Niger: The Mamadou Tandja Disease - allAfrica.com Niger: The Mamadou Tandja Disease column By Owei Lakemfa MAMADOU TANDJA who was removed in a military coup last Thursday, February 18, after being president of Niger Republic for 10 years, was a time bomb. His overthrow was not only unexpected, but was in some circles, eagerly awaited. Tandja and his fellow travellers had infected Niger's democracy with HIV/AIDS and refused to allow it take retroviral drugs, so the coup was simply an opportunistic disease that delivered the death blow. Following the coup, there were jubilations rather than protests in the streets. The tears were not for old soldier Tandja, but were tears of joy as new junta leader, Colonel Djibril Adamou Harouna led the neo-colonial army to seize power once again. Seventy two-year-old Tandja, a veteran coup plotter has, except for a brief period, been in government for the past 36 years; the last 10 years as president.

He was one of the coup leaders who on April 16, 1974 overthrew President Hamani Diori, Niger's founding president. Lt Colonel Seyni Kountche, who took over, died in November 1987 and was replaced by Army Chief, Colonel Ali Saibou, who decreed into existence a political party, the National Movement for Development in Society (MNSD). The party was imposed as the sole party which must have military representatives because according to Saibou: "Power will not just be handed over to civilians, the presence of the army at their side is indispensable for the country's development". Elections were conducted in 1989 and 'won' by the military junta which transformed into a civilian clique. Following mass protests, a National Conference was convened which stripped Saibou and his ruling gang, including Tandja, of their powers and an interim government led by Andre Salifou installed. Open elections were held in 1993 in which Mamadou Tandja ,who had replaced Colonel Saibou as leader of the MNSD, was defeated by a coalition of parties led by Mahamane Ousman.

A contrived crisis in the National Assembly, led to the re-imposition of military rule, this time under Colonel Ibrahim Bare Mainassara in January 1996. Six months later, Mainassara held 'elections' in which he rigged himself to power. His presidential guards led by Major Daouda Malam Wanke assassinated Saibou in April 1996 and the former took over. The military conducted elections on November 24, 1999 and retired Colonel Tandja of the MNSD defeated former Prime Minister Mahamadou Issoufou. So after some three decades in government Tandja was now president. He won re-election in December 2004 and was constitutionally expected to leave office on December 22, 2009 after the maximum two terms of 10 years in office. But he refused. Rather, he re- wrote the constitution and awarded himself an open ended elongation in office. When the Constitutional Court ruled against this, he sacked the court. When the National Assembly rejected his bid, Tandja dissolved it. When the people protested, he sent armed security against them.

This is what I diagnose as the Tandja disease. This disease afflicts young men in the African neo-colonial armed forces who after being in power through coups, become so addicted that they are ready to give an arm to return to political office, and after their constitutional terms expire, refuse to leave. They would prefer to endanger the polity and if necessary kill in order to change the constitution and remain in power. It is the Tandja disease that the Nigerian, Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo suffers from. After being a minister in the General Yakubu Gowon regime in 1975, Deputy Head of State in the General Murtala Ramat Muhammed regime from July 1975 to February 1976, he was Head of State from 1976 to 1979. Then 20 years later, he became president and ruled for the maximum two terms of eight years. But rather than bow out, Obasanjo decided to perpetuate himself in office. He opted to award himself an unconstitutional third term. He endangered the democratic process and expended lots of funds and the country's energy in his bid to hang on to power.

When he failed, Obasanjo imposed a chronically sick man on the country as president in what appears to be a childish revenge for not being allowed to rape the constitution. All those who suffer or suffered from the Tandja disease, including Blaise Campaore of Bourkina Faso, late Generals Gnasingbe Eyadema in Togo, Joseph Mobutu Seseseko in Congo Democratic Republic and Lansana Conte in Guinea, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Yahya Jammeh in Gambia, Jerry Rawlings in Ghana, Samuel Doe in Liberia and Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in Nigeria, are usually young military officers who seize power then refuse to leave. They become addictive to power, begin to have delusions that they are the messiahs their countries have been looking for and that unless they remain in power, their countries may collapse. No matter how long they stay in power, even if they shed their military uniforms for civilian garbs, their mental disorder does not allow them to imbibe civil conduct or democratic culture; they do not shed the negative attributes or characteristics of military mentality. Hence , such human species of the otherwise blessed African continent perpetually constitute a danger to popular democratic governance.

As in the case of Tandja, like in most others, his destructive behaviour and actions made him and the political system so vulnerable that the government was for anybody in the military for the taking . In the specific case of Niger, it appears that once a soldier becomes a colonel, he assumes he has met all criteria to be military Head of State. The coup plotters knew that internationally, Tandja had become a liability and many would be happy to see him go. Of course the international community from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to the United Nations, and powerful nations like France and United States would make the right noises rejecting the coup, but they would privately grin that another African bastard has hit the dust. Copyright © 2010 Vanguard. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media ( allAfrica.com ). To contact the copyright holder directly for corrections — or for permission to republish or make other authorized use of this material, click here. AllAfrica publishes around 800 reports a day from more than 140 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals , representing a diversity of positions on every topic.

We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct. Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica . To address comments or complaints, please Contact us . The Mamadou Tandja disease - Vanguard News Vanguard News A Nigerian newspaper and Online version of the Vanguard, a daily publication in Nigeria covering Niger delta, general national news, politics, business, energy, sports, entertainment, fashion,lifestyle human interest stories, etc Search for: Home » Columns » Owei Lakemfa » The Mamadou Tandja disease The Mamadou Tandja disease 12:00 amIn Owei Lakemfa by alexsamade Comments By Owei Lakemfa MAMADOU TANDJA who wasÂ removed in a military coup lastÂ Thursday, February 18,Â after being president of Niger Republic for 10 years, was a time bomb. His overthrow was not only unexpected, but was in some circles, eagerly awaited.

