MADAGASCAR: Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75 MADAGASCAR: Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75 The following is excerped from the Country Studies--Area Handbook program of the U.S. Department of the Army. The original version of this text is available at the Library of Congress . Full index of Country Studies-Madagascar Madagascar Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75 View of Antananarivo from the Royal Hill Courtesy Brian Kensley After France adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, on September 28, 1958, Madagascar held a referendum to determine whether the country should become a self-governing republic within the French community. The AKFM and other nationalists opposed to the concept of limited self-rule mustered about 25 percent of votes cast. The vast majority of the population at the urging of the PSD leadership voted in favor of the referendum. The vote led to the election of Tsiranana as the country's first president on April 27, 1959.

After a year of negotiations between Tsiranana and his French counterparts, Madagascar's status as a self-governing republic officially was altered on June 26, 1960, to that of a fully independent and sovereign state. The cornerstone of Tsiranana's government was the signing with France of fourteen agreements and conventions designed to maintain and strengthen Franco-Malagasy ties. These agreements were to provide the basis for increasing opposition from Tsiranana's critics. A spirit of political reconciliation prevailed in the early 1960s. By achieving independence and obtaining the release of the MDRM leaders detained since the Revolt of 1947, Tsiranana had coopted the chief issues on which the more aggressively nationalist elements had built much of their support. Consistent with Tsiranana's firm commitment to remain attached to Western civilization, the new regime made plain its intent to maintain strong ties to France and the West in the economic, defense, and cultural spheres. Not entirely sanguine about this prospect, the opposition initially concurred in the interest of consolidating the gains of the previous decade, and most ethnic and regional interests supported Tsiranana.

Similar to other African leaders during the immediate independence era, Tsiranana oversaw the consolidation of his own party's power at the expense of other parties. A political system that strongly favored the incumbent complemented these actions. For example, although the political process allowed minority parties to participate, the constitution mandated a winner-take- all system that effectively denied the opposition a voice in governance. Tsiranana's position was further strengthened by the broad, multiethnic popular base of the PSD among the c�tiers, whereas the opposition was severely disorganized. The AKFM continued to experience intraparty rifts between leftist and ultranationalist, more orthodox Marxist factions; it was unable to capitalize on increasingly active but relatively less privileged Malagasy youth because the party's base was the Merina middle class. A new force on the political scene provided the first serious challenge to the Tsiranana government in April 1971. The National Movement for the Independence of Madagascar (Mouvement National pour l'Ind�pendance de Madagascar--Monima) led a peasant uprising in Toliara Province.

The creator and leader of Monima was Monja Jaona, a c�tier from the south who also participated in the Revolt of 1947. The main issue was government pressure for tax collection at a time when local cattle herds were being ravaged by disease. The protesters attacked military and administrative centers in the area, apparently hoping for support in the form of weapons and reinforcements from China. Such help never arrived, and the revolt was harshly and quickly suppressed. An estimated fifty to 1,000 persons died, Monima was dissolved, and Monima leaders, including Jaona and several hundred protesters, were arrested and deported to the island of Nosy Lava. Another movement came on the scene in early 1972, in the form of student protests in Antananarivo. A general strike involving the nation's roughly 100,000 secondary-level students focused on three principal issues: ending the cultural cooperation agreements with France; replacing educational programs designed for schools in France and taught by French teachers with programs emphasizing Malagasy life and culture and taught by Malagasy instructors; and increasing access for economically underprivileged youth to secondary-level institutions.

By early May, the PSD sought to end the student strike at any cost; on May 12 and 13, the government arrested several hundred student leaders and sent them to Nosy-Lava. Authorities also closed the schools and banned demonstrations. Mounting economic stagnation--as revealed in scarcities of investment capital, a general decline in living standards, and the failure to meet even modest development goals--further undermined the government's position. Forces unleashed by the growing economic crisis combined with student unrest to create an opposition alliance. Workers, public servants, peasants, and many unemployed urban youth of Antananarivo joined the student strike, which spread to the provinces. Protesters set fire to the town hall and to the offices of a French-language newspaper in the capital. The turning point occurred on May 13 when the Republican Security Force (Force R�publicaine de S�curit�--FRS) opened fire on the rioters; in the ensuing melee between fifteen and forty persons were killed and about 150 injured. Tsiranana declared a state of national emergency and on May 18 dissolved his government, effectively ending the First Republic.

He then turned over full power to the National Army under the command of General Gabriel Ramanantsoa, a politically conservative Merina and former career officer in the French army. The National Army had maintained strict political neutrality in the crisis, and its intervention to restore order was welcomed by protesters and opposition elements. The Ramanantsoa military regime could not resolve rising economic and ethnic problems, and narrowly survived an attempted coup d'�tat on December 31, 1974. The fact that the coup was led by several c�tier officers against a Merina military leader underscored the growing Merina/c�tier polarization in the military. In an attempt at restoring unity, Ramanantsoa, on February 5, 1975, turned over power to Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava (a Merina with a less "aristocratic" background). Five days later, Ratsimandrava was assassinated, and a National Military Directorate was formed to restore order by declaring martial law, strictly censoring political expression, and suspending all political parties.

The political transition crisis was resolved on June 15, 1975, when the National Military Directorate selected Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsiraka as head of state and president of a new ruling body, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). The choice of Ratsiraka allayed ethnic concerns because he was a c�tier belonging to the Betsimisaraka ethnic group. In addition, Ratsiraka--a dedicated socialist--was perceived by his military peers as a consensus candidate capable of forging unity among the various leftist political parties (such as AKFM and Monima), students, urban workers, the peasantry, and the armed forces. Data as of August 1994 This is excerped from the Country Studies--Area Handbook program of the U.S. Department of the Army. The original version of this text is available at the Library of Congress . Madagascar - HISTORY Madagascar - HISTORY Madagascar THE REPUBLIC OF MADAGASCAR, formerly known as the Malagasy Republic and the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, has undergone significant socioeconomic and political changes during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Occupying a strategic location off the southeast coast of Africa, the island historically became the target of British and French imperial ambitions.

Ultimately, the competition resulted in French colonization at the end of the nineteenth century. The country gained full independence from colonial rule on June 26, 1960. Philibert Tsiranana headed the conservative regime of the First Republic, which was superseded in 1975 by a Marxist-oriented military regime under Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsiraka. In the face of rising political dissent and socioeconomic decline that reached its height at the beginning of the 1990s, the Second Republic succumbed to the wave of democratization spreading throughout the African continent. On March 27, 1993, the inauguration of Albert Zafy as the third elected president of Madagascar since independence marked the beginning of the Third Republic. Madagascar The ruins of fortifications built by Arab traders as far back as the ninth century underscore Madagascar's historical role as a destination for travelers from the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. Not until the beginning of the sixteenth century, however, did European ships flying Portuguese, Dutch, English, and French flags explore Madagascar's shoreline.

