Daniel arap Moi | president of Kenya | Britannica.com president of Kenya Alternative Title: Daniel Toroitich arap Moi Daniel arap Moi Daniel arap Moi, in full Daniel Toroitich arap Moi (born 1924, Sacho, Kenya Colony [now Kenya]), Kenyan politician, who held the office of president (1978–2002). Daniel arap Moi, 1988. William F. Campbell—Time Life Pictures/Getty Images Moi was educated at mission and government schools. He became a teacher at age 21 and in the early 1960s, as Kenya began to move toward independence (1963), was appointed minister of education in the transitional government. Although he had originally been cofounder and chairman of the Kenya African Democratic Union, a party composed of minority peoples, he joined the Kikuyu-dominated Kenya African National Union (KANU) in 1964. That same year Moi was appointed minister of home affairs. Named vice president in 1967, Moi became president in 1978 following the death of Jomo Kenyatta .

He quickly consolidated his power, banning opposition parties and promoting his Kalenjin countrymen to positions of authority at the expense of the Kikuyu . He also curried favour with the army, which proved loyal to him in suppressing a coup attempt in 1982. His continuation of Kenyatta’s pro-Western policies ensured significant sums of development aid during the Cold War (1947–91), and under Moi’s stewardship Kenya emerged as one of the most prosperous African nations. In the early 1990s, however, Western countries began to demand political and economic reforms, leading Moi to legalize opposition parties in 1991. The following year he won the country’s first multiparty elections amid charges of electoral fraud. Riots and demonstrations marred the 1997 elections, and hundreds of Kenyans, mainly Kikuyu, were killed. Easily elected to his fifth term as president, Moi promised to end government corruption and implement democratic and economic reforms.

In an effort to combat corruption, in 1999 he appointed Richard Leakey , the popular and respected anthropologist, the head of the civil service and permanent secretary to the cabinet, a position Leakey retired from in 2001. Required by the constitution to resign in 2003, Moi backed Uhuru Kenyatta , son of Jomo Kenyatta, as the KANU candidate in the 2002 elections, but many feared that Kenyatta would be a puppet for Moi. KANU split in two, with dissidents joining the National Rainbow Coalition, whose candidate, Mwai Kibaki , succeeded Moi in December 2002. Learn More in these related articles: in Kenya The looting of Kenya | World news | The Guardian The looting of Kenya · Leak of secret report exposes corrupt web · More than £1bn moved to 28 countries · Property in London, New York , Australia The former Kenyan president Daniel Arap Moi.

Photograph: Juda Ngwenya/Reuters Friday 31 August 2007 06.03 EDT First published on Friday 31 August 2007 06.03 EDT Share on Messenger Close The breathtaking extent of corruption perpetrated by the family of the former Kenyan leader Daniel Arap Moi was exposed last night in a secret report that laid bare a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen that his entourage used to funnel hundreds of millions of pounds into nearly 30 countries including Britain. The 110-page report by the international risk consultancy Kroll, seen by the Guardian, alleges that relatives and associates of Mr Moi siphoned off more than £1bn of government money. If true, it would put the Mois on a par with Africa's other great kleptocrats, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) and Nigeria's Sani Abacha. The assets accumulated included multimillion pound properties in London, New York and South Africa, as well as a 10,000-hectare ranch in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of pounds.

The report, commissioned by the Kenyan government, was submitted in 2004, but never acted upon. It details how: · Mr Moi's sons - Philip and Gideon - were reported to be worth £384m and £550m respectively; · His associates colluded with Italian drug barons and printed counterfeit money; · His clique owned a bank in Belgium; · The threat of losing their wealth prompted threats of violence between Mr Moi's family and his political aides; · £4m was used to buy a home in Surrey and £2m to buy a flat in Knightsbridge. Kroll said last night it could not confirm or deny the authenticity of the report. The Kroll investigation into the former regime was commissioned by President Mwai Kibaki shortly after he came to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2003. It was meant to be the first step towards recovering some of the money stolen during Mr Moi's 24-year rule, which earned Kenya the reputation as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

But soon after the investigation was launched, Mr Kibaki's government was caught up in its own scandal, known as Anglo Leasing, which involved awarding huge government contracts to bogus companies. Since then, none of Mr Moi's relatives or close allies has been prosecuted. No money has been recovered. Three of the four ministers who resigned after the Anglo Leasing scandal was exposed have since been reinstated. Last night, the Kenyan government confirmed that it received the Kroll report in April 2004. But Alfred Mutua, the government spokesman, said it was incomplete and inaccurate, and that Kroll had not been engaged to do any further work. "We did not find that the report was credible. It was based a lot on hearsay." He said the leaking of the report was politically motivated and insisted Kenya was working with foreign governments to recover the stolen money. "Some of the money is in UK bank accounts. We have asked the British government to help us recover the funds, but so far they have refused." The report was obtained by the website Wikileaks, which aims to help expose corruption.

The document is believed to have been leaked by a senior government official upset about Mr Kibaki's failure to tackle corruption and by his alliance with Mr Moi before the presidential election in December. On Tuesday Mr Moi said he was backing Mr Kibaki for a second term, saying he was disappointed that "selfish individual interests have been entrenched in our society". Mr Moi remains an influential figure in Kenya and his endorsement is expected to go some way to ensuring his successor's re-election. In the Kroll report the investigators allege that a Kenyan bank was the key to getting vast sums of money of out of the country via its foreign currency accounts. The same bank had already laundered $200m (£100m) on behalf of the late Mr Abacha, with the assistance of a Swiss-based "financier". "It is believed that twice as much was laundered through the same system by the Mois," the report said. Kroll confirmed last night that it had previously done work for the Kenyan government. A company spokesman was given extracts of the report seen by the Guardian. "We cannot confirm or deny that this report is what it purports to be," he said.

"Nor can we talk about the scope, content or results of any work we have done for the government of Kenya, which remains confidential." Gideon Moi is an MP and Philip Moi is a businessman. Daniel Arap Moi's spokesman did not return calls last night. BBC NEWS | Africa | Moi's legacy to Kenya Monday, 5 August, 2002, 09:08 GMT 10:08 UK Moi's legacy to Kenya Moi is one of the last remaining Big Men in Africa By Gray Phombeah BBC News Online He stands over six foot tall, always immaculately dressed in sombre suits and a trademark rose in his buttonhole. In the last 15 years, Kenyans have become poorer and poorer. Robert Shaw, economist But behind the mask of gentility, say his critics, is a man who has ruled the East African nation with an iron fist - deceptively symbolised by the silver-topped ivory stick, known as 'rungu' in Swahili, which he sports everywhere he goes. From a humble start, Daniel Torotich arap Moi has come to be seen as one of Africa's 'Big Men'.