Tandja and his fellow travellers had infected Nigerâ€™s democracy with HIV/AIDSÂ and refused to allow it take retroviral drugs, so the coup was simply an opportunistic disease that delivered the death blow. Following the coup, there were jubilations rather than protests in the streets. The tears were not for old soldier Tandja, but were tears of joy as new junta leader, Colonel Djibril Adamou Harouna led the neo-colonial army to seize power once again. Seventy two-year-old Tandja, a veteran coup plotter has, except for a brief period, been in government for the past 36 years; the last 10 years as president. He was one of the coup leaders who on April 16, 1974 overthrew President Hamani Diori, Nigerâ€™s founding president.

Lt Colonel Seyni Kountche who took over died in November 1987 and was replaced by Army Chief, Colonel Ali Saibou who decreed into existence a political party, the National Movement for Development in Society (MNSD) The party was imposed as the sole party which must have military representatives because according to Saibou: â€œPower will not just be handed over to civilians, the presence of the army at their side is indispensable for the countryâ€™s developmentâ€. Elections were conducted in 1989 and ‘won’Â by the military junta which transformed into a civilian clique. Following mass protests, a National Conference was convened which stripped Saibou and hisÂ ruling gang, including Tandja, of their powers and an interim government led by Andre Salifou installed. Open elections were held in 1993 in which Mamadou Tandja who had replaced Colonel Saibou as leader of the MNSD was defeated by a coalition of parties led by Mahamane Ousman.

A contrived crisis in the National Assembly, led to the re- imposition of military rule, this time underÂ Colonel Ibrahim Bare Mainassara in January 1996. Six months later, Mainassara held â€˜electionsâ€™Â in which he rigged himself to power. His presidential guards led by Major Daouda Malam Wanke assassinated Saibou in April 1996 and the formerÂ took over. The military conducted elections on November 24, 1999 and retired Colonel Tandja of the MNSD defeated former Prime MinisterÂ Mahamadou Issoufou. So after some three decades in government Tandja was now president. He won re-election in December 2004 and was constitutionally expected to leave office on December 22, 2009 after the maximum two terms ofÂ 10 years in office. But he refused. Rather, he re- wrote the constitution and awarded himself an open ended elongation in office. When the Constitutional Court ruled against this, he sacked the court. When the National Assembly rejected his bid, Tandja dissolved it. When the people protested, he sent armed security against them.

This is what I diagnose as the Tandja disease. This disease afflicts young men in the African neo-colonial armed forces whoÂ after being in power through coups, become so addicted that they are ready to give an arm to return to political office, and after their constitutional terms expire, refuse to leave. They would prefer to endanger the polity and if necessary kill in order to change the constitution and remain in power. It is the Tandja disease that the Nigerian, Olusegun Aremu ObasanjoÂ suffers from. After being a minister in the General Yakubu Gowon regime in 1975, Deputy Head of State in the GeneralÂ Murtala Ramat Muhammed regime from July 1975 to February 1976, he wasÂ Head of State from 1976 to 1979. Then 20Â years later, he became president and ruled for the maximum two terms of eight years. But rather than bow out, Obasanjo decided to perpetuate himself in office. He opted to award himself an unconstitutional third term.

He endangered the democratic process and expended lots of funds and the countryâ€™s energyÂ in his bid to hang on to power. When he failed, Obasanjo imposed a chronically sick man on the country as president in what appears to be a childishÂ revenge for not being allowed to rape the constitution. All those who suffer or suffered from the Tandja disease, including Blaise Campaore of Bourkina Faso, late Generals Gnasingbe Eyadema in Togo, Joseph Mobutu Seseseko in Congo Democratic Republic and Lansana Conte in Guinea, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Yahya Jammeh in Gambia, Jerry Rawlings in Ghana, Samuel Doe in Liberia and Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in Nigeria, are usually young military officers who seize power then refuse to leave. They become addictive to power, begin to have delusions that they are the messiahs their countries have been looking for and that unless they remain in power, their countries may collapse.

No matterÂ how long they stay in power, even if they shed their military uniforms for civilian garbs, their mental disorderÂ does not allow them to imbibe civil conduct or democratic culture; they do not shed the negative attributes or characteristics of military mentality. Hence , such human species of the otherwise blessed African continent perpetually constitute a danger to popular democratic governance. As in the case of Tandja, like in most others, his destructive behaviour and actions made him and the political system so vulnerable that the government was for anybody in the military for the taking . In the specific case of Niger, it appears that once a soldier becomes a colonel, he assumes he has met all criteria to be military Head of State. The coup plotters knew that internationally, Tandja had become a liability and many would be happy to see him go. Of course the international community from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to the United Nations, and powerful nations like France and United States would make the right noises rejecting the coup, but they would privately grin that another African bastard has hit the dust.

