Tunisians drive leader from power in uprising - World news - Mideast/N. Africa | NBC News Olympic construction leaves Sochi residents in the cold The upheaval took place after weeks of escalating unrest fueled partly by social media and cell phones, as thousands of demonstrators from all walks of life rejected Ben Ali's promises of change and mobbed the capital of Tunis to demand his ouster in the country's largest demonstrations in generations. At least 23 people have been killed in the riots, according to the government, but opposition members put the death toll at more than three times that. On Friday, police repeatedly clashed with protesters, some of whom climbed onto the entrance roof of the dreaded Interior Ministry, widely believed for years to be a place where the regime's opponents were tortured. With clouds of tear gas and black smoke drifting over the city's whitewashed buildings, Prime Minister Mohammed Ghannouchi went on state television to announce that he was assuming power in this North African nation previously known mostly for its wide sandy beaches and ancient ruins. Advertise "I take over the responsibilities temporarily of the leadership of the country at this difficult time to help restore security," Ghannouchi said in a solemn statement on state television. "I promise ...

to respect the constitution, to work on reforming economic and social issues with care and to consult with all sides." Ghannouchi promised legislative elections in six months, a pledge that appeared to open at least the possibility of a new government. Tunisia's ousted president flew to Saudi Arabia. The Saudi Press Agency cited a statement from the office of King Abdullah that said: "We have welcomed in the Saudi kingdom the arrival of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his family." The statement said the decision to accept Ben Ali was made in light of "the exceptional circumstances the Tunisian people are going through" and with a "wish for peace and security to the people of Tunis." A Saudi official told Reuters Ben Ali was in the port city of Jeddah. It was far from certain that his ouster would calm the streets. Isolated gunfire broke out sporadically Friday night and a state of emergency was in effect. European tour companies moved thousands of tourists out of the country. "My first reaction is relief," said Dr. Souha Naija, a resident radiologist at Charles Nicole Hospital. "He's gone ... I finally feel free." "They got the message.

The people don't want a dictator." However, she voiced concern for the future because, officially at least, Ben Ali vacated power only temporarily. "It's ambiguous," she said. Ben Ali's downfall sent a potentially frightening message to autocratic leaders across the Arab world. He deftly managed the economy of his small country of 10 million better than many other Middle Eastern nations grappling with sclerotic economies and booming, young populations, turning it into a beach haven for tourists and beacon of stability in volatile North Africa. There was a lack of civil rights and little or no freedom of speech, but a better quality of life for many than in neighboring countries like Algeria and Libya. He had won frequent praise from abroad for presiding over reforms to make the economy more competitive and attract business; growth last year was at 3.1 percent. French to send 1,000 more troops to Mali Thousands of Tweets congratulating the Tunisian people flooded the Internet and many people changed their profile pictures to Tunisian flags. Egyptian activists opposed to President Hosni Mubarak's three-decade regime also looked to the events in Tunisia with hope. About 50 Egyptians gathered outside the Tunisian embassy in Cairo Friday to celebrate with singing and dancing.

They chanted, "Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is waiting for him too!" Unconfirmed rumors about Ben Ali's location reached such a fevered pitch that the governments of France and Malta — just two of several countries where Ben Ali was speculated to be heading — put out statements saying they have had no requests to accommodate him The 74-year-old leader came to power in a bloodless palace coup in 1987. He took over from a man called formally President-for-Life — Habib Bourguiba, the founder of modern-day Tunisia who set the Muslim country on a pro-Western course after independence from France in 1956. Ben Ali removed Bourguiba from office for "incompetence," saying he had become too old, senile and sick to rule. Ben Ali promised then that his leadership would "open the horizons to a truly democratic and evolved political life." But after a brief period of reforms, Tunisia's political evolution stopped. Ben Ali consistently won elections with overwhelmingly questionable tallies: In 2009, he was re-elected for a fifth five-year term with 89 percent of the vote.

Beforehand, he had warned opponents they would face legal retaliation if they questioned the vote's fairness. U.S. diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks have called Tunisia a "police state" and described the corruption there, saying Ben Ali had lost touch with his people. Social networks like Facebook helped spread the comments to the delight of ordinary Tunisians, who have complained about the same issues for years. Advertise Under Ben Ali, most opposition parties were illegal. Amnesty International said authorities infiltrated human rights groups and harassed dissenters. Reporters Without Borders described Ben Ali as a "press predator" who controlled the media. The riots started after an educated but jobless 26-year-old committed suicide in mid-December when police confiscated the fruits and vegetables he was selling without a permit. His desperate act hit a nerve, sparked copycat suicides and focused generalized anger against the regime into a widespread, outright revolt. The president tried vainly to hold onto power. On Thursday night he went on television to promise not to run for re-election in 2014 and slashed prices on key foods such as sugar, bread and milk. A day later he declared the state of emergency, dissolving the government and promising new legislative elections within six months.

Hundreds of police with shields and riot gear moved into the peaceful demonstration nearly six hours after it began on the capital's main Friday in front of the Interior Ministry. Helmeted police fired dozens of rounds of tear gas and kicked and clubbed unarmed protesters — one of whom cowered on the ground, covering his face. An AP Television News reporter heard gunfire in the center of the Tunisian capital late Friday afternoon, in addition to the popping of tear gas pistols. A few youths were spotted throwing stones, but most demonstrated calmly. Protesters were of all ages and from all walks of life, from students holding mid-street sit-ins to doctors in white coats to black-robed lawyers waving posters. "A month ago, we didn't believe this uprising was possible," said Beya Mannai, a geology professor at the University of Tunis. "But the people rose up." The prime minister suggested that Ben Ali had willingly handed over control, but the exact circumstances of his removal from power were unclear.

The prime minister did not say anything about a coup or about the army being in charge, saying only that he was taking over while the president is "temporarily indisposed." "Under Article 56 of the Constitution that holds that in a case of temporary incapacity, the president can delegate by decree his power to the prime minister. Given the temporary incapacity of the President to carry out his duties, I take over the responsibilities temporarily of the leadership of the country at this difficult time to help restore security," Ghannouchi said. Ghannouchi, 69, is a trained economist who has been a longtime close ally of Ben Ali. Prime minister since 1999, he is one of the best-known faces of Tunisia's government. He also has served as the country's minister for international cooperation and its minister of foreign investment. A founder of the main legal opposition party said the dramatic developments do not amount to a coup d'etat. Advertise "It's an unannounced resignation," Nejib Chebbi said by telephone. To declare a permanent absence of a head of state, such as in a coup, elections would have to be held within 60 days, he said.