He has been described as a master tactician: shrewd, manipulative and always one step ahead of his opponents. : President Moi's career from his youth to the last days of his presidency. To his credit, Kenya avoided the fate of many of its neighbours - genocide or economic collapse. His supporters call him the "giraffe" - referring to what they call his far-sightedness - and "professor of politics" They point out that he has kept the country united, ended the powerful Kikuyu domination of Kenya's politics and business, and put in place a multi-party system. But, at the end of his presidency, his critics say Mr Moi leaves his country burdened with economic mismanagement, corruption, political repression and continuing ethnic tensions. Poor governance "In the last 15 years, Kenyans have become poorer and poorer," says Robert Shaw, a Nairobi economist and columnist. "From the 1990s, economic growth and the standard of living have declined or stagnated.

"Moi's government promised many things but did very little - especially in the department of good governance." Moi's time came when Kenyatta died in his sleep in 1978 Government statistics confirm the grim picture of last 20 years: In the 1960s and 70s annual economic growth peaked at 8% , but by 2001 it had dropped sharply to -3%. The majority of Kenyans live below the poverty level. Average annual income is some $1 a day. Because of mass unemployment, there is rising crime - armed robbery and carjackings - in Nairobi and other major towns. Basic infrastructure such as roads, telephones, railways and electricity have been in considerable disrepair. It is estimated that it will need a billion dollars to get the nation's roads back into good working order again. Between 1992 and 1998, infant mortality for under five-year-olds rose from 74 to 105 per 1,000.

Sycophancy Born in September 1924 in the remote hills of the Rift Valley, Mr Moi rose from tending herds among a small tribe in Kenya to be a mission school teacher and later replaced Jomo Kenyatta, the founding father, as the second president of independent Kenya. Moi has overseen the systematic destruction of our institutions John Githongo, political analyst Under the charismatic Kenyatta, Moi was a political nonentity as vice president. His credentials as well as his bloodstock stood against him in Kenya's tribal politics. His tribe, the Kalenjin, was much too small, his authority much too fragile. But his time came when Kenyatta died in August 1978. He took the motto Nyayo, Swahili for footsteps, indicating his wish to follow in Kenyatta's path. Over the years, Moi consolidated his hold on power and surrounded himself with a sycophant male court. Choristers sang his praises, and children hailed him as Kenya's guiding father.

Torture "Moi has overseen the real entrenchment of a system of patronage in Kenya," says John Githongo, a political analyst who is also Kenya executive director of Transparency International (TI) "He has overseen the systematic destruction of our institutions. Critics say Moi leaves behind poverty and violence "He sees things the old way - and he has had no faith in western democracy. "Regardless of what happens after Moi, the next government will be weaker than his because of the country's economic ruin. During his 24-year presidency, President Moi survived a coup attempt, tribal unrest and economic upheaval. He outlawed all other political parties except Kanu in June 1982. Two months later, he reorganised the armed forces after a coup attempt. In 1986 and 1987 the Special Branch of the Kenya police was busy rounding up all suspected enemies of Moi. Most of them say they were tortured, jailed or detained without trial. By the early 1990s Kenya had lost its reputation as one of Africa's most stable and prosperous countries. Pressure from foreign donors forced Mr Moi to hold multi-party elections in 1992.

The IMF and the World Bank cut off financial aid to the country to force him to carry out more economic reforms. The two institutions maintain that his regime did little to improve its record of corruption, ethnic favouritism, and human rights abuses. Ethnic clashes Before and after the 1997 elections, strongholds of the opposition plunged into ethnic fighting, leaving hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters displaced. The unsolved murder of his foreign minister, Dr Robert Ouko, in 1990, is destined to haunt his presidency to the end. On the economic front, the multi-million dollar Goldenberg bank scandal - implicating him and those close to him - is still pending in court. "Goldenberg and all the related scams gravely undermined Kenya's economy," says Robert Shaw. "One of the major fallouts of Goldenberg was its devastating effect on the domestic debt. "Kenyans are still servicing the debt." As he enters the evening of his political life, the question of Moi's successor is yet to be resolved. Moi will enjoy a lavish retirement and political influence if Kanu wins For years, any discussion on political succession in Kenya was strictly regarded as taboo and painfully avoided by Moi's supporters and opponents.

Mr Moi now says he wants Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of founding president Jomo Kenyatta, to succeed him. But at least three other candidates from his ruling party Kanu have declared their interest to run for president against his preferred successor. In an attempt to put behind a decade of disunity, six opposition parties recently launched an umbrella party. They have not settled yet on a single candidate, but they have pledged to rally behind one figure. But President Moi will be determined to ensure that his successor blocks any potential court actions against him - so his energetic campaigning looks set to be a major feature of this election. New leader, new start Daniel arap Moi | Military Wiki | Fandom powered by Wikia Edit Moi was born in Kurieng'wo village, Sacho division, Baringo District , Rift Valley Province , and was raised by his mother Kimoi Chebii following the early death of his father. He is of the Kalenjin people. After completing his secondary education, he attended Tambach Teachers Training College in the Keiyo District . He worked as a teacher from 1946 until 1955.

In 1955 Moi entered politics when he was elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. In 1960 he founded the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) with Ronald Ngala to challenge the Kenya African National Union (KANU) led by Jomo Kenyatta. KADU pressed for a federal constitution, while KANU was in favour of centralism. The advantage lay with the numerically stronger KANU, and the British government was finally forced to remove all provisions of a federal nature from the constitution. In 1957 Moi was re-elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. He became Minister of Education in the pre-independence government of 1960–1961. Vice-presidency Edit After Kenya gained independence on 12 December 1963, Kenyatta convinced Moi that KADU and KANU should be merged to complete the process of decolonisation. Accordingly, KADU dissolved and joined KANU in 1964. The only real challenge to KANU's dominance came from the Kenya People's Union , starting in 1966.