Niger's capital calm one day after coup | Reuters Fri Feb 19, 2010 | 8:50 AM EST Niger's capital calm one day after coup Colonel Goukoye Abdul Karimou reads a statement signed by Colonel Salou Djibo in Niamey in this videograb dated February 18, 2010 after President Mamadou Tandja was ousted in a military coup. Reuters/Reuters TV By Abdoulaye Massalatchi | NIAMEY NIAMEY Markets, banks and schools in Niger's capital opened as usual on Friday, a day after troops ousted President Mamadou Tandja in a military coup, and the only soldiers on the streets were few and lightly armed. The international community unilaterally condemned the overthrow, but diplomats and analysts said it could create an opportunity to hold elections that were postponed by Tandja's unpopular constitutional reform in 2009. "It is likely the new military government will be under pressure from the international community to restore the rule of law and hold elections in the medium term," said Samir Gado, Vice-President of Rencap Securities.

The head of the military junta that seized Tandja during Thursday's gun battle called for calm and said the work of government ministers and regional governors ousted in the coup was being done by their secretary generals. After months of political wrangling over Tandja's amendment of the constitution, which provoked international sanctions and demonstrations, there was a sense of relief and hope for change in the uranium-producing west African desert nation. "I hope the soldiers restore some order ... clean up the political environment," said taxi driver Moussa Issa. "We need to start from scratch, without being compromised by the current political class which has been discredited over the last 20 years," he added. The junta, calling itself the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSDR), gave no indication of how long it intended to hold power but called on Niger's people and other countries to support its actions. Its fighters on Thursday captured Tandja and his ministers in a gunbattle, before it suspended the constitution and dissolved all state bodies. At least three people were killed. Tandja's whereabouts is unknown. The president of the CSDR has been identified as Salou Djibo, an officer trained in Ivory Coast, Morocco and China who has served in U.N.

peacekeeping missions. Other leaders of the coup include Colonel Djibril Hamidou, a former spokesman for a junta responsible for the last coup in 1999, paving the way for elections that brought Tandja to power. The coup operation was led by Colonel Abdoulaye Adamou Harouna, who commands Niger's standby force for West African regional bloc ECOWAS, military sources said. OPPORTUNITY AFTER COUP? Tandja drew criticism and sanctions after dissolving parliament and orchestrating a constitutional reform in 2009 that gave him added powers and extended his term beyond his second five-year mandate, which expired in December. Tandja justified it by saying he needed extra time to complete large-scale investment projects. Several of the officers in the CSRD were involved in Niger's last coup in 1999, which led to free and fair elections, making some analysts hopeful that delayed polls may take place. "IHS Global Insight has upgraded Niger's political risk rating, but the CSRD pedigree could mean a return to constitutionalism within the short to medium term," IHS said.

Senegal, mediator for West Africa's ECOWAS bloc, dispatched its foreign minister but the diplomat was unable to enter Niger as all borders remain closed. Former colonial power France joined the African Union and ECOWAS in its criticism of the military takeover. "France advises all parties in Niger, including the armed forces, to find a solution to the constitutional crisis via dialogue as soon as possible," a French spokesman said. The U.S. State Department said on Thursday it did not defend the violence but Niger needed elections and a new governemnt. Despite political turmoil over the last year, Niger has attracted billions of dollars in investment from major international companies, including French nuclear giant Areva and the China National Petroleum Corp, who are looking to tap into uranium and oil reserves, respectively.

ADVERTISEMENT Regional Diplomats in Niger Following Coup Regional Diplomats in Niger Following Coup February 20, 2010 7:00 PM TV frame grab shows Colonel Gokoye Abdul Karimou, spokesman for the Niger millitary junta delivering a televised statement in Niamey, 19 Feb 2010 Share Email to a Friend Print Regional diplomats are in Niger to meet with the country's new military leaders following Thursday's coup against President Mamadou Tandja. Diplomats from the United Nations, the African Union, and the Economic Community of West African States are in Niamey for meetings with Niger's new military rulers and political leaders on how best to return to constitutional rule. The army took power Thursday in a coup against President Tandja, who had grown increasingly unpopular since expanding his power and giving himself another three years in office through a controversial referendum last August. Military leaders say they will hold elections but have not yet set a date. Coup leader Squadron Chief Salou Djibo is promising to set up a consultative council for decision-making. Soldiers have suspended the constitution that President Tandja used to extend his rule.

But they say most of his ministers will stay in office for the time being. Thousands of people rallied in the capital Saturday to support the military take-over. Captain Djibril Adamou Harouna told crowds outside parliament that the new Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy would not let the country down. Captain Harouna says military leaders are asking people to stay calm, that soldiers are going to listen to them. He guaranteed that the army will never deceive the people of Niger. He is one of several people who took part in the country's 1999 coup. That take-over lasted less than a year before the military organized elections that were won by President Tandja. While the international community condemned the coup and the African Union suspended Niger, there is cautious optimism that this military action may help end Niger's political impasse. President Tandja had little incentive to compromise with regional mediators, having already replaced judges and lawmakers who opposed him. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon says the military should move swiftly toward elections that include all segments of society.

Former colonial power France wants elections "in the coming months." The United States is calling for a "speedy return to democracy." 2010 Nigerien coup d'état : Wikis (The Full Wiki) President Mamadou Tandja in 2007 The coup followed a year-long political crisis in Niger related to President Tandja's efforts to extend his mandate beyond December 2009, when his second term was originally scheduled to end. Arguing that the people wanted him to remain in office, Tandja dissolved the National Assembly in May 2009 and subsequently appointed a new Constitutional Court, enabling him to push forward with a constitutional referendum in August 2009 that extended his mandate for an additional three years. The new constitution also enhanced Tandja's power by scrapping the semi-presidential system of government in favor of a presidential system . [1] The opposition reacted furiously to Tandja's efforts to remain in office and denounced him as a dictator. [1] Tandja also faced strong international and regional criticism as a result of the events of 2009; Niger was suspended from the regional grouping ECOWAS , and some aid from western countries was halted.