"So they declare a temporary vacating of power." Tour operator Thomas Cook said it was evacuating 3,800 British, Irish and German vacationers from Tunisia as a precaution. In Sudan in 1985, a collapsing economy and other grievances sparked a popular uprising, although the government was eventually ousted by a military coup. Story: Thousands of vacationers evacuated from Tunisia However, the closest parallel in the broader Middle East comes from Iran — which is not an Arab nation — where mass demonstrations helped topple the Shah and usher in the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. Tunisia's giant neighbor Algeria saw huge protests before it was shaken by a military coup in 1992, with a five-man leadership put in place after the army canceled the nation's first multiparty legislative elections that a Muslim fundamentalist party was poised to win. The party, the Islamic Salvation Front, became a vehicle for popular dissent. There were also massive demonstrations in Lebanon in 2005, dubbed the "Cedar Revolution," but those were directed against Syrian influence in the country and not the Lebanese government per se.

The protests led to the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon and the resignation of Lebanon's pro-Syrian prime minister and fresh elections. Al-Qaida's North African offshoot appeared to try to capitalize on the Tunisian unrest, offering its support for protesters this week. There has been no sign of Islamic extremist involvement in the rioting. ___ Nicolas Garriga and Oleg Cetinic in Tunis, Angela Doland, Greg Keller and Jamey Keaten in Paris and Hadeel Al-Shalchi in Cairo contributed to this report. The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to this report. Tunisian leader flees amid protests; PM takes over - USATODAY.com Violent anti-government protests drove Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali from power Friday after 23 years of iron-fisted rule, as anger over soaring unemployment and corruption spilled into the streets. Tunisian leader flees amid protests; PM takes over Updated Enlarge By Christophe Ena, AP Demonstrators throw stones at police during clashes in Tunis, Jan. 14, 2011. Tunisia's president declared a state of emergency and announced that he would fire his government as violent protests escalated.

Zine El Abidine Ben Ali AFP/Getty Images Mohammed Ghannouchi AP TUNIS, Tunisia (AP)  After 23 years of iron-fisted rule, the president of Tunisia was driven from power Friday by violent protests over soaring unemployment and corruption. The ouster, virtually unprecedented in modern Arab history, sent an ominous message to authoritarian governments that dominate the region: Even strongmen can be overthrown by the power of the street. Tunisians buoyant over Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 's ouster immediately worried, however, about what's next: the caretaker leadership of the prime minister who took control, the role of the army in the transition, and whether Ben Ali's departure — to an as-yet unconfirmed location — will be enough to restore calm. The upheaval followed the country's largest protests in generations and weeks of escalating unrest, sparked by one man's suicide and fueled by social media, cellphones and young people who have seen relatively little benefit from Tunisia's recent economic growth. Thousands of demonstrators from all walks of life rejected Ben Ali's promises of change and mobbed Tunis , the capital, to demand that he leave.

The government said at least 23 people have been killed in the riots, but opposition members put the death toll at more than three times that. On Friday, police repeatedly clashed with protesters, some of whom climbed onto the entrance roof of the dreaded Interior Ministry, widely believed for years to be a place where the regime's opponents were tortured. With clouds of tear gas and black smoke drifting over the city's whitewashed buildings, Prime Minister Mohammed Ghannouchi went on state television to announce that he was assuming power in this North African nation known mostly for its wide sandy beaches and ancient ruins. "I take over the responsibilities temporarily of the leadership of the country at this difficult time to help restore security," Ghannouchi said in a solemn statement on state television. "I promise ... to respect the constitution, to work on reforming economic and social issues with care and to consult with all sides." The prime minister, a longtime ally of the president, suggested that Ben Ali had willingly handed over control, but the exact circumstances were unclear. In a string of last-ditch efforts to tamp down the unrest, Ben Ali dissolved the government and promised legislative elections within six months — a pledge that appeared to open at least the possibility of a new government.

Before his removal of power was announced, he declared a state of emergency, including a curfew that was in effect Friday night and was to be lifted at 7 a.m. Saturday. People in downtown Tunis appeared to be respecting the curfew, though there were isolated bursts of gunfire. European tour companies moved thousands of tourists out of the country. Foreign airlines halted service to Tunisia, and said the country's airspace had been temporarily shut down. Ben Ali's downfall sent a potentially frightening message to autocratic leaders across the Arab world, especially because he did not seem especially vulnerable until very recently. He managed the economy of his small country of 10 million better than many other Middle Eastern nations grappling with calcified economies and booming, young populations. He turned Tunisia into a beach haven for tourists, helping create an area of stability in volatile North Africa. There was a lack of civil rights and little or no freedom of speech, but a better quality of life for many than in neighboring countries such as Algeria and Libya. Ben Ali had won frequent praise from abroad for presiding over reforms to make the economy more competitive and attract business.

Growth last year was at 3.1%.Unemployment, however, was officially measured at 14%, and was far higher — 52% — among the young. Despair among job-seeking young graduates was palpable. The riots started after an educated but jobless 26-year-old committed suicide in mid-December when police confiscated the fruits and vegetables he was selling without a permit. His desperate act hit a nerve, sparked copycat suicides and focused generalized anger against the regime into a widespread, outright revolt. The president tried vainly to hold onto power. On Thursday night he went on television to promise not to run for re-election in 2014 and slashed prices on key foods such as sugar, bread and milk. Protesters gathered peacefully Friday in front of the Interior Ministry, but six hours after the demonstration began hundreds of police with shields and riot gear moved in. Helmeted police fired dozens of rounds of tear gas and kicked and clubbed unarmed protesters — one of whom cowered on the ground, covering his face. An AP Television News reporter heard gunfire in the center of the Tunisian capital late Friday afternoon, in addition to the popping of tear gas pistols.

A few youths were spotted throwing stones, but most demonstrated calmly. Protesters were of all ages and from all walks of life, from students holding sit-ins in the middle of the street to doctors in white coats and black-robed lawyers waving posters. "A month ago, we didn't believe this uprising was possible," said Beya Mannai, a geology professor at the University of Tunis. "But the people rose up." "My first reaction is relief," said Dr. Souha Naija, a resident radiologist at Charles Nicole Hospital. "He's gone. ... I finally feel free." "They got the message. The people don't want a dictator." However, she voiced concern for the future because, officially at least, Ben Ali vacated power only temporarily. "It's ambiguous," she said. Nejib Chebbi, a founder of the main legal opposition party, said the dramatic developments do not amount to a coup d'etat. "It's an unannounced resignation," Chebbi said by telephone. To declare a permanent absence of a head of state, such as in a coup, elections would have to be held within 60 days, he said. "So they declare a temporary vacating of power." U.S.