That party was banned in 1969, and from that point onward Kenya was a de facto single-party state dominated by the Kĩkũyũ - Luo alliance. However, with an eye on the fertile lands of the rift valley populated by members of Moi's Kalenjin tribe, Kenyatta secured their support by first promoting Moi to Minister for Home Affairs in 1964, and then to vice-president in 1967. As a member of a minority tribe Moi was also an acceptable compromise for the major tribes. Moi was elected to the Kenyan parliament in 1963 from Baringo North . Since 1966 until his retirement in 2002 he served as the Baringo Central MP and only served as a vice-president until 1978 when he became the president. [4] However, Moi faced opposition from the Kikuyu elite known as the Kiambu Mafia , who would have preferred one of their own to be eligible for the presidency. This resulted in an attempt by the constitutional drafting group to change the constitution to prevent the vice-president automatically assuming power in the event of the president's death.

The presence of this succession mechanism might have led to dangerous political instability if Kenyatta died, given his advanced age and perennial illnesses. However, Kenyatta withstood the political pressure and safeguarded Moi's position. Presidency Edit Presidential Standard of Moi When Jomo Kenyatta died on 22 August 1978, Moi succeeded him. He was popular, with widespread support all over the country. He toured the country and came into contact with the people everywhere, which was in great contrast to Kenyatta's imperial style of governing behind closed doors. However, political realities dictated that he would continue to be beholden to the Kenyatta system which he had inherited intact, including the nearly dictatorial powers vested in the presidency. Despite his popularity, Moi was still too weak to consolidate his power.

From the beginning, anticommunism was an important theme of Moi's government; speaking on the new President's behalf, Vice-President Mwai Kibaki bluntly stated, "There is no room for communists in Kenya." [5] On 1 August 1982, lower-level Air Force personnel, led by Senior Private Grade-I Hezekiah Ochuka and backed by university students, attempted a coup d'état to oust Moi. The putsch was quickly suppressed by military and police forces commanded by Chief of General Staff Mahamoud Mohamed . [6] To this day it appears that the attempt by two independent groups to seize power contributed to the failure of both, with one group making its attempt slightly earlier than the other. Moi took the opportunity to dismiss political opponents and consolidate his power. He reduced the influence of Kenyatta's men in the cabinet through a long running judicial enquiry that resulted in the identification of key Kenyatta men as traitors. Moi pardoned them but not before establishing their traitor status in the public view. The main conspirators in the coup, including Ochuka were sentenced to death, marking the last judicial executions in Kenya.

He appointed supporters to key roles and changed the constitution to establish a de jure single-party state . However, the country had effectively been a one-party state since 1969. The amendments effectively gave Moi complete political control over the country. Kenya's academics and other intelligentsia did not accept this and the universities and colleges became the origin of movements that sought to introduce democratic reforms. However, Kenyan secret police infiltrated these groups and many members moved into exile. Marxism could no longer be taught at Kenyan universities. Underground movements, e.g. Mwakenya and Pambana, were born. President Moi with Meles Zenawi and George W. Bush at the Oval Office Moi's regime now faced the end of the Cold War , and an economy stagnating under rising oil prices and falling prices for agricultural commodities. At the same time the West no longer dealt with Kenya as it had in the past, when it was viewed as a strategic regional outpost against communist influences from Ethiopia and Tanzania. At that time Kenya had received much foreign aid, and the country was accepted as being well governed with Moi as a legitimate leader and firmly in charge.

The increasing amount of political repression, including the use of torture, at the infamous Nyayo House torture chambers had been deliberately overlooked. Some of the evidence of these torture cells were to be later exposed in 2003 after Mwai Kibaki became President. [7] However, a new thinking emerged after the end of the Cold War, and as Moi became increasingly viewed as a despot , foreign aid was withheld pending compliance with economic and political reforms. One of the key conditions imposed on his regime, especially by the United States through fiery ambassador Smith Hempstone , was the restoration of a multi-party system . Moi managed to accomplish this against fierce opposition, single handedly convincing the delegates at the KANU conference at Kasarani in December 1991. Moi won elections in 1992 and 1997, which were marred by political violence on both sides. Moi skilfully exploited Kenya's mix of ethnic tensions in these contests, with the ever present fear of the smaller tribes being dominated by the larger tribes. In the absence of an effective and organised opposition Moi had no difficulty in winning.

Although it is also suspected that electoral fraud may have occurred, the key to his victory in both elections was a divided opposition. Criticism and corruption allegations See also: Corruption in Kenya and Goldenberg scandal In 1999 the findings of NGOs like Amnesty International [8] and a special investigation by the United Nations [9] were published which indicated that human rights abuses were prevalent in Kenya under the Moi regime. Reporting on corruption and human rights abuses by British reporter Mary Anne Fitzgerald from 1987–88 resulted only in her being vilified by the government and finally deported. Moi was implicated in the 1990s Goldenberg scandal and subsequent cover-ups, where the Kenyan government subsidised exports of gold far in excess of the foreign currency earnings of exporters. In this case, the gold was smuggled from Congo, as Kenya has negligible gold reserves. The Goldenberg scandal cost Kenya the equivalent of more than 10% of the country's annual GDP.

Half-hearted inquiries that began at the request of foreign aid donors never amounted to anything substantial during Moi's presidency.[ citation needed ] Although it appears that the peaceful transfer of power to Mwai Kibaki may have involved an understanding that Moi would not stand trial for offences committed during his presidency, foreign aid donors reiterated their requests and Kibaki reopened the inquiry. As the inquiry has progressed, Moi, his two sons, Philip and Gideon (now a member of Parliament), and his daughter June, as well as a host of high-ranking Kenyans, have been implicated. In bombshell testimony delivered in late July 2003, Treasury Permanent Secretary Joseph Magari recounted that in 1991, Moi ordered him to pay Ksh34.5 million ($460,000) to Goldenberg, contrary to the laws then in force. [10] In October 2006, Moi was found, by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, to have taken a bribe from a Pakistani businessman to award monopoly of duty free shops at the country's international airports in Mombasa and Nairobi.