[1] [5] While Tandja said that he needed to remain in office to oversee various projects of tremendous economic value, [1] others felt that Niger, as one of the poorest nations in the world, was in a poor position to cope with any degree of isolation. The former minister Mariama Gamatié pointed to a serious and ongoing hunger problem and argued that "we cannot afford [Tandja's] ego." [6] Although Tandja negotiated with the opposition in talks that were mediated by ECOWAS, the talks were thought to have reached a stalemate by February 2010. The opposition blamed Tandja for the lack of progress and continued to protest his rule; a large protest, over 10,000-strong, was held in Niamey on 14 February 2010. [7] Tandja is one of Niger's most enduring politicians, first entering politics through his participation in the 1974 coup d'état that brought Seyni Kountché to power.

He held various high-level posts under the Kountché regime and then headed the National Movement for the Society of Development (MNSD) as an opposition leader during the 1990s. A 1999 coup d'état paved the way for a free and fair election in which Tandja was elected President. [8] Initial violence A group of soldiers from a barracks at Tondibia, near Niamey, reportedly entered the city with armored vehicles at noon on 18 February 2010 and opened fire on the presidential palace. They did so while a meeting of the government, chaired by Tandja, was beginning. [1] Gunfire and explosions near the presidential palace were heard "non-stop" for about 30 minutes, followed by "sporadic shooting". A "senior French official" told the news agency Agence France-Presse that a coup attempt was underway and that "it would appear that Tandja is not in a good position". [9] As a result of the attack, Tandja was captured by the rebel soldiers. [1] At least 10 people, including four soldiers, were killed.

[10] The French government asked French nationals in Niamey to remain indoors for safety. [11] After the violence began, streets in the city center were quickly deserted as civilians sought shelter from the events. The national radio station Voix du Sahel continued to broadcast, [12] although it was interrupted for 15 minutes. Subsequently it failed to mention the violence during a normal news report for the afternoon [1] and played traditional music. [13] Subsequent events A few hours after the initial violence, reports emerged indicating that the coup attempt, said to be led by Major Adamou Harouna , had succeeded. Tandja and government ministers were said to be held in detention at a point near the palace. Military music was broadcast on the national radio. [14] Later in the day, the formation of a ruling junta, the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD), was announced on television. Speaking for the CSRD, Colonel Abdul Karim Goukoye, who was surrounded by other soldiers, announced that the constitution was suspended and state institutions, such as the National Assembly, were dissolved.

He called for calm and unity among the people and urged "national and international opinions to support us in our patriotic action to save Niger and its population from poverty, deception and corruption". [15] According to Goukoye, the military had acted because it felt the need to resolve Niger's "tense political situation". The announcement did not mention Tandja, and it also failed to clarify how long the CSRD planned to remain in power. It did, however, say that the national borders were closed and an overnight curfew was being imposed. [16] The border closure and curfew were lifted the next day. [17] Although the coup action was reportedly led by Adamou Harouna, [18] the CSRD was headed by Colonel Salou Djibo . [10] At the time of the coup he was considered an obscure figure, little known by the general public. [10] [19] The presence in the junta of some officers who had previously participated in the 1999 coup, which led to free and fair elections within a relatively short timeframe, raised hopes in some quarters that the CSRD would pursue a similar course.

[18] According to Reuters , life in Niamey had largely returned to normal by 19 February and there was "a sense of relief and hope for change" after an extended political crisis and semi-isolation. The work of government continued, with ministries being managed by their secretaries-general. [18] Speaking on 19 February, Djibo was reticent about the CSRD's intentions, saying only that "we are at a starting point, and we will create a consultative body". [20] Speaking to the BBC , Goukoye gave assurances about Tandja's health and safety: "We are taking care of him—remember he is one of our elder soldiers". He also said that most of Tandja's ministers had been released; although three remained in detention, Goukoye said that they too would be released within days.

[21] In the immediate aftermath of the coup, the opposition Coordination of Democratic Forces for the Republic (CFDR) coalition notified the junta of its willingness "to make its contribution for the creation of a new constitution and the organization of free, honest and transparent elections." The CFDR also held a rally in Niamey on 20 February, in which over 10,000 people participated. On that occasion, the CFDR thanked the junta for ousting Tandja and expressed solidarity with the army, viewing the coup as an opportunity to restore democracy. [22] At a summit of West African leaders in Bamako on 20 February, Colonel Djibrilla Hima, a member of the junta, said that elections would be held at some point, when the situation was stabilized and the appropriate conditions existed. [23] Mohamed Ibn Chambas , the President of the ECOWAS Commission, met with the junta on 21 February and said afterward that it wanted "a short transition"; the transitional process would include a political dialogue, and the timetable of the transition would be determined through that dialogue.

Hima, meanwhile, pointed to the successful transition initiated by the 1999 coup and gave an assurance that "we are going to do the same thing". He also argued that the army had seized power only as a last resort after the politicians had failed to resolve the situation. As for Tandja, Hima said that he was being held under house arrest at a Niamey villa. [24] According to Hima, the three ministers "still under surveillance"—Prime Minister Ali Badjo Gamatié , Interior Minister Albadé Abouba , and Finance Minister Ali Lamine Zeine —had held "very sensitive portfolios" under Tandja and therefore it was necessary "to ensure their security". Tandja's party, the MNSD, called for the three ministers, as well as Tandja, to be released. [25] Djibo was officially designated as head of state and head of government by a decree on 22 February. He then appointed Mahamadou Danda , who had been Minister of Communication during the transition that followed the 1999 coup, as Prime Minister on 23 February.

