BBC - Religions - Shinto: Shinto history Shinto history Last updated 2009-10-30 This article explores the part Shinto has played in Japanese life and culture throughout the country's history, and its shared its spiritual, cultural, and political roles with Buddhism and Confucianism. On this page Introduction Shinto history Shinto has been a major part of Japanese life and culture throughout the country's history, but for the greater part of that history Shinto has shared its spiritual, cultural, and political roles with Buddhism and Confucianism. Periods of Shinto history Before the arrival of Buddhism Tosho Gu shrine, Nikko During this period there was no formal Shinto religion, but many local cults that are nowadays grouped under the name Shinto. Like many prehistoric people, the first inhabitants of Japan were probably animists; devoted to the spirits of nature. In their case these were the Kami that were found in plants and animals, mountains and seas, storms and earthquakes, sand and all significant natural phenomena.

The early Japanese developed rituals and stories which enabled them to make sense of their universe, by creating a spiritual and cultural world that gave them historical roots, and a way of seeming to take control of their lives, in what would otherwise have been a fearful and puzzling landscape. Other cults that are grouped together into Shinto probably arrived in Japan from Korea with the Korean tribes which invaded Japan in late prehistoric times. These religions were highly localised, and not organised into a single faith. Nor were they seen as a single religion; the realms of Earth and the supernatural were so closely integrated in the world-view of the early Japanese that the things that modern people regard as a faith were seen in those times as just another part of the natural world, albeit a part of enormous power. Shinto and Buddhism Shinto and Buddhism together From the 6th century CE the beliefs that are now known as Shinto were greatly altered by the addition of other ingredients. Shintoisms were the only religions in Japan until the arrival of Buddhism in the 6th century CE. From then on Shinto faiths and traditions took on Buddhist elements, and later, Confucian ones.

Some Shinto shrines became Buddhist temples, existed within Buddhist temples, or had Buddhist priests in charge. Buddhist temples were built, and Buddhist ideas were explored. The ruling aristocracy saw advantages in harnessing Shinto, Confucianism and Buddhism together to guide the people of Japan. At the same period, government took a role in religion with the establishment of the 'Department for the Affairs of the Deities'. Shinto had a disadvantage compared to Buddhism and Confucianism in its lack of complex intellectual doctrines. This meant that the development of Japanese theology and philosophy inevitably drew on the comparative intellectual richness of Buddhism and Confucianism. The Seven Lucky Gods, depicted here by Hokusai (1760-1849), are a mixed bunch, sharing influence with Buddhism and Hinduism among other traditions. © Buddhism began to expand significantly, and was given a role in supporting the growing influence of central government. The idea was put forward that humans should follow the will of the gods in political life. The rule of the state was referred to as matsurigoto, a word very close to that for religious ritual - matsuri - that was used to refer to both government and worship.

The Emperor and the court had very clear religious obligations, ceremonies that had to be carried out meticulously to make sure that the kami looked after Japan and its people. These ceremonies (which soon included as many Buddhist and Confucian elements as they did Shinto) became part of the administrative calendar of the Japanese government. This court liturgical calendar continued to play a major part in Japanese government until virtually the present day. As time went on, the Japanese became more and more accustomed to including both the kami and Buddhist ideas in their spiritual lives. Philosophers put forward the idea that the kami were "transformations of the Buddha manifested in Japan to save all sentient beings". During the 7th and 8th centuries the spiritual status of the emperor as the descendant of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu became official doctrine, and was buttressed by rituals and the establishment of the Ise shrines as the shrines of the divine imperial family. Over the next few centuries the Buddhist influence in government grew steadily stronger, despite the DÕkyÕ affair in the middle of the 8th century.

Between the 11th and 15th centuries Japanese government was in the hands of three interdependent power blocs: the court, the aristocracy, and the religious establishments, although there is some debate as to whether the various religious groups were ever able to present a united front, or whether they ever had as much political muscle as the other two blocs. The 16th century was a time of conflict in Japan, but religious establishments continued to play a part in the administration of the various territories of the country. Religion became something of a hot potato when missionaries arrived in Japan during this period and started converting people from Shinto and Buddhism. Christianity was seen as a political threat and was ruthlessly stamped out. The 17th century was dominated by Buddhism - but a Buddhism heavily laden with Shinto - partly because an anti-Christian measure forced every Japanese person to register at a Buddhist temple and to pay for the privilege of being a Buddhist. The Daibutsuden, the Great Buddha Hall at the Todai-ji Temple in Nara.

(The hall houses the Daibutsu or Great Buddha, the largest cast bronze sculpture in the world.) Japanese civic religion still included very many elements of Confucianism in its political and administrative thinking, while popular Japanese religion was a pragmatic fusion of Shinto rituals and myths with a hefty dose of Buddhism. Buddhist temples came under the control of the state, and the training of priests and the management of temples and the hierarchy was effectively state supervised. In the two centuries before the Meiji period there was a movement towards a purer form of Shinto, with a particular focus on the Japanese people as being the descendants of the Gods and superior to other races. Buddhist and other influences were filtered out of institutions and rituals. This was not so much a purification of something that had once existed, as the creation of a unified faith from a group of many ideas, beliefs and rituals. During this period Shinto acquired a stronger intellectual tradition than it previously had. This change was evolutionary, as had been previous changes in the nature of Japanese religion.

The Meiji reinterpretation of Shinto Meiji period painting of Izanagi and Izanami creating Japan, by Kobayashi Eitaku c.1885 © The Meiji Restoration in 1868 brought a sudden change in the religious climate of Japan. The aim was to provide a sacred foundation and a religious rationale for the new Japan and its national ethos, and to support the system of central administration. Shinto was reorganised, completely separated from Buddhism, and brought within the structure of the state administration. Amaterasu, who until then had not been a major divinity, was brought to centre stage and used to validate the role of the Emperor, not only as ruler, but as the high priest of Shinto. Shinto became the official state religion of Japan, and many shrines were supported by state funding. However, this financial aid was short-lived, and by the 1890s most Shinto shrines were once again supported by those who worshipped at them. One result of this reformation was that it was no longer acceptable for kami to be identified with Buddhist deities, and a considerable reorganisation of the Japanese pantheon of spirit beings had to take place.