The businessman Ali Nasir claimed to have paid Moi US$2 million in cash to obtain government approval for the World Duty Free Limited investment in Kenya. [11] On 31 August 2007, the Guardian published a secret report that laid bare a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen that his entourage used to funnel hundreds of millions of pounds into nearly 30 countries. [12] Stepping down and retirement Edit Moi was constitutionally barred from running in the 2002 presidential elections. Some of his supporters floated the idea of amending the constitution to allow him to run for a third term, but Moi preferred to retire, choosing Uhuru Kenyatta , the son of Kenya's first President, as his successor. Mwai Kibaki was elected President by a two to one majority over Kenyatta, which was confirmed on 29 December 2002. Kibaki was then wheelchair bound having narrowly escaped death in a road traffic accident on the campaign trail. Moi with President George W. Bush in New York Moi handed over power in a poorly organised ceremony that had one of the largest crowds ever seen in Nairobi in attendance.

The crowd was openly hostile to Moi. After leaving office in December 2002, Moi lived in retirement, largely shunned by the political establishment. However, he still retained some popularity with the masses, and his presence never failed to quickly gather a crowd. He spoke out against a proposal for a new constitution in 2005; according to Moi, the document was contrary to the aspirations of the Kenyan people. After the proposal was defeated in a November 2005 constitutional referendum , Kibaki called Moi to arrange for a meeting to discuss the way forward. On 25 July 2007, Kibaki appointed Moi as special peace envoy to Sudan, referring to Moi's "vast experience and knowledge of African affairs" and "his stature as an elder statesman". In his capacity as peace envoy, Moi's primary task was to help secure peace in southern Sudan, where an agreement, signed in early 2005, was being implemented. At the time, the Kenyan press speculated that Moi and Kibaki were planning an alliance ahead of the December 2007 election .

[13] On 28 August 2007, Moi announced his support for Kibaki's re-election and said that he would campaign for Kibaki. He sharply criticised the two opposition Orange Democratic Movement factions, arguing that they were tribal in nature. [14] [15] Moi owns the Kiptagich Tea Factory , which was established in 1979, which has been involved in controversy. In 2009 the factory was under threat of being closed down by the government during the Mau Forest evictions. [16] Personal life Edit Daniel arap Moi married Lena Moi (born Helena Bommet) in 1950, but they separated in 1974, before his presidency. Thus "Mama Ngina" , the wife of Jomo Kenyatta, retained her first lady status. Lena died in 2004. Daniel arap Moi has eight children, five sons and three daughters. Among the children are Gideon Moi (Senator [1] , Baringo County), Jonathan Toroitich (a former rally driver) and Philip Moi (a retired army officer).

[17] [18] His older and only brother William Tuitoek died in 1995. [19] References Daniel arap Moi (Politician) - Pics, Videos, Dating, & News Daniel arap Moi Male Born Sep 2, 1924 Daniel Toroitich arap Moi is a Kenyan politician who was the President of Kenya from 1978 to 2002. Previously, under President Jomo Kenyatta, he was Vice-President from 1967 to 1978; he succeeded Kenyatta as President upon the latter's death. Daniel arap Moi is popularly known to Kenyans as "Nyayo", a Swahili word for "footsteps", as he was said to be following the footsteps of the first Kenyan President, Jomo Kenyatta.… Read More related links Taking 'our' Country Back While Grabbing $%@!

And Eating Meat Huffington Post - Oct 19, 2016 '\"When someone shows you who they are the first time, believe them.\" - Maya Angelou \n \nThe contentious, vitriolic and unpredictable race for the American presidency mercifully entered its final month this week and the consensus is that November 8, 2016 cannot come sooner! \n \nIn the race for the Republican Party\'s nominee, Donald James Trump proved all pundits and prognosticators wrong by emerging victorious, in the process besting more seasoned and better-connected politicians. Unfort... Ethnic Tensions At Kenya's Universities Are Becoming More Violent Huffington Post - Jan 11, 2016 ' Ishmael Munene, Northern Arizona University There were high hopes for Kenya\'s public universities after the country gained independence from Britain in 1963. Universities were meant to become instruments of national integration. Sadly, 53 years on, that dream appears well and truly dashed. Ethnic tension is a daily reality on the country\'s campuses. In November 2015 the Masaai Mara University was closed after students from different ethnic groups clashed in the wake of a campu...

Helicopter Crash Kills Kenyan Security Minister, 5 Others In Forest Outside Capital Fox News - Jun 10, 2012 ' Kenya\'s internal security minister was killed with five other people when the police helicopter they were travelling in crashed in a forest near Kenya\'s capital, officials said Sunday. An anti-corruption crusader said the incident calls into question the government\'s procurement of airplanes and helicopters for its security forces. \n Internal Security Minister George Saitoti and his deputy, Orwa Ojode, were among the six killed in the crash, Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka ... Slowly But Surely, Kenya Cleans Up Judiciary Voice of America - May 09, 2012 ' Kenyan judges are appearing before the Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board, set up under the new constitution to clean up the countryâs judiciary -- a process which may unearth, and ultimately resolve, some of the country\'s long-buried scandals.

\n Kenyaâs nine Court of Appeal judges were the first to be put under the microscope starting at the end February.Â On April 25, vetting board Chairman Sharad Rao announced that four Court of Appeal judges - Riaga Omollo, Samuel Bosire, Emmanuel O... Learn about the memorable moments in the evolution of Daniel arap Moi. CHILDHOOD 1924 Birth Born on September 2, 1924. TWENTIES 1946 21 Years Old He worked as a teacher from 1946 until 1955. 1950 25 Years Old Daniel arap Moi married Lena Moi (born Helena Bommet) in 1950, but they separated in 1974, before his presidency. … Read More Lena died in 2004. Daniel arap Moi has eight children, five sons and three daughters. Among the children are Gideon Moi (Senator Baringo County), Jonathan Toroitich (a former rally driver) and Philip Moi (a retired army officer). His older and only brother William Tuitoek died in 1995.

He is a member of the Africa Inland Mission Church.<br /><br /> Video Read Less THIRTIES 1955 30 Years Old In 1955 Moi entered politics when he was elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. … Read More In 1960 he founded the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) with Ronald Ngala to challenge the Kenya African National Union (KANU) led by Jomo Kenyatta. KADU pressed for a federal constitution, while KANU was in favour of centralism. The advantage lay with the numerically stronger KANU, and the British government was finally forced to remove all provisions of a federal nature from the constitution. Read Less 1957 32 Years Old In 1957 Moi was re-elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. 1960 35 Years Old He became Minister of Education in the pre-independence government of 1960â1961.

