Charles de Gaulle, President of France Works : French Editions, English Translations 1890 -1912: Formative years Charles de Gaulle was the third child of a morally conservative but socially progressive catholic bourgeois family. On his father's side was an old aristocratic family from Normandy and Burgundy settled in Paris for a century already, whereas on his mother's side was a family of rich entrepreneurs from the industrial region of Lille in French Flanders. Born in Lille, de Gaulle was raised and educated in Paris. De Gaulle's family was an intellectual family. His grand-father was an historian, his grand-mother a writer, his father was a professor in private catholic schools who founded his own private school. Political debates were frequent at home, and since an early age de Gaulle was initiated by his father to the major conservative authors. The family was very patriotic and he was raised in the cult of the Nation ("My mother felt an uncompromising passion for the fatherland, equal to her religious piety." -- C. de Gaulle in his memoirs). Although traditionalist and monarchist, the family was legalist and respected the institutions of the French Republic.

Their social ideas were also more liberal, influenced by social Catholicism. During the Dreyfus affair the family distanced itself from the more conservative nationalist circles and supported Dreyfus. 1912 -1940: Military career Young Charles de Gaulle chose a military career and spent four years at the Ã‰cole SpÃ©ciale Militaire de Saint-Cyr (the French equivalent of West Point). He graduated in 1912 and joined the infantry. During World War I, then captain de Gaulle was severely wounded at the gruesome Battle of Verdun in March 1916, and left for dead on the battlefield. Alive, he was taken prisoner by the Germans. He made five unsuccessful escapes, and was put in solitary confinement in a retaliation camp. When the war ended, he remained in the military, serving on the staff of Gen. Maxime Weygand and then Gen. Philippe PÃ©tain. During the Polish-Soviet war in 1919-1920, he volunteered to the Polish army and was an infantry instructor. He fought and distinguished himself in fighting near the river Zbrucz and received the highest Polish military award, Virtuti Militari.

He was promoted to major and offered possibility of a further career in Poland, but chose instead to return to France. He was heavily influenced by that war, namely by the use of tanks, fast manoeuvres and lack of trenches. Based partially on his observations during war in Poland, which was so different from experiences from WWI, he published a number of books and articles on the reorganisation of the army, particularly Vers l'ArmÃ©e de MÃ©tier (published in English as "The Army of the Future") in which he supported the new ideas of mechanised troops and specialised armoured divisions in preference to the static theories exemplified by the Maginot Line. While Heinz Guderian and the German Army General Staff were influenced by de Gaulle, PÃ©tain rejected most of de Gaulle's theories, and the relationship between them became strained. French politicians also dismissed de Gaulle's theories with the notable exception of Paul Reynaud who would later play a major role in de Gaulle's career.

General de Gaulle reviewing troupsAt the outbreak of World War II he was only a colonel, having encountered hostility from the leaders of the military all through the 1920's and 1930's due to his bold views. After the German breakthrough at Sedan on May 10, 1940, he was finally given command of the 4th Armoured Division. On May 17, 1940 de Gaulle attacked the German tank forces at Montcornet. With only 200 French tanks and no air support, the offensive had little impact on stopping the German advance. There was more success on May 28, when de Gaulle's tanks forced the German armour to retreat at Caumont. He became the first and only French commanding officer to force the Germans to retreat during the invasion of France. Prime Minister Paul Reynaud promoted him provisional brigadier general (thus his title gÃ©nÃ©ral de Gaulle). On June 6, 1940 Paul Reynaud appointed him under-secretary of state for national defence and war and put him in charge of coordination with the United Kingdom. As a member of the cabinet he resisted proposals to surrender.

He served as a liaison with the British government, and with Churchill carved a project of union between France and the United Kingdom on the morning of June 16 in London. This was a last minute effort to try to strengthen the resolve of those members of the French government who were in favor of continuing the war. He took the plane back to Bordeaux (provisory seat of the French government) on that same afternoon, but when landing in Bordeaux in the evening he learned that PÃ©tain had become premier with the intention of seeking an armistice with Germany. That same day he took the most important decision in his life, and also in the modern history of France: he would refuse the humiliation of a French surrender, he would rebel against the legal (but illegitimate in his eyes) government of PÃ©tain, he would return to London and call for the continuation of war. On the morning of June 17, with 100,000 gold francs from the secret funds given to him the previous night by Paul Reynaud, he fled Bordeaux by plane, narrowly escaped German aviation, and landed in London that same afternoon.

De Gaulle decided to reject French capitulation and to set about building a movement which would appeal to overseas French opponents of a separate arrangement with Germany. 1940 -1945: The Free French Forces General de Gaulle speaking on the BBC during the warOn June 18, de Gaulle prepared to speak to the French people, via BBC radio, from London. The British Cabinet attempted to block the speech, but was overruled by Churchill. In France, de Gaulle's "Appeal of June 18" could be heard nationwide in the evening. "France has lost a battle but has not lost the war" was its most famous line. Although only few people actually heard the speech that night (BBC was seldom listened to on the continent, and millions of Frenchmen were refugees on the road), excerpts of the speech appeared in French newspapers the next day in the yet unoccupied southern part of France, and the speech was repeated for several days on the BBC.

Soon enough, among the chaos and bewilderment that was France in June 1940, the news that a French general was in London refusing the tide of events and calling for the end of despair and the continuation of a winnable war was spread from mouths to mouths. To this day it remains one of the most famous speeches in French history. From London, de Gaulle formed and led the Free French movement. Whereas the USA continued to recognise Vichy France, the British government of Winston Churchill supported de Gaulle, initially maintaining relations with Vichy but subsequently recognising the Free French. On July 4, 1940, a court-martial in Toulouse sentenced de Gaulle in absentia to four years in prison. At a second court-martial on August 2, 1940, de Gaulle was condemned to death for treason. In his dealings with his British allies and the United States, de Gaulle insisted at all times in retaining full freedom of action on behalf of France, even where this might embarrass or inconvenience his partners in the war: "France has no friends, only interests" is one of his best-remembered statements.

"Of all the crosses I have had to bear during this war, the heaviest has been the Cross of Lorraine [de Gaulle's symbol of Free France]" is one of Churchill's. Casablanca conference, January 1943. From left to right: general Giraud, president Roosevelt, general de Gaulle, Winston Churchill. Working with the French resistance and supporters in France's colonial possessions in Africa, after the Anglo-American invasion of North Africa in November 1942, de Gaulle moved his headquarters to Algiers in May 1943. He became first joint head (with the less resolutely independent Gen. Henri Giraud, the candidate preferred by the United States) and then sole chairman of the Committee of National Liberation. At the liberation of France following Operation Overlord, he quickly established the authority of the Free French Forces in France, avoiding a Allied Military Government for Occupied Territories in France. On his return to Paris, he moved back into his office at the War Ministry, thus proclaiming continuity of the Third Republic and denying the legitimacy of Vichy France.