Beginning in 1643, several French settlements emerged; the best known of these, Tolagnaro (formerly Faradofay) on the southeast coast, lasted for more than thirty years. The settlement survived in part because the colonists had taken pains to establish cordial relations with the Antanosy, the ethnic group inhabiting the area. Relations deteriorated later, however, and in 1674 a massacre of nearly all the inhabitants ended French colonization endeavors for more than a century; survivors fled by sea to the neighboring territory of Reunion. This early checking of French imperial designs coincided with the spread of piracy into the Indian Ocean. In the absence of a significant naval power in waters remote from Europe, privateer vessels attacked ships of many nations for nearly forty years. The favorite hunting grounds were in the north in the Arabian Sea and Red Sea areas, but Madagascar was a popular hiding place where crews could recuperate and replenish supplies for another attack. By this time, the institution of slavery also had been implanted on the island. Madagascar became a source of slaves, not only for the neighboring islands of Mauritius and Rodrigues, but also for more distant points, including the Western Hemisphere.

Madagascar's social and political structure facilitated the slave trade. Within several small coastal kingdoms, stratified societies of nobles, commoners, and slaves gave allegiance to a single king or queen. For example, the Sakalava ethnic group dominated the western and northern portions of Madagascar in two separate kingdoms. Menabe, on the barren western grasslands, had its first capital at Toliara; Boina, in the northwest, included the port of Mahajanga. The towns became centers of trade where cattle and slaves, taken in war, were exchanged with European merchants for guns and other manufactured goods. These political domains were complemented by the Betsimisaraka kingdom along the east coast, and the southern coastal kingdoms dominated by the Mahafaly and the Antandroy ethnic groups. The most powerful of Madagascar's kingdoms--the one that eventually established hegemony over a great portion of the island--was that developed by the Merina ethnic group. Before the Merina emerged as the dominant political power on the island in the nineteenth century, they alternated between periods of political unity and periods in which the kingdom separated into smaller political units.

The location of the Merina in the central highlands afforded them some protection from the ravages of warfare that recurred among the coastal kingdoms. The distinction, recognized both locally and internationally, between the central highlanders (the Merina) and the c�tiers (inhabitants of the coastal areas) would soon exert a major impact on Madagascar's political system. Organized like the coastal kingdoms in a hierarchy of nobles, commoners, and slaves, the Merina developed a unique political institution known as the fokonolona (village council). Through the fokonolona, village elders and other local notables were able to enact regulations and exert a measure of local control in such matters as public works and security. Two monarchs played key roles in establishing Merina political dominance over Madagascar. The first, who ruled under the name of Andrianampoinimerina (r. 1797-1810), seized the throne of one of the Merina kingdoms in 1787. By 1806 he had conquered the remaining three kingdoms and united them within the former boundaries of Imerina, the capital established at the fortified city of Antananarivo. Radama I (r.

1816-28), an able and forward-looking monarch, succeeded to the throne in 1810 upon the death of his father. By adroitly playing off competing British and French interests in the island, he was able to extend Merina authority over nearly the entire island of Madagascar. Radama I first conquered the Betsileo ethnic group in the southern part of the central highlands and subsequently overpowered the Sakalava, an ethnic group that also sought at times to assert its hegemony over other groups. With the help of the British, who wanted a strong kingdom to offset French influence, Radama I modernized the armed forces. In 1817 the peoples of the east coast, facing an army of 35,000 soldiers, submitted with little or no protest; Radama then conquered the entire southeast as far as Tolagnaro. Particularly barren or impenetrable parts of the island escaped conquest, especially in the extreme south, but before his death Radama I succeeded in bringing the major and more hospitable portions of the country under Merina rule. Radama I's interest in modernization along Western lines extended to social and political matters.

He organized a cabinet and encouraged the Protestant London Missionary Society to establish schools and churches and to introduce the printing press--a move that was to have far-reaching implications for the country. The society made nearly half a million converts, and its teachers devised a written form of the local language, Malagasy, using the Latin alphabet. By 1828 several thousand persons, primarily Merina, had become literate, and a few young persons were being sent to Britain for schooling. Later the Merina dialect of Malagasy became the official language. Malagasylanguage publications were established and circulated among the Merina-educated elite; by 1896 some 164,000 children, mainly Merina and Betsileo, another ethnic group, attended the mission's primary schools. Along with new ideas came some development of local manufacturing. Much productive time was spent, however, in military campaigns to expand territory and acquire slaves for trade. The reign of Radama I's wife and successor, Queen Ranavalona I (r. 1828-61), was essentially reactionary, reflecting her distrust of foreign influence.

Under the oligarchy that ruled in her name, rivals were slain, numerous Protestant converts were persecuted and killed, and many Europeans fled the island. The ruling elite held all the land and monopolized commerce, except for the handful of Europeans allowed to deal in cattle, rice, and other commodities. Remunerations to the queen provided the French traders a supply of slaves and a monopoly in the slave trade. Enjoying particular favor owing to his remarkable accomplishments was French artisan Jean Laborde, who established at Mantasoa, near Antananarivo, a manufacturing complex and agricultural research station where he manufactured commodities ranging from silk and soap to guns, tools, and cement. During the reign of Radama II (r. 1861-63), the pendulum once again swung toward modernization and cordial relations with Western nations, particularly France. Radama II made a treaty of perpetual friendship with France, but his brief rule ended with his assassination by a group of nobles alarmed by his pro-French stance. He was succeeded by his widow, who ruled until 1868, during which time she annulled the treaty with France and the charter of Laborde's company.

After 1868 a Merina leader, Rainilaiarivony, ruled the monarchy. To avoid giving either the French or the British a pretext for intervention, Rainilaiarivony emphasized modernization of the society and tried to curry British favor without giving offense to the French. He made concessions to both countries, signing a commercial treaty with France in 1868 and with Britain in 1877. Important social developments under his leadership included the outlawing of polygamy and the slave trade; promulgation of new legal codes; the spread of education, especially among the Merina; and the conversion of the monarchy in 1869 to Protestantism. Madagascar The French largely ended the attempts of Malagasy rulers to stymie foreign influence by declaring a protectorate over the entire island in 1894. A protectorate over northwest Madagascar, based on treaties signed with the Sakalava during the 1840s, had existed since 1882. But Queen Ranavalona III refused to recognize the 1894 effort to subordinate her kingdom to French rule.

As a result, a French expeditionary force occupied Antananarivo in September 1895. A wave of antiforeign, anti-Christian rioting ensued. In 1896 France declared Madagascar a French colony and deported the queen and the prime minister--first to Reunion, then to Algeria. Nationalist sentiment against French colonial rule eventually emerged among a small group of Merina intellectuals who had been educated by Europeans and exposed to Western intellectual thought. The group, based in Antananarivo, was led by a Malagasy Protestant clergyman, Pastor Ravelojoana, who was especially inspired by the Japanese model of modernization. A secret society dedicated to affirming Malagasy cultural identity was formed in 1913, calling itself Iron and Stone Ramification (Vy Vato Sakelika--VVS). Although the VVS was brutally suppressed, its actions eventually led French authorities to provide the Malagasy with their first representative voice in government. Malagasy veterans of military service in France during World War I bolstered the embryonic nationalist movement.