Show Less After Kenya gained independence on 12 December 1963, Kenyatta convinced Moi that KADU and KANU should be merged to complete the process of decolonisation. … Read More Accordingly, KADU dissolved and joined KANU in 1964. The only real challenge to KANU's dominance came from the Kenya People's Union, starting in 1966. That party was banned in 1969, and from that point onward Kenya was a de facto one-party state dominated by the KÄ©kÅ©yÅ©-Luo alliance. However, with an eye on the fertile lands of the rift valley populated by members of Moi's Kalenjin tribe, Kenyatta secured their support by first promoting Moi to Minister for Home Affairs in 1964, and then to vice-president in 1967. As a member of a minority tribe Moi was also an acceptable compromise for the major tribes. Read Less Moi was elected to the Kenyan parliament in 1963 from Baringo North.

… Read More Since 1966 until his retirement in 2002 he served as the Baringo Central MP and only served as a vice-president until 1978 when he became the president.<br /><br /> However, Moi faced opposition from the Kikuyu elite known as the Kiambu Mafia, who would have preferred one of their own to be eligible for the presidency. This resulted in an attempt by the constitutional drafting group to change the constitution to prevent the vice-president automatically assuming power in the event of the president's death. The presence of this succession mechanism might have led to dangerous political instability if Kenyatta died, given his advanced age and perennial illnesses. However, Kenyatta withstood the political pressure and safeguarded Moi's position. Read Less FIFTIES Show Less … Daniel Toroitich arap Moi (born 2 September 1924) is a former Kenyan politician who served as the second President of Kenya from 1978 to 2002.

Through popular agitation and external pressures, he was forced to allow multiparty elections in 1992 and successfully led his party to victory and in the following general election in 1997. Read Less Prior to 1978, he served as the third Vice President of Kenya from 1967 to 1978. … Read More Moi is popularly known to Kenyans as "Nyayo", a Swahili word for "footsteps", as he often said he was following in the footsteps of the first President. He also earned the sobriquet "Professor of Politics" due to his long rule of 24 years, the longest in Kenyan history to date.<br /><br /> Moi was born in Kurieng'wo village, Sacho division, Baringo County, and was raised by his mother Kimoi Chebii following the early death of his father. He is of the Kalenjin people. After completing his secondary education at Kapsabet High School, he attended Tambach Teachers Training College in the Keiyo District. Read Less When Jomo Kenyatta died on 22 August 1978, Moi succeeded him.

… Read More He was popular, with widespread support all over the country. He toured the country and came into contact with the people everywhere, which was in great contrast to Kenyatta's imperial style of governing behind closed doors. However, political realities dictated that he would continue to be beholden to the Kenyatta system which he had inherited intact, including the nearly dictatorial powers vested in the presidency. Despite his popularity, Moi was still too weak to consolidate his power. From the beginning, anticommunism was an important theme of Moi's government; speaking on the new President's behalf, Vice-President Mwai Kibaki bluntly stated, "There is no room for communists in Kenya."<br /><br /> On 1 August 1982, lower-level Air Force personnel, led by Senior Private Grade-I Hezekiah Ochuka and backed by university students, attempted a coup d'Ã©tat to oust Moi. The putsch was quickly suppressed by military and police forces commanded by Chief of General Staff Mahamoud Mohamed. To this day it appears that the attempt by two independent groups to seize power contributed to the failure of both, with one group making its attempt slightly earlier than the other.

Read Less 1979 54 Years Old Moi owns the Kiptagich Tea Factory, established in 1979, which has been involved in controversy. … Read More In 2009 the factory was under threat of being closed down by the government during the Mau Forest evictions. Read Less LATE ADULTHOOD 1991 66 Years Old … However, a new thinking emerged among Western policymakers after the end of the Cold War, and as Moi increasingly was viewed as a despot. Foreign aid was withheld pending compliance with economic and political reforms. One of the key conditions imposed on his regime, especially by the United States through fiery ambassador Smith Hempstone, was the restoration of a multi-party system. Read Less Moi managed to accomplish this against fierce opposition, single-handedly convincing the delegates at the KANU conference at Kasarani in December 1991. 1992 67 Years Old Moi won elections in 1992 and 1997, which were marred by political violence on both sides.

… Read More Moi skilfully exploited Kenya's mix of ethnic tensions in these contests, especially smaller tribes' ever-present fear of domination by the larger tribes. In the absence of an effective and organised opposition, Moi had no difficulty in winning. Although it is also suspected that electoral fraud may have occurred, the key to his victory in both elections was a divided opposition.<br /><br /> In 1999 the findings of NGOs like Amnesty International and a special investigation by the United Nations were published which indicated that human rights abuses were prevalent in Kenya under the Moi regime.<br /><br /> Reporting on corruption and human rights abuses by British reporter Mary Anne Fitzgerald from 1987â88 resulted in her being vilified by the government and finally deported. Moi was implicated in the 1990s Goldenberg scandal and subsequent cover-ups, where the Kenyan government subsidised exports of gold far in excess of the foreign currency earnings of exporters. In this case, the gold was smuggled from Congo, as Kenya has negligible gold reserves. The Goldenberg scandal cost Kenya the equivalent of more than 10% of the country's annual GDP.

Read Less Daniel Arap Moi -- New Internationalist New Internationalist President of Kenya History: Born in 1924 at Sacho, Baringo District, Moi was a teacher between 1945 and 1957. He held ministerial posts in the interim administration once the British had decided to withdraw from Kenya and then was Minister of Home Affairs from independence in 1964 right through until 1978 when, as Vice-President and candidate of the only political party allowed, KANU, he succeeded Jomo Kenyatta as President. Initially seen as a technocrat, he has become increasingly dictatorial. The longer he has been in power, the more intolerant of dissent he has become. Prosecutor’s notes to the team: I came across this story recently which will help you get a handle on Daniel arap Moi. International aid donors, including the World Bank, were astonished to hear news of a proposed $84 million project to construct a third international airport in Eldoret. The project makes no economic sense, they say. True, but it is to be built in Moi’s home province.