After the war he served as the President of the provisional government from September 1944 but resigned on January 20, 1946, complaining of conflict between the political parties, and disapproving of the draft constitution for the Fourth Republic which he believed placed too much power in the hands of parliament with its shifting party alliances. 1946 -1958: The desert crossing De Gaulle's opposition to the proposed constitution failed as the parties of the left supported a weak presidency to prevent any repetition of the Vichy regime. The second draft constitution narrowly approved at the referendum of October 1946 was even less to de Gaulle's liking than the first. In April 1947 de Gaulle made a renewed attempt at transforming the political scene with the creation of the Rassemblement du Peuple FranÃ§ais (Rally of the French People, or RPF), but the movement lost impetus after initial success. In May 1953 he withdrew again from active politics, though the RPF lingered until September 1955.

He retired to Colombey-les-deux-Ã‰glises and wrote his war memoirs, MÃ©moires de guerre. During this period of formal retirement, de Gaulle however maintained regular contact with past political lieutenants from wartime and RPF days, including sympathisers involved in political developments in Algeria. 1958 : The collapse of the Fourth Republic The Fourth Republic was tainted by political instability, its failures in Indochina and its inability to resolve the Algerian question. On May 13, 1958, the settlers seized the government buildings in Algiers, attacking what they saw as French government weakness in the face of demands among the Arab majority for Algerian independence. A "Committee of Civil and Army Public Security" was created under the presidency of General Jacques Massu, a Gaullist sympathiser. General Raoul Salan, Commander-in-Chief in Algeria, announced on radio that the Army had "provisionally taken over responsibility for the destiny of French Algeria". Under the pressure of Massu, Salan declared "Vive de Gaulle!" from the balcony of the Algiers Government-General building on May 15.

De Gaulle answered two days later that he was ready to "assume the powers of the Republic" (assumer les pouvoirs de la RÃ©publique). Many worried as they saw this answer as support to the army. On May 19 de Gaulle asserted again (at a press conference) that he was at the disposition of the country. As a journalist expressed the concerns of some who feared that he would violate civil liberties, de Gaulle retorted vehemently: "Have I ever done that? Quite the opposite, I have reestablished them when they had disappeared. Does anyone believe that, at age 67, I am going to launch a career as a dictator?!!" A republican by conviction, de Gaulle maintained throughout the crisis that he would accept power only from the lawfully constituted authorities of the state. The crisis deepened as French paratroops from Algeria seized Corsica and a landing near Paris was discussed. Political leaders on all sides agreed to support the General's return to power, except FranÃ§ois Mitterrand, and the Communist Party (which denounced de Gaulle as the agent of a fascist coup).

On May 29 the French President, RenÃ© Coty, appealed to the "most illustrious of Frenchmen" to become the last Prime Minister of the Fourth Republic. De Gaulle remained intent on replacing the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which he blamed for France's political weakness. He set as a condition for his return that he be given wide emergency powers for 6 months and that a new constitution ( See Footnote ) be proposed to the French people. On June 1, 1958 de Gaulle became premier and was given emergency powers for 6 months by the National Assembly. On September 28, 1958, a referendum took place and 79.2% of those who voted supported the new constitution and the creation of the Fifth Republic. The colonies (Algeria was officially a part of France, not a colony) were given the choice between immediate independence and the new constitution. All colonies voted for the new constitution except Guinea, which thus became the first French African colony to gain independence, at the cost of the immediate ending of all French assistance.

1958- 1962 Founding of the Fifth Republic In the November 1958 elections de Gaulle and his supporters (initially organised in the Union pour la Nouvelle RÃ©publique-Union DÃ©mocratique du Travail, then the Union des DÃ©mocrates pour la VÃ¨me RÃ©publique and later still the Union des DÃ©mocrates pour la RÃ©publique) won a comfortable majority, in December de Gaulle was elected President with 78% of the vote, he was inaugurated in January 1959. He oversaw tough economic measures to revitalise the country, including the issuing of a new franc (worth 100 old francs). On 22 August 1962, he and his wife narrowly escaped an assassination attempt when their car was targeted by machine gun fire. Internationally he rebuffed both the USA and the USSR, pushing for an independent France with its own nuclear weapons. He set about building Franco-German cooperation as the cornerstone of the EEC (now the European Union), giving the first state visit to Germany by a French head of state since the time of Napoleon.

Also he took the opportunity to deny the British entry for the first time (January 1963). De Gaulle believed that while the war in Algeria was militarily winnable it was not defensible internationally, and he became reconciled to the country's independence. This stance created huge anger among the French settlers and their metropolitan supporters, and de Gaulle was forced to suppress two uprisings in Algeria by French settlers and troops, in the second of which (April 1961) France herself faced threatened invasion by rebel paratroops. He was also targeted by the settler OAS terrorist group. In March 1962 de Gaulle arranged a cease-fire in Algeria and a referendum supported independence, finally accomplished on July 3. In September 1962 he sought a constitutional amendment to allow the president to be directly elected by the people. Following a defeat in the National Assembly, he dissolved that body and held new elections, the Gaullists won an increased majority. Although the Algerian issue was settled the prime minister, Michel DebrÃ©, still resigned over the final settlement and was replaced with Georges Pompidou.

1962- 1968 Policy of grandeur With the Algerian conflict behind, de Gaulle was able to achieve his two main objectives: 1- to reform and develop the French economy, in order to support 2- an independent foreign policy and a strong stance of France on the international stage, the so called "policy of grandeur" (politique de grandeur). 1- In the context of a population boom unseen in France since the 18th century, the government under prime minister Georges Pompidou oversaw a rapid transformation and expansion of the French economy. With a unique combination of western-style capitalism and Soviet-style state economy, the government intervened heavily in the economy, using five-year plans as its main tool. Great projects were launched such as the extension of Marseilles harbor (soon becoming number three in Europe), the promotion of the Caravelle plane (ancestor of Airbus), the decision to start building the Concorde plane in Toulouse, the expansion of the French car industry with state-owned Renault at its center, the building of the first motorways between Paris and the province, etc. French economy renewed with growth rates not accounted for since the 19th century.

In 1964, for the first time in 200 years, France's GNP per capita overtook that of the UK, a position maintained since. This period is still remembered in France with some nostalgia as the peak of the Trente Glorieuses ("Thirty Glorious Years" of economic growth between 1945-1975). Meeting of president de Gaulle and president Kennedy at the presidential palace in Paris 2- Such a strong economic foundation enabled de Gaulle to carry a prestigious foreign policy overseas. By 1960 France became the fourth nuclear power, having successfully detonated an A-bomb in the Algerian desert. In 1968, at the insistence of de Gaulle, French scientists finally succeeded in detonating an H-bomb, without any US assistance. France was the third biggest independent nuclear power (Britain's nuclear force was strongly tied to the American nuclear force). In 1965 France launched its first satellite into orbit, the third country in the world to do so after the Soviet Union and the United States.