Shrines were cleaned of every trace of Buddhist imagery, apparatus, and ritual, and Buddhist deities lost their godly status. Buddhist priests were stripped of their status, and new Shinto priests were often appointed to shrines with a tacit mission to purify them. Once again, this zeal for the reformation and purifying of Shinto did not last, and within a few years shrines were cautiously re-incorporating elements from Buddhism or tribal tradition. Meiji period painting of Jimmu, the first Emperor, by Tsukioka Yoshitoshi c. 1876-1882 © Shinto was enthusiastically promoted by Japan's militaristic rulers, who stressed that the emperor was a divine being, directly descended from the gods who had given birth to the Japanese islands. Shinto became the glue that bound the Japanese people together with a powerful mix of devotion to kami, ancestor-worship, and group loyalty to family and nation. Shinto's 'non-religious' period It was during this period that Shinto was declared 'non-religious'.

Traditional historians say (rather cynically) that this was done to avoid any conflict between the imposition of Shinto by the Japanese state and the Japanese constitution's guarantee of religious freedom. In fact it was more subtle than that - Shinto was regarded as inseparable from the 'Imperial Way' and inseparable from the fundamental ethical and social code of Japan. This made Shinto so superior to other religions (which, although of enormous value, were created by human beings) that it counted as non-religious. In his criticism of popular conceptions of Shinto, historian Kuroda Toshio explains that it has come to be regarded as "the cultural will or energy of the Japanese people, embodied in conventions that precede or transcend religion". Shinto after WWII Shinto after World War II Shinto was disestablished in 1946, when the Emperor lost his divine status as part of the Allied reformation of Japan. The Emperor wrote: The ties between Us and Our people have always stood on mutual trust and affection. They do not depend upon mere legends and myths. They are not predicated on the false conception that the Emperor is divine, and that the Japanese people are superior to other races and fated to rule the world.

from the Imperial rescript, January 1, 1946 Shrine One academic has written that the American Occupation Forces "undoubtedly wished to crush and destroy Shinto", and certainly the orders issued by the occupying forces were very hostile to Shinto which they seem to have regarded as either a government-run cult, or a religion that had been converted into a military and nationalist ideology. Japan's post-war constitution separates religion and state in article 20: 1) Freedom of religion is guaranteed to all. No religious organization shall receive any privileges from the State, nor exercise any political authority. 2) No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious acts, celebration, rite or practice. 3) The State and its organs shall refrain from religious education or any other religious activity. Constitution article 20 Despite the loss of official status Shinto still remains a very significant player in Japanese spirituality and everyday life. And despite the non-divine status of the Emperor, considerable religious ritual and mysticism still surrounds many Imperial ceremonies.

A View of Religion in Japan: Articles: Multimedia: Japan Society A View of Religion in Japan A View of Religion in Japan by John McQuaid U.S.-Japan Foundation Media Fellows Program 2000-2001 A visitor in Japan for even a short time feels caught in a tug of war between crisis and complacency. The list of crises is familiar: Economic instability is eroding Japan’s hard-won wealth and threatening the entire global marketplace. The old political system has grown brittle to the point of cracking, spawning widespread cynicism. Globalization has raised material expectations, but eroded traditions that people relied upon to give them a sense of identity and purpose. Young people are the heirs to all these problems, and everyone over 30 ritually laments their lack of direction and their taste in hair color. Every week, it seems, the media report the latest atrocious youth crime, which is then invoked as a symptom of the national malaise. But stroll around in any Japanese city or chat with people in the street, and there’s at best a fitful sense of urgency about all this; people seem generally well-fed and content. Shoppers jam malls, construction sites buzz and, of course, trains run on time.

So it is with religion too. The changes of the last decade have ratcheted up unsustainable stresses on religious institutions that their members don’t seem willing or able to address. Religious worship no longer provides the sense of community it once did. Politics and the Internet are scrambling the role of spirituality in Japanese life. Religions have not kept pace with people’s problems or expectations. The "old religions" are increasingly marginal in the lives of most people. Many are overseen by insular priesthoods preoccupied with making money and passing it on to the next generation. "New Religions" that prospered in the postwar period have hit a slump. And many "New New Religions" are viewed with suspicion, as potential Aum Shinrikyos. "Japan is becoming more and more secularized, and young people are interested in survival and earthly values. … they need their friends, not support from institutions. I believe the influence of organized religions is likely to continue to decline," said Yoshiya Abe, the president of Kokugakuin University in Tokyo. The religious scene, always complex, has become a pastiche of contradictions.

This is a summary from a recent report on world religions: "Traditional Buddhism represents 55 percent of the population, compared with 80 percent in 1900. New religions that are sects of or schisms, from Buddhism and Shintoism have grown since 1945. The biggest: Soka Gakkai (Value Creation). 'State Shinto' was once a national cult that all citizens belonged to, but today most attending Shinto shrines are Buddhists, and there are more Christians (3.6 percent of the population) than Shintoists. Half of Japanese homes have a Bible. Government religious statistics, based on family heritage, claim 85 percent of the population is religious, but polls show two-thirds profess no religion." There are two big forces at work here. One is the well-known flexibility Japanese display toward religious faith – a more pragmatic, less absolutistic notion of faith than you find in the West and especially the United States. The other is the legacy of the last 50 years. For hundreds of years, Japanese lived under systems that fused politics, power, and religion.

Now they live in an American-style system in which church and state are formally separated – and no one is quite sure what religious freedom, with its Western idea of individual choice, really means. Toshimaro Ama, a former journalist who now teaches at Meiji Gakuin University and wrote a book called "Why the Japanese Consider Themselves Irreligious," traces the problem to the Meiji Restoration. When Meiji rulers elevated Shinto at the expense of Buddhism and associated it with the emperor worship, he said, the result was the political corruption of traditional spirituality. "Japanese would turn to Shintoism for specific things, but they looked for salvation in Buddhism," Ama said. "So without Buddhism there was a decline in religious sentiment…Meiji policy created a spiritual void. People no longer tried to seek this transcendent, universal state. This situation endures to this day." The latter-day result of this, he said, is that there was nowhere to turn after World War II. The emperor system was officially discredited, and traditional forms of worship were antiquated, out of tune with the modern world. "The Japanese people still have not found the answer to the question – what is true religious freedom, independent of the state," he said.

To narrow this complex topic, I looked at some old and new forms of Japanese Buddhism and their followers’ attempts to cultivate an ancient tradition in shifting circumstances. Buddhism has proved very adaptable through its long history, judging by the varied forms of it found around the world. But some Japanese Buddhist sects are inspiring more interest abroad than at home. Zen Buddhism, for example, is everywhere in Japanese culture, and its fusion of philosophy, spirituality, esthetics and temporal power is one of the world’s great cultural achievements. At Ryoan-ji and other Zen temples in Kyoto, starkly plain elements – wood, stone, tile, trees, grass – are arranged with great economy and beauty. The gardens and buildings are also an enigmatic and playful form of abstract art that still reaches out tweaks visitors hundreds of years after its conception. At Eihei-ji, the head monastery of the Soto Zen sect, the monks aim to faithfully recreate the practices of founder Dogen, who lived 800 years ago and espoused a philosophy of single-minded concentration in all activities. Even the smallest and most mundane tasks are treated as an opportunity for enlightenment.

