Organisation of African Unity financial definition of Organisation of African Unity Organisation of African Unity financial definition of Organisation of African Unity Also found in: Dictionary , Encyclopedia , Wikipedia . Organization of African Unity A defunct international organization that promoted economic and political cooperation among African states. Its goals included eliminating colonialism and achieving greater independence from former imperial powers. It was established in 1963 and disbanded in 2002. Its successor organization is the African Union. Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a friend about us , add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster's page for free fun content . Link to this page: AATPO References in periodicals archive ? Africa Day is celebrated annually to mark the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, and the African Union (AU) in 2002. Africans honour women's empowerment This global observance day was initiated in 1989 at the 25th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) with the aim of drawing attention to the ongoing issues and challenges of industry in Africa.

UN Africa Industrialization Day - Mobile Payments Pave the Way In line with Pan-Africanism and the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Pan African Centre of Namibia (PACON) hosted the mini-conference on the topic "Women, Agriculture and Food Security". Conference on women, agriculture and food security However, with the transition of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU), the continent gained a politically significant organisation prepared to take on the numerous issues to be dealt with in the field of peace and security. AU, UNAMID sign $3m funding agreement for Darfur peace projects Africans from the five regions of the continent and the Diaspora as well as guests from around the world on Saturday, May 25 converged at the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) now the African Union (AU), established in the same city on May 25, 1963. This is Africas time, Dr.

Dlamini-Zuma Says as OAU-AU Celebrates 50 Years of Existence Participants will review in the celebration of the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity, which is now called the African Union, their contributions to achieve unity and comprehensive African renaissance as well as their struggle for freedom of the continent. Organisation of African Unity (OAU) | South African History Online South African History Online Home » Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Related articles Ethiopian Emperor Selassie (C) and Ghana's first President Kwame Nkrumah (L) at the formation of the OAU in Addis Ababa, 1963Source: Getty images Context: The Emergence of a Pan-African Rhetoric The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), established on 25 May 1963, was the culmination of a number of diverse and far-reaching historical currents and political trends both on the African continent and abroad.

Of particular import to the ideological formation of the OAU was the late 19th century Pan-Africanist movement which emerged in the United States of America (USA) among Black American intellectuals such as Martin Delany and Alexander Crummel, who drew similarities between Africans and Black Americans. The sentiment among these intellectuals centred on the belief that in order for black civilization to prosper, it was necessary to establish their own nation free from the USA where they would be able to pursue self-determination with dignity. Largely influenced by their own religious - mainly Christian - beliefs, early Pan-Africanists sought to advance the spirit of Pan-Africanism through missionary work on the African continent. The ad hoc and wavering Pan-Africanist train of thought began to consolidate itself through the scholarship of W.E.B. Du Bois, a staunch advocate of African culture and history, who propounded the idea that colonialism lay at the heart of Africa’s economic, political and social problems. Building on this, Marcus Garvey, a Black nationalist, further urged the return of Africans to the continent, which he attempted to facilitate through the establishment of a shipping company, the Black Star Line, aimed at transporting Black Africans back to Africa.

This venture was unsuccessful due to obstruction by both the US and British authorities concerned with the future of their colonies. On the continent itself, a number of prominent intellectuals and heads of state such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Kenya, Sékou Touré of Guinea and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia took up the cause of advancing the Pan-African ideal. A series of Pan-African Congresses were convened to further the interests of African peoples and discuss methods to achieve unification, and at the fifth Congress held in Manchester, England and attended by Nkrumah, among others, a number of significant aspirations and concerns were voiced. The Congress advocated for the “complete independence of the African continent and total rejection of colonialism and exploitation in all its forms,” and called for the unification of Africa through regional blocs and the adoption of democracy. The Congress also voiced the importance of economic regeneration to replace colonial economies geared towards primary resource extraction and exploitation resulting in a phenomenon that would later be termed ‘Dutch disease’. Of security matters, the Congress preferred to assume a stance of “positive neutrality” or non-interference, for which the OAU would later come under scrutiny.

It was these concerns that had formed the basis of Ghana’s post-independence foreign policy, and Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana’s post-independence leader) categorically linked Ghana’s independence to the continent’s own, recognising that “the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the continent.” Nkrumah therefore established a series of conferences hosted in Accra between 1958 and 1960 with the aims of assisting countries still under colonial rule, fostering cultural and economic ties between countries and considering the issue of world peace. Nkrumah also hosted the All African People’s Conference which convened liberation groups and African nationalist organisations, attended by the African National Congress (ANC) . The vision of a United States of Africa was, per contra, not supported by all, and not as radically as Nkrumah, Sékou Touré of Guinea and Modibo Keita of Mali would have preferred it. Despite a common vision, differing ideological commitments and diverging opinions regarding strategy and structuring of a continental organisation soon divided and obstructed the pursuit of unity.

The division led to the emergence of three ideological blocs on the African continent, split between the Casablanca Group (consisting of Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Libya, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria) which advocated for radical and full continental integration, the Monrovia Group (consisting of Nigeria, Tunisia, Ethiopia, Liberia, Sudan, Togo, and Somalia) which proposed a moderate approach to unification to be undertaken in incremental steps, and the Brazzaville Group (consisting of Francophone countries and led by Senegal and the Ivory Coast) which remained tied to the interests of France. A number of African leaders, including Kenya’s Julius Nyerere and Nigeria’s Abubakar Tafa Balewa, were supportive of the ideal of African unity, but many felt that Nkrumah’s grand vision for a United States of Africa was overreaching and ran the risk of dissolving sovereignty and territorial integrity – a point of particular contention among countries who had recently gained independence and hard-fought-for sovereignty. Perhaps Nkrumah naively pursued a single-minded Pan-African ambition with the assumption that other leaders would be of a like-minded predisposition.