De Gaulle was convinced that a strong France acting as a balancing force in the dangerous rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union was in the interest of the world. He always tried to find counterweights both to the US and to the Soviet Union. For instance, in January 1964, he officially recognized the People's Republic of China, despite US opposition. It should be noted that he was only coming to the same conclusion that would lead to the spectacular trip of Nixon to China 8 years later. Indeed, Nixon's first foreign visit after his election was for de Gaulle in 1969. They both shared the same non-Wilsonian approach to world affairs, believing in Nations and their relative strengths, rather than in ideologies, international organizations or multilateral agreements. De Gaulle is famously quoted for nicknaming the United Nations le Machin ("the Thing"). In December 1965 de Gaulle was returned as President for a second seven-year term, but only after a second round of voting in which he defeated FranÃ§ois Mitterrand. In February 1966 France withdrew from the common NATO military command.

De Gaulle, haunted by the memories of 1940, wanted to retain at all cost France military independence. Building a strong nuclear force, he was loath to have this nuclear force ultimately depending on decisions made in Washington. In case of a new world war, he wanted France to remain the master of the decisions affecting her, unlike in the 1930's when France had to follow in step with the British ally. In September 1966, in a famous speech in Phnom Penh (Cambodia), he expressed France's disapproval of the US involvement in Vietnam, and again preceding Nixon by 7 years he called for a US withdrawal from Vietnam as the only way to ensure peace. In June 1967, he condemned the Israelis over their occupation of the West Bank and Gaza following the Six Days War. This was a major change in the policy of France towards Israel. Thus far, France had been the staunchest ally of Israel, helping Israel militarily, and plotting jointly the Suez Campaign in 1956. Under de Gaulle, following the independence of Algeria, France embarked in a pro-Arab foreign policy, still a distinct aspect of French foreign policy today.

Israel then turned towards the United States for military support. In July 1967 he visited Canada, then celebrating the centennial of its existence as a nation with a World's Fair known officially as Expo '67. Desiring, in his view, to redeem France for its lack of support to the French settlers facing English conquest 200 years before, he endorsed the claims for an autonomous if not independent QuÃ©bec, and uttered his famous "Vive le QuÃ©bec libre" ("Long Live Free QuÃ©bec") from the balcony of the city hall in MontrÃ©al on July 24, in a clear reference to the liberation of France 23 years earlier, of which he was a symbol himself. Harshly critized by English-speaking Canadians (including those in the government), de Gaulle's stance was welcomed by a significant part of the QuÃ©becois population, which was already in the process of getting rid of 200 years of English supremacy with the Quiet Revolution. The tumult forced de Gaulle to cut short his visit to Canada. In December 1967, in the name of France he rejected one more time British entry into the EEC.

Again, his desire to build an independent Europe led him to consider that Britain, whose foreign policy was aligned with that of the US since 1940, would only stall the efforts of the other EEC countries if it was allowed in. Many have commented that the "policy of grandeur" was probably too ambitious and heavy for the shoulders of France. This policy, it is argued, was made possible by the exceptional historical figure of de Gaulle, but was not sustainable by post-imperial France in the long run. In any case, it is still remembered in France as a defining moment of French modern foreign policy, and it still largely inspires French foreign policy today.

Volume I - Le Renouveau 1958-1962 (1970) Discours et Messages volume I - Pendant la Guerre 1940-1946 (1970) Volume II - Dans l'attente 1946-1958 (1970) Volume III - Avec le Renouveau 1958-1962 (1970) Volume IV - Pour l'Effort 1962-1965 (1970) Volume V - Vers le Terme 1966-1969 English Translations The Edge of the Sword (Le Fil de l'EpÃ©e). Tr. by Gerard Hopkins. Faber, London, 1960 Criterion Books, New York, 1960 The Army of the Future. (Vers l'ArmÃ©e de MÃ©tier). Hutchinson, London-Melbourne, 1940. Lippincott, New York, 1940 France and Her Army. (La France et son ArmÃ©e). Tr. by F.L. Dash.

Hutchinson London, 1945. Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1945 War Memoirs: Call to Honor, 1940-1942 (L'Appel). Tr. by Jonathan Griffin. Collins, London, 1955 (2 volumes). Viking Press, New York, 1955. War Memoirs: Unity, 1942-1944. (L'UnitÃ©). Tr. by Richard Howard (narrative) and Joyce Murchie and Hamish Erskine (documents). Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1959 (2 volumes). Simon and Schuster, New York, 1959 (2 volumes). War Memoirs: Salvation, 1944-1946. (Le Salut). Tr. by Richard Howard (narrative) and Joyce Murchie and Hamish Erskine (documents). Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1960 (2 volumes). Simon and Schuster, New York, 1960 (2 volumes).

BBC ON THIS DAY | 28 | 1969: President Charles de Gaulle resigns About This Site | Text Only 1969: President Charles de Gaulle resigns The French President, Charles de Gaulle, has resigned from office after 11 years, following his defeat in a referendum on governmental reforms. A terse, three-line communiqu� from the Elys�e presidential palace, issued shortly after midnight (2300 GMT), announced his decision to step down. His decision takes effect from 1200 local time (1100 GMT). The result of the vote was decisive: 52.87% of the electorate voted "no", with 47.13% supporting the president. Turnout was over 80%. The result of voting in overseas territories has yet to arrive, but will not affect the outcome. His resignation has caused shockwaves around the world. General de Gaulle, 78, is a towering figure in post-war politics: the symbol of Free France during the Nazi occupation in the Second World War, he founded the Fifth Republic in 1958 when he became President of France.

He was a controversial figure at home and abroad, but nonetheless revolutionised French political institutions, and became France's most powerful head of state since Napoleon III. The Prime Minister, Maurice Couve de Murville, spoke in a television broadcast of his "profound sadness" at the result. He said it was "an event the gravity of which will very quickly appear to all people in France and in the world". Vote of confidence Robert Poujade, secretary-general of the Gaullist Party, was one of many paying tribute to General de Gaulle. "He who inspired our struggles of yesterday will continue to inspire our struggles of tomorrow," he said. "In this ordeal, as he taught us, we shall not flinch one moment." The proposals for reform which brought down the president were aimed at modernising the structure of government. General de Gaulle saw the issue as so crucial that he tied his own future to that of the referendum result. It turned the campaign into a vote of confidence in the General himself. All attention now turns to former Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, who has never denied his intention to stand as President if Mr de Gaulle resigned.