Practice is obsessively fine-tuned, from the choreographed formal meals to the procedure for climbing onto the cushion for meditation. For someone who had seen many Western knockoffs of Japanese Zen centers, these places were a powerful affirmation of the strength and roots of the tradition. But they were also essentially living museums; it felt like nothing much had changed in the past couple of centuries. Today, Zen is neither popular or influential in Japan. But it is steadily growing in popularity in the West. That has created new tensions – between past and present, East and West – and a kind of koan for Japanese and foreign Zen practitioners alike. What happens when a traditional religion, tempered by one culture, crosses boundaries and takes hold somewhere else? Is there some characteristically "Japanese" quality to Japanese Buddhism, especially Zen, that’s inseparable from the more universal philosophy it espouses, something that would be lost crossing an international boundary? What are the conflicts between preservation of exquisite cultural forms, the hunger for something new and the pressure to evolve? And if Zen must evolve, as everyone says it must, what will it look and feel like? There are flaws and compromises on both sides of this cultural divide, and no one has a monopoly on tradition.

"American Zen practice is creative," said Taiun Matsunami, a Rinzai Zen priest who runs Ryosen-an, a temple in the large complex Daitoku-ji in Kyoto. "They don’t have meditation halls, traditions. They have to create everything. They have to sew cushions, (the ceremonial garments) kesa and rakusu, and they have to turn the cowhouse into a zendo." But at the same time, he noted, American Zen has been plagued by scandal, partly because it lacks the hierarchies and checks on priestly power found in Japanese Zen. And the Japanese system has its own problems. "Here, everything is established, we have good facilities. But here they also accept not pure, not real Buddhist monks’ practice. In other countries, priests don’t marry, they don’t drink. Drinking is a Shinto thing that has been accepted in Buddhism." Traditionally the practice of elites in Japan, Zen now attracts little new blood to the priesthood. Loosening the rules a century ago and allowing monks to marry created a dynastic structure in temples, with sons following in their fathers’ footsteps. Few lay people practice Zen meditation. Often no one shows up for a daily zazen meditation service Matsunami offers.

The old monastic structures are outmoded, and shrinking. Religious life is no longer viewed as a viable vocation for outsiders. If your family is not in the Zen business, choosing to become a monk may be viewed as a sign of mental imbalance. And maybe it is – the requirements and hardships of the priesthood – which in a premodern world seemed like a reasonable tradeoff – today present almost insurmountable obstacles. "There are 39 Rinzai monasteries and 50 roshi who can give the whole transmission of the teachings. So there’s just about one per monastery," said Michel Mohr, a professor at the Center for the Study of Zen Buddhism at Hanazono University in Kyoto. "It takes 15 to 20 years to go through the whole koan system. So if you start in your 30s, you won’t get there till your 50s." Japanese Zen practitioners feel deeply ambiguous about this state of affairs. Many look to the West as the best hope for carrying on the tradition and celebrate cultural differences. "The basic principle in Zen is the same everywhere. Like Mt.

Fuji, there are different paths to the summit," said Kusho Itabashi, the abbot of the Soji-ji monastery and the current head of the Soto sect. "Americans don’t have to go through the medium of Japanese culture or language, and that can be a purer practice of Zen." But they also have a certain propietary interest in Japanese traditions. "The problem comes when the Japanese leave and the community is left with only Americans or Europeans," said Tetsuo Otani, the vice president of the Soto Zen sect’s Komazawa University. "It’s become very confusing. The sects have become very jumbled. Many people ask me questions. They said they’re not sure they’re getting guidance from the Rinzai or Soto sect. That kind of thing never happens in Japan." Kosen Nishiyama, a Soto Zen priest in Sendai who oversees some groups in Europe and the United States, is both expansive and protective about the Zen tradition. He touts Zen’s potential as a world religion in an era of science and postmodernism.

But he feels that specific cultural traditions that link the present with the past are integral to practice, noting that Zen emerged from Japan’s "sitting culture." He has tried to restore a clear line of religious authority by giving the shiho, or teaching seal, to priests abroad. At first one group of Westerners, followers of the late expatriate Zen teacher Taisen Deshimaru, didn’t want it. "After Deshimaru died, I went to talk with his disciples about ceremonies. They said we have the teaching, we don’t need shiho," Nishiyama said. "But you need to have this, I explained, to be a Zen teacher." They eventually agreed. Nishiyama disdained the tinkering that the groups had done on various rituals – for example, a drum roll that they had added to the end of a service in the Soto sect’s liturgy. He also admitted to some chauvinistic feelings, saying it’s always a little strange to see Westerners practicing. He recalled that the Jesuits tossed out of Japan by the shogun were called barbarians, and also namba-jin, or red pepper people.

"When I see them in the dojo," he said, "I think a little of this." Westernern Zen practitioners in Japan live on a fault line. Since they typically lack a connection to a family temple, Japanese may question their motivation – or sanity. They must wrestle with the idea of what "authentic" Zen practice really is. Jeff Shore, an American professor at the Rinzai Zen sect’s Hanazono University in Kyoto, has lived in Japan 20 years, most of them while practicing first as a monk and later a lay person at the Tofuku–ji monastery. It is an unusual arrangement that has made a deep mark on his life. "I feel like the frog in the well here. It’s very deep but very narrow, full of rocks, old," he said. "Then when I go to Europe or the United States, it’s like being thrown into the ocean." Shore says that Japanese Zen is so entwined with culture, history, and geography that transplanting a particular set of customs wholesale would be folly. If Zen, or any religious tradition, moves into new territory it must reinvent itself – usually bit by bit.

That does not automatically make the altered tradition less of a useful as a path for its followers (though it may). It also does mean losing something of the original – and being able to let go is, indeed, a central idea in Buddhism. This process of change is essentially very practical and often improvisational. "The Zen scene here is a worn out record, but what they have is wisdom, old teachings, years of laboratory mistakes," said Patricia Daichi Storandt, the American vice abbot of Sogen-ji, a 300-year-old Rinzai Zen monastery on the outskirts of Okayama. "In the West, though, we have the raw materials." Compare Sogen-ji with Eihei-ji (or most other Japanese Zen monasteries), and you can see the work of reinvention in progress. Abbot Shodo Harada is one of the few Japanese there. The monastery lacks the authority to serve as a practice center for monks seeking the priesthood – in part because it invites women and men to practice together. So monks following the traditional career path steer clear of the place. In their place, a mixture of foreigners from the United States, Switzerland, Denmark, Mexico, and a dozen other countries has taken up residence.