Nkrumah nevertheless underestimated the support for a continental union which would require the surrendering of sovereignty to gain a common monetary, foreign and defence policy, and by the time the OAU was established it presented itself as a diluted version of its former envisioned grandeur. The turbulence of the early 1960s pressed the notion of African countries presenting a united front in the hopes of being taken seriously on the world stage, although the newfound OAU disappointed many of its founding members. Formation Thus, between 22 and 25 May 1963, delegates from 32 African countries convened in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa to establish the Organisation for African Unity (OAU), intended to form the continental base for pan-Africanism but resulting in a watered-down compromise between competing ideological blocs. At the outset, then, complete unification seemed unattainable. The divisions rendered the construction of a union government based on a consensus of structural, military and political institutions untenable. The OAU was thus founded with the intention that the organisation would proceed, incrementally, with unification until the eventual goal of a Union of African States was realised.

Founding fathers of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), 1963. Source: thisisafrica While the immediate full integration of African countries was untenable, the OAU did make significant steps towards identifying socio-economic development issues which racked the continent after independence. Thus, the OAU Charter outlined its objectives to a) Promote unity and solidarity of the African states b) To coordinate and intensify their cooperation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa, c) To defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and independence, d) To eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa, and e) To promote international cooperation, having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This was to be achieved by calling on member states to recognise 1. The sovereign equality of member states, 2. Non-interference in the internal affairs of each state, 3. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each state and its inalienable right to independent existence, 4. Peaceful settlement of disputes by negotiation, 5. Unreserved condemnation, in all its forms, of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring states or any other states, 6.

Absolute dedication to the total emancipation of the African territories which were still dependent, and 7. Affirmation of a policy of nonalignment with regard to all other blocs. Gradually, an additional 21 states joined the ranks of OAU member states, with South Africa becoming the 53rd and final state to join. Structure Independence was a prerequisite for attaining membership status in the OAU, although policies of the organisation were not legally binding on member states. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government acted as the executive body of the OAU which met annually and directed OAU policy. The Assembly acted as the supreme organ aimed at discussing African concerns, integration and the harmonisation or the OAU’s policies and functions. The Council Of Ministers, consisting of foreign ministers designated by each member state, met biannually and was accountable to the Assembly. The function of the Council centred on preparing matters of concern for discussion at Assembly meetings. The Council was also responsible for implementing decisions of the Assembly and the coordination of member state cooperation. The OAU structure also included a Secretariat headed by an appointed Secretary General.

Article XVII of the OAU Charter made it abundantly clear that the Secretariat and the Secretary General were to remain objective and accountable only to the OAU, uninfluenced by member states and their respective governments. In an attempt to address the potential for inter-state disputes, the OAU Charter provided for the establishment of a Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration which would allow for the peaceful settlement of disputes among members of the Organisation. A further allowance (Article XX) was made for the establishment of Specialized Commission through the Assembly, which included an Economic and Social Commission, an Educational, Scientific, Cultural and Health Commission, and a Defence Commission. The OAU also established a Liberation Committee tasked with assisting liberation movements in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea Bissau through the provision of material assistance. Achievements Against the backdrop of the Cold War, the OAU faced considerable challenges to the execution of its objectives. While it did undertake a number of important ventures, such as aiding liberation movements to overthrow colonial regimes, combating racism and apartheid and resolving boundary disputes among member states. One of the OAU’s greatest achievements was the assistance it provided to liberation movements, to which the organisation afforded Associate Member and observer status.

Article II (1)d of the OAU’s Charter, which states the intention “to eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa,” was perhaps the organisation’s most successful venture, restoring territorial integrity to many formerly-colonised states. A further achievement of the OAU was its encouragement of the development of regional economic communities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the South African Development Coordinating Commission (SADCC), the North Africa-Greater Area Free Trade Area and the Central Africa-Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries. Eventually, attempts at creating a continental body for economic development led to the establishment of the African Economic Commission through a treaty signed in Abuja, Nigeria in 1991. The Abuja Treaty contained a blueprint for full continental economic integration which was to be achieved in 34 years (by 2018/2019), although at the time of writing (2015), prospects for this appear bleak. In terms of social achievements, the OAU facilitated the unification of trade unions through the establishment of the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) and promoted youth organisations to further the leadership potential on the continent.

The OAU also attempted to deal more concretely with the issue of refugees by adopting the 1969 African Convention on Refugees and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights in 1981, which dealt with asylum and the obligation of states to provide asylum-seekers with at least temporary refuge. However, the Refugee Convention never filtered down to national legislation and has thus remained mostly ineffective. Challenges In the aftermath of colonialism, many African states were ravaged by economic crises brought about by a plethora of internal and external influences. Poor policy advice, resource deficiencies and a lack of institutional and physical infrastructure together with corruption, political instability and rampant underdevelopment served to hamper much of the socio-economic development pursued by the OAU. Of the opinion that indigenous solutions were preferable to Western economic assistance, the OAU oversaw the 1991 establishment of the African Economic Community (AEC), intended to work towards the creation of free trade areas, customs unions, a central bank and eventually, a monetary union. Despite initial optimism and the injection of billions of World Bank dollars, Africa’s debt crisis grew.

Many African leaders such as Yoweri Museveni of Uganda blamed this on exploitation by former colonial powers, and demanded that the World Bank and the West clear all Africa’s external debt. This demand was met with a curt reply by the World Bank President, Barber Conable, who countered that “such an issue may and will never arise [as] African states have the moral obligation to pay their debts.” OAU members, however, remained obstinate in their unwillingness to impose economic discipline and fulfil their obligations to the international economic order. Furthermore, the OAU’s encouragement of regional economic communities had the adverse effect of rendering economic relations problematic, due to blocs acting in their own regional interest. A further major challenge for the OAU was the fact that its deference to state sovereignty affected the Organisation’s efficacy in preventing and stemming conflict in its member states.