President Barack Obama said he applauded the courage and dignity of protesting Tunisians, and urged all parties to keep calm and avoid violence. Arabs across the region celebrated news of the Tunisian uprising on Twitter , Facebook and blogs. Thousands of tweets congratulating the Tunisian people flooded the Internet, and many people changed their profile pictures to Tunisian flags. Egyptian activists opposed to President Hosni Mubarak 's three-decade regime looked to the events in Tunisia with hope. About 50 gathered outside the Tunisian Embassy in Cairo to celebrate with singing and dancing. They chanted, "Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is waiting for him, too!" Ben Ali's whereabouts were a mystery. "We don't know where he is," opposition leader Chebbi said. "The most probable thing is that he's left the country." Unconfirmed rumors about Ben Ali's location reached such a fevered pitch that the governments of France and Malta — just two of several countries where he was speculated to be heading — put out statements saying they have had no requests to accommodate him. One French official, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter, said the French government did not want Ben Ali there.

Ghannouchi is a 69-year-old economist who has been prime minister since 1999 and is among the best-known faces of Tunisia's government. He did not say anything about a coup or about the army being in charge. Ben Ali, 74, came to power in a bloodless palace coup in 1987. He took over from a man called formally President-for-Life — Habib Bourguiba, the founder of modern-day Tunisia who set the Muslim country on a pro-Western course after independence from France in 1956. Ben Ali removed Bourguiba from office for "incompetence," saying he had become too old, senile and sick to rule. Ben Ali promised then that his leadership would "open the horizons to a truly democratic and evolved political life." But after a brief period of reforms, Tunisia's political evolution stopped. Ben Ali consistently won elections with questionable tallies: In 2009, he was re-elected for a fifth five-year term with 89% of the vote — and that was the lowest official percentage of any of his victories. Before that vote, he had warned opponents they would face legal retaliation if they questioned the election's fairness.

U.S. diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks have called Tunisia a "police state" and described the corruption there, saying Ben Ali had lost touch with his people. Social networks like Facebook helped spread the comments to the delight of ordinary Tunisians, who have complained about the same issues for years. Under Ben Ali, most opposition parties were illegal. Amnesty International said authorities infiltrated human rights groups and harassed dissenters. Reporters Without Borders described Ben Ali as a "press predator" who controlled the media. There is little precedent in the Arab world for a ruler being ousted by street protests. In Sudan in 1985, a collapsing economy and other grievances sparked a popular uprising, although the government was eventually ousted by a military coup. The closest parallel in the broader Middle East comes from Iran — which is not an Arab nation — where mass demonstrations helped topple the shah and usher in the Islamic Republic in 1979. Tunisia's giant neighbor Algeria saw huge protests before it was shaken by a military coup in 1992, with a five-man leadership put in place after the army canceled the nation's first multiparty legislative elections, which a Muslim fundamentalist party was poised to win.

The party, the Islamic Salvation Front , became a vehicle for popular dissent. There were also massive demonstrations in Lebanon in 2005, dubbed the " Cedar Revolution ," but those were directed against Syrian influence in the country and not the Lebanese government per se. The protests led to the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon and the resignation of Lebanon's pro-Syrian prime minister and fresh elections. al-Qaeda's North African offshoot appeared to try to capitalize on the Tunisian unrest, offering its support for protesters this week. There has been no sign of Islamic extremist involvement in the rioting. Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed. Posted E-mail | Print | To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones . For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com . Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com . We've updated the Conversation Guidelines. Changes include a brief review of the moderation process and an explanation on how to use the "Report Abuse" button. Read more .

Tunisia's Ben Ali and Family Ran a 'Mafia State' Tunisia's Ben Ali and Family Ran a 'Mafia State' On 1/23/11 at 12:00 AM Alex Majoli / Magnum for Newsweek World At first, the family of Tunisia’s toppled president, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, refused to accept that their decades of profiteering and profligacy had come to an end. As rioting killed scores of people in Tunisia’s streets, Ben Ali’s daughter and her husband holed up in the luxury suites of the Castle Club at Disneyland Paris. Ben Ali’s wife, Leila Trabelsi, took her personal jet from Tunisia —her “shopping plane,” as protesters called it—and grabbed as much mad money as she could get her hands on. By some accounts, that included a ton and a half of gold from the nation’s central bank. Tunisia’s first family had such a reputation for ruthless extravagance that even after the bank denied the story, the street continued to believe it. A new rallying cry broke out: “Hang them all—but let’s get our gold back first!” Looters didn’t wait.

At one palatial villa after another, they carried away anything of value. Last week, only days after Ben Ali and his wife fled to exile in Saudi Arabia, their opulent homes and hideaways in Tunisia had been stripped bare. In living rooms and bedrooms with commanding views of the sun-flecked Mediterranean, shattered glass crunched underfoot. The incinerated carcasses of a Mercedes and an SUV blocked the road to the house of one of Trabelsi’s nephews. Men carrying machetes, claiming they were guards, laughed as they described piles of pornography that had been carted away. At the home of Leila’s sister Jalila, empty boxes from Swarovski, Chanel, and Prada littered the rooms. At another nephew’s villa, as a kind of monument to indolence, was an elevator that went up only one floor. In all of the houses, the smell of burned plastic hung in the air, mingled with the ammonia scent left by rioters who had urinated on the wreckage. Visions of transformation flashed across the region via cell phones, Twitter, Facebook, and satellite TV.

For a moment, at least, people in all corners of the stagnating Arab world dared to hope that the triumph of the Tunisian street might do for them what the fall of the Berlin Wall did for the people of the decaying Soviet empire. A poll of readers by the Arabic-language news site Elaph showed that 86 percent wanted the popular movement in Tunisia to spread beyond the country’s borders. Try Newsweek for only $1.25 per week But is Tunisia the first regime to fall, or is it only another false hope? “A lot of people in the Arab world have Tunisia envy right now,” says Fouad Ajami of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. They may have forgotten the similar burst of enthusiasm that swept the region in 2009, when millions of protesters took to Iran’s streets after the disputed presidential election there. That dream evaporated as soon as Tehran’s thugs crushed the uprising. Right now it’s impossible to predict with certainty where Tunisia is headed—whether toward more democracy, a new dictatorship, perhaps even an Islamist political revival in what has been the Arab world’s most militantly secular state. “There’s a delicate space between the autocrats and the theocrats,” says Ajami.

“The question is whether people will have Tunisia envy in a month.” The fall of Ben Ali has accomplished one thing nonetheless: it has exposed the corrupt common denominator of every regime in the Arab world. They are all, in effect, mafia states—entire nations run by families for their own benefit. Whether they call themselves republics or monarchies, whether they are allied to the United States or opposed to it, are on the list of states supporting terrorism or fighting it, have made peace with Israel or not, they are all family businesses. Whether they claim to be secular or follow Sharia or try to chart a course in between, their governance has less in common with the Magna Carta than it does with La Cosa Nostra. In lands where the building block of society is not the individual but clans and tribes, government has always tended to be a matter of someone else’s family telling your family what to do. But in this region, where at least half the population is now under the age of 30, is more educated than any previous generation, and is more frustrated than ever before, the traditional model just doesn’t deliver enough hope for the future.