Some of the strict monastic routines, such as formal seated meals, have been relaxed or otherwise altered. Chanting is done in English and Japanese. Sogen-ji has an energy and vitality that you don’t see at other Japanese monasteries. Part of this is the residents’ expressiveness, a contrast to the intense restraint of Japanese in similar surroundings. But the more significant difference may be that the participants were there not out of obligation, but a conscious choice. At the same time, however, Japanese tend to approach Zen practice with a more matter-of-fact attitude. I attended Eihei-ji’s program that exposes visitors to the monastic schedule along with six Japanese and one Hungarian. The Japanese viewed it less as a potentially transcendental experience and more as just … practice, a brief interlude to clarify things. After years of experience with the sometimes self-conscious attitudes of Americans trying to practice Zen, the lack of drama was quite refreshing. In contrast to Zen, many "New Religions" in Japan are a modern phenomenon: mass movements that took Buddhist ideas and addressed them to the pressing needs of a country trying to recover from war. Groups such as Soka Gakkai emphasized satisfying material and physical needs, and helped members survive.

Soka Gakkai and Rissho Kosei Kai, another large (and less controversial) Buddhist organization also based on the teachings of Nichiren, aim to be accessible. Their chanting practices and general philosophies, based on the Lotus Sutra, emphasize pragmatism and appeal to a broad, generally middle class audience. But now these groups face the same demographic shifts all Japanese institutions are confronting. Their members are getting older, priorities have shifted, and their relevance to young people and society in general is declining. Their charismatic leaders are in some cases dying, in others embroiled in controversy. Soka Gakkai has balanced some of these trends by expanding abroad, and has followers in the United States, Korea, and elsewhere. Rissho Kosei Kai, a large Buddhist organization that follows the teachings of Nichiren, is "skewing older" as the years go by. At an RKK neighborhood meeting in the Itabashi ward of Tokyo, I attended, several hundred people showed up, mostly middle-aged and older, with many retirees. Members complained that their emphasis on traditional family life and the demands of their tight-knit, highly bureaucratic organization were in some ways liabilities.

"How do we appeal to the third and fourth generations?" asked RKK official Yukimasa Hagiwara. The advent of prosperity, and recent social and economic uncertainty, have shifted the goal of these religious groups away from survival and toward psychological well-being. I attended a local meeting of Soka Gakkai in the Bunkyo ward of Tokyo. At SG meetings, people confess their problems and anxieties, then describe how they overcame them with the group’s help. The sessions employ some of the same therapeutic language used by AA and many Christian churches in the United States. After chanting and some presentations, several people gave talks about their lives. One woman said she felt besieged, that values had changed and her neighbors tended to be selfish, they didn’t know how to serve others. Helping others is an essential homily of Buddhism, and SG presents it in modern, self-help terms. "The final objective is for you to be happy, and to find your own inner revolution," the local group leader said. "But it’s also to help others find happiness. We tend to forget that we are also practicing for the happiness of other people." Members said the group had helped them come to terms with disappointments, competitiveness, and impersonality of modern life.

"When I was in elementary school, a relative gave ma a small Buddha statue," said Kinue Watanabe, a college student. "I prayed, but none of them were answered. I was often bullied by my friends at the time. To tell the truth, my prayers were rather passive. I would pray for nothing bad to happen. …. When I was a junior I wanted to take a civil service exam. So I studied hard, but failed and started to doubt all my efforts. My friend taking the same exam seemed not to make much effort, but passed. I came to realize there are certain things you can’t control, no matter how much you study, you may not win." The notion that Soka Gakkai is a kind of friendly shelter in a hostile world was common. "Most people who join don’t do it with a full understanding of the teachings of Nichiren Daishonen," said Bunkyo member Katsumi Fujinawa. "What attracts them is the warmth of the people. They so earnestly care about you and want you to be happy. That’s what moves you at the beginning. Then once you do it, you come to understand." But membership also comes at a price.

Soka Gakkai, of course, is very controversial in Japan because of its cult-like qualities – its history of aggressive proselytizing, its all-powerful leader Daisaku Ikeda, and its involvement in politics. Ask almost any Japanese about Soka Gakkai and the response will be, "watch out!" The controversy over the group reflects the current tensions over religion in Japan – the role of religious groups in public life and more generally, the limits of group fealty in a society that prizes conformity. One common complaint is Soka Gakkai has isolated itself, violated conventions of how Japanese groups ought to behave. "We think they have a belief in their original tenet that there are the only or absolute answer, and their education is the only right way," said Kenji Saito, a vice president at Shinshuren, the Federation of New Religious Organizations. "So they have engaged in recriminations, severely criticizing other organizations. They have a closed-door attitude, and have been reluctant to have a dialogue with other religions." The group’s excommunication a decade ago by the Nichiren school left it a lay organization with no official ties to a clergy.

Some ex-members have formed a Soka Gakkai Victims Association that has besieged the group with lawsuits. I spoke with a couple of members, who complained that Ikeda had strayed from the values of the group’s founding by meddling in politics and, more generally, cultivating power for himself. They said that people trying to leave the group were harrassed, had garbage dumped in their front yards and dirt left in their cars. SG officials dismissed this assertion, though it seems somewhat credible; even if such tactics don’t come from the top, it’s easy to see how the siege mentality and earnest zeal of some members could lead to such behavior. The group has also sparked popular suspicion with its hierarchical, pseudopolitical structure, a block-by-block organization tightly controlled from the top, and its forceful proselytizing – though that has slackened in recent years. There may be reasons for suspecting Soka Gakkai, but the Japanese tendency for group-think is also at work. The prevailing attitude of mistrust toward the group has cultivated a sense of grievance and victimization among SG members. Disapproval is rarely voiced directly, creating a chill rather than open hostility. So members turn inward, and associate primarily with other members.