Mr Pompidou, controversially dismissed by the General after the elections last year, has long been regarded as his obvious successor. With declarations due within the next month, the race is on to see who can follow one of the greatest acts in the history of France. Charles de Gaulle - Military Leader, President (non-U.S.) - Biography.com Charles de Gaulle Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle Charles de Gaulle Charles de Gaulle rose from French soldier in World War I to exiled leader and, eventually, president of the Fifth Republic. He served as president from 1959 to 1969. IN THESE GROUPS Famous People Who Died in France quotes “A true leader always keeps an element of surprise up his sleeve, which others cannot grasp but which keeps his public excited and breathless.” Charles de Gaulle Synopsis Charles de Gaulle rose from French soldier in World War I to exiled leader and, eventually, president of the Fifth Republic, a position he held until 1969. De Gaulle's time as a commander in World War II would later influence his political career, providing him with a tenacious drive.

His time as president was marked by the student and worker uprisings in 1968, which he responded to with an appeal for civil order. Early Military Career The son of a philosophy and literature professor, famed French leader Charles de Gaulle was born in 1890, into a patriotic and devoutly Catholic family. De Gaulle was a well-educated and well-read child. Early on, he dreamed of being a military leader. He enrolled at the country's top military academy, Saint-Cyr, in 1909. In 1912, he completed his studies and joined an infantry regiment that was commanded by Colonel Philippe Pétain, serving as a lieutenant. During World War I, de Gaulle distinguished himself on the battlefield. He was wounded twice early on, and received a medal for his service. Promoted to captain, de Gaulle fought in one of the war's most deadly confrontations—the Battle of Verdun—in 1916. During the fight, he was injured and, subsequently, taken prisoner. After several failed escape attempts, de Gaulle was freed at the end of the war.

A bright and skilled soldier, de Gaulle enrolled in a special training program at the École Supérieure de Guerre after the war. He later worked with Pétain and served on France's Supreme War Council. Gaining some international experience, de Gaulle spent time in Germany and the Middle East. Also an insightful writer, de Gaulle explored a number of military issues in his books. He published his examination of Germany, La Discorde chez l'ennemi, in 1924. Another important book was Vers l'armée de métier (1932), in which he made suggestions for creating a better army. This critical work was largely ignored by French military officials, but not by the Germans. According to some reports, the German military followed some of de Gaulle's recommendations in World War II. He and his mentor, Petain, had a falling out over another book, a military history piece entitled La France et son armée (1938). World War II At the time fighting broke out between Germany and France, de Gaulle was leading a tank brigade. He was temporarily appointed the brigadier general of the 4th Armored Division in May of 1940.

Continuing to rise up professionally, de Gaulle became the undersecretary for defense and war for French leader Paul Reynaud that June. A short while later, Reynaud was replaced by Pétain. Pétain's new government, sometimes called the Vichy government, worked out a deal with Germany to avoid further bloodshed. The Vichy regime became infamous for collaborating with the Nazis. A dedicated patriot, de Gaulle did not accept France's surrender to Germany in 1940. He instead fled to England, where he became a leader of the Free French movement, with the support of British prime minister Winston Churchill. From London, de Gaulle broadcast a message across the English Channel to his countrymen, calling for them to continue to resist the German occupation. He also organized soldiers from French colonies to fight alongside the allied troops. "Whatever happens, the flame of French resistance must not and shall not die." - Charles du Gaulle, June 18 1940 De Gaulle sometimes irritated other allied leaders with his demands and perceived arrogance. American President Franklin D. Roosevelt reportedly could not stand him.

In fact, at the war's end, de Gaulle was purposely left out of the Yalta Conference, as Germany negotiated its surrender. He did, however, secure his nation an occupation zone in Germany and a seat on the United Nation's Security Council. De Gaulle enjoyed wide support at home and, in 1945, became president of France's provisional government. In a dispute over greater power for the country's executive branch, de Gaulle resigned this post. For several years, de Gaulle led his own political movement, "Rally for the French People," which did not gain much momentum. He retired from politics in 1953. President of the Fifth Republic The French government, known as the Fourth Republic, began to crumble in the late 1950s, and de Gaulle once again returned to public service to help his country. He helped form the country's next government, becoming its president in January 1959. Establishing France's Fifth Republic, de Gaulle dedicated himself to improving the country's economic situation and maintaining its independence. He sought to keep France separate from the two superpowers—the United States and the Soviet Union.

To show France's military relevance, de Gaulle successfully campaigned for the country to press on with its nuclear weapons program. De Gaulle was not afraid to make controversial decisions. After coping with uprisings in Algeria for years, he helped the French colony achieve independence in 1962. This move was not widely popular at the time. De Gaulle supported the idea of a united Europe, but he wanted Europe to be free from the superpowers' influences. He fought to keep Britain out of the European Economic Community because of its close ties to the United States. In 1966, de Gaulle also pulled his country's forces out of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), acting again on his concerns with the United States. To some, de Gaulle came off as anti-American. Though he may have been, to some extent, his actions seemed to truly reflected his deep nationalistic views. Sometimes inflexible and intractable, de Gaulle nearly saw his government toppled by student and worker protests in 1968. He managed to restore order to the country, but left power soon after, following a battle over political and economic reforms. In April 1969, de Gaulle resigned from the presidency.

Death and Legacy After his resignation, de Gaulle retired to his home in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises. He had little time to enjoy the quiet life of this village, as he died of a heart attack on November 9, 1970. French President George Pompidou, who had worked closely with de Gaulle before succeeding him, delivered the terrible news to the public, saying "General de Gaulle is dead. France is a widow." France mourned the loss of its famous statesman and military leader; the country had lost one of its greatest heroes—a hero who had seen his people through war, and proved to be instrumental in his country's recovery. Other world leaders offered up words of praise for de Gaulle. Queen Elizabeth II said that his "courage and tenacity in the allied cause during the dark years of the Second World War will never be forgotten." Two American presidents, Lyndon B. Johnson and Harry S. Truman, also sent their condolences to the people of France. President Richard Nixon was among the foreign dignitaries who attended a special service for de Gaulle, held shortly after his death, at the Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris. Fact Check We strive for accuracy and fairness.

If you see something that doesn't look right, contact us ! Citation Information Charles de Gaulle | president of France | Britannica.com president of France Alternative Title: Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle Charles de Gaulle Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle born Charles de Gaulle, in full Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle (born November 22, 1890, Lille , France—died November 9, 1970, Colombey-les-deux-Églises), French soldier, writer, statesman, and architect of France’s Fifth Republic . Charles de Gaulle, 1967. Bruno Barbey/Magnum Photos Education and early career De Gaulle was the second son of a Roman Catholic, patriotic, and nationalist upper-middle-class family. The family had produced historians and writers, and his father taught philosophy and literature; but, as a boy, de Gaulle already showed a passionate interest in military matters. He attended the Military Academy of Saint-Cyr , and in 1913, as a young second lieutenant, he joined an infantry regiment commanded by Colonel Philippe Pétain .