The OAU’s impenetrable respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity came at a cost; emerging dictatorships, coups and counter coups exacerbated political instability, and while Haile Selassie, Kwame Nkrumah, Abubakar Balewa and Sekou Toure – former founding fathers of the OAU – were overthrown (and murdered, in the case of Selassie), the OAU sat back and folded its hands. Further government overthrows occurred in Mali, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Gambia, Chad, Guinea Bissau, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo in a series of coups and counter coups which established military dictatorships and set African states on a path to perpetual civil war. The OAU failed to establish any proactive conflict prevention and resolution mechanisms, rather receiving aid from Europe, the United States and the United Nations. The Organisation’s Liberation Committee, through its support of liberation movements, problematically entrenched the legitimacy of guerrilla tactics for regime overthrow which continues till this day. By the 1990s, South Africa’s Apartheid regime was in fast decline and the majority of African states had shed their colonial administrations.

As decolonisation was the raison d’être of the OAU’s establishment, the factors binding African states against a common external enemy were no longer present and “the life-giving impulses of the OAU were now something of the past.” While this was essentially a cause for celebration, the OAU had, from the outset, limited its scope as a driver of continental integration through constraints in its own Charter. It was inconceivable that the Organisation could act as an efficacious peacekeeper on the continent, as there was hardly any peace to keep. Furthermore, the desire of African leaders to cling to their Westphalian notions of state sovereignty had essentially rendered the OAU powerless through its own rhetoric of non-interference. Financial crises in many states meant that the OAU was perpetually underfunded due to the inability of member states – which relied mainly on external funding - to pay membership fees. This lack of enforcement capabilities meant that the OAU could not enforce member state compliance with any of its decisions, instead relying solely on wavering political will. Internal divisions meant that any attempts at organising a reactive and cohesive response to crises were limited, if not impossible due to their non-intervention stance.

Due to a requisite two-thirds consensus on all resolutions, factionalisation further complicated the resolution of pressing issues. Therefore, when the continent collapsed into a plethora of intrastate wars and insurgencies following the fall of the Soviet Union, the OAU was rendered largely redundant. Dissolution With the battle for independence more-or-less won, attention was turned to Africa’s economic overreliance on former colonial powers, which was perceived to be the root cause of the continent’s poverty. The OAU was forced to recognise its own inadequacies not only in terms of facilitating economic development, but also with respect to addressing Africa’s continual and seemingly intractable conflicts, for which its own Charter was to blame. The Organisation had made little attempt to prevent the factionalisation of member state groupings which had been responsible for infighting within the OAU, and by the time the Organisation was dissolved in 2002 it had become, in the eyes of its critics, “an elite club of leaders largely cut off from their people,” protecting kleptocrats and dictators. At the 35th OAU Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Libya, talks began of reforming and reconceptualising the OAU.

Libyan President, Muammar Al Gaddafi, called on the OAU to convene its fourth extra-ordinary session which would further consider the reformation of the OAU into a more capable and less constrained African Union (AU), which came into force in 2002. References: • Edo, VO. & Olanrewaju, MA. 2012. An Assessment of the Transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) to the African Union (A.U.), 1963-2007. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 21: 41-69. • Gebe, Y. 2008. The Quest for a Union Government of Africa: Reflections on the Vision and the Realities of Political Integration. South African Journal of International Affairs, 15(1): 41-53. • Harshe, R. 1988. Reflections on the Organisation of African Unity. Economic and Political Weekly, 23(8):373-376. • Kufour K. 2005. The Collapse of the Organisation of African Unity: Lessons from Economics and History.

Journal of African Law, 49(2): 132-144. • Rwelamira, MRK. 1983. Some Reflections on the OAU Convention on Refugees: Pending Issues [Online]. Available: • Schalk, B., Auriacombe, CJ. & Brynard, DJ. 2005. Successes and Failures of the Organisation of African Unity: Lessons for the Future of the African Union [Online]. Available: • Uku, GW. 1994. Organisation of African Unity. Pakistan Institute of International Affairs, 47(1): 29-33. The OAU: Fifty years on - BBC News BBC News The OAU: Fifty years on 24 May 2013 Close share panel Image copyright AFP Image caption Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah (l) and Ethiopia's Emperor Haile Selassie (r) helped found the OAU in 1963 The Organisation of African Unity was formed 50 years ago - on 25 May 1963.

It was a compromise between those who wanted something like a United States of Africa and those who wanted each country to remain independent. It was based in Addis Ababa the capital of Ethiopia, one of just two African countries never to have been colonised. The body became the African Union in 2002. Here are three views about its achievements: Elizabeth Blunt, former BBC Addis Ababa correspondent By the time I attended my first OAU summits in Addis Ababa in the 1980s, Ethiopia was in the grip of a brutal military dictatorship. The country was obliged to give journalists visas to cover the summit but kept us on a very tight rein.

Seeking African unity for 50 years 1957: Leaders of Africa's three independent republics - Liberia, Ghana and Guinea - met to discuss liberating the rest of the continent 1963: OAU founded Initially concentrated on ending colonial and white minority rule in countries such as Angola, Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980), Namibia (1990) and South Africa (1994) 1984: Morocco leaves OAU after OAU recognised independence of Western Sahara 2002: OAU became the African Union, designed to work for economic integration AU ended policy of non-interference in domestic affairs - it has suspended several countries after coups, while OAU had been criticised as a "dictators' club" AU has sent peacekeepers to Darfur and Somalia 2011: South Sudan becomes 54th member of AU (Morocco has not rejoined) 2012: Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma becomes first female head of AU commission We were not allowed into the main part of the building; we were not allowed to see the resolutions - or indeed any of the documents.

Reporting became a cat and mouse game. If you saw conference papers lying around you grabbed them and hid them in your bag until you could get to somewhere private and see what you had managed to get. One heroic woman in the secretariat used to leave documents for me on a backstairs window sill behind the ladies' cloakroom. I found a basement level passage which emerged in the delegates' tearoom and drank a lot of tea - mostly with rather taciturn Libyans - until I was caught and ejected. Ethiopia has provided a stable home for the OAU and the African Union, but the price for the AU is that it has absorbed its host country's culture of secrecy, its default position of reticence and non-disclosure. And that culture has always been warmly embraced by those African governments which have things to hide, and absolutely do not want their dirty linen to be washed in public. This would not matter so much if all it did was inconvenience journalists like me. But the AU is paid for by public money. It is African taxpayers who paid for those summits, the hotel bills, the lunches, the international phone calls.