"It’s very difficult for people to voice their doubts directly to us," said Fujinawa. "If they can tell us there are negative things, then we can correct them. Because of this problem, it’s hard to generate a mutual relationship." The group’s cohesiveness is a powerful political force. "In our institutions we have differing opinions and we fight them out. But in Soka Gakkai, if someone disagrees they are cut out. They are a bloc vote," said Yoshiya Abe, the president of Kokugakuin University. My first inclination was to compare Soka Gakkai’s closely aligned political party, New Komeito, with the religious right in the United States. Christian groups have a narrowly focused political agenda they want to pass. New Komeito has pet causes – religious freedom, nuclear non-proliferation, giving the vote to ethnic Koreans – but none has the moral imperative that, say, banning abortion inspires in the United States. New Komeito seems, if anything, eager to compromise on its issues. The compromise of the moment, of course, is the party’s role with the ruling coalition. The most common fear is that SG aims to establish a quasi-religious state headed by Ikeda.

SG officials vehemently deny this, noting a long history of persecution by the state – of Nichiren in the 13th century, and SG founders in the 20th, who were jailed for thought crimes during the war after criticizing the government’s policies on religion. "Our movement is rooted in a philosophy of individual empowerment; our mentor died due to freedom of conscience. If we ever tried to found a state religion, everything we stand for would be contradicted," said Toshinori Iwazumi, a Soka Gakkai vice president. The hoarding of political power seems to be done not to accomplish something specifically, or even for its own sake, as much as it is for self-protection. "Their platform is very clear: Stay in power," Abe said. "To stay in power means not to be suppressed. And the history of Nichiren Shoshu has a long history of being suppressed." New Komeito officials said their aim is to bring Buddhist values into politics. Buddhism is an infinitely flexible philosophy, a useful thing in politics. In their view, postwar freedoms have opened up new opportunities for personal and political transformation that only Soka Gakkai and Komeito have recognized.

"Soka Gakkai is a very new phenomenon in Japanese society," said Motohiko Endo, the chairman of New Komeito’s International Affairs Committee. "It can be compared with a kind of Reformation: Trying to link to God directly without the state, and the establishment of the primacy of the individual – which laid the groundwork for the Enlightenment, market capitalism, etc. In Japanese society, people are not used to this idea because there never was a Reformation. It’s a natural thing to link spirituality with politics. Mahayana Buddhism is not confined to inside yourself – it’s about action in society. So the idea of religious organizations getting involved in politics has a very strong basis in natural life. It’s not compromise, but application. Sometimes it seems like compromise, but Buddhist principles are very flexible." But the big compromise with the LDP crossed a line that even many members thought shouldn’t be crossed, and has further isolated the group in some ways. "Because Soka Gakkai got involved in politics, we got bashed, which has been extremely damaging," Iwazumi said. And Komeito’s alliance with the LDP has lost it some of its credibility even among SG members.

"It was easier for Soka Gakkai to support Komeito when it was in the opposition," he said. "Anti-establishment has been our identity since Nichiren." As older groups struggled, newer religions sprang up that take Buddhism one step beyond the self-help of the big lay groups. Like Scientology in the West, some are self-consciously non-traditional – and controversial. Kofuku No Kagaku, or the Science of Happiness, blends Buddhist ideas with New Age notions, science fiction, and apocalyptic imagery. Aum Shinrikyo borrowed from Buddhism, biology and anime, among other sources. Nobutaka Inoue, a professor of religion at Kokogakuin University, coined the term "hyper-religion" to refer to groups that borrow different elements from traditional religions, pop culture, science, and politics, in much the same way that the Internet’s hypertext creates links to many different texts and sites. "Traditional religions don’t function anymore in Japan, so people need an interpretation of the world and hope for the future," he said. "So they look around. Invent a product. The inventor is very important. I borrowed the word 'hyper' from the computer world. We used to read books.

Chapter 1, chapter 2, etc. But today we collect data from many sources and mix it together as one product." Polls show young people are the least likely to profess religious belief, but some of these groups have attracted many young members by offering something different. Some promise an escape from the pressures of society and from emotional pain through tantric techniques, magic, or even godlike space aliens. Tatsuya Nagaoka, an ex-Aum member, said he was often sick as a child, stuttered, and was bullied by fellow students. He embarked on a search for a religion that could address his problems and insecurities and provide a kind of perfect shelter. He became fascinated with the idea of cultivating his own personal spiritual power, and got interested in spoon-bending paranormal artist Yuri Geller, Agon Shu, a new Buddhist group that emphasizes tantric techniques, and more generally in philosophy. Eventually, as a university student he was drawn to Aum, which charged him a hefty fee to join and put him immediately to work folding and distributing flyers. At the time, leader Shoko Asahara was trying to enter politics.

He described his experience there as a bad dream – deprived of sleep, food, and warm clothing, he worked almost round the clock and fainted several times. Eventually, his father contacted him and arranged his escape from the group – several years before its nerve gas attack – and founded a network of Aum family members. Now a real estate broker who practices Tibetan Buddhism, Nagaoka disagrees with those who view Aum as an aberration. He says the group distilled many problems with Japanese society. Asahara "derived good feeling by controlling and destroying other people, like a bully. He saw humans as material. In Japan, people are recognized as parts of a big machine. Each person was a piece of the organization – one part of the organization produced gas, another mind control. Everything was black and white, there was no place for opinions of your own. Japanese society is like that." One of the religions Nagaoka joined briefly was Agon Shu, a religion founded in the 1970s that rejects traditional Japanese forms of Buddhism and instead borrows the non-Japanese Theravadan and Tibetan esoteric traditions.

Asahara was also an Agon Shu member before founding Aum, and the group emphasizes reincarnation and the cultivation of clairvoyant powers. I interviewed founder Seiyu Kiriyama in a cluttered meeting room at his Tokyo headquarters. He described a spiritual journey he undertook after being diagnosed with tuberculosis as a young man – at the time, a virtual death sentence. After studying religion, philosophy, and literature, he said he came upon the Agon sutra, a little-known writing dating to the early days of Buddhism that he said contained the secret of enlightenment. "No matter how bad the fate or destiny you were born with, you can change it," he said. "That was a turning point for me and I came to know how to change bad fate, and liberate myself from karma." Kiriyama’s fire ceremonies blend ancient ritual with 21st-century showmanship, and seemed designed for mass appeal. His group has 350,000 members, and is growing. The esoteric, 'magical' elements of his practice also have a particular appeal especially among young people. Is this the future?