[26] [27] Mohamed Bazoum , one of the leading members of the CFDR, said on 23 February that his coalition wanted Tandja to be put on trial for high treason because he had abrogated the 1999 constitution in his efforts to remain in power. According to Bazoum, such a trial was necessary to deter future leaders from pursuing a similar course. He said that the junta should hold Tandja until "democratic institutions" were in place, and then Tandja should be tried, although he also said that he felt the death penalty would be unnecessary. [28] General Moumouni Boureima, who was Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces under Tandja, opposed the coup, and it was reported in the aftermath of the coup that his home was surrounded by tanks. [27] Speaking for the CSRD, Goukoye stated on 24 February that members of the CSRD and "any other transitional body" would not run in the planned election. He remained unwilling to specify a timetable for the election, saying that the dates would be determined through a consultative process.

Goukoye also disclosed that six of Tandja's ministers, rather than three, were in detention, and that Morocco had offered asylum to Tandja. [29] On 1 March 2010, an interim government of 20 ministers was appointed. Five portfolios were assigned to officers, three of whom (including the Minister of Defense) were generals associated with Tandja. [30] International reaction United Nations : In New York, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned the coup, reiterating "his disapproval of unconstitutional changes of government as well as attempts to remain in power through unconstitutional means," U.N. deputy spokeswoman Marie Okabe said. [31] African Union : A.U. official Mull Sebujja Katende stated that: "As of today, Niger will not participate in our activities. We have condemned the coup and imposed sanctions on Niger: Niger is suspended from all activities of the A.U." [32] African Union chief Jean Ping condemned the coup and expressed concern.

[10] Senegal : Senegal's Foreign Affairs Minister Madicke Niang told reporters in Niamey that ECOWAS was "hoping for a peaceful transition after the events of the last few days." [33] Libya : Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi sent an envoy asking for guarantees that Tandja and his family would not be harmed. [34] United States : State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said "This is a difficult situation […] President Tandja has been trying to extend his mandate in office. And obviously, that may well have been […] an act on his behalf that precipitated this act today." Crowley emphasized that the U.S. had little information about the exact nature of the coup, and that Niger needs to hold elections to form a new government. The United States called for a "speedy return to democracy". [33] France : Foreign ministry spokesman Bernard Valero stated, "France condemns the taking of power by non-constitutional means". France, of which Niger is a former colony , also demanded fresh elections "in the coming months." [10] See also Nigerien Coup Nigerien Coup A few overseas sources are reporting that there is currently a coup underway in Niger.

Forces – currently unidentified – are trying to forcibly remove the quasi-dictator Mamadou Tandja from power. It seems to be a coup d’�tat as opposed to a general uprising since smoke is reported to be coming from Tandja’s palace but there are no report of general violence beyond the normal “background noise” of Nigerian society. Supposedly Tandja’s guardsmen are not doing well in defending their “President” and things look grim both Mamadou Tandja’s rule and, Given Sub-Saharan Africa’s politics, life. From Ireland’s non-profit Public Service Broadcaster, RT� : A coup attempt is under way in Niger with the country’s President Mamadou Tandja described by a senior French official is ‘not in a good position’. Smoke was seen rising from Niger’s presidential palace in what an intelligence officer said was a coup attempt President Mamadou Tandja’s guardsmen were trying to put down. President Tandja, ruler of the uranium exporting central African nation for a decade, has come under heavy domestic and international criticism for last year orchestrating a reshuffle of the constitution to entrench and extend his power.

He dissolved parliament and orchestrated a constitutional reform in 2009 that gave him added powers and extended his term beyond his second five-year mandate, which expired in December. The constitutional referendum in August, condemned internationally and at home, eliminated many of the remaining checks on Tandja’s authority, abolished term limits, and gave him an initial three more years in power without an election. The constitutional court declared that vote illegal, to which President Tandja responded by abolishing the court and replacing its members with his own appointees. West Africa’s regional bloc suspended Niger in October and the US terminated trade benefits for the country in December. Niger is one of the world’s leading producers of uranium. It produces around 7.5% of the world’s uranium, according to the World Nuclear Association. As the cost of oil and fears over global warming have rekindled interest in nuclear energy, Niger has handed out over 130 prospecting licenses, most of which have been for uranium. However, just 10% of these are currently active as the political uncertainty comes on top of a two-year revolt led by Tuareg nomads calling for greater autonomy for the north, and a larger slice of the revenues from natural resources.

I doubt that this will be more than throw away one liner mentioned en passant by the American MSM since they’re myopic, parochial, and currently seemingly afraid of mentioning African unrest out of fear of it somehow “tainting” the half African President Obama. Despite their silence though, this is a matter of international importance that we should be more than a little concerned about. The Dangers Niger is an oil exporting country and China buys a large portion of their annual production. Anything that destabilizes oil production in Nigeria will impact not only oil prices in general but China’s stance on such issues as sanctions against Iran and various other trade agreements. Niger’s uranium resources are also very important to the world. Not only, in the wake of the AGW hype, has nuclear power production returned to being an acceptable idea across the world, but it’s quite conceivable that unrest in Nigeria will facilitate the illegal sale of uranium to rogue states seeking either nuclear weapons or “dirty bomb” materials such as North Korea and Iran, both of whom have limited and “constrained” domestic uranium mining operations.