Image copyright AFP Image caption Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma became the first female head of the AU commission in 2012 The fact that for 50 years most African citizens have had no way of knowing what goes on at the AU and in their name still has the power to make me angry. By the time I covered my last AU summit four years ago, what you might call a sensible tendency had started to emerge - a grouping, led by Mauritius but including Liberia and, rather discreetly, South Africa, which had coalesced around opposition to Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, but also in general wanted to see less grandstanding, less obfuscation and a more straightforward, open way of doing things. Now, Gaddafi, Libya's former leader, is no more, a South African is chairing the AU commission and in Addis Ababa, a new generation has taken over the country's leadership. It would be good to think that Ethiopia and AU together can shed their obsessive secrecy and be more relaxed and open with their citizens in the future. Cameron Duodu, Ghanaian novelist and journalist To many Africans, the greatest achievement of the organisation in 50 years has been its ability to stay together at all.

Image copyright AFP Image caption China funded the AU's new $200m headquarters If anyone thinks that mine is a harsh verdict, let him be reminded that Africans still need visas - often expensive and time-wasting - to visit each other's countries. Contrast that with the fact that the European Union, which came into existence in its present form 30 years after the formation of the OAU - now allows citizens from its 27 member countries to reside and work in each other's countries. Free trade, which was prevalent throughout Africa before the European powers imposed borders on Africa during colonisation, is now restricted to regions that have signed specific protocols to allow free entry to each other's goods and services - groups such as the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) and the Southern African Customs Union (Sacu). Indeed, according to the AU's own figures, intra-African trade stands only "at around 10%, compared to [the] 60%, 40%, and 30% … achieved by Europe, North America and Asean respectively".

A plan with lofty objectives - the New Economic Programme for Africa's Development (Nepad) - has been drawn up to try and improve trade relations and economic co-operation on the continent. But if the past is anything to go by, its implementation could take many decades. The only hope for the continent's revival through strengthened political and economic links is the fascination with which the youth of the continent view such events as the Africa Cup of Nations football competition. The youth will ask impatiently: "Why is it so difficult to travel to go and watch matches elsewhere on the continent?" Image copyright AFP Image caption The Africa Cup of Nations is a symbol of unity - but it is hard for fans to travel The arrival in force of the smart phone in Africa will make such questions ever harder to answer. So, it is the upwardly mobile middle class - whether apolitical or not - that will generate the socio-economic pressures that will bring a truly organic version of African unity about. The tail (the educated African populace) will wag the dog (the politicians and the bureaucrats). It will constitute a slap in the face for the latter, no doubt. But on the basis of their performance in the past 50 years, a well-deserved one, I think.

Ian Taylor, professor in international relations, St Andrews University, Scotland The OAU Charter was essentially functional and reflected a compromise. Crucially, state sovereignty was enshrined. As a result, the OAU became an ineffective collection of states, mostly led by autocrats, who refused to take any action if it involved the domestic affairs of other members. Image copyright AFP Image caption AU troops are battling Islamist militants in Somalia Although the OAU played a role in the liberation struggles in southern Africa, its promise was never realised. By the late 20th Century, it was clear that something had to be done. In the post-Cold War environment, Africa's problems were now perceived in a more limited regional context and responsibility was shifted to Africans themselves. Equally, in the euphoria that followed South Africa's democratic transition, a feeling of "renaissance" led to various new initiatives on the continent, most notably the replacement of the OAU with the African Union in 2002. In relative terms, the AU is undoubtedly a step forward. African governments have moved away from the rigid stance that sovereignty trumps everything and now recognise the right of the AU to intervene in member states if war crimes, genocide or crimes against humanity are occurring.

The AU has become involved in peacekeeping missions in Darfur and Somalia and it has also taken a hard stance against coup d'etats. However, clubs are only as strong as their members. The fundamental issue is that many of Africa's states are weak and dysfunctional and are headed by leaders who do not particularly care about their own people. Until this changes, the AU is unlikely to gain its potential. United Nations Documents Charter of the Organization of African Unity, 479 U.N.T.S. 39, entered into force Sept. 13, 1963.

We, the Heads of African States and Governments assembled in the City of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Convinced that it is the inalienable right of all people to control their own destiny, Conscious of the fact that freedom, equality, justice and dignity are essential objectives for the achievement of the legitimate aspirations of the African peoples, Conscious of our responsibility to harness the natural and human resources of our continent for the total advancement of our peoples in all spheres of human endeavour, Inspired by a common determination to promote understanding among our peoples and cooperation among our states in response to the aspirations of our peoples for brother-hood and solidarity, in a larger unity transcending ethnic and national differences, Convinced that, in order to translate this determination into a dynamic force in the cause of human progress, conditions for peace and security must be established and maintained, Determined to safeguard and consolidate the hard-won independence as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our states, and to fight against neo-colonialism in all its forms, Dedicated to the general progress of Africa, Persuaded that the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to the Principles of which we reaffirm our adherence, provide a solid foundation for peaceful and positive cooperation among States

, Desirous that all African States should henceforth unite so that the welfare and well-being of their peoples can be assured, Resolved to reinforce the links between our states by establishing and strengthening common institutions, Have agreed to the present Charter.