Though his approach is controversial, Kiriyama says it is consciously aimed some of the faults in Japanese Buddhism – such as the large gap between monastic and lay practice. "I think Japanese religious organizations need structural reform," he said. "I feel sympathetic with some (Buddhist) religions in Japan because they are trying to believe in and protect 500 to 1000-year-old sutras. There might be very insightful monks and priests, but if they stay in this old-fashioned form, they can’t have a voice in society." Shinto Shinto More... Shinto Shinto ("the way of the gods") is the indigenous faith of the Japanese people and as old as Japan itself. It remains Japan's major religion alongside Buddhism . Introduction Shinto does not have a founder nor does it have sacred scriptures like the sutras or the Bible. Propaganda and preaching are not common either, because Shinto is deeply rooted in the Japanese people and traditions. "Shinto gods" are called kami. They are sacred spirits which take the form of things and concepts important to life, such as wind, rain, mountains, trees, rivers and fertility. Humans become kami after they die and are revered by their families as ancestral kami.

The kami of extraordinary people are even enshrined at some shrines. The Sun Goddess Amaterasu is considered Shinto's most important kami. Some prominent rocks are worshiped as kami. In contrast to many monotheistic religions, there are no absolutes in Shinto. There is no absolute right and wrong, and nobody is perfect. Shinto is an optimistic faith, as humans are thought to be fundamentally good, and evil is believed to be caused by evil spirits. Consequently, the purpose of most Shinto rituals is to keep away evil spirits by purification, prayers and offerings to the kami. Shinto shrines are the places of worship and the homes of kami. Most shrines celebrate festivals (matsuri) regularly in order to show the kami the outside world. Please read more on our special information pages about shrines and festivals . Shinto priests perform Shinto rituals and often live on the shrine grounds. Men and women can become priests, and they are allowed to marry and have children. Priests are aided by younger women (miko) during rituals and shrine tasks. Miko wear white kimono , must be unmarried, and are often the priests' daughters.

Important features of Shinto art are shrine architecture and the cultivation and preservation of ancient art forms such as Noh theater , calligraphy and court music ( gagaku ), an ancient dance music that originated in the courts of Tang China (618 - 907). Ise Jingu is Shinto's most sacred shrine. Shinto History The introduction of Buddhism in the 6th century was followed by a few initial conflicts, however, the two religions were soon able to co-exist and even complement each other. Many Buddhists viewed the kami as manifestations of Buddha. In the Meiji Period , Shinto was made Japan's state religion. Shinto priests became state officials, important shrines started to receive governmental funding, Japan's creation myths were used to foster an emperor cult, and efforts were made to separate and emancipate Shinto from Buddhism . After World War II , Shinto and the state were separated. Tokyo's Meiji Shrine is dedicated to the spirits of Emperor Meiji. Shinto Today People seek support from Shinto by praying at a home altar or by visiting shrines .

A whole range of talismans are available at shrines for traffic safety, good health, success in business, safe childbirth, good exam performance and more. A large number of wedding ceremonies are held in Shinto style. Death, however, is considered a source of impurity, and is left to Buddhism to deal with. Consequently, there are virtually no Shinto cemeteries, and most funerals are held in Buddhist style. Advertisement Religion in Japan | Culture | Articles Religion In Japan Today many religions are practiced in Japan, but most Japanese follow a meld of Shintoism and Buddhism. Although religion does not play a major role in the everyday life of the average Japanese, they do have customs and rituals that are observed on special occasions like birthdays, weddings, funerals, and religious holidays. The exact origins of Shintoism are still unknown. Archaeological evidence suggests some form of it was being practiced by the Yayoi people (400 B.C. - 250 A.D.). The Yayoi lived in clans called uji. Each uji had a leader who served as both the war-chief and spiritual leader. Each clan was associated with a single god, or kami.

Kami represented objects in nature and wondrous aspects of the world. There were kami representing mountains, rivers, storms, and even rocks. When a clan defeated another clan in war they would assimilate the defeated clan's kami into their existing religion. In this way the Yayoi slowly built a complex hierarchy of kami. After its arrival from China and Korea in 538 A.D., Buddhism spread rapidly throughout Japan. Many people were reluctant to accept Buddhism at that time because of nationalism and xenophobism. After the defeat of the Mononobe clan in 587 A.D., who were opponents of Buddhism, the religion spread unimpeded. Almost two centuries later, under Emperor Shomu's order, the temple of Todai-ji was built at Nara in 752. It is the largest wooden structure in the world housing a fifteen-meter high gilt-bronze statue of the Cosmic Buddha, later to be known as The Great Sun Buddha, or Dainichi Nyorai in Japanese. The Dainichi Nyorai was associated with Amaterasu, the Shinto Sun Goddess.

With the identification of the Dainichi Nyorai with a Shinto kami so began the syncretism of Shintoism and Buddhism. Today, The evidence of this syncretism can be seen throughout Japan. Many Japanese festivals, or matsuri, originated from early Shinto rituals. These festivals often symbolize hope for abundant rice production or spiritual health of the community. The festivals are often done inside a Shinto Shrine, or display some form or image of a Shrine. Many of these festivals can stretch for over several days. These usually include processions that bear an image of the local Kami through crowded streets to the sound of drums and flutes. The festivities vary with different locals, but they all have similar features: energy, noise, food, and exultation. This is an opportunity members of the local community to celebrate a joyful occasion together. One of the more well-known festivals in Japan is the Bon Festival, also known as O-bon, an event that marks the annual visitation of departed ancestors to the surviving members of their family. This festival is characterized by visits to Buddhist temples and the decoration of alters of the departed. Days before the festival, ancestral graves are cleaned by family members in preparation for the return of the souls of the deceased.

Many people also take this opportunity to return to their native towns to be with their families and visit local temples to pray and give offerings. Understanding the relationship between Buddhism and Shintoism can be confusing for foreigners. A common saying in Japan is, "We live as Shintoists, but die as Buddhists." Recently Added BBC - Religions - Shinto: Shinto and nationalism Shinto and nationalism This article looks at the relationship between Shinto and the cause of Japanese nationalism. On this page Shinto and nationalism Japanese flags © Shinto can't be separated from Japan and the Japanese, but in the late 19th and first half of the 20th centuries Shinto became an established state religion, inextricably linked to the cause of Japanese nationalism. The link between Shinto and nationalism Shinto legend tells that the emperors of Japan are descended in an unbroken line from the first Emperor, Jimmu Tenno, Amaterasu-Omikami's great-grandson. The native Japanese people themselves are descended from the kami who were present at the founding of Japan.