The riots that brought down Ben Ali began when police seized a young fruit vendor’s cart, and he burned himself to death. He was scarcely alone in his sense of desperation: in only the past week, at least 10 other people have set themselves ablaze in Egypt, Algeria, and even Mauritania. Will that wave of self-immolations provoke new uprisings? “Revolutions are ‘inevitable’ only in hindsight,” cautions Ajami. As recently as a month ago, nobody would have predicted that Ben Ali would be first to fall. As Tunisia’s intelligence chief in the 1980s, Ben Ali built close ties to the CIA, and for decades Washington was happy to make excuses for him. In 1987 he staged a bloodless coup against the doddering president, Habib Bourguiba, who more than three decades earlier had become the father of modern Tunisia. Ben Ali cast himself as a bulwark against militant Islam, and after 9/11 became one of the Bush administration’s most reliable allies in the Global War on Terror. He also played by the economic rules of the International Monetary Fund, embraced globalization, and was rewarded with money and praise for his progressive policies.

Diplomats in Tunis told NEWSWEEK in 2003 that Tunisia was “a country that works”—a relatively benign regime where criticism of the leader might bring torture and jail, but probably not death. It was “a soft dictatorship,” the diplomats said, “more like Singapore or South Korea in the 1980s than like some other Arab countries today.” But all the while, Ben Ali and his wife, along with several members of her family, were living out the starring roles in a real-life gangster movie. Leila Trabelsi, like many another mob girlfriend, came from a humble background: one of 11 children of a Tunis fruit-and-nut peddler. A beautiful brunette, she was working as a hairdresser when she met Ben Ali, and before he became president (or even divorced his first wife, for that matter), she had borne him their first child. The stolid Ben Ali, who had developed quiet, deliberate, ruthless ways in the intelligence services, listened to only a handful of advisers, but Trabelsi’s voice grew in importance. “She was not as stupid as people thought,” says a senior Western diplomat in Tunis.

In recent years there was frequent speculation that Ben Ali, 74, was grooming the 53-year-old Trabelsi as his successor. Or perhaps that she was grooming herself. “The hairdresser would be monarch,” says Ajami. As her influence grew, so did that of her siblings and nephews, who shared little of Ben Ali’s sense of patriarchal discretion. In 2006, for instance, a $3 million luxury yacht called the Beru Ma disappeared off the coast of Corsica. A few weeks later, the vessel cruised into the Tunisian port of Sidi Bou Said with a fresh coat of paint and a new set of registration papers. The man reportedly behind the caper was Leila’s nephew Imed Trabelsi, whose stocky frame and slicked-back salt-and-pepper hair were worthy of a lieutenant in the Soprano family. Unfortunately for Imed, who had allegedly paid a Frenchman $100,000 to hijack the yacht, its rightful owner was Bruno Roger, the chairman of the investment bank Lazard Frères and a close friend of French President Nicolas Sarkozy.

The theft could have easily led to a diplomatic row, but the French, like the Americans, thought Ben Ali was a useful ally. They didn’t want to insult his family. The yacht was returned quickly but quietly. Imed and his brother Moez landed on an Interpol wanted list, nothing more. The episode was hardly the end of Imed’s storied career in the rackets. Ben Ali’s relatives controlled nearly every aspect of the Tunisian economy, from banks and car dealerships to real estate and grocery stores. “Often referred to as a quasi-mafia, an oblique mention of ‘the Family’ is enough to indicate which family you mean,” then–U.S. ambassador Robert Godec wrote in a 2008 cable that was recently published by WikiLeaks. “The Family” was in fact two families, and, just like the mafia, they divided their turf. The Ben Alis controlled the central coast region while the Trabelsis ran the Greater Tunis area. The family members, particularly the nouveau riche Trabelsis, cruised around Tunis in the latest-model Porsches and Benzes, built extravagant seaside mansions, and threw lavish parties.

Ambassador Godec wrote about a dinner with Ben Ali’s son-in-law Sakher al-Materi at a house decorated with ancient Roman columns and frescoes. Ice cream and frozen yogurt were flown in from St-Tropez for the dinner. And for amusement Materi had a pet tiger named Pasha he kept in a cage in the house. “Their home in Hammamet was impressive,” Godec wrote. “With the tiger adding to the impression of ‘over the top.’?” Even in this motley clan, the “yachtjacker” Imed stood out. He ordered suits from Italy and had a taste for expensive cigars and French wine. He often threw extravagant parties at his house or a restaurant called La Petite Etoile in the Tunis suburb of La Goulette, where he had himself made mayor, and he surrounded himself with foreign dignitaries, politicians, and artists. Last July, Imed organized a concert featuring Italian opera singer Giovanna Nocetti at Karraka, a 16th-century fortress. “He thinks he’s the Godfather,” says Ahmed, 30, an IT consultant who occasionally worked for Imed and asks that only his first name be used.

“He quoted from the movies all the time.” Imed’s favorite line was from The Godfather: Part III—“Never hate your enemies. It affects your judgment.” Imed is widely believed to have funded his extravagant lifestyle through a standard mob tactic: the shakedown. He had set up Noor, a charitable foundation that claimed to give medical aid to poor children, but according to a prominent businessman in La Goulette who asked not to be identified at this volatile moment, it was only a front to strong-arm wealthy entrepreneurs. “Groups of men would come around and say, ‘Imed sent us to collect cash for Noor,’?” says the businessman. “But the money was for Imed. In Arabic, Noor means ‘light,’ but this was very dark.” Along with his shady dealings, Imed also ran seemingly legit businesses. (Godec singled him out as one of the country’s most important “economic actors.”) One of his recent schemes was a plan to raze the old market in La Goulette to make way for a shopping mall, which upset many residents.

“Imed was a piece of s--t,” says the businessman, comparing him to Saddam Hussein’s viciously deranged sons, Uday and Qusay. “The worst.” Imed reportedly was stabbed to death at the Tunis airport on Jan. 14, as the Ben Ali regime collapsed, but no Tunisian officials have stepped forward to confirm the attack. Only the day before, secretary of State Hillary Clinton delivered an unusually impassioned speech in Qatar. “People have grown tired of corrupt institutions and a stagnant political order,” she said, calling special attention to a member of the audience “whose work on human rights and democracy in Tunisia I admire.” Then, with unusual vehemence, Clinton warned that “in too many places, in too many ways, the region’s foundations are sinking into the sand.” The Obama administration was never especially comfortable with the Tunisian dictator and his clan. Diplomatic traffic had been amassing evidence against them even before Obama came to office, and when Ben Ali had himself reelected for the fourth time in October 2009, with 89.6 percent of the vote, Obama was among the world leaders who pointedly failed to send a note of congratulations.