ESTABLISHMENT Article I 1. Tho High Contracting Parties do by the present Chartor establish Organizationn to be known as the ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY. 2. Tho Organization shall include the Continental African States, Madagascar and other Islands surrounding Afrlca. PURPOSES Each independent sovereign African State shall be entitled to become Member of the Organization. RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF MEMBER SIATES Article V All Member States shall enjoy equal rights and have equal duties. Article VI The Member States pledge themselves to observe scrupulously the principles enumerated in Article III of the present Charter. INSTITUTIONS The Organization shall accomplish its purposes through the following principal institutions: 1. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government. 2. The Council of Ministers. 3. The General Secretariat. 4. The Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration. THE ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT Article VIII The Assembly of Heads of State and Goverurnent shall be the supreme organ of the Organization. It shall, subject to the provisions of this Charter, discuss maners of common concern to Africa with a view to coordinating and harmonizing the general policy of the Organization.

It may in addition review the structure, functions and acts of all the organs and any specialized agencies which may be created in accordance with the present Charter. Article IX The Assembly shall be composed of the Heads of State and Government or their duly accredited representatives and it shall meet at least once a year. At the request of any Member State and on approval by a two-thirds majority of the Member States, the Assembly shall meet in extraordinary session. Article X 1. Each Member State shall have one vote. 2. All resolutions shall be determined by a two-thirds majority of the Members of the Organization. 3. Questions of procedure shall require a simple majority. Whether or not a question is one of procedure shall be determined by a simple majority of all Member States of the Organzation. 4. Two-thirds of the total membership of tho Organization shall form a quorum at any meeting of the Assembly. Article XI The Assembly shall have the power to determine its own rul' procedure. THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS Article XII 1. The Council of Ministers shall consist of Foreign Ministers or other Ministers as are designated by the Governments of Member States. 2. The Council of Ministers shall meet at least twice a year.

When requested by any Member State and approved by two-thirds of all Member States, it shall meet in extraordinary session. Article XIII 1. The Council of Ministers shall be responsible to the Assemb Heads of State and Government. It shall be entrusted with the responsible of preparing conferences of the Assembly. 2. It shall take cognisance of any matter referred to it by the Assembly. It shall be entrusted with the implementation of the decision of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. It shall coordinate inter-African cooperation in accordance with the instructions of the Assembly conformity with Article II (2) of the present Charter. Article XIV 1. Each Member State shall have one vote. 2. All resolutions shall be determined by a simple majority members of the Council of Ministers. 3. Two-thirds of the total membership of the Council of Ministers duell form a quorum for any meeting of the Council. Article XV The Council shall have the powa to determine its own rules of procedure. GENERAL SECRETARIAT Article XVI There shall be a Secretary-General of the Organization, who shall be appointed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. The Secretary-General shall direct the affairs of the Secretariat.

Article XVII There shall be one or more Assistant Secretaries-General of the Organization who shall be appointed by the Assembly of Heads of state and Government. Article XVIII The functions and conditions of service of the Secretary-General, of the Assistant Secretaries- General and other employees of the Secretariat shall be governed by the provisions of this Charter and the regulations approved by the Assembly of Heads of state and Government. 1. In the performance of their duties the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any government or from any other authority external to the Organization. They shall refrain from any action which might reflect on their position as international officials responsible only to the Organization. 2. Each member of the Organization undertakes to respect the exclusive character of the responsibilities of tho Socretary-General and the staff and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their responsibilities.

COMMISSION OF MEDIIATION, CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION Article XIX Member States pledge to settle all disputes among themedves by peaceful means and, to this end decide to establish a Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration, the composition of which and conditiow o] service shall be defined by a separate Protocol to be approved by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. Said Protocol shall be regarded as forming an integral part of the present Charter. SPECIALIZED COMMISSION The Assembly shall establish such Specialized Commissions as it me, deem necessary, including the following: 1. Economic and Social Commission. 2. Educational, Scientific, Cultural and Health Commission. 3. Defence Commission. Article XXI Each Spocialized Commission referred to in Article XX shal1 composed of the Ministers concerned or other Ministers or Plenipotentiaries designated by the Governments of the Member States. Article XXII Tbe functions of the Specialized Commissions shall be carried out In acoordance with the provisions of the present Charter and of tho regulations approved by the Council of Ministers. THE BUDGET Article XXIII The budget of the Organization prepared by the Secretary-General shall be approved by the Council of Ministers.

The budget shall be provided by contribution from Member States in accordance with the scale of assessment of the United Nations; provided, however, that no Member State shall be assessed an amount exceeding twenty percent of the yearly regular budget of the Organization. The Member States agree to pay their rospective contributions regularly. SIGNATURE AND RATIFICATION OF CHARTER Article XXIV 1. This Charter shall be open for signature to all independent sovereign African States and shall be ratified by the signatory States in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. 2. The original instrument, done, if possible in African languages, in English and French, all texts being equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Government of Ethiopia which shall trassmit certified copies thereof to all undependent sovereign African States. 3. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Government of Ethiopia, which shall notify all signatories of each such deposit. ENTRY INTO FORCE Article XXV This Charter shall enter into force immediately upon receipt by the Government of Ethiopia of the instruments of ratification from two-thirds of the signatory States.

REGISTRATION OF CHARTER Article XXVI This Charter shall, after due ratification, be registered with the Secretariat of the United Nations through the Government of Ethiopia in conformity with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations. INTERPRETATION OF THE CHARTER Article XXVII Any question which may arise concerning the interpretation of this Charter shall be decided by a vote of two-thirds of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization. ADHESION AND ACCESSION Article XXVIII 1. Any independent sovereign African State may at any time notify the Secretary-General of-its intention tc adhere or accede to this Charter. 2. The Secretary-General shall, on receipt of such notification, communicate a copy of it to all the Member States. Admission shall be decided by a simple majority of the Member States. The decision of each Member State shall be transmitted to the Secretary-General, who shall, upon receipt of the required number of votes, communicate.the decision to the State concerned. MISCELLANEOUS Article XXIX Iho working languages of the Organization and all its institutions shall be, If possible African languages, English and French, Arabic and Portuguese.