And, of course, one only has to look at Somalia to see that civil unrest and the collapse of the government – however vile and despicable that government is – gives the Islamists a chance at gaining control of large swaths of territory. The Hope On the other side of the equation, and equally deserving of media coverage, is the fact there is currently a coup underway to drive a vile and pernicious quasi-dictator from power in an African nation. This could well be cause for jubilation. Currently Niger is sanctioned by the US and cutoff from relations with the rest of the West Africa’s regional bloc.� A regime change could well, depending on what group of people is behind it, result in the normalization of relations between Nigeria and both the West and the rest of the West African nations. ~*~ Just don’t expect to hear much of from the American Media.� As I said, for their own reasons they’re uninterested in reporting news from Africa.

🙁 ~*~ UPDATE [February 18, 2010 4:45 PM EST]: Both the BBC and The Times in England are reporting that coup d’�tat in Niger was initially successful and that Mamadou Tandja and much of his cabinet are the custody of the opposition. The Times further states that the coup was by disgruntled members of the Nigerien military came after the collapse of talks between Mamadou Tandja’s regime and the Opposition over a recently “adopted” referendum allowing President Tandja to hold power indefinitely. ~*~ And we finally have a US report on the issue. The Wall Street Journal posted an article about it.� Say what you want about News Corporation but they’re global presence and coordinated efforts have their benefits. ~*~ UPDATE [February 19, 2010 6:45 AM EST]: The Daily Monitor in Uganda is reporting coup was led by Colonel Adamou Harouna and was aided by Colonel Djibril Hamidou, both officers in Niger’s military.

While Colonel Harouna is previously unknown, Colonel Hamidou was the spokesman for the 1999 coup that removed a military ruler, Colonel Ibrahim Bare, and ushered in elections that sadly led to Mamadou Tandja becoming President of Niger. Colonel Djibril Hamidou of Niger’s CSRD The Guardian is reporting that the junta that seized power calls itself the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD) and has appointed squadron chief Salou Djibo as its and Niger’s leader. What fighting there was is reported to have died out and there does not seem to be a strong likelihood of a counter-coup in the immediate future. Related Reading: February 18th, 2010 at 11:42 am Western Media tend to shy away from African news. I am not sure if it is simply because it doesn’t sell newspapers, or they are intentionally avoiding the subject, but either way it is rare to see Africa make the front page. I would like to make one pseudo-racist comment, and please trust me that I am in no way racist. Have you noticed that when Britain dominated Africa, it was substantially more peaceful than it is now.

I acknowledge that there were other problems, no doubt, but it seems that the African nations can’t find a good leader that can keep their country in check. Corruption runs rampant, genocides, slaughtering of neighboring tribes, war between countries … Africa is out of control. Of course, from a conspiracy theorist’s point of view, this may be somewhat aided by western powers. They don’t need to actively do anything, and that’s the point … just sit back and avoid the situation entirely (media?), then pick up the pieces. 2010 Nigerien coup d'état explained 2010 Nigerien coup d'état 2010 Nigerien coup d'état explained A coup d'état occurred in Niger on 18 February 2010. Soldiers attacked the presidential palace in Niamey under weapons fire at midday and captured President Mamadou Tandja , who was chairing a government meeting at the time. [1] Later in the day, the rebels announced on television the formation of the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD), [2] [3] headed by chef d'escadron Salou Djibo .

[4] Background See main article: 2009–10 Nigerien constitutional crisis . The coup followed a year-long political crisis in Niger related to President Tandja's efforts to extend his mandate beyond December 2009, when his second term was originally scheduled to end. Arguing that the people wanted him to remain in office, Tandja dissolved the National Assembly in May 2009 and subsequently appointed a new Constitutional Court, enabling him to push forward with a constitutional referendum in August 2009 that extended his mandate for an additional three years. The new constitution also enhanced Tandja's power by scrapping the semi-presidential system of government in favor of a presidential system . [1] The opposition reacted furiously to Tandja's efforts to remain in office and denounced him as a dictator. [1] Tandja also faced strong international and regional criticism as a result of the events of 2009; Niger was suspended from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and some aid from western countries was halted.

[1] [5] While Tandja said that he needed to remain in office to oversee various projects of tremendous economic value, [1] others felt that Niger, as one of the poorest nations in the world, was in a poor position to cope with any degree of isolation. The former minister Mariama Gamatié pointed to a serious and ongoing hunger problem and argued that "we cannot afford [Tandja's] ego." [6] Although Tandja negotiated with the opposition in talks that were mediated by ECOWAS, the talks were thought to have reached a stalemate by February 2010. The opposition blamed Tandja for the lack of progress and continued to protest his rule; a large protest, over 10,000-strong, was held in Niamey on 14 February 2010. [7] Tandja is one of Niger's most enduring politicians, first entering politics through his participation in the 1974 coup d'état that brought Seyni Kountché to power.

He held various high-level posts under the Kountché regime and then headed the National Movement for the Society of Development (MNSD) as an opposition leader during the 1990s. A 1999 coup d'état paved the way for a free and fair election in which Tandja was elected President. [8] Initial violence A group of soldiers from a barracks at Tondibia , near Niamey, reportedly entered the city with armored vehicles at noon on 18 February 2010 and opened fire on the presidential palace. They did so while a meeting of the government, chaired by Tandja, was beginning. [1] Gunfire and explosions near the presidential palace were heard "non-stop" for about 30 minutes, followed by "sporadic shooting". A "senior French official" told the news agency Agence France-Presse that a coup attempt was underway and that "it would appear that Tandja is not in a good position". [9] As a result of the attack, Tandja was captured by the rebel soldiers. [1] At least 10 people, including four soldiers, were killed.