And when WikiLeaks released the Godec cables this past December, they didn’t say much about Ben Ali’s conduct that was news to Tunisians—but the tone of the traffic suggested that Washington wouldn’t be too sorry to see the last of him. Nevertheless, Obama had also made it clear from the start that he had no intention of taking on George W. Bush’s role as the apostle of democracy in the Arab world. Too many democratic experiments there—in the Palestinian territories, in Lebanon, in Iraq—had become too problematic. Now Tunisia is forcing him to confront the question. “This is a clarifying moment for the Obama presidency,” says Ajami, who was a friend and adviser to Bush. It may be no use for Washington to proselytize for democracy in the Arab countries, but passive acceptance of mafia states is not a long-term option either. Still, most of them are not going to change on their own. Can the United States make them offers they can’t refuse? The short answer is probably not. That’s something only their own people can do. But sometimes, as in Tunisia, the people can surprise us all.

With Mike Elkin in Tunis and Mandi Fahmy in Cairo WORLD - Ben Ali relatives held as new Tunisian cabinet meets WORLD Ben Ali relatives held as new Tunisian cabinet meets TUNIS, Tunisia – Agence France-Presse | 1/20/2011 12:00:00 AM | Authorities in Tunisia arrested 33 members of toppled dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's family and paraded a treasure trove of jewelry seized in raids on their homes on state television Thursday. Authorities in Tunisia arrested 33 members of toppled dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's family and paraded a treasure trove of jewelry seized in raids on their homes on state television Thursday. As the new-look government was preparing for its first meeting of the post-Ben Ali era, one-time allies of the ousted strongman tried to distance themselves from his rule, with the interim president vowing a "total break" with the past. And eight ministers in the new national unity cabinet who had up until now remained members of Ben Ali's disgraced Constitutional Democratic Rally resigned from the party, according to official sources.

The mass arrest of his relatives underscored how Ben Ali's influence has melted away the six days since he dramatically fled to Saudi Arabia, following weeks of riots in the north African nation. As it showed footage of luxury watches, jewelry and credit cards seized in a series of raids, public television said officials had opened an investigation against the former first family for plundering the nation's resources. The accusations include illegal property acquisitions and currency transfers while those targeted included Ben Ali, his wife Leila Trabelsi, her brothers and their children, according to an official source quoted by the broadcaster. Accusations of corruption and revelations of the Ben Ali family's lavish lifestyle helped fuel the anger of the protests against his 23-year rule which culminated in his toppling last Friday. Ahead of Thursday's inaugural meeting of the new cabinet, interim president Foued Mebazaa hailed "a revolution of dignity and liberty" and paid tribute to the "martyrs" who were shot dead in the attempt to keep a lid on the protests. Mebazaa said the government's top priority would be to draw up an amnesty law for the release of all political prisoners imprisoned under Ben Ali and he vowed to ensure media freedoms and an independent judiciary.

"Together we can write a new page in the history of our country," he said in a televised address on Wednesday night. The transition government has promised free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections within six months but has given no precise dates. Under the North African state's constitution, elections should be held in two months. Washington has urged Tunisia to move to a true democracy, and vowed to help. "The people of Tunisia have spoken. The interim government must create a genuine transition to democracy. The United States will help," State Department spokesman Philip Crowley wrote on the micrologging site Twitter. The main UGTT trade union - which played a decisive role in the anti-regime protests - has refused to recognize or take part in the new government. "We cannot take part in a government that includes symbols of the old regime," Abdessalem Jrad, secretary general of the union, told AFP earlier. The government moved on Wednesday to give legal status to three parties barred under the previous administration and freed a dissident journalist, Fahem Boukadous, sentenced to four years in prison last year for his work. The banned Islamist Ennahdha (Awakening) movement has said it will seek to acquire legal status as a political party to take part in the elections.

The authorities have shortened the curfew in place for several days, saying the security situation has improved. But a state of emergency banning public assemblies has remained in place and the army is still deployed in the capital. Schools and universities also remain closed. The tumultuous events in Tunisia have inspired dissidents across the Arab world and sparked protests in countries including Algeria, Jordan and Egypt. Tunisia: People Power Succeeds Without Western Backing | Common Dreams | Breaking News & Views for the Progressive Community Tunisia: People Power Succeeds Without Western Backing Published on Tunisia: People Power Succeeds Without Western Backing by Emad Mekay Demonstrators holds a placard reading 'Ben Ali assassin, France accomplice', during a demonstration in solidarity with Tunisia, in Marseille, southern France , Saturday, Jan. 15, 2011. Unrest engulfed Tunisia on Saturday after a popular rebellion forced the president to flee. (AP Photo/Claude Paris) CAIRO - These are scenes Western powers would have loved to see in Iran - thousands of young people braving live bullets and forcing an autocratic ruler out of the country.

But it is in the North African nation Tunisia where an uprising forced the Western-backed autocratic President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali to flee the country. Western powers remain incredulous. France, the real power broker in the Franco North African nation, was giving Ben Ali tacit support until an hour before he fled Friday. The French Foreign Ministry said it "backs" the measures announced by Ben Ali by way of overtures to the protestors, but asked for more freedoms. In effect France ignored the movement's demand for Ben Ali to go, and addressed Ben Ali as the legitimate leader. The United States was clearly far more busy with the collapse of the government in Lebanon, a country critical to the main U.S. ally in the region, Israel, after the Lebanese opposition withdrew their minister from the coalition government. Most of the reaction from other Western powers has been that they are "concerned" about the events and that they want their citizens there pulled out, and others warned against travel to Tunisia. To date, at least 100 people have been killed, hundreds injured and millions of dollars in losses reported. Ben Ali ruled the country since 1987.

Like many other Western-backed Arab rulers, he ruled with an iron fist, leading to massive human rights abuses, widespread corruption and lack of democracy. When a young street hawker named Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in mid-December to protest unemployment and corruption in the central town Sidi Buzeid, Western capitals didn't react. Ben Ali, it was assumed, was sure to crush the protests that followed in no time. Looking his confident self, Ben Ali initially refused almost all of the demands of the protesters in the town and its neighboring cities. But the protests continued unabated across most of Tunisia. On Thursday night, Ben Ali stood shaken as he talked to his people through TV cameras. Appealing for "understanding" from the people he ruled for more than 23 years and asking for a new page, he promised to end orders to shoot at demonstrators. It did not stop people. Thousands marched Friday afternoon to the interior ministry, the symbol of decades-long brutality. "We want bread, and water and no Ben Ali", hand-written signs said, as seen in videos leaked online by activists during the protests.