De Gaulle was an intelligent, hardworking, and zealous young soldier and, in his military career, a man of original mind, great self-assurance, and outstanding courage. In World War I he fought at Verdun , was three times wounded and three times mentioned in dispatches, and spent two years and eight months as a prisoner of war (during which time he made five unsuccessful attempts to escape). After a brief visit to Poland as a member of a military mission, a year’s teaching at Saint-Cyr, and a two-year course of special training in strategy and tactics at the École Supérieure de Guerre (War College), he was promoted by Marshal Pétain in 1925 to the staff of the Supreme War Council. From 1927 to 1929 de Gaulle served as a major in the army occupying the Rhineland and could see for himself both the potential danger of German aggression and the inadequacy of the French defense. He also spent two years in the Middle East and then, having been promoted to lieutenant colonel , spent four years as a member of the secretariat of the National Defense Council.

De Gaulle’s writing career began with a study of the relations between the civil and military powers in Germany (La Discorde chez l’ennemi, 1924; “Discord Among the Enemy”), followed by lectures on his conception of leadership, Le Fil de l’épée (1932; The Edge of the Sword). A study on military theory, Vers l’armée de métier (1934; The Army of the Future), defended the idea of a small professional army, highly mechanized and mobile, in preference to the static theories exemplified by the Maginot Line , which was intended to protect France against German attack. He also wrote a memorandum in which he tried, even as late as January 1940, to convert politicians to his way of thinking. His views made him unpopular with his military superiors, and the question of his right to publish under his name a historical study, La France et son armée (1938; France and Her Army), led to a dispute with Marshal Pétain. World War II Ringling Bros. Folds Its Tent At the outbreak of World War II , de Gaulle commanded a tank brigade attached to the French Fifth Army.

In May 1940, after assuming command as temporary brigadier general in the 4th Armoured Division—the rank that he retained for the rest of his life—he twice had the opportunity to apply his theories on tank warfare. He was mentioned as “an admirable, energetic, and courageous leader.” On June 6 he entered the government of Paul Reynaud as undersecretary of state for defense and war, and he undertook several missions to England to explore the possibilities of continuing the war. When the Reynaud government was replaced 10 days later by that of Marshal Pétain, who intended to seek an armistice with the Germans, de Gaulle left for England. On June 18 he broadcast from London his first appeal to his compatriots to continue the war under his leadership. On August 2, 1940, a French military court tried and sentenced him in absentia to death, deprivation of military rank, and confiscation of property. Exploring Italy and France: Fact or Fiction? De Gaulle entered his wartime career as a political leader with tremendous liabilities. He had only a handful of haphazardly recruited political supporters and volunteers for what were to become the Free French Forces.

He had no political status and was virtually unknown in both Britain and France. But he had an absolute belief in his mission and a conviction that he possessed the qualities of leadership. He was totally devoted to France and had the strength of character (or obstinacy, as it often appeared to the British) to fight for French interests as he saw them with all the resources at his disposal. In his country, to the politicians on the political left, a career officer who was a practicing Roman Catholic was not an immediately acceptable political leader, while to those on the right he was a rebel against Pétain, who was a national hero and France’s only field marshal. Broadcasts from London, the action of the Free French Forces, and the contacts of resistance groups in France either with de Gaulle’s own organization or with those of the British secret services brought national recognition of his leadership; but full recognition by his allies came only after the liberation of Paris in August 1944. Britannica Lists & Quizzes Editor Picks: Exploring 10 Types of Basketball Movies In London de Gaulle’s relations with the British government were never easy, and de Gaulle often added to the strain, at times through his own misjudgment or touchiness.

In 1943 he moved his headquarters to Algiers , where he became president of the French Committee of National Liberation, at first jointly with General Henri Giraud . De Gaulle’s successful campaign to edge out Giraud gave the world proof of his skill in political maneuvering. Allied leaders (from left) French General Henri Giraud, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, … U.S. Army Photo Early political career On September 9, 1944, de Gaulle and his shadow government returned from Algiers to Paris. There he headed two successive provisional governments, but on January 20, 1946, he abruptly resigned, apparently because of his irritation with the political parties forming the coalition government. In November 1946 the Fourth French Republic was declared, and until 1958 de Gaulle campaigned against its constitution, which, he charged, was likely to reproduce the political and governmental inadequacies of the Third Republic .

In 1947 he formed the Rally of the French People (Rassemblement du Peuple Français; RPF), a mass movement that grew rapidly in strength and that to all intents and purposes became a political party during the elections of 1951, when it won 120 seats in the National Assembly . The movement expressed de Gaulle’s hostility to the constitution, to the party system, and, in particular, to the French Communists, because of their unswerving loyalty to directives from Moscow. He became dissatisfied with the RPF, however, and in 1953 severed his connection with it. In 1955 it was disbanded. Charles de Gaulle campaigning against the constitution of the Fourth Republic, Verdun, France, 1948.

Stock footage courtesy The WPA Film Library Connect with Britannica Facebook Twitter YouTube Instagram Pinterest The general made no public appearances in 1955–56 and retired to his home in Colombey-les-deux-Églises, where he worked on his memoirs: L’Appel, 1940–1942 (1954; The Call to Honour, 1940–1942), L’Unité, 1942–1944 (1956; Unity, 1942–1944), and Le Salut, 1944–1946 (1959; Salvation, 1944–1946). The last volume was completed only after his return to power in 1958. Return to public life De Gaulle’s compatriots were deeply divided on the question of his return to public life. The reasons for their hesitation belong to the political history of the period. The opportunity presented itself in May 1958 when the insurrection that had broken out in Algiers threatened to bring civil war to France.

De Gaulle must have seen his return to politics as the most carefully balanced calculation in a life that had had its share of political gambles. He was cautious, for it was by no means certain that the French parliament would accept his return on conditions that he could accept. He affirmed his determination not to come to power by other than legal means, and there was never any evidence of his association with insurgent plans to bring him back; however, his carefully worded statements (on May 15, 19, and 27) certainly helped the insurgents. On June 1, three days after President René Coty threatened to resign unless de Gaulle’s return to power was accepted, de Gaulle presented himself before the National Assembly as a prime minister designate. On the following day he attended the parliamentary session (after he was duly invested as prime minister) that authorized him to reform the constitution and accorded him the special powers that he demanded. On December 21, 1958, de Gaulle was elected president of the republic.