Throughout the 1920s, the nationalists stressed labor reform and equality of civil and political status for the Malagasy, stopping short of advocating independence. For example, the French League for Madagascar under the leadership of Anatole France demanded French citizenship for all Malagasy people in recognition of their country's wartime contribution of soldiers and resources. A number of veterans who remained in France were exposed to French political thought, most notably the anticolonial and proindependence platforms of French socialist parties. Jean Ralaimongo, for example, returned to Madagascar in 1924 and became embroiled in labor questions that were causing considerable tension throughout the island. Among the first concessions to Malagasy equality was the formation in 1924 of two economic and financial delegations. One was composed of French settlers, the other of twenty-four Malagasy representatives elected by the Council of Notables in each of twenty-four districts. The two sections never met together, and neither had real decision-making authority. Only in the aftermath of World War II was France willing to accept a form of Malagasy self-rule under French tutelage.

In the fall of 1945, separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges voted to elect representatives from Madagascar to the Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic in Paris. The two delegates chosen by the Malagasy, Joseph Raseta and Joseph Ravoahangy, both campaigned to implement the ideal of the self-determination of peoples affirmed by the Atlantic Charter of 1941 and by the historic Brazzaville Conference of 1944. Raseta and Ravoahangy, together with Jacques Rabemananjara, a writer long resident in Paris, had organized the Democratic Movement for Malagasy Restoration (Mouvement D�mocratique de la R�novation Malgache--MDRM), the foremost among several political parties formed in Madagascar by early 1946. Although Protestant Merina were well represented in MDRM's higher echelons, the party's 300,000 members were drawn from a broad political base reaching across the entire island and crosscutting ethnic and social divisions.

Several smaller MDRM rivals included the Party of the Malagasy Disinherited (Parti des D�sh�rit�s Malgaches), whose members were mainly c�tiers or descendants of slaves from the central highlands. The 1946 constitution of the French Fourth Republic made Madagascar a territoire d'outre-mer (overseas territory) within the French Union. It accorded full citizenship to all Malagasy parallel with that enjoyed by citizens in France. But the assimilationist policy inherent in its framework was incongruent with the MDRM goal of full independence for Madagascar, so Ravoahangy and Raseta abstained from voting. The two delegates also objected to the separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges, even though Madagascar was represented in the French National Assembly. The constitution divided Madagascar administratively into a number of provinces, each of which was to have a locally elected provincial assembly. Not long after, a National Representative Assembly was constituted at Antananarivo. In the first elections for the provincial assemblies, the MDRM won all seats or a majority of seats, except in Mahajanga Province. Despite these reforms, the political scene in Madagascar remained unstable.

Economic and social concerns, including food shortages, black-market scandals, labor conscription, renewed ethnic tensions, and the return of soldiers from France, strained an already volatile situation. Many of the veterans felt they had been less well treated by France than had veterans from metropolitan France; others had been politically radicalized by their wartime experiences. The blend of fear, respect, and emulation on which Franco-Malagasy relations had been based seemed at an end. On March 29, 1947, Malagasy nationalists revolted against the French. Although the uprising eventually spread over one-third of the island, the French were able to restore order after reinforcements arrived from France. Casualties among the Malagasy were estimated in the 60,000 to 80,000 range (later reports estimated 11,000 casualties, of whom 180 were non-Malagasy). The group of leaders responsible for the uprising, which came to be referred to as the Revolt of 1947, never has been identified conclusively. Although the MDRM leadership consistently maintained its innocence, the French outlawed the party.

French military courts tried the military leaders of the revolt and executed twenty of them. Other trials produced, by one report, some 5,000 to 6,000 convictions, and penalties ranged from brief imprisonment to death. In 1956 France's socialist government renewed the French commitment to greater autonomy in Madagascar and other colonial possessions by enacting the loi-cadre (enabling law). The loi-cadre provided for universal suffrage and was the basis for parliamentary government in each colony. In the case of Madagascar, the law established executive councils to function alongside provincial and national assemblies, and dissolved the separate electoral colleges for the French and Malagasy groups. The provision for universal suffrage had significant implications in Madagascar because of the basic ethnopolitical split between the Merina and the c�tiers, reinforced by the divisions between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Superior armed strength and educational and cultural advantages had given the Merina a dominant influence on the political process during much of the country's history. The Merina were heavily represented in the Malagasy component of the small elite to whom suffrage had been restricted in the earlier years of French rule.

Now the c�tiers, who outnumbered the Merina, would be a majority. The end of the 1950s was marked by growing debate over the future of Madagascar's relationship with France. Two major political parties emerged. The newly created Democratic Social Party of Madagascar (Parti Social D�mocrate de Madagascar--PSD) favored self-rule while maintaining close ties with France. The PSD was led by Philibert Tsiranana, a well-educated Tsimihety from the northern coastal region who was one of three Malagasy deputies elected in 1956 to the National Assembly in Paris. The PSD built upon Tsiranana's traditional political stronghold of Mahajanga in northwest Madagascar and rapidly extended its sources of support by absorbing most of the smaller parties that had been organized by the c�tiers. In sharp contrast, those advocating complete independence from France came together under the auspices of the Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar (Antokon'ny Kongresy Fanafahana an'i Madagasikara-- AKFM).

Primarily based in Antananarivo and Antsiranana, party support centered among the Merina under the leadership of Richard Andriamanjato, himself a Merina and a member of the Protestant clergy. To the consternation of French policy makers, the AKFM platform called for nationalization of foreign-owned industries, collectivization of land, the "Malagachization" of society away from French values and customs (most notably use of the French language), international nonalignment, and exit from the Franc Zone. Madagascar After France adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, on September 28, 1958, Madagascar held a referendum to determine whether the country should become a self-governing republic within the French community. The AKFM and other nationalists opposed to the concept of limited self-rule mustered about 25 percent of votes cast. The vast majority of the population at the urging of the PSD leadership voted in favor of the referendum. The vote led to the election of Tsiranana as the country's first president on April 27, 1959.

After a year of negotiations between Tsiranana and his French counterparts, Madagascar's status as a self-governing republic officially was altered on June 26, 1960, to that of a fully independent and sovereign state. The cornerstone of Tsiranana's government was the signing with France of fourteen agreements and conventions designed to maintain and strengthen Franco-Malagasy ties. These agreements were to provide the basis for increasing opposition from Tsiranana's critics. A spirit of political reconciliation prevailed in the early 1960s. By achieving independence and obtaining the release of the MDRM leaders detained since the Revolt of 1947, Tsiranana had coopted the chief issues on which the more aggressively nationalist elements had built much of their support. Consistent with Tsiranana's firm commitment to remain attached to Western civilization, the new regime made plain its intent to maintain strong ties to France and the West in the economic, defense, and cultural spheres. Not entirely sanguine about this prospect, the opposition initially concurred in the interest of consolidating the gains of the previous decade, and most ethnic and regional interests supported Tsiranana.