It would be located near Moi University and would relieve pressure on Moi Airport in Mombasa. And to think the press have been accusing me of delusions of grandeur… For years Kenya was the West’s favourite protegé in Africa because of its hostility to socialism. But now that many other African countries have switched to the free market and have adopted multi-party democracy Moi’s consistently appalling human-rights record has been exposed. The story of Moi’s last four years in power show just how important international pressure can be. In 1991 donors suspended aid to Kenya on economic and human-rights grounds. Within a month political detainees had been released and a multi-party system had been legalized. Aid soon restarted but remained conditional on human-rights improvements. Then in December 1994 aid was renewed without any expression of concern over human rights. Within a month the Government had recommenced attacks on opposition forces. Moi often seems crude but he is smart enough to know when to back off – he clamps down on opposition just as hard as he is allowed to. All the more reason to give him some grief. Persecution of ethnic groups associated with the political opposition.

Since 1991 the Government has been responsible for unleashing terror and expelling certain ethnic groups from the Rift Valley Province. Around 300,000 people have been internally displaced and cannot resettle on their land because of the threat of violence. Around 1,500 people have died in ‘tribal clashes’, most of them belonging to ethnic groups associated with the opposition. It’s hard to understand the background to all these human-rights abuses without understanding the ethnic complexity of Kenyan society. Moi himself is a Kalenjin, a formerly pastoralist group that forms only 11 per cent of the population but which dominates the government. The political opposition emerges from the Kikuyu, Luo and Luhya, who together make up 47 per cent of the population and it is these groups which have suffered most from the attacks and evictions. MPs close to Moi have repeatedly called for ‘majimboism’, under which all ethnic groups who were not in the Rift Valley before colonialism would be expelled – ethnic cleansing by another name. Presiding over widespread government corruption.

In November 1994 President Moi accepted at an investors’ meeting in London that government corruption had deterred new aid and investment in Kenya – this was one of the factors which led to the suspension of overseas aid in 1991. Stories abound of corruption at the highest levels. In 1993, for example, the European Union withdrew from funding the proposed Turkwell Gorge hydroelectric plant because the contract negotiated by the Kenyan Government involved so many kickbacks. People are not so much feathering their nests as furnishing their palaces. Silencing independent organizations and the media. In February 1995 two independent organizations were banned: Clarion, a research group which had just published a study detailing widespread government corruption; and the Mwaganza Trust, which has campaigned for constitutional and legal reform. A critical Catholic magazine, Inooro, was also banned. And these are only the formal bannings. The offices of the Legal Advice Centre, which works to curb government abuses, were attacked six times in early 1995 by unknown assailants armed with guns and petrol bombs. The outspoken magazine Finance had its office doused with petrol and set on fire in February.

And in April government officials stormed the premises of the printer of numerous independent magazines and promptly dismantled its printing machines. You could safely say Moi’s idea of ‘democratic space’ differs from other people’s. Harassment and persecution of opposition politicians. This has been a hallmark of Moi’s presidency throughout but has been particularly bad in the last year. In February Moi ordered that anyone who insulted him be arrested. In June he blocked registration of a new political party, Safina, and denounced one of its leaders, white conservationist Richard Leakey, as a racist colonialist; shortly after, 100 armed vigilantes stormed Leakey’s home demanding the departure of ‘the colonialist’. Moi behaves like a spoiled child half the time – he has spent so long as head of a one-party state that he can’t cope with the existence of opposition parties which he was only forced to legalize by international pressure. He probably did win the first multi-party election in 1992, mainly because he had been so successful in splintering and undermining the opposition. But the election was still highly dubious, full of examples of intimidation and government supporters being bussed in to vote.

Moi’s paranoia can be fantastic, as when, in May, he accused the opposition of seeking money from the Ku Klux Klan. Our lead witness Koigi wa Wamwere, who is a Kikuyu, is plainly in jail on a trumped-up charge – and the Government is spinning out the legal proceedings as long as it can so as to keep him inside until after the next election. Koigi wa Wamwere, who is on trial facing the death penalty, smuggled this letter out of prison to David Sullivan, an American observer in court. Dear David Thanks for coming to observe this our most interesting, albeit dangerous, trial. Here we have a proverb that says ‘a hiding antelope does not hate the one who sees it but the one who calls people to go and kill it’. Equally if we see evil and injustices but do nothing about them, they could last forever despite our knowledge of and hatred for them. When we see evil and injustices, we must expose and fight to end them. In this regard I am sure you are not one of those observers who will see and hear evil in this court but choose not to tell the world about it.

When I see people from other countries come to observe this trial, I really want to talk to them. But you have seen for yourself: our system is so oppressive and undemocratic that an accused person is presumed guilty before conviction and must be totally excluded from society, family and friends. And the problem is that it is not just the police, the courts or the prisons that are misfunctioning badly. It is the entire system that is rotten from top to bottom. As regards government’s refusal to let us talk to observers, it is the trial magistrate who is most keen to prevent us: he is afraid that we might criticize his extreme bias against us. No matter. What I wished to tell you is this: we are 100 percent innocent of the charges for which we are being tried in this court. This trial has been most unfair and we expect no justice at the end of it. The real problem in this trial is President Moi. He is afraid that I might contest the presidency in 1997, so I must be destroyed now. Moi also wants to use this trial and the judiciary in general to effect his diabolical policy of ethnic cleansing against Kikuyu people who live in the Rift Valley.

In destroying us, Moi’s chosen instrument is Mr William Tuiyot, the trial magistrate in this court. Knowing this, we have more than five times asked Mr Tuiyot to disqualify himself but he has refused to do so. And to be able to convict us, Mr Tuiyot has been heard to say that he will ignore all defence evidence – including our alibis, which the investigating officer refused to investigate. More important, this trial is also meant for the consumption of Western donors. If Moi could, he would have detained us without charge or trial. But Western donors disapprove of detention without trial. Can Western donors now let Moi crucify his political opponents as mere ‘criminals’ and ‘robbers?’ This is what Moi wants to find out from this trial – unfair as it is, Moi will in future use the abuse of law and criminal justice to dispose of his other political opponents, in the same way as he would have done with detention without trial, and Western donors will continue to finance his dictatorship! When you go back, tell American taxpayers that it is not fair for their money to be used in the maintenance of this dictatorship.