The aerial views in Tunisia on Friday were reminiscent of Iran of 1979, when thousands marched to topple another Western-supported dictator, the Shah of Iran, and at a much faster pace. Now Western powers led by the United States have invested millions of dollars in both covert and overt operations to bring the assertive, and occasionally anti-Western regime in Iran to its knees, and bring "regime change". Western powers would have like people power to succeed in Iran rather than Tunisia. The last strong people movement in Iran was the Green Movement against the disputed presidential elections in 2009. But the movement could not topple the regime. People in Tunisia had no such support from the West. Internet bloggers had hoped someone would come to their aid. Blogger Sami Ben Gharbia wrote: "Sidi Bouzid discredited The West. U want regime change in Iran and not in #Tunisa? Well, we will democratize to #tunisia 1st, by ourselves!" Fortunately for the protesters, the West cannot take credit for the revolution that forced concessions from Ben Ali almost on an hourly basis towards the end, and then threw him out. Last week, President Ben Ali fired three members of his cabinet.

On Wednesday, he called in the army to protect the capital city and important government buildings. On Thursday, he fired top aides including the interior minister who had ordered the shoot-to-kill policy during the protests; a policy that initially led to the death of at least 60 people. In his last attempts to hang on to power, Ben Ali ordered a night curfew. But online videos continued to show clashes with the police on Friday and scenes of widespread protests. Mega-stores with French-sounding names were shut down. Many streets were deserted and shopping areas visibly empty. Only police forces in riot gear and angry demonstrators, most of them young people, were to be seen. On Friday afternoon, Ben Ali dissolved the cabinet and parliament, and ordered early elections within six months. A couple of hours later, he imposed emergency law in the country. But another two hours later, Arab TV stations reported he had fled the country.

© 2011 Inter Press Service Tunisians go to the polls still in the shadow of the old regime | World news | The Guardian The Observer Tunisians go to the polls still in the shadow of the old regime Hope for the first elections of the Arab spring is mingled with frustration at continuing corruption and police brutality Saturday 22 October 2011 12.05 EDT First published on Saturday 22 October 2011 12.05 EDT Share on Messenger Close Tunisia votes on Sunday in its first ever free elections, the first vote of the Arab spring. But the mood of optimism is tempered with deep unease that, nine months after the revolution which ousted the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, the country is still dominated by the corrupt and brutal vestiges of the old regime. Voting is to elect an assembly with one specific mission: to draw up a new constitution before parliamentary elections scheduled to take place within 12 months. The Islamist party An-Nadha, which was outlawed and brutally repressed by the Ben Ali regime, is expected to take the biggest share of the vote, and says it will defend democracy and women's rights.

But the complex proportional representation system means that, no matter how the votes are cast, no one party will have a majority or be able to dominate. On the street Tunisians, fiercely proud that their uprising launched the Arab spring, warned that the most pressing issue was safeguarding their "unfinished revolution." Lawyers complain that police brutality and torture continues in the small north African country, which under Ben Ali was notorious as having the most pervasive secret police in the region. Human rights activists say Ben Ali's cronies and former party sympathisers still dominate a crooked justice system, that corruption has worsened, and that notorious servants of the old regime have even been promoted since the revolution. Some describe a climate of impunity, symbolized by Ben Ali's flight to Saudi Arabia, where he can avoid facing trail for his crimes. Meanwhile, in Tunisia, his influence continues to pervade officialdom and the workings of the state. "We are overwhelmed with cases of human rights abuses. You wouldn't believe there had been a revolution," said Imene Triki, a human rights activist. "Torture is the way things are done, it's systematic. They have not changed their practices at all," she said, warning of "countless" cases in police stations and prisons.

She described: the "systematic and routine" arrests of bloggers and activists on fabricated charges, often of "burning police stations"; arrests of people labelled "Salafists" who were out of the country at the time their alleged crimes were committed; and the arrests of children. Triki described one case, of an alleged robber who was transferred to hospital from prison with a stomach complaint. While in hospital, she claims, he was brutally beaten and sexually assaulted in front of the doctors, nurses and other patients. Triki says she found him with his legs chained to the bed and severe injuries to his genitals and that in the same hospital she found another prisoner lying in the emergency ward, his body festering with worms and covered in excrement. He had, she says, been there for a month. Ahmed Rahmouni, head of the Association of Tunisian Magistrates, described a rotten justice system - still in place – in which judges were used by Ben Ali as a "tool of repression" to crack down on civil society. Although some judges were independent, he said, the overwhelming system remained in thrall to politicians and dominated by those who served Ben Ali. These judges continue to try cases.

"The country's top judges are corrupt, inefficient and an instrument of dictatorship. We need to get rid of them, and restore trust in the judiciary," he said. Sihem Bensedrine, a human rights activist and head of Kalima radio station, has returned from exile but has still not been issued with a licence for her radio station, which broadcasts online. She said: "The revolution cut off the head, but the body is still there. Dictatorships aren't just about security per se - they are also about the security forces controlling the media, culture, health care, universities, hospitals. You need to dismantle the whole machine. There are three elements: the secret police, the old guard of the former ruling party and the businessmen corrupted by working with the regime. These three are still powerful, they still have long arms." After nine months of discredited and weak interim governments featuring ageing faces from Tunisia's recent past, Tunisians insist that the old guard must be rooted out of officialdom and daily life, and that this must be coupled with quick answers to the country's major problem, unemployment, a central cause of the revolution. Officially at 19%, unemployment has soared since January, but most believe the real figures are far higher.

The jobless rate for graduate women is over 40%. In the poorer interior of the country the figures are double the national rate. Lina Ben Mhenni, a blogger who was nominated for this year's Nobel peace prize, warned that Tunisia was being held back by the old regime and "after a few weeks of revolutionary euphoria" the country once again risked turning into a police state with the regime's apparatus still in place. Disillusioned at the ongoing presence of the old regime, she said she wouldn't vote. In purely political terms, Ben Ali's ruling RCD party has been dissolved and its figureheads are forbidden from standing for election. But in a bewildering political landscape of over 110 new parties and scores of independent candidates, several small, marginal new parties have regrouped supporters from the old RCD. They aim to win over a dozen seats between them. In the offices of one new party, Al-Watan, the Nation or Homeland, its leader Mohamed Jegham said there was a prevailing current in Tunisia since the revolution "and we can't go against the current".

But Jegham, a one-time interior minister and defence minister of Ben Ali, said he was proud of what he called the good state infrastructure left behind by the Ben Ali era and said the country "needs people who know the terrain". He was critical of the removal of regional governors linked to the regime. Formerly minister in charge of police, he said: "The police needs to go back to being in the service of the country, of the nation, and not just in the service of the president or ministers. Not all officers can do that. There will be change - some have left, some are more reticent - the majority can do it." He said corruption must be stopped but that it would not be easy. "We need new laws and for those to be respected." Saida Lakrimi, of the Tunisian lawyers union, said: "We are in a transitional period, but the pace is very, very slow.