This story contains a very clear message that Japan is an old country, whose people are descended from the founding kami, and an Imperial family with an unbroken line of descent from Amaterasu herself. The Imperial family is older than the people of Japan, and descended from a kami of higher rank. The political message of the story is that Japan is the way it should be, that its survival depends on maintaining the relationship between the Emperor and his people, and that the Emperor rules Japan because the gods want him to. Before the Meiji Restoration and the creation of State Shinto, this story was just one myth among many, and not something crucial to Japanese self-image. Religion and politics In the 6th century Buddhism was imported into Japanese religious life and Buddhism and Shinto together began to play a part in Japanese government. The Emperor and court had to perform religious ceremonies to make sure that the kami looked after Japan and its people. A court liturgical calendar was developed. Over the next few centuries Buddhist influence in government grew stronger. The 17th century was dominated by state-imposed Buddhism (with many Shinto elements) as a reaction against an outside threat posed by Christian missionaries.

Japanese civic religion in the 17th century still included elements of Confucianism, while popular religion consisted mainly of Buddhism and Shinto. There was a movement towards a purer Shinto during the next two centuries, culminating in the Meiji Restoration towards the end of the 19th century, when Shinto became the established religion of Japan for a time. (See the general history article for a more detailed look at Shinto's coexistence with Buddhism .) State Shinto State Shinto When Shinto was reconstructed in 1868 the Imperial legend was moved centre stage, and Amaterasu - who until then was only revered in parts of Japan - was promoted to be the most important of the gods, given a national role in the new system of state Shinto, and because of her new status, used to validate the role of the Emperor, not only as ruler, but as the high priest of Shinto. Emperor Meiji in court robes, photographed by Uchida Kuichi in 1873 © This gave the Emperor, as her direct descendant, a divine right to rule not only Japan, but the whole world.

Furthermore, it became official doctrine that since the Japanese were descended from the gods, they were superior to all other races. The political status of the Emperor changed and he became a powerful figure. Although he was required to respect the law of the land, he was in fact above it. Just how powerful the Emperor had become by the time of the mid 20th century is still a matter of great controversy, as it is crucial to determining the Emperor's personal responsibility for the Japanese military actions during the period. Although the Meiji Constitution stated that: Japanese subjects shall, within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties as subjects, enjoy freedom of religious belief Meiji Constitution, article 28 this promise of religious freedom did not do anything to reduce the dominance of State Shinto. From then on, Japanese political, social, military and religious institutions centred themselves on the figure of the Emperor, who had now become an icon of everything good and pure and holy; the very essence and spirit of Japan. These ideas were also heavily promoted in Japanese schools. These beliefs set the political and military course of Japan until 1946.

Douglas Macarthur, supreme commander of the Allied forces, with Emperor Hirohito at the US Embassy, Tokyo, in September 1945 © The end of State Shinto Shinto was dismantled as the state religion of Japan after the Second World War by 3 key documents: The Directive for the Disestablishment of State Shinto (1945) The Imperial Rescript renouncing Divinity (1946) The post-war Constitution The three documents parallel Shinto purification rituals, since their purpose is to restore purity and cleanliness to a once good religion that had been polluted by political action. The first of these documents is one of the most powerful modern condemnations of the abuse of religion. The purpose of the Directive was not to destroy Shinto but to: prevent recurrence of the perversion of Shinto theory and beliefs into militaristic and ultra-nationalistic propaganda designed to delude the Japanese people and lead them into wars of aggression Directive for the Disestablishment of State Shinto, 1945 The restructuring of the Japanese education system was a key initiative in the religious reforms.

Although Shinto is no longer a state religion many Japanese still regard Shinto as the national religion, but post-war Shinto is very different from the pre-1946 version, having been cleansed of the political, nationalistic and militaristic elements that were included in State Shinto. The present Japanese Constitution guarantees freedom of religion in article 20: Freedom of religion is guaranteed to all. No religious organization shall receive any privileges from the State, nor exercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious acts, celebration, rite or practice. The State and its organs shall refrain from religious education or any other religious activity. Further protection of religious freedom is given in article 14 which forbids "discrimination in political, economic, or social relations because of ... creed", and article 19 which states that "freedom of thought and conscience shall not be violated". Article 89 adds further separation of religion and state: No public money or other property shall be expended or appropriated for the use, benefit or maintenance of any religious institution or association, or for any charitable, educational or benevolent enterprises not under the control of public authority.

Japanese Constitution, article 89 Some elements of State Shinto still remain: the Emperor is a symbol of the State the Emperor is still regarded as in some sense 'holy' among the more devout Shintoists Shinto rituals are involved in the accession of a new Emperor the Emperor is still required to take part in Shinto rituals some Shinto shrines - such as Ise Grand Shrine - are thought to play a part in preserving the Japanese nation some Shinto shrines - such as Yasukuni - still have a (controversial) role in national remembrance of Japanese who died in warfare several public holidays and annual ceremonies remain based on Shinto traditions Directive for the Disestablishment of State Shinto Directive for the Disestablishment of State Shinto Orders from the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to the Japanese Government: 15 December 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR: Imperial Japanese Government THROUGH: Central Liaison Office, Tokyo SUBJECT: Abolition of Governmental Sponsorship, Support, Perpetuation, Control, and Dissemination of State Shinto 1.

In order to free the Japanese people from direct or indirect compulsion to believe or profess to believe in a religion or cult officially designated by the state, and In order to lift from the Japanese people the burden of compulsory financial support of an ideology which has contributed to their war guilt, defeat, suffering, privation, and present deplorable condition, and In order to prevent recurrence of the perversion of Shinto theory and beliefs into militaristic and ultra-nationalistic propaganda designed to delude the Japanese people and lead them into wars of aggression, and In order to assist the Japanese people in a rededication of their national life to building a new Japan based upon ideals of perpetual peace and democracy, It is hereby directed that: a. The sponsorship, support, perpetuation, control, and dissemination of Shinto by the Japanese national, prefectual, and local governments, or by public officials, subordinates, and employees acting in their official capacity are prohibited and will cease immediately. b. All financial support from public funds and all official affiliation with Shinto and Shinto shrines are prohibited and will cease immediately. c.

All propagation and dissemination of militaristic and ultra-nationistic ideology in Shinto doctrines, practices, rites, ceremonies, or observances, as well as in the doctrines, practices, rites, ceremonies and observances of any other religion, faith, sect, creed, or philosophy, are prohibited and will cease immediately. d. The Religious Functions Order relating to the Grand Shrine of Ise and the Religious Functions Order relating to State and other Shrines will be annulled. e. The Shrine Board of the Ministry of Home Affairs will be abolished, and its present functions, duties, and administrative obligations will not be assumed by any other governmental or tax-supported agency. f. All public educational institutions whose primary function is either the investigation and dissemination of Shinto or the training of a Shinto priesthood will be abolished and their physical properties diverted to other uses. Their present functions, duties, and administrative obligations will not be assumed by any other governmental or tax-supported agency. g.