Your coming here is proof that the world is now one and by threatening to do an injustice to us, Moi has also threatened to do an injustice to the entire humanity. Nevertheless, Moi takes refuge in the callousness of another African proverb which says that ‘eyes of frogs do not stop cows from drinking water’. As cows have great contempt for pleading but powerless frogs so has Moi for pleading but powerless humanity. For Moi to end his dictatorship, the world must do more than just plead with him. Western donors must impose diplomatic and economic sanctions. Only that can earn innocent people freedom and end the long-lasting suffering of Kenyans. If ever we don’t manage to talk, go well and convey our best regards to the American people. And please remember to come back in better times. One day, we shall also overcome. Koigi Koigi wa Wamwere is an Amnesty International prisoner of conscience. He has been on trial since April 1994 on a charge of armed robbery that faces the death penalty.

The Catholic Bishops of Nairobi, in a pastoral letter issued in April 1995 We find no consolation in the praise for Kenya from the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund… The treatment of non-KANU [Moi’s party] political activities violates the basic rules of democracy and of constitutional and human rights... Too many of our people are living in fear; it would seem there is no law, no justice, no protection, except for the powerful. Remarks with Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi Remarks with Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi following their Meeting Secretary Colin L. Powell Remarks with President Daniel Arap Moi Nairobi, Kenya May 26, 2001 PRESIDENT MOI: Honorable Colin Powell, United States Secretary of State, Ladies and Gentlemen of the press. We have had a very constructive discussion with Honorable Colin Powell, United States Secretary of State, who is on a two day visit to Kenya. We reviewed the state of our relations, as well as regional issues. Relations between Kenya and the United States remain very close and cordial. We are grateful to be among the first beneficiary countries to qualify under the African Growth and Opportunity Act.

Our full participation under the Act will enable us to export textile and other products which will spur economic recovery and growth in this country. The U.S. Government has assured us of continued support for our economic reform programs, and I assured Honorable Powell of our commitment to economic, political and constitutional reforms, as well as in the fight against corruption. I conveyed my appreciation to the U.S. administration for its support in the fight against HIV/AIDS and its invaluable contribution to the Global AIDS Fund established by the United Nations Secretary General. Honorable Powell will be visiting an HIV/AIDS project in Kibera tomorrow to appreciate the measures we are taking to deal with the menace. I welcome the committment by the Bush administration to continue with its engagement with us on regional issues. I briefed Secretary Powell on my mediation efforts, especially on the conflict in Sudan. Secretary General, I hope you will have an enjoyable stay in Kenya. You may wish to address the press. Thank you. SECRETARY POWELL: Thank you Mr. President. Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, members of the Cabinet, Ladies and Gentlemen, it�s a great pleasure to be here today. And as the President noted we had a very, very fruitful discussion covering a wide range of issues.

I began by extending best wishes to the President from President Bush and conveying to President Moi our deep appreciation for the kind of support that Kenya has provided to the United States military forces over the years. I took off my Secretary�s hat and put on my General�s hat for a moment because I remember very vividly how important its support was for the United States military during a variety of crises in recent years. I extended to President Moi President Bush�s determination that Africa be a priority in American foreign policy during his administration, and I gave evidence of that by citing the fact that we will be holding the forum for the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act follow-on efforts this fall in Washington D.C. As President Moi noted, I also referenced the fact that President Bush, alongside Koffi Annan, announced the Global Development Initiative and the Global Development Fund to deal with HIV/AIDS and launch it with a $200 million commitment from the United States.

The President and I discussed HIV/AIDS and the devastating effect it is having throughout the region and our commitment together, the United States and Kenya with many other nations working together, to deal with this crisis through prevention efforts, through treatment efforts, by the United States especially investing in trying to find a cure for this dreaded disease, and also dealing with the other diseases that derive from HIV/AIDS, whether it�s tuberculosis, malaria, or other communicable diseases. We talked about democracy. Kenya is an example to the rest of the region of what can be accomplished with elections that allow people to make a choice as to how they want to be governed. And we look forward to the election that will be taking place in 2002 for the people of Kenya to once again come forward and express their desires with respect to how they will be governed. We had a good discussion on economic activities. We want to be as helpful as we can with our AID funding and other funding that we are able to provide and support any International financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank.

I candidly mentioned to the President that we needed more reform efforts visible before we would expect the World Bank and the IMF to continue the valuable work that they do here in Kenya, and we hope that we will see in the near future anti-corruption legislation and ethic legislation and economic crime legislation, all of which will create conditions that will not only allow international financial institutions to make more substantial contributions, but also go a long way to encouraging further private investment. And finally, I just might mention that I said to the President that I deeply appreciated the support that the Kenyan government and people gave to the United States during that terrible tragedy of August of 1998 when our embassy was bombed. I regretted the loss of Kenyan life, and the 5,000 Kenyans who were injured at that time. The United States has so far provided $43 million of relief and assistance to those victims. I look forward to meeting some of them later this afternoon. Thank you very much. Inaudible (Ends with a question about compensation for victims of August 1998.) SECRETARY POWELL: Well, thank you.

I hope that the people of Africa see the high hopes and expectations that they have matched by actions of the Bush administration. I hope the high hopes and expectations are not just because of me, but because of President Bush and his commitment, and I am an agent for his foreign policy, and he and I are both agents for the foreign policy of the American people and they care about Africa. With respect to additional compensation for the victims of the bombing, there are a series of lawsuits that are under way and those matters are being dealt with in various court systems, so it�s best that I not comment on that. QUESTION : Inaudible (Regarding new U.S. policy towards Sudan.) SECRETARY POWELL: We are anxious to see reconciliation in the Sudan. We have completed our policy review and the Bush administration will be starting to take action. Mr. Andrew Natsios, who is here with me on this trip, the new Administrator for the Agency for International Development, will be our Humanitarian Coordinator in the Sudan, and we expect in the very near future to appoint a special envoy of the United States to deal with issues in Sudan. We are not against any side.

We want to see reconciliation, we want to see these peoples find a way to live in peace together in one nation in a system that they design, and a system that will provide for the needs and aspirations of all the people in Sudan. The President and I did discuss it at a considerable length, and I congratulated him for the leadership role that he is playing to try to find a path forward for the IGAD process or other mechanism that might be available to us. I�m not meeting with any of the leaders from Sudan, and I would not read anything into that one way or the other. I�m not trying to express pleasure of displeasure towards anyone, but my calendar here is very crowded and I wanted to focus on my visit and policy objectives with respect to Kenya. QUESTION: Inaudible (Comments on the lifting of UN Security Council sanctions against Sudan) SECRETARY POWELL : Well, I haven�t heard that. I think the sanctions are in place and serving a purpose, and the United States has its own unilateral set of sanctions.