Changes to institutions need to happen more quickly to cleanse the system … Popular discontent will fester if those who robbed and killed and tortured are not tried in a fair and transparent way … You can't create the future using the tools of the past." Journalists' organisations complained that even the media, which was so tightly censored under Ben Ali that even the airbrushed photographs of the great man were chosen and provided by his office, was yet to be overhauled. Kamel Labiti, head of the commission for media reform, said the media landscape had not changed. Media owners still had connections in the administration, and undue influence. "We have a culture of praising the king. You can't change that in a few months," he said, also citing a lack of training for journalists. He said that "for decades journalists have effectively been civil servants." Najiba Hamrouni of the journalists union said: "Since the revolution we have greater freedom in terms of what we can cover in the mainstream press, who we can interview and so on. However, the problem is that the main media organisations are controlled and run by the same Ben Ali men, and they are censoring their journalists. Managers dictate editorial policy.

Some people and issues are marginalised." New press titles have launched but many have folded through lack of funds. On the streets of central Tunis, most people were optimistic that the elections could mark the beginning of the end of the unfinished revolution. But people were vigilant. Many vowed that if they sensed anything but total transparency and fair elections, they would once again take to the street. Rhamouni said he saw a new "dynamism and plurality in Tunisian society", which gave him hope. "Tunisian people believe they started the first revolution in the Arab world. They won't accept the manipulation of their will. It is not just the elite who are talking about the need to cleanse the judiciary, but ordinary people.

There is an unprecedented state of awareness in the country." Topics Moderate Islamist party An-Nahda tipped for victory in Tunisia's first free elections nine months after people's revolution Published: 24 Oct 2011 People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government Published: 23 Oct 2011 People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join Tunisia's new 217-seat government Published: 24 Oct 2011 The first elections since the Arab spring take place on Sunday with a wide range of parties involved Published: 19 Oct 2011 Tunisian police fire tear gas at film protesters Tunisian police fire tear gas at film protesters BOUAZZA BEN BOUAZZA - Associated Press Share View photos Radical Islam demonstrators leave as police use tear gas during a demonstration in Tunis, Friday, Oct. 14, 2011. Tunisia overthrew its long ruling leader President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January after a month-long popular uprising that inspired similar movements across the region.

Nine months filled with new demonstrations, unrest and uncertainty have culminated in the beginning of the campaign for elections on Oct. 23. (AP Photo/Hassene Dridi) More TUNIS, Tunisia (AP) — Tunisian police used tear gas Friday to disperse thousands in the capital in the latest protest over the airing of "Persepolis," an animated film that Islamists have called blasphemous. The demonstrations are ratching up before Tunisia's landmark Oct. 23 election for a constitutional body that will determine the future of this North African nation that overthrew its longtime dictator in January. Worshippers poured out of al-Fatah mosque in downtown Tunis and began protesting after the imam preached against "Persepolis," calling it a "serious attack on the religious beliefs of Muslims." Marjane Satrapi's award-winning adaptation of her graphic novels about growing up during Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution contains a scene showing a character representing God. Depictions of God are considered sacrilege in Islam. The film won the jury prize at the 2007 Cannes Film Festival. The preacher in Tunis questioned the timing of the broadcast by a private TV station during such a sensitive period before the election.

Police stopped the marchers with tear gas Friday as they headed toward the Nessma TV station. Station chief Nabil Karoui has since apologized for airing the film earlier this week, calling it a "mistake." There have been other protests against the TV station in the cities of Sousse, Monastir, Sidi Bouzid and Beja. Police arrested 50 demonstrators in Tunis on Sunday after they tried to attack the station. There have been a rise in attacks against perceived symbols of secularism by hardcore Muslims in Tunisia ahead of the elections. Once suppressed by the former regime, conservative Muslims are increasingly making themselves heard in the country's politics. Since the government was overthrown in January, Tunisia has been filled with unrest and demonstrations as well as the rise of a new ultraconservative group of Muslims that had kept a low profile under the largely secular regime of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Salafists, as the conservatives are known, attacked a movie theater in June that was showing a film they deemed insulting to Islam and last week there were attacks on university that refused to enroll a student wearing the conservative Islamic face veil.

The front-runner in the election is expected to be the Ennahda Party, a moderate Islamist movement that had been severely repressed under the previous regime. Reblog Tunisia PM Essid holds emergency meeting over unrest | Latest News & Updates at Daily News & Analysis Tunisia PM Essid holds emergency meeting over unrest Habib Essid (Reuters) Shares6 Sat, 23 Jan 2016-06:12pm , Tunis , PTI Five years after the overthrow of longtime dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, street demonstrations against unemployment and poverty have again shaken the North African nation. Tunisia's Prime Minister Habib Essid held an emergency cabinet meeting on Saturday, after authorities declared a nighttime curfew nationwide following the worst outbreak of social unrest since the 2011 revolution. Essid met his defence and interior ministers before the cabinet session, as journalists reported relative calm in towns rocked by clashes between protesters and police in recent days. "Security-wise, it has started to stabilise," interior ministry spokesman Walid Louguini told AFP, echoing Essid's comments yesterday that the situation had been brought "under control".

Five years after the overthrow of longtime dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, street demonstrations against unemployment and poverty have again shaken the North African nation. In a televised address to the nation yesterday, President Beji Caid Essebsi expressed understanding for the frustrations vented in impoverished regions of central Tunisia. But he warned against "ill-intentioned hands" exploiting the legitimate grievances of demonstrators. Anger erupted over the death on January 16 of Ridha Yahyaoui, a 28-year-old unemployed man who was electrocuted when he climbed a power pole while protesting in the central town of Kasserine. The unrest spread around the country, including to Tunis where shops were burnt and looted in one suburb, prompting the interior ministry yesterday to impose a 8:00 PM to 5:00 AM (local time) curfew. Calm returned to Kasserine this morning after a day of clashes. In the nearby town of Sidi Bouzid - the cradle of the 2011 uprising - teenagers set fire to tyres but the situation was relatively calm, a journalist said.