Similar to other African leaders during the immediate independence era, Tsiranana oversaw the consolidation of his own party's power at the expense of other parties. A political system that strongly favored the incumbent complemented these actions. For example, although the political process allowed minority parties to participate, the constitution mandated a winner-take- all system that effectively denied the opposition a voice in governance. Tsiranana's position was further strengthened by the broad, multiethnic popular base of the PSD among the c�tiers, whereas the opposition was severely disorganized. The AKFM continued to experience intraparty rifts between leftist and ultranationalist, more orthodox Marxist factions; it was unable to capitalize on increasingly active but relatively less privileged Malagasy youth because the party's base was the Merina middle class. A new force on the political scene provided the first serious challenge to the Tsiranana government in April 1971. The National Movement for the Independence of Madagascar (Mouvement National pour l'Ind�pendance de Madagascar--Monima) led a peasant uprising in Toliara Province.

The creator and leader of Monima was Monja Jaona, a c�tier from the south who also participated in the Revolt of 1947. The main issue was government pressure for tax collection at a time when local cattle herds were being ravaged by disease. The protesters attacked military and administrative centers in the area, apparently hoping for support in the form of weapons and reinforcements from China. Such help never arrived, and the revolt was harshly and quickly suppressed. An estimated fifty to 1,000 persons died, Monima was dissolved, and Monima leaders, including Jaona and several hundred protesters, were arrested and deported to the island of Nosy Lava. Another movement came on the scene in early 1972, in the form of student protests in Antananarivo. A general strike involving the nation's roughly 100,000 secondary-level students focused on three principal issues: ending the cultural cooperation agreements with France; replacing educational programs designed for schools in France and taught by French teachers with programs emphasizing Malagasy life and culture and taught by Malagasy instructors; and increasing access for economically underprivileged youth to secondary-level institutions.

By early May, the PSD sought to end the student strike at any cost; on May 12 and 13, the government arrested several hundred student leaders and sent them to Nosy-Lava. Authorities also closed the schools and banned demonstrations. Mounting economic stagnation--as revealed in scarcities of investment capital, a general decline in living standards, and the failure to meet even modest development goals--further undermined the government's position. Forces unleashed by the growing economic crisis combined with student unrest to create an opposition alliance. Workers, public servants, peasants, and many unemployed urban youth of Antananarivo joined the student strike, which spread to the provinces. Protesters set fire to the town hall and to the offices of a French-language newspaper in the capital. The turning point occurred on May 13 when the Republican Security Force (Force R�publicaine de S�curit�--FRS) opened fire on the rioters; in the ensuing melee between fifteen and forty persons were killed and about 150 injured. Tsiranana declared a state of national emergency and on May 18 dissolved his government, effectively ending the First Republic.

He then turned over full power to the National Army under the command of General Gabriel Ramanantsoa, a politically conservative Merina and former career officer in the French army. The National Army had maintained strict political neutrality in the crisis, and its intervention to restore order was welcomed by protesters and opposition elements. The Ramanantsoa military regime could not resolve rising economic and ethnic problems, and narrowly survived an attempted coup d'�tat on December 31, 1974. The fact that the coup was led by several c�tier officers against a Merina military leader underscored the growing Merina/c�tier polarization in the military. In an attempt at restoring unity, Ramanantsoa, on February 5, 1975, turned over power to Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava (a Merina with a less "aristocratic" background). Five days later, Ratsimandrava was assassinated, and a National Military Directorate was formed to restore order by declaring martial law, strictly censoring political expression, and suspending all political parties.

The political transition crisis was resolved on June 15, 1975, when the National Military Directorate selected Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsiraka as head of state and president of a new ruling body, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). The choice of Ratsiraka allayed ethnic concerns because he was a c�tier belonging to the Betsimisaraka ethnic group. In addition, Ratsiraka--a dedicated socialist--was perceived by his military peers as a consensus candidate capable of forging unity among the various leftist political parties (such as AKFM and Monima), students, urban workers, the peasantry, and the armed forces. Madagascar Ratsiraka was elected to a seven-year term as president in a national referendum on December 21, 1975, confirming the mandate for consensus and inaugurating Madagascar's Second Republic. The guiding principle of Ratsiraka's administration was the need for a socialist "revolution from above." Specifically, he sought to radically change Malagasy society in accordance with programs and principles incorporated into the Charter of the Malagasy Socialist Revolution, popularly referred to as the "Red Book" (Boky Mena).

According to this document, the primary goal of the newly renamed Democratic Republic of Madagascar was to build a "new society" founded on socialist principles and guided by the actions of the "five pillars of the revolution": the SRC, peasants and workers, young intellectuals, women, and the Popular Armed Forces. "The socialist revolution," explains the Red Book, "is the only choice possible for us in order to achieve rapid economic and cultural development in an autonomous, humane, and harmonious manner." The Red Book advocated a new foreign policy based on the principle of nonalignment, and domestic policies focused on renovating the fokonolona, decentralizing the administration, and fomenting economic development through rigorous planning and popular input. Several early policies collectively decided by Ratsiraka and other members of the SRC set the tone of the revolution from above. The first major SRC decision was to bring the French-held sectors of the economy under government control. This "economic decolonization" was welcomed by nationalists, who long had clamored for economic and cultural independence from France. The government also lifted martial law but retained rigid press censorship. Finally, the SRC ordered the closure of an earth satellite tracking station operated by the United States as part of its commitment to nonaligned foreign relations.

Political consolidation proceeded apace following the addition of ten civilians to the SRC in January 1976. This act constituted the beginning of a civil-military partnership in that the SRC became more representative of the country's major political tendencies and ethnic communities. In March the Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution (Antokin'ny Revolisiona Malagasy--Arema) was founded as the government party, and Ratsiraka became its secretary general. In sharp contrast to the single-party states created by other African Marxist leaders, Arema served as simply one (albeit the most powerful) member of a coalition of six parties united under the umbrella of the National Front for the Defense of the Revolution (Front National pour la D�fense de la R�volution--FNDR). Membership in the FNDR, necessary for participation in the electoral process, was preconditioned on party endorsement of the revolutionary principles and programs contained in the Red Book. Ratsiraka and Arema clearly dominated the political system. In the fokonolona elections held in March 1977, for example, Arema captured 90 percent of 73,000 contested seats in 11,400 assemblies.