QUESTION: (inaudible) After your talk with President Moi, could you tell us how (inaudible) the process of transition from one leader to another when elections come around in Kenya next year. SECRETARY POWELL: In our discussions, which were rather extensive and thorough, I came away with a clear understanding and belief in the constitutional system that exists here in Kenya which will provide for an election in the year 2002. QUESTION: Mr. President, Mr. Powell yesterday spoke in South Africa about some African leaders who remain too long in power. Can you say unequivocally that you will not be standing for a continuation of your 20 years in power? PRESIDENT MOI: I think it is too much for always trying to undermine the intelligence of the African people. Those who will decide the destiny of Kenya, for instance, or other countries will be the people themselves. I made my point when I was in U.S. So I don�t know what is worrying you.

[pause] SECRETARY POWELL · February 3, 2016 · You are not in this world to live up to other people's expectations, nor should you feel that the world must live up to yours for those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. For example an economist is one who states the obvious in terms of the incomprehensible; for this do not seek to be equal with others for that is lack of ambition but instead seek to be better because regret for the things we did can be tempered by time; it is regret for the things we did not do that is inconsolable.Try to learn something about everything and everything about something. - DTAM · January 21, 2016 · · The art of war is simple enough. Find out where your enemy is. Get at him as soon as you can. Strike him as hard as you can, and keep moving on. As KDF advances on the enemy, may we continue to show support of or sons and daughters as they fight to keep us safe. · August 28, 2015 · Seek freedom and become captive of your desires, seek discipline and find your liberty.

Pray that your loneliness may spur you into finding something to live for, but great enough to die for. Nothing is a waste of time if you use the experience wisely for it may make your blood boil and your mind may not be changed, but the practice of listening to opposing views is essential for effective citizenship. It is essential for our democracy. · July 31, 2015 · If we choose only to expose ourselves to opinions and viewpoints that are in line to our own, we become more polarized, more set in our own ways. It will only reinforce and deepen the political divides in our country. But if we choose to actively seek out information that challenges our assumptions and beliefs, perhaps we can begin to understand where the people who disagree with us are coming from. · July 30, 2015 · I have come to believe that each of us has a personal calling that's as unique as a fingerprint - and that the best way to succeed is to discover what you love and then find a way to offer it to others in the form of service, working hard, and also allowing the energy of the universe to lead you.

· July 16, 2015 · As we welcome the long awaited visit of United States President Barack Hussein Obama, may we be a symbol of Africa and for the whole world, a symbol for peace, a symbol for unity, a symbol for great expectations and results but most importantly the great symbol of love and harmony. #KaribuNyumbaniBHO · July 16, 2015 · As we welcome the long awaited visit of United States President Barack Obama , may we be a symbol of Africa and for the whole world, a symbol for peace, a symbol for unity, a symbol for great expectations and results but most importantly the great symbol of love and harmony. #KaribuNyumbaniBHO · July 22, 2013 · Nairobi, Kenya · I URGE ALL TEACHERS ON STRIKE TO PLEASE RETURN TO YOUR RESPECTIVE SCHOOLS. YOU ARE DOING A FUTURE GENERATION A GREAT INJUSTICE BY HINDERING THEIR ABILITIES TO LEARN IN A SCHOOL SETTING. IF YOU BECAME A TEACHER FOR THE MONEY THEN YOU ARE IN THE WRONG CAREER PATH.

AS KENYANS YOU SHOULD BE PROUD OF WHAT STEPS HAVE BEEN TAKEN TO MAKE THIS A BETTER PLACE, DO NOT THROW IT ALL IN THE TRASH. FOR THE SAKE OF A FUTURE GENERATION PLEASE END THE STRIKE. YOUR COUNTRY DEPENDS ON YOU. · June 12, 2013 · The truth is that there is nothing noble in being superior to somebody else. The only real nobility is in being superior to your former self. Poverty cannot deprive us of many consolations. It cannot rob us of the affection we have for each other, or degrade us in our own opinion, of in that of any person, whose opinion we ought to value. May we realize that as noble Kenyans, it is our national duty to demand what we deserve just like the politicians grant themselves anything they wish. We must hold our governance bodies responsible for our national solidarity. Realize that good ideas are not adopted automatically but must be driven into practice with courageous patience. May God bless Kenya.

· March 13, 2013 · Justice requires that to lawfully constituted Authority there be given that respect and obedience which is its due; that the laws which are made shall be in wise conformity with the common good; and that, as a matter of conscience all men shall render obedience to these laws. Laws are partly formed for the sake of good men, in order to instruct them how they may live on friendly terms with one another, and partly for the sake of those who refuse to be instructed, whose spirit cannot be subdued, or softened, or hindered from plunging into evil and blinding misconduct. May we march forward towards a very promising and bright peaceful future of Kenya. God Bless Kenya. - DTAM Moi defends Uhuru on security concerns - Daily Nation More by this Author Retired President Daniel arap Moi has defended President Uhuru Kenyatta over criticism on rising insecurity in the country. This follows calls from civil society groups to the Presidents to urgently fix the "security meltdown" facing the country. The former president said that the issue of insecurity is the responsibility of every person and not a preserve of President Kenyatta.

Speaking during the celebrations marking the 30th anniversary of Moi University in Eldoret, Mr Moi rubbished calls by the civil society who have castigated President Kenyatta on insecurity issues. "They are the same people who crafted the Constitution which is causing problems, particularly insecurity, in the country," Mr Moi said. PROVDE SOLUTIONS Political rivals battle it out over insecurity He said that the civil society groups ought to provide solutions on how the country should address emerging issues in a peaceful manner. "They should provide ways of improving the country's state of insecurity in a peaceful way and not trying to cause chaos. “Are they not the ones who crafted the constitution we are currently using?" he posed. Earlier, top civil society leaders in the country had called on President Uhuru Kenyatta to urgently fix the "security meltdown" facing the country or vacate State House for another person who can get the job done. The Orange Democratic Movement had suggested on Sunday that if the Jubilee government had failed to address insecurity, they should give up the reins of power and call for fresh elections. On the issue of innovation, the retired president called on universities to focus more on inventions that can cure diseases such as cancer and other deadly ailments.

Question: Daniel Arap Moi was President of which country?
Answer: Kenya