The powers given to the president in the new constitution, which had been approved by referendum on September 28, 1958, especially those providing for the use of the referendum and for presidential rule during a state of emergency, reflected his firm conviction that a strong state required a leader with the power to make decisions. De Gaulle realized that his fellow citizens would accept him only in a crisis and that he must, therefore, take steps to retain the support of the general public and to disarm the power of “the system of parties” in parliament, always potentially hostile to him. His tactics were first to obtain consent for the personal control of government policy by the president and then to ensure its renewal through elections or referenda . He therefore undertook throughout his presidency what was virtually a continuous election campaign in the form of provincial tours, in which he visited every département and during which he met ordinary citizens as well as local notables. He appeared on television several times a year. He relied as far as possible on ministers who were compagnons—those whose loyalties went back to the wartime days—and counted on their use of the constitutional provisions to curb the powers of the deputies to obstruct parliamentary business or harass governments.

Trending Topics Opium Wars De Gaulle retained the essential function of parliaments in a democracy—namely, the right to criticize governments and to withdraw confidence in them. There were frequent complaints of progovernmental bias on the radio, but these also had been common under pre-Gaullist regimes. Under a law of 1881, insults to the president of the republic constitute an offense, and, while there was certainly more recourse to this law during de Gaulle’s presidency than under previous regimes, it presented no obstacle to political criticisms of Gaullist policies and Gaullist ministers in the press and by political parties. Indeed, those criticisms were continual and widespread. De Gaulle’s greatest challenge in his early years as president was to find a way to resolve the bloody and extraordinarily divisive Algerian War . France’s influential left-wing intellectuals supported Algerian independence and wanted de Gaulle to find a face-saving way to end the war quickly. The European residents of Algeria and their many supporters on the mainland, most of them politically conservative , wanted France to retain Algeria at all costs. The leaders of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), meanwhile, were willing to discuss nothing short of full independence.

De Gaulle realized that he had no choice but to end the war, and, when he began peace negotiations with the FLN, French military leaders in Algiers turned against him, forming a rebel faction known as the Secret Army Organization (OAS). In April 1961 the OAS seized control of Algiers and threatened to take Paris as well. De Gaulle responded vigorously, using the emergency powers permitted by the constitution of the Fifth Republic . Most French citizens rallied to de Gaulle, and after a tense standoff the OAS action fell apart. The bulk of the military refused to side with the rebellious generals, and de Gaulle’s peace initiative was allowed to proceed. The bloodletting, however, was not over. The OAS, now a full-fledged terrorist organization, undertook a wave of bombings and assassinations (including attempts on de Gaulle) that left some 12,000 victims. But the overwhelming majority of the population supported de Gaulle, allowing him to negotiate Algerian independence (1962) and defeat the OAS. Having been preoccupied with Algeria during his first three years, de Gaulle was finally in a position to turn to other pressing matters.

Beginning in 1962, he moved to strengthen the country’s economy, planned the reorganization of the army, developed an independent nuclear deterrent, and prevented fresh “Algerias” in the future by providing for the constitutional transformation of the African overseas territories into 12 politically independent states. From mid-1962 onward, however, with the recognition of an independent Algerian state, he had to consolidate his own position by obtaining a fresh vote of confidence from the electorate, for he was no longer politically indispensable. One lesson that de Gaulle had learned was that his personal position was stronger if he remained, at least in theory, above the political and party battle, as he had tried to do during the wartime and early postwar years. Before the elections of 1958, he had therefore forbidden his supporters to use his name, “even in the form of an adjective,” in the title of any group or candidate. In 1962 he offered the electors the choice between his resignation and acceptance of a constitutional amendment providing for the election of the president by universal suffrage.

Under the original constitution, the president was to be chosen by an electoral college of some 80,000 members, mainly mayors and local leaders. The electors favoured the amendment overwhelmingly. During the parliamentary general election in November, the Gaullist party won an additional 64 seats, thus obtaining, with the support of some 30 conservative deputies, a majority in the National Assembly. From then on, de Gaulle was in a position to carry out, with public consent, the plans that he regarded as essential in restoring France to the status of a great power. As a statesman, de Gaulle fought his political battles like a military campaign, using all the devices that he had learned to transform France’s postwar international position of weakness into one of strength and to overcome opposition to his plans at home. These devices have been often described by his fellow citizens: “egoism, pride, aloofness, guile,” according to sociologist and historian Raymond Aron ; “empiricism, intuition , flexibility of mind if not of soul,” according to one of the most perceptive of his biographers, Jean Lacouture.

From 1962 until his reelection as president in 1965, de Gaulle used the European Economic Community (EEC; now part of the European Union ) to serve French interests, especially agricultural interests. France’s participation in the supranational North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was progressively withdrawn, because de Gaulle’s policy for France was one of “national independence” and of international cooperation based only on agreements between nation-states. This was the main theme of his presidential campaign in 1965. On December 21 he was reelected, though only on the second ballot, after facing a surprisingly strong challenge from the Socialist Franƈois Mitterrand . On March 7, 1966, de Gaulle announced France’s withdrawal from the integrated military command of NATO but not from the alliance. During the remainder of his second term as president, de Gaulle turned his attention increasingly to wider fields. He had already begun a policy of “détente and cooperation” with countries behind the Iron Curtain by encouraging trade and cultural relations with the Soviet Union and the countries of eastern Europe and by recognizing the People’s Republic of China in January 1964.

As a solution for the Vietnam War , he advocated a policy of neutrality for all nations concerned, based on a negotiated peace of which a necessary preliminary was to be the withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Vietnam. These activities, together with visits to Canada, the Far East, and all of Latin America , formed part of a policy that aimed at increasing the influence of France, first in French-speaking countries or countries that shared some bond derived from a common attachment to Latin culture , then in Europe, which, in his view, would sooner or later extend beyond the boundaries of the EEC or the division into Western and Eastern blocs, and finally in the world, where he foresaw the gradual dissolution of the two great blocs. Circumstances worked against his success. He felt obliged to take up attitudes that were generally interpreted as anti-American. His theory of “desatellization,” the progressive loosening of the Soviet hold on the countries of eastern Europe, was brutally invalidated by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Moreover, there was no evidence that France carried any real weight with the countries that it hoped to influence.

As the political and economic crisis of May 1968 revealed, France had neither the internal cohesion nor the financial resources to play the role of leader in what de Gaulle called “Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals.” His strength had been in his appeal for unity against a common enemy—in 1940, Germany; in 1958, subversion and civil disorder. In the students’ and workers’ revolt of May 1968, the enemy was once again subversion and civil disorder, but the rapid collapse of the revolt and the divisions within the left that it revealed made de Gaulle seem less indispensable than in the past. The solution to the underlying causes of the revolt required the patient negotiation of a government rather than leadership by a man of destiny. A broadcast on May 30 brought a massive demonstration of support and a landslide Gaullist victory in the subsequent election, but the victory was for peace and normality rather than for the president and his policies. When in April 1969 de Gaulle called once again for a referendum, it was not clear whether he really wanted to remain in power.