Authorities arrested 261 people over the unrest and 84 for violating the curfew yesterday, the interior ministry said. France on Friday pledged one billion euros (US $1.1 billion) in development aid to Tunisia over the next five years, after Essid held talks with French President Francois Hollande. While Tunisia is considered a rare success story of the Arab Spring uprisings, the authorities have failed to resolve the problems of social exclusion and regional inequalities. Tunisia also faces jihadist violence that has devastated its vital tourism industry. TOP The Arab Spring: A Year Of Revolution : NPR Tunisians protest outside the gates to the French Embassy in Tunis. Arab Spring began in Tunisia when a fruit vendor set himself on fire in protest in front of a government building. Fethi Belaid /AFP/Getty Images hide caption toggle caption Fethi Belaid /AFP/Getty Images Tunisians protest outside the gates to the French Embassy in Tunis. Arab Spring began in Tunisia when a fruit vendor set himself on fire in protest in front of a government building.

Fethi Belaid /AFP/Getty Images A year ago, 26-year-old Mohamed Bouazizi was getting ready to sell fruits and vegetables in the rural town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. Bouazizi was the breadwinner for his widowed mother and six siblings, but he didn't have a permit to sell the goods. When the police asked Bouazizi to hand over his wooden cart, he refused and a policewoman allegedly slapped him. Angered after being publicly humiliated, Bouazizi marched in front of a government building and set himself on fire. His act of desperation resonated immediately with others in the town. Protests began that day in Sidi Bouzid, captured by cellphone cameras and shared on the Internet. Within days, protests started popping up across the country, calling upon President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his regime to step down. About a month later, he fled. The momentum in Tunisia set off uprisings across the Middle East that became known as the Arab Spring. A year after the young Tunisian became a martyr, where does the Arab world stand on demands for democracy? Article continues after sponsorship Mixed Success In Egypt Along with Tunisia, Egypt has been viewed as a victory.

Esraa Abdel Fattah, an Egyptian democracy activist known as "Facebook Girl" for her social media savvy, fought for a new Egypt. She was also an organizer for the major protest in Tahrir Square on Jan. 25. An Egyptian anti-government protester holds a defaced poster of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, with the words "Mubarak, get out" written above, during a demonstration in Cairo in January. Ben Curtis/AP hide caption toggle caption Ben Curtis/AP An Egyptian anti-government protester holds a defaced poster of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, with the words "Mubarak, get out" written above, during a demonstration in Cairo in January. Ben Curtis/AP When President Honsi Mubarak stepped down, it was thought that Egypt had completed its revolution. But now, as Egypt starts its first round of "free and fair elections," Fattah tells weekends on All Things Considered host Guy Raz that she isn't so sure the work is over. "Always I am optimistic for the future of Egypt, but now I have some worry," she says.

"I think maybe the result of the revolution will take longer than I expected." Fattah says Egypt is already having major setbacks during this period of transition. And despite Mubarak stepping down, she says, the country is still in the "Mubarak regime" and life is not better than it was a year ago. Egypt's Next Steps Fattah is among those who say the real transition in Egypt will happen when a civilian leader is elected. The recent elections, however, put the Muslim Brotherhood ahead , which perhaps is not exactly what secular activists had in mind. Shadi Hamid, director of research for the Brookings Institute in Doha, says he doesn't see ascendants of Islamist groups as a pitfall for the Middle East. "None of this should be surprising," he tells Raz. "Islamists are popular, they're well organized. It was inevitable that they were going to win and dominate in these elections." The Arab Spring Tunisia: Government overthrown on Jan. 14, 2011. President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali flees into exhile. Elections for a Consituent Assembly held on Oct. 23, 2011. Egypt: Government overthrown on Feb.

11, 2011. President Hosni Mubarak steps down, faces charges of killing unarmed protesters. Elections held on Nov. 28, 2011. Protests continue in Tahrir Square. Libya: Anti-government protests begin on Feb. 15, 2011, leading to civil war between opposition forces and Moammar Gadhafi loyalists. Tripoli was captured and the government overthrown on Aug. 23. Gadhafi was killed by transition forces on Oct. 20. Syria: Protests for political reforms have been ongoing since Jan. 26, 2011 with continuing clashes between the Syrian army and protesters. On one day in July, 136 people were killed when Syrian army tanks stormed several cities. Yemen: Ongoing protests since Feb. 3, 2011. President Ali Abdullah Saleh is injured in an attack on June 4. On Nov. 23, he signs a power-transfer agreement ending his 33-year reign. Other nations: Protests and uprisings related to the Arab Spring also took place in other countries as well, including: Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco and Oman.

He says the Arab world is a religiously conservative place and people generally want to see Islam playing an important role in public life. "They're a reality on the ground and the people have voted them in," he says. "America has to learn to live with political Islam." Hamid says the U.S. should engage with the Islamist groups to understand them and learn how to work together. The sense in the region, he says, is that the Obama administration has been "on the wrong side of history." Waiting until the last moments to take action and show support for the aspirations of the people is troubling, he says. "I think in times of historical ferment like these you need strong, bold [and] decisive leadership," he says. In the year since the beginning of the Arab Spring, leaders have been ousted in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. At the start, it would have been hard to imagine how much the movement would spread throughout the region, Hamid says, but it certainly can't be said that it came out of nowhere. The revolution had been building up for decades in Egypt, he says.

"I think there was a loss of faith in working within the system, and that's when people began to think more and more about civil disobedience, mass protests [and] going out in to the streets," he says. "When your political process fails you, there's really only one option left." A Continuing Battle If storming the streets is the only plan the activists had, then they were at a disadvantage from day one, says Raghida Dergham, a columnist and senior diplomatic correspondent for Al-Hayat, one of the leading daily pan-Arab newspapers. Dergham believes the youth activists where hijacked by longer established Islamist groups. "When the youths went to Tahrir Square and other places they wanted a modernist future," Dergham says. "Suddenly they were encroached upon by the very well-organized and well-experienced Islamist parties ... and they won the day." Dergham says people should not prematurely celebrate what is being called "moderate Islam." As long as there is no separation between religion and the state, she says, there will be a huge price to be paid by much of the population in the Arab region — particularly women.

The bottom line, she says, is that the men in power will have the authority to interpret the laws set in sharia, or Islamic law. "They have the right, in that case, to say what the laws are," she says. "If there [were] any guarantees that there will be a civil constitution that would rule any country where Islamists win the day in elections ... no problem. But I'm afraid that we do not have any such guarantees." In a recent column, Dergham wrote that the "Arab Awakening will end in the Slumber of Dark Ages" if Arab women fail to take the initiative. She says they should stand up to the Islamists now for the rights of women in the new Arab world. "These women fought with these young men to bring the change," she says. "They should not be sidelined." Watching the Arab Spring during the past year, Dergham says, she often feels like she's on a seesaw. One moment she is exhilarated and proud of what has taken place and other times she'll find herself questioning what has been done. "I am really not clear yet, but I still want to bet on the good day that will be coming after the turbulent times that we are witnessing now," she says.

Question: Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was the ruthless dictator of which African nation for 23 years, before its 2011 uprising?
Answer: Tunisia