Article XXX The Secretary-General may accept, on behalf of the Organization, gifts, bequests and other donations made to the Organization, provided that this is approved by the Council of Ministers. Article XXXI The Council of Ministers shall decide on the privileges and immunities to be accorded to the personnel of the Secretariat in the respective territories of the Member States. CESSATION OF MEMBERSHIP Article XXXI Any State which desires to renounce its membership shall forward a written notification to the Secretary-General. At the end of one year from the date of such notification, if not withdrawn, the Charter shall cease to apply with respect to the renouncing State, which shall thereby cease to belong to the Organization. AMENDMENT OF THE CHARTER Article XXXII This Charter may be amended or revised if any Member State makes a written request to the Secretary-General to that effect; provided, however, that the proposed amendment is not submitted to the Assembly for consideration until all the Member States have been duly notified of it and a period of one year has elapsed. Such an amendment shall not be effective unless approved by at least two-thirds of all the Member States. IN FAITH WHEREOF, We, the Heads of African State Governments have signed this Charter.

Done in the City of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 25th day of May, 1963 Organisation of African Unity : definition of Organisation of African Unity and synonyms of Organisation of African Unity (English) Aims The OAU had the following primary aims: To promote the unity and solidarity of the African states and act as a collective voice for the African continent. This was important to secure Africa's long-term economic and political future. [2] To co-ordinate and intensify the co-operation of African states in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa . [1] To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of African states. The OAU was also dedicated to the eradication of all forms of colonialism , as, when it was established, there were several states that had not yet won their independence or were minority-ruled. South Africa and Angola were two such countries. The OAU proposed two ways of ridding the continent of colonialism. Firstly, it would defend the interests of independent countries and help to pursue those of still-colonised ones. Secondly, it would remain neutral in terms of world affairs, preventing its members from being controlled once more by outside powers.

A Liberation Committee was established to aid independence movements and look after the interests of already-liberated states. The OAU also aimed to stay neutral in terms of global politics, which would prevent them from being controlled once more by outside forces – an especial danger with the Cold War. The OAU had other aims, too: Ensure that all Africans enjoyed human rights . Raise the living standards of all Africans. Settle arguments and disputes between members – not through fighting but rather peaceful and diplomatic negotiation. Soon after achieving independence, a number of African states expressed a growing desire for more unity within the continent. Not everyone was agreed on how this unity could be achieved, however, and two opinionated groups emerged in this respect: The Casablanca bloc , led by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana , wanted a federation of all African countries. Aside from Ghana, it comprised also Algeria , Guinea , Morocco , Egypt , Mali and Libya . Founded in 1961, its members were described as "progressive states". The Monrovian bloc , led by Senghor of Senegal , felt that unity should be achieved gradually, through economic cooperation. It did not support the notion of a political federation.

Its other members were Nigeria , Liberia , Ethiopia and most of the former French colonies. Some of the initial discussions took place at Sanniquellie , Liberia . The dispute was eventually resolved when Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie I invited the two groups to Addis Ababa , where the OAU and its headquarters were subsequently established. The Charter of the Organisation was signed by 32 independent African states. At the time of the OAU's disbanding, 53 out of the 54 African states were members; Morocco left on 12 November 1984 following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as the government of Western Sahara in 1982. The organisation was widely derided as a bureaucratic "talking shop" with little power. It struggled to enforce its decisions, and its lack of armed force made intervention exceedingly difficult. Civil wars in Nigeria and Angola continued unabated for years, and the OAU could do nothing to stop them. The policy of non-interference in the affairs of member states also limited the effectiveness of the OAU.

Thus, when human rights were violated, as in Uganda under Idi Amin in the 1970s, the OAU was powerless to stop them. The Organisation was praised by Ghanaian former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for bringing Africans together. Nevertheless, in its 39 years of existence, critics argue that the OAU did little to protect the rights and liberties of African citizens from their own political leaders, often dubbing it as a "Dictators' Club" [3] or "Dictator's Trade Union". [4] The OAU was, however, successful in some respects. Many of its members were members of the UN, too, and they stood together within the latter organisation to safeguard African interests – especially in respect of lingering colonialism. Its pursuit of African unity, therefore, was in some ways successful. Total unity was difficult to achieve, however, as the OAU was largely divided. The former French colonies, still dependent on France , had formed the Monrovia Group , and there was a further split between those that supported the USA and those that supported the USSR in the Cold War of ideologies.

The pro- Socialist faction was led by Kwame Nkrumah , while Félix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast led the pro- capitalists . Because of these divisions, it was difficult for the OAU to take action against states involved in internal conflicts because it could rarely reach an agreement on what was to be done. The OAU did, however, play a pivotal role in eradicating colonialism and minority rule in Africa . It gave weapons, training and military bases to colonised nations fighting for independence or majority rule. Groups such as the ANC and PAC, fighting apartheid , and ZANU and ZAPU , fighting for the independence of Southern Rhodesia , were aided in their endeavours by the OAU. African harbours were closed to the South African government, and South African aircraft were prohibited from flying over the rest of the continent. The UN was convinced by the OAU to expel South Africa from bodies such as the World Health Organisation . The OAU also worked with the UN to ease refugee problems. It set up the African Development Bank for economic projects intended to make Africa financially stronger.

Although all African countries eventually won their independence , it remained difficult for them to become totally independent of their former colonisers. There was often continued reliance on the former colonial powers for economic aid, which often came with strings attached: loans had to be paid back at high interest-rates, and goods had to be sold to the aiders at low rates. The USA and USSR intervened in post-colonial Africa in pursuit of their own objectives. Help was sometimes provided in the form of technology and aid-workers. While useful, such external assistance was often perceived[ who? ] as not necessarily in the best interests of the former colonies. Autonomous specialised agencies, working under the auspices of the OAU, were: African unity still a pipe dream | News | Africa | M&G African unity still a pipe dream Liesl Louw-Vaudran 23 May 2014 00:00 Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie (centre) and Ghana's founder and first president Kwame Nkrumah (left) at the formation of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Ababa in 1963.