In June 1977, Arema won 220 out of a total of 232 seats in elections for six provincial general assemblies, and 112 out of a total of 137 seats in the Popular National Assembly. This trend toward consolidation was most vividly demonstrated by Rasiraka's announcement of his 1977 cabinet in which Arema members held sixteen of eighteen ministerial posts. Yet, less than three years after taking power, Ratsiraka's regime was confronted with growing popular disenchantment. As early as September 1977, antigovernment demonstrations erupted in Antananarivo because of severe shortages in foodstuffs and essential commodities. This trend intensified as the economy worsened under the weight of ill-conceived economic policies that gradually centralized government control over the key sectors of the economy, including banking and agriculture. Ratsiraka defiantly adopted authoritarian tactics in response to the evolving opposition, sending in the armed forces to stifle dissent and maintain order during student riots in May 1978.

In the economic realm, however, Ratsiraka accepted the free-market reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in order to ensure an infusion of foreign assistance vital to keeping the economy functioning. Whereas Ratsiraka's drift toward authoritarianism provided his enemies with political cannon fodder, his economic reforms led them to charge him with abandoning "scientific socialism" and alienated his traditional base of political supporters, as well. The results of presidential elections within the de facto single-party framework that prevailed throughout the Second Republic clearly demonstrated Ratsiraka's declining political fortunes. Widespread initial enthusiasm for his socialist revolution from above secured him nearly 95 percent of the popular vote in the 1975 presidential elections, but support declined to 80 percent in 1982 and to only 63 percent in 1989. The year of 1989 marked a special turning point in that the fall of the Berlin Wall heralded the intellectual death of singleparty rule in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and similarly transformed electoral politics in Africa.

In the case of Madagascar, increasingly vocal opposition parties denounced what they and international observers considered massive fraud in the 1989 presidential election, including Ratsiraka's refusal to update outdated voting lists that excluded the anti-Ratsiraka youth vote and the stuffing of ballot boxes at unmonitored rural polling stations. Massive demonstrations against Ratsiraka's inauguration led to violent clashes in Antananarivo that, according to official figures, left seventy-five dead and wounded. Popular discontent with the Ratsiraka regime heightened on August 10, 1991, when more than 400,000 citizens marched peacefully on the President's Palace in order to oust the Ratsiraka government and create a new multiparty political system. Ratsiraka already faced an economy crippled by a general strike that had begun in May, as well as a divided and restless military whose loyalty no longer could be assumed. When the Presidential Guard opened fire on the marchers and killed and wounded hundreds, a crisis of leadership occurred.

The net result of these events was Ratsiraka's agreement on October 31, 1991 to support a process of democratic transition, complete with the formulation of a new constitution and the holding of free and fair multiparty elections. Albert Zafy, the central leader of the opposition forces and a c�tier of the Tsimihety ethnic group, played a critical role in this transition process and ultimately emerged as the first president of Madagascar's Third Republic. The leader of the Comit� des Forces Vives (Vital Forces Committee, known as Forces Vives), an umbrella opposition group composed of sixteen political parties that spearheaded the 1991 demonstrations, Zafy also emerged as the head of what became known as the High State Authority, a transitional government that shared power with the Ratsiraka regime during the democratization process. A new draft constitution was approved by 75 percent of those voting in a national referendum on August 19, 1992. The first round of presidential elections followed on November 25.

Frontrunner Zafy won 46 percent of the popular vote as the Forces Vives candidate, and Ratsiraka, as leader of his own newly created progovernment front, the Militant Movement for Malagasy Socialism (Mouvement Militant pour le Socialisme Malgache--MMSM), won approximately 29 percent of the vote. The remaining votes were split among a variety of other candidates. Because neither candidate obtained a majority of the votes cast, a second round of elections between the two frontrunners was held on February 10, 1993. Zafy emerged victorious with nearly 67 percent of the popular vote. Madagascar The Third Republic officially was inaugurated on March 27, 1993, when Zafy was sworn in as president. The victory of the Forces Vives was further consolidated in elections held on June 13, 1993, for 138 seats in the newly created National Assembly. Voters turned out in low numbers (roughly 30 to 40 percent abstained) because they were being called upon to vote for the fourth time in less than a year.

The Forces Vives and other allied parties won seventy-five seats. This coalition gave Zafy a clear majority and enabled him to chose Francisque Ravony of the Forces Vives as prime minister. By the latter half of 1994, the heady optimism that accompanied this dramatic transition process had declined somewhat as the newly elected democratic government found itself confronted with numerous economic and political obstacles. Adding to these woes was the relatively minor but nonetheless embarrassing political problem of Ratsiraka's refusal to vacate the President's Palace. The Zafy regime has found itself under increasing economic pressure from the IMF and foreign donors to implement market reforms, such as cutting budget deficits and a bloated civil service, that do little to respond to the economic problems facing the majority of Madagascar's population. Zafy also confronts growing divisions within his ruling coalition, as well as opposition groups commonly referred to as "federalists" seeking greater power for the provinces (known as "faritany") under a more decentralized government. Although recently spurred by the desire of anti-Zafy forces to gain greater control over local affairs, historically Madagascar has witnessed a tension between domination by the central highlanders and pressures from residents of outlying areas to manage their own affairs.

In short, the Zafy regime faces the dilemma of using relatively untested political structures and "rules of the game" to resolve numerous issues of governance. Madagascar Remembers Its Independence All Countries â¢ All Holidays â¢ Major Religions â¢ Multi-Cultural Madagascar Remembers Its Independence Independence Day: June 26 Independence Day is a public holiday celebrated in Madagascar. Madagascar has been isolated from nearby continents for quite a long time. This has resulted in a wide variety of plants, animals, and culture found nowhere else in the world, leading to Madagascar being called the Eighth Continent by some. The people of this country gained full independence on June 26, 1960, and June 26 has been celebrated as Independence since. History of Independence Day in Madagascar Madagascarâs history began in the 7th century with many nomadic Arab Muslims setting up their trading posts along the coasts. The king of the island began to extend power through trade with its neighbors. The Sakalava chiefdoms of Menabe and Boina began to dominate considerable area of the island.

Contact with the Europeans began around 1500 when the Portuguese sea caption Diago Dias found the island when his ship got separated from the rest of his fleet. In 1666, Francois Caron of the British East India company sailed to Madagascar. The company established ports on the nearby islands and often referred to Madagascar as âthe island of the moon.â The French invaded Madagascar in 1883 during the Franco-Hova war to restore the properties seized from the French citizens. At the end of the war, Madagascar gave up Antsiranana (Diego Suarez) to the French and paid 560,000 gold stripper francs to the heirs of Joseph Francois Lambert. Later in 1895, the French arrived in Mahajanga and went to the capital, seizing the city. The Parliament of France passed an act to annex Madagascar, and the royal family was exiled to Algeria. During World War II, troops from Malagasy fought in France, Morocco, and Syria. Before the war, the Germans had planned to deport all Jews to Madagascar. There was a nationalist uprising in 1947, a time when Franceâs nationalist feelings were at a low.