The referendum, calling for the acceptance of regional reorganization and a reform of the Senate, was presented to voters, as other referenda had been, as a choice between acceptance of the measures (though the second was generally unpopular) or of his own resignation. The diplomatic methods that had been welcomed during his first term as assertions of France’s claim to equality with and influence among the great powers now created great unease. His advocacy of neutrality on Vietnam in 1966 was widely interpreted as an expression of personal anti-Americanism. On his visit to Canada in 1967, he seemed actively to encourage French Canadian separatism. His declarations of neutrality in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war seemed to show a pro-Arab bias. France had not formally withdrawn from NATO, and the so-called independent nuclear deterrent that he sought was neither independent nor within France’s means. The question “After de Gaulle, who?” was answered by the president himself when he dismissed Georges Pompidou in 1968 after a record six years as prime minister. This left Pompidou free to present himself as a credible and acceptable successor to de Gaulle.

On April 28, 1969, following his defeat in the referendum, de Gaulle resigned and returned to Colombey-les-deux-Églises to retire permanently and to resume writing his memoirs. There he died of a heart attack the following year. His aims and actions as president have drawn more exegesis and speculation than those of any other French statesman. Charles de Gaulle facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com articles about Charles de Gaulle Charles André Joseph Marie De Gaulle Encyclopedia of World Biography COPYRIGHT 2004 The Gale Group Inc. Charles André Joseph Marie De Gaulle The French general and statesman Charles André Joseph Marie De Gaulle (1890-1970) led the Free French forces during World War II. A talented writer and eloquent orator, he served as president of France from 1958 to 1969. Charles De Gaulle was born on Nov. 23, 1890, in the northern industrial city of Lille.

His father, Henri, was a teacher of philosophy and mathematics and a veteran of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, in which the Prussians humiliatingly defeated what the French thought was the greatest army in the world. This loss colored the life of the elder De Gaulle, a patriot who vowed he would live to avenge the defeat and win back the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. His attitude deeply influenced the lives of his sons, whom he raised to be the instruments of his revenge and of the restoration of France as the greatest European power. From his earliest years Charles De Gaulle was immersed in French history by both his father and mother. For many centuries De Gaulle's forebears had played a role in French history, almost always as patriots defending France from invaders. In the 14th century a Chevalier de Gaulle defeated an invading English army in defense of the city of Vire, and Jean de Gaulle is cited in the Battle of Agincourt (1415). Charles's great-great-grandfather, Jean Baptiste de Gaulle, was a king's counselor.

His grandfather, Julien Philippe de Gaulle, wrote a popular history of Paris; Charles received this book on his tenth birthday and, as a young boy, read and reread it. He was also devoted to the literary works of his gifted grandmother, Julien Philippe's wife, Josephine Marie, whose name gave him two of his baptismal names. One of her greatest influences upon him was her impassioned, romantic history, The Liberator of Ireland, or the Life of Daniel O'Connell. It always remained for him an illustration of man's resistance to persecution, religious or political, and an inspiring example he emulated in his own life. Perhaps the major influence on De Gaulle's formation came from his uncle, also named Charles de Gaulle, who wrote a book about the Celts which called for union of the Breton, Scots, Irish, and Welsh peoples.

The young De Gaulle wrote in his copybook a sentence from his uncle's book, which proved to be a prophecy of his own life: "In a camp, surprised by enemy attack under cover of night, where each man is fighting alone, in dark confusion, no one asks for the grade or rank of the man who lifts up the standard and makes the first call to rally for resistance." Military Career De Gaulle's career as defender of France began in the summer of 1909, when he was admitted to the elite military academy of Saint-Cyr. Among his classmates was the future marshal of France Alphonse Juin, who later recalled De Gaulle's nicknames in school—"The Grand Constable," "The Fighting Cock," and "The Big Asparagus." After graduation Second Lieutenant De Gaulle reported in October 1912 to Henri Philippe Pétain, who first became his idol and then his most hated enemy. (In World War I Pétain was the hero of Verdun, but during World War II he capitulated to Hitler and collaborated with the Germans while De Gaulle was leading the French forces of liberation.) De Gaulle led a frontline company as captain in World War I and was cited three times for valor.

Severely wounded, he was left for dead on the battlefield of Verdun and then imprisoned by the Germans when he revived in a graveyard cart. After he had escaped and been recaptured several times, the Germans put him in a maximum security prison-fortress. After the war De Gaulle went to general-staff school, where he hurt his career by constant criticism of his superiors. He denounced the static concept of trench warfare and wrote a series of essays calling for a strategy of movement with armored tanks and planes. The French hierarchy ignored his works, but the Germans read him and adapted his theories to develop their triumphant strategy of blitzkrieg, or lightning war, with which they defeated the French in 1940. When France fell, De Gaulle, then an obscure brigadier general, refused to capitulate. He fled to London, convinced that the British would never surrender and that American power, once committed, would win the war. On June 18, 1940, on BBC radio, he insisted that France had only lost a battle, not the war, and called upon patriotic Frenchmen to resist the Germans. This inspiring broadcast won him worldwide acclaim.

Early Political Activity When the Germans were driven back, De Gaulle had no rivals for leadership in France. Therefore in the fall of 1944 the French Parliament unanimously elected him premier. De Gaulle had fiercely opposed the German enemy, and now he vigorously defended France against the influence of his powerful allies Joseph Stalin, Winston Churchill, and Franklin Roosevelt. De Gaulle once stated that he never feared Adolf Hitler, who, he knew, was doomed to defeat, but did fear that his allies would dominate France and Europe in the postwar period. By the fall of 1945, only a year after assuming power, De Gaulle was quarreling with all the political leaders of France. He saw himself as the unique savior of France, the only disinterested champion of French honor, grandeur, and independence. He despised all politicians as petty, corrupt, and self-interested muddlers, and, chafing under his autocratic rule, they banded against him. In January 1946, disgusted by politics, he resigned and retreated into a sulking silence to brood upon the future of France. In 1947 De Gaulle reemerged as leader of the opposition.

He headed what he termed "The Rally of the French People," which he insisted was not a political party but a national movement. The Rally became the largest single political force in France but never achieved majority status. Although De Gaulle continued to despise the political system, he refused to lead a coup d'etat, as some of his followers urged, and again retired in 1955. Years as President In May 1958 a combination of French colonials and militarists seized power in Algeria and threatened to invade France. The weakened Fourth Republic collapsed, and the victorious rebels called De Gaulle back to power as president of the Fifth Republic of France. From June 1958 to April 1969 he reigned as the dominant force in France. But he was not a dictator, as many have charged; he was elected first by Parliament and then in a direct election by the people. As president, De Gaulle fought every plan to involve France deeply in alliances. He opposed the formation of a United States of Europe and British entry into the Common Market. He stopped paying part of France's dues to the United Nations, forced the NATO headquarters to leave France, and pulled French forces out of the Atlantic Alliance integrated armies.