[10] The French government asked French nationals in Niamey to remain indoors for safety. [11] After the violence began, streets in the city center were quickly deserted as civilians sought shelter from the events. The national radio station Voix du Sahel continued to broadcast, [12] although it was interrupted for 15 minutes. Subsequently it failed to mention the violence during a normal news report for the afternoon [1] and played traditional music. [13] Subsequent events A few hours after the initial violence, reports emerged indicating that the coup attempt, said to be led by Major Adamou Harouna , had succeeded. Tandja and government ministers were said to be held in detention at a point near the palace. Military music was broadcast on the national radio. [14] Later in the day, the formation of a ruling junta, the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD), was announced on television. Speaking for the CSRD, Colonel Abdul Karim Goukoye, who was surrounded by other soldiers, announced that the constitution was suspended and state institutions, such as the National Assembly, were dissolved.

He called for calm and unity among the people and urged "national and international opinions to support us in our patriotic action to save Niger and its population from poverty, deception and corruption". [15] According to Goukoye, the military had acted because it felt the need to resolve Niger's "tense political situation". The announcement did not mention Tandja, and it also failed to clarify how long the CSRD planned to remain in power. It did, however, say that the national borders were closed and an overnight curfew was being imposed. [16] The border closure and curfew were lifted the next day. [17] Although the coup action was reportedly led by Adamou Harouna, [18] the CSRD was headed by Colonel Salou Djibo . [10] At the time of the coup he was considered an obscure figure, little known by the general public. [10] [19] The presence in the junta of some officers who had previously participated in the 1999 coup, which led to free and fair elections within a relatively short timeframe, raised hopes in some quarters that the CSRD would pursue a similar course.

[18] According to Reuters , life in Niamey had largely returned to normal by 19 February and there was "a sense of relief and hope for change" after an extended political crisis and semi-isolation. The work of government continued, with ministries being managed by their secretaries-general. [18] Speaking on 19 February, Djibo was reticent about the CSRD's intentions, saying only that "we are at a starting point, and we will create a consultative body". [20] Speaking to the BBC , Goukoye gave assurances about Tandja's health and safety: "We are taking care of him—remember he is one of our elder soldiers". He also said that most of Tandja's ministers had been released; although three remained in detention, Goukoye said that they too would be released within days.

[21] In the immediate aftermath of the coup, the opposition Coordination of Democratic Forces for the Republic (CFDR) coalition notified the junta of its willingness "to make its contribution for the creation of a new constitution and the organization of free, honest and transparent elections." The CFDR also held a rally in Niamey on 20 February, in which over 10,000 people participated. On that occasion, the CFDR thanked the junta for ousting Tandja and expressed solidarity with the army, viewing the coup as an opportunity to restore democracy. [22] At a summit of West African leaders in Bamako on 20 February, Colonel Djibrilla Hima, a member of the junta, said that elections would be held at some point, when the situation was stabilized and the appropriate conditions existed. [23] Mohamed Ibn Chambas , the President of the ECOWAS Commission, met with the junta on 21 February and said afterward that it wanted "a short transition"; the transitional process would include a political dialogue, and the timetable of the transition would be determined through that dialogue.

Hima, meanwhile, pointed to the successful transition initiated by the 1999 coup and gave an assurance that "we are going to do the same thing". He also argued that the army had seized power only as a last resort after the politicians had failed to resolve the situation. As for Tandja, Hima said that he was being held under house arrest at a Niamey villa. [24] According to Hima, the three ministers "still under surveillance" - Prime Minister Ali Badjo Gamatié , Interior Minister Albadé Abouba , and Finance Minister Ali Lamine Zeine - had held "very sensitive portfolios" under Tandja and therefore it was necessary "to ensure their security". Tandja's party, the MNSD, called for the three ministers, as well as Tandja, to be released. [25] Djibo was officially designated as head of state and head of government by a decree on 22 February. He then appointed Mahamadou Danda , who had been Minister of Communication during the transition that followed the 1999 coup, as Prime Minister on 23 February.

[26] [27] Mohamed Bazoum , one of the leading members of the CFDR, said on 23 February that his coalition wanted Tandja to be put on trial for high treason because he had abrogated the 1999 constitution in his efforts to remain in power. According to Bazoum, such a trial was necessary to deter future leaders from pursuing a similar course. He said that the junta should hold Tandja until "democratic institutions" were in place, and then Tandja should be tried, although he also said that he felt the death penalty would be unnecessary. [28] General Moumouni Boureima, who was Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces under Tandja, opposed the coup, and it was reported in the aftermath of the coup that his home was surrounded by tanks. [27] Speaking for the CSRD, Goukoye stated on 24 February that members of the CSRD and "any other transitional body" would not run in the planned election. He remained unwilling to specify a timetable for the election, saying that the dates would be determined through a consultative process.

Goukoye also disclosed that six of Tandja's ministers, rather than three, were in detention, and that Morocco had offered asylum to Tandja. [29] On 1 March 2010, an interim government of 20 ministers was appointed. Five portfolios were assigned to officers, three of whom (including the Minister of Defense) were generals associated with Tandja. [30] Former Prime Minister Gamatié was released along with five other former ministers on 4 March, but Tandja and Albadé Abouba remained in detention. [31] While Tandja's government consistently sought to downplay the problem of famine and hunger - to the point that it was considered "an almost taboo subject" - the CSRD quickly demonstrated a different approach. On 10 March, Prime Minister Danda issued "an emergency appeal" to the international community for aid. According to Danda, 58% of the population could be affected by lack of food; under Tandja, the number had been placed much lower, at about 20%. Danda discussed the government's plans for emergency relief, and the UN and EU both promised assistance.

