Francisco Franco - Facts & Summary - HISTORY.com Google Franco: The Early Years Francisco Franco y Bahamonde was born on December 4, 1892, in El Ferrol, a small coastal town on Spain’s northwestern tip. Until age 12, Franco attended a private school run by a Catholic priest. He then entered a naval secondary school with the goal of following his father and grandfather into a sea-based military career. In 1907, however, the cash-strapped Spanish government temporarily suspended the admission of cadets into the Naval Academy. As a result, Franco enrolled at the Infantry Academy in Toledo, graduating three years later with below-average grades. Did You Know? During World War II, Spanish leader Franco wrote a semi-autobiographical novel called “Raza,” which was later turned into a film. Using the pseudonym Jaime de Andrade, Franco portrayed a family that strongly resembled his own, including a hero who valiantly fought against bloodthirsty Republicans. After a brief posting back in El Ferrol, Franco volunteered to fight an insurgency in Spanish-controlled Morocco. He arrived in early 1912 and stayed there largely without break until 1926.

Along the way, he survived a gunshot wound to the abdomen, received a number of merit promotions and awards, and took time out to marry Carmen Polo y Martínez Valdés, with whom he would have one daughter. At age 33 Franco became the youngest general in all of Europe. He was then chosen to direct the newly formed General Military Academy in Zaragoza. Franco and the Second Republic A military dictatorship embraced by King Alfonso XIII governed Spain from 1923 to 1930, but municipal elections held in April 1931 deposed the king and ushered in the so-called Second Republic. In the aftermath of the elections, winning Republican candidates passed measures that reduced the power and influence of the military, the Catholic Church, property-owning elites and other entrenched interests. Franco, a known authoritarian rightist, was reprimanded for criticizing the actions of those in charge and sent to an out-of-the-way post near El Ferrol. Moreover, his General Military Academy was shut down. Nevertheless, Franco was brought back into the good graces of the government in 1933 when a center-right coalition won elections.

The following year he deployed troops from Morocco to Asturias in northern Spain to suppress a leftist revolt, an action that left some 4,000 dead and tens of thousands imprisoned. Meanwhile, street violence, political killings and general disorder were ramping up on both the right and the left. In 1935 Franco became army chief of staff. When a leftist coalition won the next round of elections in February 1936, he and other military leaders began discussing a coup. Franco and the Spanish Civil War Banished to a remote post in the Canary Islands, Franco initially hesitated in his support of the military conspiracy. He became fully committed, however, following the assassination by police of radical monarchist José Calvo Sotelo. On July 18, 1936, military officers launched a multipronged uprising that put them in control of most of the western half of the country. Franco’s role was to fly to Morocco and begin transporting troops to the mainland. He also made contacts with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, securing arms and other assistance that would continue throughout the duration of what became known as the Spanish Civil War (1936-39).

Within a few months, Franco was named head of the rebel Nationalist government and commander-in-chief (generalísimo) of the armed forces. He unified a base of support by securing the backing of the Catholic Church, combining the fascist and monarchist political parties, and dissolving all other political parties. Meanwhile, on the way north, his men—who included fascist militia groups—machine-gunned hundreds or perhaps thousands of Republicans in the town of Badajoz. An additional tens of thousands of political prisoners would be executed by Nationalists later on in the fighting. The internally divided Republicans, who murdered their own share of political opponents, could not stop the slow Nationalist advance despite support from the Soviet Union and International Brigades. German and Italian bombardments helped the Nationalists conquer Basque lands and Asturias in 1937. Barcelona, the heart of Republican resistance, fell in January 1939, and Madrid surrendered that March, effectively ending the conflict. Life Under Franco Many Republican figures fled the country in the wake of the civil war, and military tribunals were set up to try those who remained.

These tribunals sent thousands more Spaniards to their death, and Franco himself admitted in the mid-1940s that he had 26,000 political prisoners under lock and key. The Franco regime also essentially made Catholicism the only tolerated religion, banned the Catalan and Basque languages outside the home, forbade Catalan and Basque names for newborns, barred labor unions, promoted economic self-sufficiency policies and created a vast secret police network to spy on citizens. Though he sympathized with the Axis powers, Franco largely stayed out of World War II (1939-45) but did send nearly 50,000 volunteers to fight alongside the Germans on the Soviet front. Franco also opened his ports to German submarines and invaded the internationally administered city of Tangier in Morocco. Following the war, Spain faced diplomatic and economic isolation, but that began to thaw as the Cold War heated up. In 1953 Spain allowed the United States to construct three air bases and a naval base on its soil in return for military and economic aid. As Franco aged, he increasingly avoided daily political affairs, preferring instead to hunt and fish.