Private educational institutions for the investigation and dissemination of Shinto and for the training of priesthood for Shinto will be permitted and will operate with the same privileges and be subject to the same controls and restrictions as any other private educational institution having no affiliation with the government; in no case, however, will they receive support from public funds, and in no case will they propagate and disseminate militaristic and ultra-nationalistic ideology. h. The dissemination of Shinto doctrines in any form and by any means in any educational institution supported wholly or in part by public funds is prohibited and will cease immediately. 1) All teachers' manuals and text-books now in use in any educational institution supported wholly or in part by public funds will be censored, and all Shinto doctrine will be deleted. No teachers' manual or text-book which is published in the future for use in such institutions will contain any Shinto doctrine. 2) No visits to Shinto shrines and no rites, practices, or ceremonies associated with Shinto will be conducted or sponsored by any educational institution supported wholly or in part by public funds. i.

Circulation by the government of "The Fundamental Principles of the National Structure", "The Way of the Subject", and all similar official volumes, commentaries, interpretations, or instructions on Shinto is prohibited. j. The use in official writings of the terms "Greater East Asia War", "The Whole World under One Roof", and all other terms whose connotation in Japanese is inextricably connected with State Shinto, militarism, and ultra-nationalism is prohibited and will cease immediately. k. God-shelves (kamidana) and all other physical symbols of State Shinto in any office, school institution, organization, or structure supported wholly or in part by public funds are prohibited and will be removed immediately. l. No official, subordinate, employee, student, citizen, or resident of Japan will be discriminated against because of his failure to profess and believe in or participate in any practice, rite, ceremony, or observance of State Shinto or of any other religion. m. No official of the national, prefectural, or local government, acting in his public capacity, will visit any shrine to report his assumption of office, to report on conditions of government, or to participate as a representative of government in any ceremony or observance.

2. a. The purpose of this directive is to separate religion from the state to prevent misuse of religion for political ends, and to put all religions, faiths, and creeds upon exactly the same legal basis, entitled to precisely the same opportunities and protection. It forbids affiliation with the government and the propagation and dissemination of militaristic and ultra-nationalistic ideology not only to Shinto but to the followers of all religions, faiths, sects, creeds, or philosophies. b. The provisions of this directive will apply with equal force to all rites, practices, ceremonies, observances, beliefs, teachings, mythology, legends, philosophy, shrines, and physical symbols associated with Shinto. c. The term State Shinto within the meaning of this directive will refer to that branch of Shinto which by official acts of the Japanese Government has been differentiated from the religion of Shrine Shinto and has been classified as a non-religious national cult commonly known as State Shinto or National Shinto. d. The term Shrine Shinto will refer to that branch of Shinto which by popular belief, legal commentary, and the official acts of the Japanese Government has been recognized to be a religion. e.

Pursuant to the terms of Article I of the Basic Directive on "Removal of Restrictions on Political, Civil, and Religious Liberties" issued on 4 October 1945 by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in which the Japanese people were assured complete religious freedom, (1) Shrine Shinto will enjoy the same protection as any other religion. (2) Shrine Shinto, after having been divorced from the state and divested of its militaristic and ultra-nationalistic elements, will be recognized as a religion if its adherents so desire and will be granted the same protection as any other religion in so far as it may in fact be the philosophy or religion of Japanese individuals. f. Militaristic and ultra-nationalistic ideology, as used in this directive, embraces those teachings, beliefs, and theories, which advocate or justify a mission on the part of Japan to extend its rule over other nations and peoples by reason of: (1) The doctrine that the Emperor of Japan is superior to the heads of other states because of ancestry, descent, or special origin. (2) The doctrine that the people of Japan are superior to the people of other lands because of ancestry, descent, or special origin.

(3) The doctrine that the islands of Japan are superior to other lands because of divine or special origin. (4) Any other doctrine which tends to delude the Japanese people into embarking upon wars of aggression or to glorify the use of force as an instrument for the settlement of disputes with other people. 3. The Imperial Japanese Government will submit a comprehensive report to this Headquarters not later than 15 March 1946 describing in detail all action taken to comply with all provisions of this directive. 4. All officials, subordinates and employees of the Japanese national prefectural, and local governments, all teachers and education officials and all citizens and residents of Japan will be held personally accountable for compliance with the spirit as well as the letter of all provisions of this directive. For the Supreme Commander: Religion in Japan Entertainment and Sports Religion in Japan Shinto and Buddhism are Japan's two major religions. Shinto is as old as the Japanese culture, while Buddhism was imported from the mainland in the 6th century. Since then, the two religions have been co-existing relatively harmoniously and have even complemented each other to a certain degree. Most Japanese consider themselves Buddhist, Shintoist or both.

Religion does not play a big role in the everyday life of most Japanese people today. The average person typically follows the religious rituals at ceremonies like birth, weddings and funerals , may visit a shrine or temple on New Year and participates at local festivals ( matsuri ), most of which have a religious background. Religions and Philosophies State Shinto Ads Disclosure State Shinto State Shinto is a term that refers to the use of Shinto traditions and beliefs to support Japanese nationalism in the late 19th century and early 20th century. This form of religious nationalism is often associated with what is called the Meiji Restoration, which began in 1867 when samurai rule in Japan was defeated and the Emperor was restored. During this period, for various political, economic and social reasons, certain parts of Japanese society were deemed "foreign" or "dangerous" to the society at large. Thus, Buddhism, Christianity and other religious and cultural groups were disenfranchised and even persecuted in an effort to purge Japan from their influences. Within this mindset, it was determined that Shinto was the most authentically Japanese form of religion and culture, and that it was fundamental to Japanese identity at the national level.

Shinto became the state religion, and was used to promote a distinct ideology of Japanese superiority. Passages from Shinto mythology were appropriated to support the Emperor's divine status via his direct lineage back to Amaterasu, the racial superiority of the Japanese people and the general superiority of their land because of their divine origins. Moreover, these supremacist ideologies were taught in school curricula and in public civic life. Japanese nationalism continued into the 1930's and 1940's where it culminated in World War II. State Shinto was disbanded after Allied powers won the war, defeating Japan, and the Americans occupied Japan. Emperor Hirohito in 1946 renounced this political, ideological interpretation of Shinto in a public radio address to the nation. That address is called the "Declaration of Humanity" and in it the Emperor denounced his own divinity as well as the racial superiority of Japanese people.

Question: What has been a state religion in Japan?
Answer: Shintoism