(AFP) NEWS ANALYSIS In 1978 Jamaican reggae artist Hugh Mundell had a hit single called Africa Must Be Free by 1983, with its chorus saying: “I think it’s time/ For us to live a better life, yeah/ Freedom is what we want in Africa.” If the “freedom” he had in mind included a united Africa free of war, he never saw it – ironically, Mundell was shot and killed in 1983 at the age of 21. Decades on, there is still no sign of his high hopes coming true. Read: Fifty years of chronic conflict This weekend the continent celebrates Africa Day, 51 years after the founding of the Organisation of African Unity, or OAU (later the African Union, or AU), on May 25 1963. African unity is still far off; the AU’s current initiative for continental unity is unambitiously called Agenda 2063.

To celebrate Africa Day, more than 100 academics and scholars from around the continent are gathering in Pretoria this weekend for a three-day discussion on all aspects of African unity – from the well-known “African solutions to African problems” and economic integration to preserving African culture. Former OAU secretary general Salim Ahmed Salim will deliver the fifth annual Thabo Mbeki Africa Day lecture on Saturday to mark the anniversary of the founding of the OAU. Last bastions The founding fathers of the OAU – the likes of Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Ethiopia’s Haile Selassie and Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere – aimed to unite Africa and destroy the last bastions of colonial rule. Yet, although a lot has been done, analysts lament the lack of real progress towards a united Africa. The huge economic injection from average gross domestic product growth rates of 5% and 6% over the past few years, which some label “Africa rising”, is not being used effectively to integrate the continent. In addition, African leaders are accused of being too focused on staying in power in their own countries to forge strong continental partnerships.

Some recall the solid working relationships that existed between leaders at the start of the AU in 2002, notably between Mbeki and former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo. The pair was the driving force behind the now near-defunct New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Talk at the AU is now focused on the organisation’s Agenda 2063, spearheaded by AU Commission chairperson Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. Some say the plan pushes the deadline for integration too far into the future. “Efforts to create real African integration have not at all measured up, given the promises made,” says Cameroonian writer and scholar Professor Achille Mbembe. ‘Freedom of movement’ For Mbembe, of the University of the Witwatersrand’s Institute for Social and Economic Research, African integration means “freedom of movement of people, goods and ideas to constitute a truly pan-African public space”. “For Africa to really have an impact and play its rightful role in the world, we have to get rid of colonial borders,” he said.

“Otherwise we will forever sit with these small, fragmented and parcelled-out little states that don’t have any impact at all.” Mbembe admits integration won’t happen overnight. “These things are the result of battles over long periods of time,” he says. “We have to open up the continent by stages [and] open it up to itself, but also to the rest of the world. We should favour immigration from within Africa, but also make it attractive to immigration from the rest of the world: the Chinese, the Indians and others.” He believes integration will be the only way for Africa to get out of the current crisis, marked by “economic wars” and new conflicts such as the terror threats in Nigeria and Kenya. “There is an arch of instability all the way from Nigeria through to the Red Sea,” he says. “We also have the Central African Republic that has imploded, Mali that struggles to stay afloat, the Democratic Republic of Congo that is the soft underbelly of the continent and the painful birth of South Sudan.” Unnecessary tragedies Africa is a large continent blessed with ample natural resources, yet young Africans risk their lives to cross the Mediterranean to live as illegal immigrants in Europe.

“Tragedies like Lampedusa shouldn’t be happening,” Mbembe says, referring to the Italian island off Sicily where thousands of migrants are stranded annually after failed attempts to enter Europe clandestinely. Last year more than 300 migrants from Somalia and Eritrea died when their boat capsized near Lampedusa. Africans must mobilise among themselves to realise unity, he adds. “African men and women should take responsibility and not leave their future in the hands of leaders or foreign powers,” says Mbembe. Like many other commentators, he laments the attitude of African leaders who turn to outsiders for help. He says it was almost “surrealistic” to see heads of state travelling to Paris this past weekend to try to solve the issue of militant group Boko Haram. Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan “appeared like a preacher on the steps of the Élysée Palace in Paris” after he had cancelled a visit to Chibok in northeastern Nigeria where more than 200 schoolgirls were kidnapped last month. This was shortly before he travelled to France. Hardly anything has been heard from the AU on the Boko Haram threat. Mbembe says one cannot blame France for meddling in African affairs.

France steps in where there is a need and a “moral and intellectual vacuum”, he says. “This is a leadership corroded by corruption.” Tourist presidents He also criticises the attitude of Cameroonian President Paul Biya, who, he says, spends most of his time in Europe and “visits Cameroon every now and then like a tourist”. Professor Mammo Muchie, one of the organisers of the Africa Day celebrations, says African scholars agree the “scramble for Africa” was a mistake and that current borders were cynically drawn by outsiders at the 1884 Berlin Conference. “We would have expected leaders, when they formed the OAU in 1963, to reject these borders and unite the continent, but now we have rules and laws that legalise these mistakes,” says Muchie, of the Tshwane University of Technology’s Institute for Economic Research on Innovation. “Africa has gone through what no other continent has gone through. For Africa to recover its freedom, force and dignity, it [will] also give back the dignity to all of humanity.” He believes leaders are dragging their feet on integration.

In 2007, when Ghana celebrated 50 years of independence, the main issue on the agenda was of a United States of Africa. “What the AU is now saying is we want unity in 2063. They can’t use the jubilee [the 50th anniversary of the OAU/AU celebrated last year] to postpone it,” he says. Good example Muchie says South Africa’s peaceful transition after the end of apartheid should be an example to the rest of the continent. “You just had an election with a lot of battles, but they were all fought verbally,” he says. As an Ethiopian, he is proud of South Africa’s moral and spiritual achievement, he says. But South Africa should play a greater role in stimulating integration in Africa. “We need powerful ideas.” Muchie is, like Mbembe, disappointed by Nigeria’s decision to hold talks about Boko Haram in Paris. “Why don’t they come to Pretoria? Instead they go to Europe to talk.” Muchie believes a united Africa should put human rights first, including gender, race and language rights. Much more should be done to educate Africans about the continent’s potential and why it is crucial to work together, he says.