At the same time, police controls and press censorship began to relax, strikes and protests became more commonplace, some free-market reforms were introduced, tourism increased and Morocco gained its independence. Franco died on November 20, 1975, after suffering a series of heart attacks. At his funeral, many mourners raised their arm in a fascist salute. Life After Franco Back in 1947 Franco had declared that a king would succeed him, and in 1969 he handpicked Prince Juan Carlos, the grandson of King Alfonso XIII, for the role. Though Juan Carlos had spent a good deal of time alongside Franco and publicly supported the regime, he pressed for change immediately upon taking the throne, including the legalization of political parties. The first post-Franco elections were held in June 1977, and, except for an 18-hour-long coup attempt in 1981, Spain has remained democratic ever since. Tags Spain > Barcelona > History > Rule of Franc0 Spain History - Rule of Franco (1939 - 1975) With no opposition left to his leadership General Francisco Franco immediately set about ruthlessly removing from both army and political scene any possible future opponents.

The Law of Political Responsibilities introduced in 1939 gave such wide powers to his rule that in the first three months 250,000 people were arrested. Thousands died before firing squads, tortured and languished for years in prisons. Most intellectuals and artists had to flee to other countries and it can be said that Spain temporary lost its soul. One winner was the Catholic Church and Pope Pius XII was quick to congratulate General Franco for his defence of the ideals of faith and Christian civilization. The Jesuits returned and once again took over the education of students. Bishops took their place in Parliament and new laws were always made to be in step with Catholic doctrine. Social standards overnight became ultra conservative to the point that holding hands in public was banned. The Falangelist Party was not left out of the act and was considered as one with the Catholic faith. It was a matter of pride for party members to appear at Mass in their uniform and give the Fascist salute. General Franco instructed the party to create new Unions which combined workers and management into one unit without any real power. The government used propaganda together with the press to also control the Party.

The Monarchists were in some ways were also winners from the Civil War in that Spain started to return to a conservative controlled social state. Monarchist values, if not views, were to return and preparing for the eventual day when a king was once again to occupy their throne. King Alfonso XIII continued in his comfortable exile until his death in Rome in 1941. His son Don Juan sought unsuccessfully Monarchist support from within Spain. His main contender was General Franco who was not necessarily an anti-Monarchists but who was firmly of the opinion that Spain needed nobody other than himself - Francisco Franco. At the outbreak of the World War II, Germany made overtures for Spain to join them but General Franco proved to be elusive and kept his country neutral. Germany planned on taking Gibraltar as the an important door to the Mediterranean by marching an army down through Spain. This was known as Operation Felix and General Franco remained firm stating that a German army n Spanish soil would be resisted. This stand by him was to prove a great asset when later the Anglo-American invasion of North Africa (1942) used Gibraltar as its naval base.

In 1941 Hitler tried once more to enlist General Franco's aid and for the last time when he travelled to Hendaye for a meeting. The General again proved so determined to keep Spain from becoming actively involved that Hitler had to instead accept an offering of troops and the supportive production of the Basque Iron Industry. General Franco realised that Spain was in no economic condition to be trapped into a costly war as it was still trying to recover from the results of its own Civil War. History records that he played all sides at once, assisting Jews to escape from Nazi persecution and at the same time sending the crack fighting Blue Division of 20,000 Spanish men to fight for Germany on the Russian front, in particular Stalingrad. At the end of the World War II, Spain's situation was still economically strained and due to its governing strong right wing politics it was left out in the cold by the rest of democratically inclined Europe. In 1945 the newly formed United Nations (known previously as the League of Nations), formally voted against Spanish membership. The following year Franco closed Spanish borders to foreign powers and concentrated in the consolidation of his power within his own country.