The uprising was tamed after several months of fighting, but at the cost of many lives. The French created reformed institutions in 1956. They were called the overseas reforms, and it was done by Loi Cadre, moving Madagascar peacefully towards independence. The republic of Malagasy was declared on October 14, 1958 within the French community. Full independence was declared on June 26, 1960. Madagascarâs Independence Day Traditions, Customs and Activities Today Madagascar celebrates its independence from France with great pomp and joy. There are colorful festivals in the streets, beckoning tourists who visit this island nation. There are also many contests in which the locals participate, particularly eating and drinking competitions. Other interesting posts: Colonization and Independence - Madagascar Madagascar "Beware of french people who pretend to quarrel with each other: they will join together to fight you" - Malagasy Proverb Colonization and Independence The first king of Madagascar, Radama I, who ruled from 1810 to 1828, allied himself with the British governor of a nearby island called Mauritius, and was supplied with weapons to conquer the east coast of Madagascar.

Once he established his realm he invited Christian missionaries to the country. This allowed the Western religion of Christianity to spread in Madgascar, and also incorporated some of the Latin alphabet into the native language. His wife, Ranavolna I later expelled and executed Christians. However, even today 40% of the Malagasy people are Christian, showing the influence these missionaries had on the country. The French colonized Madagascar after their invasion in December 1894. In 1896 France annexed Madagascar as a colony and unified it under a single government. The military commander, Galleieni instituted French schools and products and helped to develop the economy through increased trade by creating roads and railroads. Most of the external trade was with France, and the main language soon became French. However in a referendum in 1958 Madagascar voted for independence within the French community, and the Malagasy Republic was created with Tsiranana the head of the government. He played a large role in gaining independence in 1960, but maintained strong relationships with French, English and the US. Since the independence however, Madagascar has had many different presidents, republics and coup de’ats.

Like many other countries in Africa that were colonized, the Europeans did not leave them prepared to run their own country, and they have suffered a lot of violence and struggles since they gained independence. However, Madagascar has been successful in creating a Republic over a dictatorship and most of the leaders after 1960 were elected. Today French characteristics are clearly visible across Madagascar as a result of their colonization. French remains a popular language, and french cuisine and french-style buildings are also found throughout the country. Reasons for Success One of the reasons that Madagascar did not erupt into civil war once they gained independence could be due to its ability to choose its own governmental system with France, and because of its isolation. Due to the fact that Madagascar is an island, when the Europeans created national boundaries within Africa, Madagascar was unaffected. The ethnic groups were not split up or forced under one governmental rule; the people had been living together in mostly in peace for many years already.

Create a free website Madagascar's Battle for Independence 1975-1992 - Political Violence Revolt of 1947 - Madagascar's Battle for Independence The 1946 constitution of the French Fourth Republic made Madagascar a territoire d'outre-mer (overseas territory) within the French Union. It accorded full citizenship to all Malagasy parallel with that enjoyed by citizens in France. But the assimilationist policy inherent in its framework was incongruent with the MDRM goal of full independence for Madagascar, so Ravoahangy and Raseta abstained from voting. The two delegates also objected to the separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges, even though Madagascar was represented in the French National Assembly. The constitution divided Madagascar administratively into a number of provinces, each of which was to have a locally elected provincial assembly. Not long after, a National Representative Assembly was constituted at Antananarivo. In the first elections for the provincial assemblies, the MDRM won all seats or a majority of seats, except in Mahajanga Province. Despite these reforms, the political scene in Madagascar remained unstable.

Economic and social concerns, including food shortages, black-market scandals, labor conscription, renewed ethnic tensions, and the return of soldiers from France, strained an already volatile situation. Many of the veterans felt they had been less well treated by France than had veterans from metropolitan France; others had been politically radicalized by their wartime experiences. The blend of fear, respect, and emulation on which Franco-Malagasy relations had been based seemed at an end. On March 29, 1947, Malagasy nationalists revolted against the French. Although the uprising eventually spread over one-third of the island, the French were able to restore order after reinforcements arrived from France. Casualties among the Malagasy were estimated in the 60,000 to 80,000 range (later reports estimated 11,000 casualties, of whom 180 were non-Malagasy). The group of leaders responsible for the uprising, which came to be referred to as the Revolt of 1947, never has been identified conclusively. Although the MDRM leadership consistently maintained its innocence, the French outlawed the party.

French military courts tried the military leaders of the revolt and executed twenty of them. Other trials produced, by one report, some 5,000 to 6,000 convictions, and penalties ranged from brief imprisonment to death. In 1956 France's socialist government renewed the French commitment to greater autonomy in Madagascar and other colonial possessions by enacting the loi-cadre (enabling law). The loi-cadre provided for universal suffrage and was the basis for parliamentary government in each colony. In the case of Madagascar, the law established executive councils to function alongside provincial and national assemblies, and dissolved the separate electoral colleges for the French and Malagasy groups. The provision for universal suffrage had significant implications in Madagascar because of the basic ethnopolitical split between the Merina and the cï¿½tiers, reinforced by the divisions between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Superior armed strength and educational and cultural advantages had given the Merina a dominant influence on the political process during much of the country's history. The Merina were heavily represented in the Malagasy component of the small elite to whom suffrage had been restricted in the earlier years of French rule.

Now the cï¿½tiers, who outnumbered the Merina, would be a majority. The end of the 1950s was marked by growing debate over the future of Madagascar's relationship with France. Two major political parties emerged. The newly created Democratic Social Party of Madagascar (Parti Social Dï¿½mocrate de Madagascar--PSD) favored self-rule while maintaining close ties with France. The PSD was led by Philibert Tsiranana, a well-educated Tsimihety from the northern coastal region who was one of three Malagasy deputies elected in 1956 to the National Assembly in Paris. The PSD built upon Tsiranana's traditional political stronghold of Mahajanga in northwest Madagascar and rapidly extended its sources of support by absorbing most of the smaller parties that had been organized by the cï¿½tiers. In sharp contrast, those advocating complete independence from France came together under the auspices of the Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar (Antokon'ny Kongresy Fanafahana an'i Madagasikara-- AKFM).

Primarily based in Antananarivo and Antsiranana, party support centered among the Merina under the leadership of Richard Andriamanjato, himself a Merina and a member of the Protestant clergy. To the consternation of French policy makers, the AKFM platform called for nationalization of foreign-owned industries, collectivization of land, the "Malagachization" of society away from French values and customs (most notably use of the French language), international nonalignment, and exit from the Franc Zone. After France adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, on September 28, 1958, Madagascar held a referendum to determine whether the country should become a self-governing republic within the French community. The AKFM and other nationalists opposed to the concept of limited self-rule mustered about 25 percent of votes cast. The vast majority of the population at the urging of the PSD leadership voted in favor of the referendum. The vote led to the election of Tsiranana as the country's first president on April 27, 1959.

