and played mediator in a host of wars. Expanding into America was conceived under Sheikh Hamad. Under Sheikh Tamim, Qatar has toned down its foreign policy.

Since taking over in 2013, the Arab world's youngest head of state has adopted more conciliatory and inward-looking policies, analysts and diplomats say. LESS NOISY, MORE CAUTIOUS "Sheikh Tamim wants Qatar to remain relevant on the world stage, but he wants to do that without squandering money or angering neighbours ... he doesn't want to be sucked into conflicts in the region," said a former Qatari diplomat, who declined to be named. "The new approach is less noisy, it's more cautious." Founded in 1996 as part of Qatari efforts to turn economic power into political influence, Al Jazeera offered free-wheeling, uncensored debate rarely seen on Arab televisions. Its talk-shows hosted guests who challenged the wisdom of Arab rulers and adopted the role of supporter of the dispossessed. Reporters broke with a widespread taboo of the Arab news media by interviewing Israeli officials.

Funded by Qatar's royal family, Wadah Khanfar, a Palestinian journalist who was director general of the network between 2006-2011, helped turn the Arab satellite channel into a world network with millions of viewers and more than 20 channels broadcasting in languages including Arabic, English and Swahili. With Al Jazeera's expansion came unprecedented influence in the Arab world, but also new enemies. "The more successful Al Jazeera became, the higher the stakes became," said William Youmans, a professor at the School of Media and Public Affairs at George Washington University. "Qatar started paying a political price for the channel. Its popularity incurred new pressures and costs." BOMBED, RAIDED AND SHUTTERED In the last decade Al Jazeera's bureaux have been bombed, raided, and shuttered and its reporters imprisoned and killed. Critics of Al Jazeera accused the network of aggressively covering unrest in Syria and Libya, while skirting over protests in Bahrain, Qatar's small neighbour in the Arab Gulf, which Qatar's ruling elite has an interest in seeing remain stable. In 2014, Al Jazeera said it provided objective coverage of all opposition groups.

Mostefa Souag, the network's acting director general, told Reuters that the channel is under pressure from authorities in several places because "it is the most transparent, balanced and unbiased of all Arab channels". The channel now faces stiff competition from media outlets that have emulated its assertive style of news reporting including U.S-funded Al Hurra, Sky News Arabia and Al Arabiya, a rival Saudi-owned channel, which reflects the more conservative view of Qatar's neighbours now in the ascendant in the region. Qatar is trying its hand at media diversification. Last year the Gulf state opened a London-based news channel, Al Araby Al-Jadeed, with links to Azmi Bishara, a Palestinian who advises Sheikh Tamim and runs a think-tank in Qatar. Khanfar, the former Al Jazeera director, runs the Arabic version of the American online news aggregator, Huffington Post. Some at the channel suspect that Qatar's commitment to Al Jazeera, along with its influence, may be waning. According to two employees at Al Jazeera Arabic and a senior journalist at Al Jazeera English, plans to cut staff scheduled for September 2015 are expected to happen over the summer.

"We were told three months ago that we were going to face significant cuts, but there was some kind of intervention from the top that stopped them happening," said the Al Jazeera English journalist. "I think we will see cuts though. Al Jazeera America was a huge drain on resources and honestly we don't even know what commitment there is anymore (to other parts of Al Jazeera)." "There is this feeling that Jazeera has done what it was supposed to do." (Reporting by Tom Finn, Editing by William Maclean and Peter Millership) ADVERTISEMENT Al-Jazeera to lay off 500 staff worldwide | Media | The Guardian Al-Jazeera to lay off 500 staff worldwide Broadcaster announces 10% reduction in workforce amid tougher global media environment and oil price slump Newsroom at the headquarters of the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera English-language channel in Doha.

Photograph: Fadi Al-Assaad/Reuters Sunday 27 March 2016 08.47 EDT Last modified on Thursday 11 August 2016 05.42 EDT Close This article is 10 months old Al-Jazeera is to cut about 500 jobs worldwide, with most of the layoffs expected in the broadcaster’s home base in Qatar. The news network said the cuts were in line with changes in global media; many organisations have been forced to reduce staff and tighten budgets – though the state-funded channel will also have been impacted by falling oil prices. The move will bring down al-Jazeera’s global staff of about 4,500 by more than 10%. What went wrong with al-Jazeera – and how can it be fixed? Read more Acting director general, Mostefa Souag, said the network had spent months evaluating options.

He said: “Based on this review, we have embarked on a workforce optimisation initiative that will allow us to evolve our business operation in order to maintain a leading position and continue our recognised commitment to high quality, independent and hard-hitting journalism around the world.” Al-Jazeera was launched in 1996 as an Arabic-language news channel. It radically altered reporting of the region and grew to have a global impact with more than 70 bureaus around the world. An English-language channel was launched in 2006. It has since scaled back its ambitions, announcing in January the closure of its American cable news channel , launched in October 2013, after consistently low ratings. The slump in oil prices, which has left crude selling at around $40 (£28) a barrel compared to more than $100 in mid-2014, has led Qatar to make cuts to other state-funded institutions, as well as laying off many workers in the energy sector. Even after slashing government spending, the Gulf state expects to run a budget deficit of more than $12bn this year.

But the al-Jazeera redundancies could also reflect a waning enthusiasm by rulers in Doha for the soft power and foreign influence offered by the broadcaster, which says its mission is to “provide a voice for the voiceless in some of the most underreported places on the planet”. Al-Jazeera was heavily backed by the former emir Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani at its inception, and won a large following across the Arab world with a style and openness that other broadcasters had rarely served up to the local audience. However, reports have suggested his son and successor Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani was less prepared to fund a network whose English language service has insisted on editorial independence and antagonised other states in the region with its coverage. Last year, Egypt jailed three al-Jazeera journalists reporting on events in Cairo. Other governments have objected to the airtime it has given to Islamist groups in Syria, Libya and elsewhere. It has not shied from controversy in the region, having also broadcast the first televised interview with an Israeli speaking Hebrew.

In an email sent to employees on Sunday, and republished in Doha News , Souag said: “As you know, other leading media organisations across the world are being forced to redefine their business models as well, with negative impact on their staff. Al-Jazeera is no exception.” Other companies facing such cuts include the Guardian Media Group, which is seeking to lay off a similar proportion of its workforce, 250 people. The Independent, a British daily, published its last ever print edition on Saturday, while in Australia the publisher Fairfax is planning to axe 120 journalists across the Sydney Morning Herald, the Age and the Australian Financial Review. The job losses at al-Jazeera are so far less severe than many staff feared when rumours first circulated in late 2015. A second Qatar-backed Arabic news network, al-Araby al-Jadeed, launched in 2014 and started broadcasting in 2015.

Question: In which of the Gulf States is Al-Jazeera based?
Answer: Qatar