M&G launches pan-African platform M&G Media launched Mail & Guardian Africa in Kenya this week. M&G Africa aims to be the leading contemporary voice on African issues, with news analysis, insight, commentary and investigative journalism as its hallmarks. Its digital news and information portal, mgafrica.com , was launched on May 1 and the M&G Africa head office in Nairobi was officially opened this week. From the Nairobi office, editor Charles Onyango-Obbo will lead a team of African journalists and editors operating across the continent. The African Union Organization By Katherine Schulz Richard Updated July 25, 2016. The African Union is one of the world's most important intergovernmental organizations. It is composed of 53 countries in Africa and is loosely based on the European Union . These African countries work diplomatically with each other despite differences in geography, history, race, language, and religion to try to improve the political, economic, and social situations for the approximately one billion people that live on the African continent. The African Union promises to protect Africa's rich cultures, some of which have existed for thousands of years. African Union Membership The African Union , or AU, includes every independent African country except Morocco .

Additionally, the African Union recognizes the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic , which is a portion of Western Sahara; this recognition by the AU caused Morocco to resign. South Sudan is the newest member of the African Union, joining on July 28, 2011, less than three weeks after it became an independent country . continue reading below our video Test Your General Science Knowledge The OAU - The Precursor to the African Union The African Union was formed after the dissolution of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 2002. The OAU was formed in 1963 when many African leaders wanted to accelerate the process of European decolonization and gain independence for a number of new nations. It also wanted to promote peaceful solutions to conflicts, ensure sovereignty forever, and raise living standards. However, the OAU was largely criticized from the beginning. Some countries still had deep ties to its colonial masters. Many countries associated themselves with the ideologies of either the United States or the Soviet Union during the height of the Cold War . Although the OAU gave weapons to rebels and was successful in eliminating colonization, it could not eliminate the massive poverty problem. Its leaders were seen as corrupt and unconcerned for the welfare of the common people.

Many civil wars occurred and the OAU could not intervene. In 1984, Morocco left the OAU because it opposed the membership of Western Sahara. In 1994, South Africa joined the OAU after the fall of apartheid. The African Union is Founded Years later, Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi, a strong proponent of African unity, encouraged the revival and improvement of the organization. After several conventions, the African Union was formed in 2002. The headquarters of the African Union are in Addis Ababa , Ethiopia. Its official languages are English, French, Arabic, and Portuguese, but many documents are also printed in Swahili and local languages. The leaders of the African Union work together to promote health, education, peace, democracy, human rights , and economic success. Three AU Administrative Bodies The heads of state of each member country form the AU Assembly. These leaders meet semi-annually to discuss the budget and major goals of peace and development. The current leader of the African Union Assembly is Bingu Wa Mutharika, the President of Malawi. The AU Parliament is the legislative body of the African Union and is composed of 265 officials who represent the common people of Africa.

Its seat is in Midrand, South Africa . The African Court of Justice works to ensure that human rights for all Africans are respected. The Improvement of Human Life in Africa The African Union strives to improve every aspect of government and human life on the continent. Its leaders try to improve educational and career opportunities for ordinary citizens. It works to get healthy food, safe water, and adequate housing to the poor, especially in times of disaster. It studies the causes of these problems, like famine, drought, crime, and war. Africa has a high population that suffers from diseases like HIV, AIDS, and malaria, so the African Union tries to give treatment to the afflicted and provide education to prevent the spread of these diseases. The Improvement of Government, Finances, and Infrastructure The African Union supports agricultural projects. It works to improve transportation and communication and promotes scientific, technological, industrial, and environmental advancement. Financial practices like free trade, customs unions, and central banks are planned. Tourism and immigration ​are promoted, as well as better uses of energy and the protection of Africa's precious natural resources such as gold. Environmental problems like desertification are studied, and Africa's livestock resources are given aid.

The Improvement of Security A major goal of the African Union is to encourage the collective defense, security, and stability of its members. The African Union's democratic principles have gradually reduced corruption and unfair elections. It tries to prevent conflicts between member nations and solve any disputes that do arise quickly and peacefully. The African Union can grant sanctions on disobedient states and withhold economic and social benefits. It does not tolerate inhumane acts such as genocide, war crimes, and terrorism. The African Union can intervene militarily and has sent peacekeeping troops to alleviate political and social disorder in places like Darfur (Sudan), Somalia, Burundi, and Comoros. However, some of these missions have been criticized as being too underfunded, undermanned, and untrained. A few nations, like Niger, Mauritania, and Madagascar have been suspended from the organization after political events like cout d'etats. Foreign Relations of the African Union The African Union works closely with diplomats from the United States, European Union, and United Nations . It receives aid from countries around the world to deliver on its promises of peace and health for all Africans.

The African Union realizes that its member nations must unite and cooperate to compete in the world's increasingly globalized economy and foreign relations . It hopes to have a single currency , like the euro , by 2023. An African Union passport may exist one day. In the future, the African Union hopes to benefit people of African origin living throughout the world. African Union Struggles Linger The African Union has improved stability and welfare, but it does have its challenges. Poverty is still a tremendous problem. The organization is deeply in debt and many consider some of its leaders to still be corrupt. Morocco's tension with Western Sahara continues to strain the entire organization. However, several smaller multi-state organizations exist in Africa, like the East African Community and the Economic Community of West African States , so the African Union can study how successful these smaller regional organizations have been in combating poverty and political strife. Conclusion In conclusion, the African Union comprises all but one of Africa's countries. Its goal of integration has fostered one identity and has enhanced the political, economic, and social climate of the continent, thereby giving hundreds of millions of people a healthier and more successful future.

Question: In which African capital city are the headquarters of the Organisation of African Unity?
Answer: ADDIS ABABA