After a year of negotiations between Tsiranana and his French counterparts, Madagascar's status as a self-governing republic officially was altered on June 26, 1960, to that of a fully independent and sovereign state. NEWSLETTER 1960: The year of independence - France 24 1960: The year of independence Text by FRANCE 24 Follow france24_en on twitter Latest update : 2010-02-16 Between January and December of 1960, 17 sub-Saharan African nations, including 14 former French colonies, gained independence from their former European colonists. FRANCE24.com takes a look back on an eventful year. The rise to independence of 17 sub-Saharan African countries in 1960 is in part the result of a long process that began fifteen years earlier in the tumult of World War II. At the end of the war, Africans involved in pro-independence movements put pressure on colonial powers, reminding them of promises made to secure their support in the war effort. The colonising countries, chaperoned by the United States, were thus obliged to let their colonies go.

In 1944 in Brazzaville, General de Gaulle suggested that it was time for France to take “the road of a new era”. Two years later, the French colonial empire was replaced by the French Union, which in turn became the French Community in 1958. At the same time on the African continent, Morocco, Tunisia, Sudan, Ghana, and Guinea won their independence, while the unrest in Algeria continued to exhaust and damage France’s reputation. CAMEROON – January 1. A former German colony divided between France and the United Kingdom in 1918, Cameroon acquired its independence thanks to armed movements. Less than a year after the United Nations announced the end of French control, French Cameroon proclaimed its independence. The following year, the southern part of the country, under British control, merged with the north. On May 5, 1960, Ahmadou Ahidjo was elected as the country’s first president. Sylvanus Olympio (AFP) TOGO – April 27. A former German colony subsequently under French and British mandates following World War I.

The part of the country administered by the French had a status of “associated territory” in the French Union established in 1946. The country became an autonomous republic (within the French Union) by referendum in 1956. In February 1958, victory for the the Togolese Unity Committee, a nationalist movement, in legislative elections opened the way to independence. Elected first president of the republic, Sylvanus Olympio was later killed in January 1963 during a coup d’état. MADAGASCAR – June 26. A French overseas territory as of 1946, this island was proclaimed an autonomous state within the French Community in 1958. In 1960, President Philibert Tsiranana succeeded in convincing General de Gaulle to grant Madagascar total sovereignty and, in doing so, became the first president of the republic. Patrice Lumumba (AFP) DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO – June 30. In January 1959, under the leadership of Patrice Lumumba, riots broke out in Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) in what was then known as the Belgian Congo.

Belgian authorities called the main Congolese leaders to Brussels and decided to withdraw from the country, fearing a war of independence similar to the one that was ravaging Algeria at the time. Belgian Congo thus became the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and would later temporarily be called Zaire under the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko. SOMALIA – July 1. A former Italian colony, Somalia merged on the day it became independent with the former British protectorate of Somaliland in 1960 to form the Somali Republic. Somaliland had itself gained its full sovereignty five days earlier. The objective was to reconstitute the “Greater Somalia” of the pre-colonial era, which had included Kenya, Ethiopia, and the future Djibouti, which was at that time under French control. BENIN – August 1. A referendum on September 28, 1958, proposing a plan for a French-African Community, paved the way for the independence of Dahomey two years later, when power was transferred to President Hubert Maga. The country, renamed Benin in 1975, has had a tumultuous political history since independence.

NIGER – August 3. A referendum in 1958 propelled Diori Hamana to power. The republic is proclaimed on December 18, 1958, but independence is solemnly declared on August 3, 1960. Hamani, the country’s first president, is overthrown by a coup d’état in 1974. BURKINA FASO – August 5. A French protectorate, the Republic of Upper Volta is proclaimed on December 11, 1958, but remains part of the French community, before gaining full independence on August 5, 1960. In 1984, the country takes the name of Burkina Faso under the presidency of Thomas Sankara, who was assassinated in 1987. Houphouët-Boigny (AFP) IVORY COAST – August 7. A referendum in 1958 resulted in the Ivory Coast becoming an autonomous republic.

In June of 1960, the pro-French Félix Houphouët-Boigny proclaimed the country’s independence, but maintaining close ties between Abidjan and Paris. The Ivory Coast became one of the most prosperous West African nations. CHAD – August 11. Two years after becoming a republic, Chad achieved independence on August 11, 1960. The prime minister at the time, François Tombalbaye, thus became the first president of a country that deteriorated rapidly into civil war between the Muslim north and the Christian-majority south. CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – August 13. Under French control as of 1905, Ubangi-Chari became the Central African Republic on December 1, 1958. When independence was proclaimed on August 13, 1960, David Dacko, cousin of national hero Barthélémy Boganda, was propelled to the head of the country. A committed pan-Africanist, Boganda presided over French Equatorial Africa (the federation of French colonial territories in Central Africa) for two years, working for the emancipation of Africans.

He died on March 29, 1959, in an airplane accident. THE REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO – August 15. Ninety nine percent of the Congolese people voted to join the French Community in a 1958 referendum, making the country an autonomous republic. The following year, violence broke out in Brazzaville, triggering a French military intervention. On August 15, 1960, Congo gained independence, with Fulbert Youlou as president until 1963. GABON – August 17. Criticised by several opposition parties for being anti-independence, Prime Minister Léon M’Ba was nevertheless resigned to proclaim it on August 17. He would have preferred that Gabon become a French department, but had to back down when General de Gaulle refused. Léopold Sédar Senghor (AFP) SENEGAL, MALI – August 20, September 22. The independent republics of Senegal and Mali were born from the ashes of the short-lived Federation of Mali – established on January 17, 1959 – made up of Senegal and former French Sudan.

The two countries had initially intended to form one, but after significant differences between Léopold Sédar Senghor, the Senegalese president of the Federal Assembly, and Modibo Keita, his Sudanese prime minister, the authorities in Dakar withdrew from the federation and declared independence on August 20. Authorities in Bamako followed suit a month later. NIGERIA – October 1. Divided into a federation of three regions – North, East, and West – by the Lyttelton Constitution in 1954, Nigeria, with its population of 34 million, was already considered the giant of the African continent. As soon as independence was declared on October 1, the former British colony was confronted with its deep ethnic and religious divisions, which quickly became the cause of severe political instability. MAURITANIA – November 28. Mauritania proclaimed its independence on November 28, despite opposition from Morocco and the Arab League. The country’s constitution, established in 1964, set up a presidential regime, with Prime Minister Ould Daddah becoming president. He remained in power until 1978.

Bibliography Independence achieved 1 August 1960. Former name: Dahomey (renamed 30 November 1975). Botswana (Republic of Botswana) Independence achieved 30 September 1966. Former name: British Protectorate of Bechuanaland (name changed with independence in 1966). Burkina Faso (Republic of Burkina Faso) Independence achieved 5 August 1960. Former name: Republic of Upper Volta (renamed in 1984). Burundi (Republic of Burundi) Independence achieved 1 July 1962. Former name: Urundi (part of Ruaunda-Urundi, renamed with independence in 1962). Cameroon (Republic of Cameroon) Independence achieved 1 January 1960 for East Cameroon (former French colony). Formed the Federal Republic (1 October 1961) when Southern (west) Cameroon (former British colony) voted in a U.N. supervised election (11 February 1961) to be attached to the former French Cameroon.