Denouncing Soviet oppression of Eastern Europe, he also warned of the Chinese threat to the world. He liberated France's colonies, supported the Vietnamese "liberation movement" against the United States, and called for a "free Quebec" in Canada. De Gaulle had an early success in stimulating pride in Frenchmen and in increasing French gold reserves and strengthening the economy. By the end of his reign, however, France was almost friendless, and his economic gains had been all but wiped out by the student and workers protest movement in spring 1968. De Gaulle ruled supreme for 11 years, but his firm hand began to choke and then to infuriate many citizens. In April 1969 the French voted against his program for reorganizing the Senate and the regions of France. He had threatened to resign if his plan was rejected and, true to his word, he promptly renounced all power. Thereafter De Gaulle remained silent on political issues. Georges Pompidou, one of his favorite lieutenants, was elected to succeed him as president. Charles De Gaulle died at Colombey-les-Deux-Églises on Nov. 9, 1970.

Further Reading De Gaulle's War Memoirs (3 vols., 1954-1959; trans. 1955-1960) is available in a single volume as The Complete War Memoirs of Charles de Gaulle (1964). The first volume of his postwar memoirs is Memoirs of Hope (trans. 1971). His The Edge of the Sword (1959; trans. 1960) is a personal credo on the qualities of leadership. Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle (1964; trans. 1966), is one of the best biographies, written by an astute French observer. Jean R. Tournoux, Pétain and De Gaulle (1964; trans. 1966), is a study of the relationship of the two men from World War I. A biography in three parts, examining De Gaulle's roles as soldier, savior of his nation, and statesman, is David Schoenbrun, The Three Lives of Charles de Gaulle (1966).

Other more specialized studies include Jacques de Launay, De Gaulle and His France: A Psychopolitical and Historical Portrait (trans. 1968); Anton W. DePorte, De Gaulle's Foreign Policy, 1944-46 (1968); and Raymond Aron, De Gaulle, Israel, and the Jews (1968; trans. 1969). □ Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. MLA The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Copyright The Columbia University Press Charles de Gaulle (shärl də gōl), 1890–1970, French general and statesman, first president (1959–69) of the Fifth Republic. The World Wars During World War I de Gaulle served with distinction until his capture in 1916. In The Army of the Future (1934, tr. 1941) he foresaw and futilely advocated for France the mechanized warfare by which Germany was to conquer France in 1940.

In World War II he was promoted to brigadier general (1940) and became undersecretary of war in the cabinet of Premier Paul Reynaud. De Gaulle opposed the Franco-German armistice and fled (June, 1940) to London, where he organized the Free French forces and rallied several French colonies to his movement. He was sentenced to death in absentia by a French military court. The Free French forces were successful in Syria, Madagascar, and N Africa. In June, 1943, de Gaulle became copresident, with Gen. Henri Honoré Giraud , of the newly formed French Committee of National Liberation at Algiers. He succeeded in forcing Giraud out of the committee, and in June, 1944, it was proclaimed the provisional government of France. The Postwar Period De Gaulle's government returned to Paris on Aug. 26 and was recognized by the principal Allies. He was unanimously elected provisional president of France in Nov., 1945, but he resigned in Jan., 1946, when it became obvious that his views favoring a strong executive would not be incorporated into the new constitution.

Many of the rightist elements had gathered under the Gaullist banner, and he became (1947) head of a new party—Rassemblement du Peuple Français [Rally of the French People]—which claimed to speak for all Frenchmen and to be above factional strife but which, nevertheless, took part in subsequent elections. The party had some temporary electoral success, but in 1953 de Gaulle dissolved it and went into retirement. Algeria and Internal Affairs In 1958, after the military and civilian revolt in Algeria had created a political crisis in France, he was considered the only leader of sufficient strength and stature to deal with the situation. He became premier with power to rule by decree for six months. During this time a new constitution, which strengthened the presidency, was drawn up (1958). The constitution also provided for the French Community , the first step toward resolving imperial problems. De Gaulle was inaugurated as president of the new Fifth Republic in Jan., 1959. He decided to allow Algeria self-determination. This decision led to several revolts in Algeria by French colonists who opposed independence.

Finally in 1962 an agreement was reached that provided for Algerian independence. In domestic affairs de Gaulle attempted to restore French national finances by devaluing the franc and creating a new franc worth 100 old francs. Much of de Gaulle's program consisted of an attempt to raise France to its former world stature. He argued for French parity with the United States in NATO decisions and promoted French development of atomic weapons. In 1966, he withdrew French troops from NATO and ordered the withdrawal of NATO military installations from France by Apr., 1967. The Final Presidency De Gaulle was reelected to a second seven-year term in 1965. Although he rejected limitations on French sovereignty, he supported participation in the Common Market but strongly opposed British membership in it. He fostered ties with West Germany and established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. In May, 1968, student demonstrations protesting French political and educational systems were followed by huge workers' strikes that nearly toppled the Gaullist government. Nevertheless, in elections held in June, the Gaullists were returned to power.

In 1969, after being defeated in a referendum on constitutional reform, de Gaulle resigned as president. Bibliography See De Gaulle's War Memoirs (tr., 3 vol., 1955–60; repr. 1984) and Memoirs of Hope (tr. 1972); biographies by P. Masson (1971), B. Crozier (1973), D. Cook (1984), J. Lacouture (2 vol., 1990–92), C. Williams (1995), and J. Fenby (2012); A. Werth, The De Gaulle Revolution (1960), P. M. Williams and M. Harrison, De Gaulle's Republic (1960), R. Aron, An Explanation of De Gaulle (1965), J. Hess, The Case for De Gaulle (1968), A. Hartley, Gaullism (1971), P. Alexandre, The Duel: De Gaulle and Pompidou (1972).

Cite this article De Gaulle, Charles André Joseph Marie World Encyclopedia © World Encyclopedia 2005, originally published by Oxford University Press 2005. De Gaulle, Charles André Joseph Marie (1890–1970) French general and statesman, first president (1959–69) of the Fifth Republic. De Gaulle's experience of World War I (captured 1916), convinced him of the need to modernize the French army. In 1940 he became undersecretary of war, but fled to London after the German invasion. He organized French Resistance (Free French) forces, and in June 1944 was proclaimed president of the provisional French government. Following liberation he resigned, disenchanted with the political settlement. In 1958, he emerged from retirement to deal with the war in Algeria . In 1959 a new constitution was signed, creating the French Community. In 1962, De Gaulle was forced to cede Algerian independence. France gained an independent nuclear capability, but alienated the UK and USA by its temporary withdrawal from NATO and by blocking British entry into the EEC.

De Gaulle's devaluation of the franc brought relative domestic prosperity. He was re-elected (1965), but resigned following defeat in a 1969 referendum.

Question: Which former Prime Minister of France became his country's President after the resignation of Charles de Gaulle?
Answer: GEORGES POMPIDOU