[32] Moctar Kassoum, who had served as Minister of Communications and Government Spokesman before the coup, was arrested on 15 March after "he urged people to fast and to organise prayers to call on God" in order to seek the release of Tandja and Abouba. He had also accused the CSRD of hypocrisy in continuing to hold Tandja and Abouba in detention while talking about reconciliation. [33] Kassoum was reportedly arrested for "breaching public order" through his comments, but the junta released him on 18 March. [34] During its last months in power, Tandja's government had initiated legal charges against the main opposition leaders, forcing them to live in exile. Under the CSRD, the charges were abandoned and the opposition leaders were encouraged to return home. The key opposition leader Mahamane Ousmane - who was President of Niger from 1993 to 1996 and President of the National Assembly from 1999 to 2009 - returned to Niger "discreetly" on a flight from Abuja on 24 March 2010.

[35] On 29 March 2010, the CSRD arrested numerous high-ranking associates and loyalists of Tandja. According to Ousmane Cissé , the Minister of the Interior, they were arrested because they were involved in "subversive activities and undermining of the government and the transition process". Those arrested included Seyni Oumarou , the President of the MNSD; under Tandja, he had been Prime Minister from 2007 to 2009 and then briefly served as President of the National Assembly prior to the coup. Others who were arrested included Garba Lompo (Justice Minister), Lamido Moumouni (Equipment Minister), and the previously released Ali Lamine Zeine (Finance Minister). Kassoum, who had been released 11 days beforehand, was arrested again. Several heads of state-run companies were also arrested.

Cissé stressed that any activity aimed at undermining the government or stirring unrest would be punished: "The state now cannot tolerate these practices to undermine the CSRD's efforts to reconcile Nigeriens." [36] On 1 April, 20 Tandja-appointed state company officials - including the heads of the state mining company, SOPAMIN, and the state petroleum import company, SONIDEP - were replaced in their posts. [37] The CSRD released the 14 arrested Tandja loyalists the next day. [37] [38] Cissé, the Interior Minister, said that their "destabilisation operation" had been "neutralised" and that the suspects were being released "to calm things down". [38] Djibo appointed a committee to draw up a draft constitution on 21 April 2010. It was to complete its work within 45 days. The Consultative Council, another body established by the CSRD, then announced a proposed timetable for the transitional process on 23 April 2010.

According to the timetable, a series of votes would begin on 24 October 2010, when the referendum on a new constitution would be held; the constitution, if approved by the referendum, would be promulgated on 11 November. The first round of the presidential and parliamentary elections would be held on 26 December 2010, and the results would be proclaimed on 12 January 2011. The second round of the presidential election, along with local elections, would follow on 26 January 2011; results for the presidential second round would be announced on 12 February 2011, the National Assembly would begin sitting for its parliamentary term on 14 February 2011, and results for the local elections would be announced on 27 February 2011. The process would then conclude with the swearing in of the newly elected President on 1 March 2011.

[39] The CSRD announced on 5 May 2010 that it accepted the Consultative Council's proposal to set the length of the transition as one year, although it said that the electoral processes would be held in a different sequence (referendum, local elections, parliamentary election, presidential election). [40] January 3 and 14 were set for presidential elections , while January 3 would be a legislative election . [41] International reaction : In New York, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned the coup, reiterating "his disapproval of unconstitutional changes of government as well as attempts to remain in power through unconstitutional means," U.N. deputy spokeswoman Marie Okabe said. [42] African Union : An AU official, Mull Sebujja Katende, stated that: "As of today, Niger will not participate in our activities. We have condemned the coup and imposed sanctions on Niger: Niger is suspended from all activities of the A.U." [43] African Union chief Jean Ping condemned the coup and expressed concern.

[10] Senegal : Senegal's Foreign Affairs Minister Madicke Niang told reporters in Niamey that ECOWAS was "hoping for a peaceful transition after the events of the last few days." [44] Libya : Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi sent an envoy asking for guarantees that Tandja and his family would not be harmed. [45] United States State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said "This is a difficult situation […] President Tandja has been trying to extend his mandate in office. And obviously, that may well have been […] an act on his behalf that precipitated this act today." Crowley emphasized that the U.S. had little information about the exact nature of the coup, and that Niger needs to hold elections to form a new government. The United States called for a "speedy return to democracy". [44] Foreign ministry spokesman Bernard Valero stated, "France condemns the taking of power by non-constitutional means".

France, of which Niger is a former colony , also demanded fresh elections "in the coming months." [10] Referendum and elections in 2010-2011 In late 2010 the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy organized a referendum . In early 2011 parliamentary elections and a presidential election were held in Niger. Former opposition leader Mahamadou Issoufou was elected as president. 2011 coup attempt In July 2011, ten military officers were arrested for plotting a coup and assassination of President Issoufou.The assassination attempt was alleged to be planned for 16 July at an event marking the first 100 days of Issofou in office. [46] It is often believed that the coup attempt was rooted in dissatisfaction with efforts by Issoufou to root out corruption in the military. [47] See also

Question: A coup in February 2010 led by Colonel Djibril Adamou Harouna displaced president Mamadou Tandja in which country?
Answer: Niger