Officially became United Republic of Cameroon on 2 June 1972, and renamed Republic of Cameroon in 1984. Central African Republic Independence achieved 13 August 1960. Former name: Oubangui-Chari (renamed 1 December 1958). Chad (Republic of Chad) Independence achieved 11 August 1960. Congo (People's Republic of the Congo) Independence achieved 15 August 1960. Former names: Middle Congo (part of French Equatorial Africa), Congo-Brazzaville. Côte d'Ivoire (Republic of Côte d'Ivoire) Independence achieved 7 August 1960. Formerly refered to by the equivalent translation of the name into different languages, such as "Ivory Coast" in English. In 1986, the government declared that all countries should use the French name "Côte d'Ivoire". Democratic Republic of the Congo Independence achieved June 1960.

17 May 1997 the former regime (Zaire) of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngendu Banga was toppled and the present Democratic Republic of the Congo was established in its place. Former names: Congo Free State 1855-1908, Belgian Congo, 1908-1960, Democratic Republic of the Congo or Congo-Leopoldville, 1960-1966, Congo-Kinshasa 1966-1971, Zaire 1971-1997. Djibouti (Republic of Djibouti) Independence achieved 27 June 1997. Former names: French Somaliland until 1967, French territory of the Afars and Issas until independence. Egypt (Arab Republic of Egypt) Egypt has been seat of civilization since ancient times, however recent history has seen conquest by the Ottoman Empire in 1517, Napoleon Bonaparte's France in 1798, and finally by Britain in 1882.

Modern independence was achieved on 28 February 1922 by British declaration. Equatorial Guinea (Republic of Equatorial Guinea) Independence achieved 12 October 1968. Former name: Spanish Guinea (renamed with independence). Eritrea (State of Eritrea) Independence achieved 24 May 1993. Ethiopia (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia) Ethiopia has enjoyed independence from ancient times and has resisted attempts by other nations at colonization. Former name: Abyssinia. Gabon (Republic of Gabon) Independence achieved 17 August 1960. The Gambia (Republic of the Gambia) Independence achieved 18 February 1965. Ghana (Republic of Ghana) Independence achieved 6 March 1957. Former name: Gold Coast (renamed with independence). Guinea (Republic of Guinea) Independence achieved 2 October 1958. Guinea-Bissau (Republic of Guinea-Bissau) Independence achieved 24 September 1973. Former name Portuguese Guinea (renamed with independence). Kenya (Republic of Kenya) Independence achieved 12 December 1963.

Lesotho (Kingdom of Lesotho) Independence achieved 4 October 1966. Former name: Basutoland. Liberia (Republic of Liberia) Independence achieved 26 July 1847. Liberia was established by Black American colonists sent by the American Colonisation Society in a controversial move to repatriate freed American slaves to Africa. After Ethiopia, it is the oldest of the modern independent African nations. Libya (Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) Independence achieved 24 December 1951. Madagascar (Democratic Republic of Madagascar) Independence achieved 26 June 1960. Malawi (Republic of Malawi) Independence achieved 6 July 1964. Former name: Nyasaland. Mali (Republic of Mali) Independence achieved 22 September 1960. Former name: Soudan. Mauritania (Islamic Republic of Mauritania) Independence achieved 28 November 1960. Morocco (Kingdom of Morocco) Independence achieved 2 March 1956. Mozambique (Republic of Mozambique) Independence achieved 25 June 1975.

Former name: Portuguese East Africa. Namibia (Republic of Namibia) Independence achieved 21 March 1990. Former name South West Africa. Niger (Republic of Niger) Independence achieved 3 August 1960. Nigeria (Federal Republic of Nigeria) Independence achieved 1 October 1960. Rwanda (Republic of Rwanda) Independence achieved 1 July 1962. Former name Ruanda (part of Belgian administered territory of Ruanda-Urundi under League of Nations mandate 1919-1946, and U.N. Trusteeship 1946-1962). Senegal (Republic of Senegal) Independence achieved 20 August 1960. Sierra Leone (Republic of Sierra Leone) Independence achieved 27 April 1961. Somalia (Somali Democratic Republic) Independence achieved 1 July 1960. South Africa (Republic of South Africa) Independence achieved 11 December 1931.

The dismantling of apartheid affectively began in 1991 with the proposal to repeal of Lands Acts of 1913 and 1936, and the Group Areas act of 1966 by then President F.W. De Klerk. By 27 April 1994 a Majority Rule Constitution was adopted, and on 10 May 1994 anti-apartheid activist Nelson Mandela was sworn in as the President of South Africa bringing an end to apartheid in South Africa. Sudan (Democratic Republic of the Sudan) Independence achieved 1 January 1956. Swaziland (Kingdom of Swaziland) Independence achieved 6 September 1968. Tanzania (United Republic of Tanzania) Tanganyika achieved independence on 9 December 1961. Zanzibar Achieved independence on 10 December 1963. The United Republic was formed on 27 April 1964, and the name Tanzania was adopted on 29 October 1964. Togo (Republic of Togo) Independence achieved 27 April 1960. Former name Togoland.

Tunisia (Republic of Tunisia) Independence achieved 20 March 1956. Uganda (Republic of Uganda) Independence achieved 9 October 1962. Western Sahara (Saharwi Arab Democratic Republic) When Spain withdrew from Western Sahara (then known as Spanish Sahara or Rio de Oro) in 1976 both Morocco and Mauritania moved to annex the territory. Mauritania withdrew in August 1979, and Western Sahara was absorbed by Morocco. However a political front called the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro (POLISARIO) continued to struggle against foreign domination against Morocco and formed the Saharwi Arab Democratic Republic as a government in exile on 4 March 1976 which was recognized in 1984 by the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) leading Morocco to withdraw its membership from the OAU. In May 1991, Morocco and the Polisario Front ended fighting as a part of a U.N. sponsored peace settlement. The future of Saharwi is still to be decided as of this writing (9 September 1998).

Zambia (Republic of Zambia) Independence achieved 24 October 1964. Former name: Northern Rhodesia. Zimbabwe (Republic of Zimbabwe) Independence achieved 18 April 1980. Former names: Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia. Not Shown on the Map: Cape Verde (Republic of Cape Verde) Independence achieved 5July 1975. Comoros Islands (Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros) Independence achieved 6 July 1975 (formally recognized by France (colonial regime) 1 January 1976). Mauritius (Republic of Mauritius) Independence achieved 12 March 1968. Reunion Administered by the French Overseas Department since 19 March 1946. French colony since 1642. São Tomé and Príncipe (Democratic Republic of São Tomé and Príncipe) Independence achieved 12 July 1975. Seychelles (Republic of Seychelles) Independence achieved 29 June 1976. Bibliography

Question: From which country did Madagascar gain independence in 1960?
Answer: FRANCE