He adopted a now typical policy of strong rulers by never allowing people to become too close or persons in positions of power and to become too comfortable or too secure. General Muï¿½oz Grandes of the famed Blue Division only learnt he had been relieved of his post as Vice-President of the government when the official gazette was delivered to his office. One of the few exceptions and one man to influence General Franco was Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco and was one of the few peole earmarked as a possible successor. During his rule there were 19 major shakeups that in total affected over 120 different ministers in his government - this is besides the changes made in other political power points. He had only one rule and that was his, and always ready to back him were his generals and the equally important army of the Guarda Civil. Also, to establish control administration was all channelled through Madrid which involved considerable delays in any decision. Soon the country was to be by necessity run on corruption as this became the only manner to achieve the simplest of things.

In 1953 General Franco signed a treaty with the USA that in return for considerable financial aid ($ 1.8 billion by 1965), the Americans had use of Spanish military bases in their defence plans for dealing with the Cold War with Russia. The influx of dollars was soon felt in the Spanish economy and subsequently brought about a relaxation of the some of the political control of the Fascist inclined organizations. General Franco made peace with the Catholic Church for any past wrong-doings by placing priests on the state payroll but at the same time he negotiated with the Vatican that in return he had the right to approve or negate any new Bishop. The economic boom resulting from this badly needed money injection also helped to prepare the path for the late 50s and 60s insurgence of the tourist industry. This was to bring at the urban level a powerful exposure to other cultures that began to slowly influence the long established traditional way of thinking. Power slowly moved into the hands of a new breed of youngish ambitious technocrats and when in 1955 Spain's application to United Nations was accepted the doors of Spain were opened to foreign interests.

One sad note for Spain was in 1956 when France withdrew its control on Morocco General Franco was forced at accept that he had to follow suit retaining just the ports of Ceuta and Melilla. They were also to lose possession of the phosphate rich Spanish Sahara in 1975. The 1960's became the boom time for Spain with industry and commerce finding international markets. In 1965 their shipbuilding industry ranked sixth in the world and the foreign income from tourism was put to good use improving rundown communications. Unfortunately, rural workers now looked to earn decent wages by moving into urban areas which resulted in the agriculture industry being the first to suffer. Not all Spaniards were prepared to accept this new style of control and demanded more liberty. The left fractions continued with their active discontent whilst mainly waiting for Franco to disappear from the political stage. As recorded throughout its history the inhabitants of the Basque region maintained an attitude of independence from Madrid and when a group of intellectuals in 1959 created a movement named ETA it gained serious local support. However, by 1967 this organization had passed into the hands of a group of extremists who adopted a terrorist policy.

In 1973 they made a public showing of the sincerity of their intentions by dramatically killing Admiral Carrero Blanco who was at that time Franco's most powerful aide and next in line for the leadership of Spain. This secretive ETA continues with a its same policy for independence with less of the killings and many efforts have been made to find a solution acceptable to all sides. In 1969 General Franco made the announcement that the throne would one day be occupied by a Bourbon, but not to the waiting in line Dom Juan, but passing by him to his 31 year old son Juan Carlos. The Prince had been born in Rome, educated in Spain, and then married in 1962 Princess Sofia the sister of the future-king Constantine of Greece. By 1968 much to the chagrin of diehard monarchists Juan Carlos accepted the throne in name but without any powers. For the next seven years he appeared at all ceremonial occasions standing close to Franco without expressing any thoughts and waiting for his moment. By the mid 70s there were serious rumblings of rebellion with a plot discovered amongst junior army officers, student unrest, strikes amongst workers, and a lot of ETA terrorism.

Also, Basque and Catalan young priests wanted their flocks to enjoy more civil freedom in line with the liberal minded Pope John XXIII. Many priests ended up in prison for becoming involved and actively assisting the various rebel groups. Apparently even the Bishop of Bilbao fell into disgrace with General Franco for publicly supporting the Basque language to be used as their regional language. In June of 1973 General Franco stepped to one side naming Admiral Carrero as the future defender of Francoism. ETA responded on the 20th of December by blowing Carrero and his car into the sky. In 1975 General Francisco Franco died and Spain held its breath as Dom Juan Carlos steped up to take the throne. The Visual Front - Posters of the Spanish Civil War El Generalísimo [The Generalissimo]. Signed: Pedrero. Junta Delegada de Defensa de Madrid. Delegación de Propaganda y Prensa. Sindicato de Profesionales de las Bellas Artes, U.G.T. Rivadeneyra U.G.T. Madrid.

Lithograph, 4 colors; 100 x 70 cm The inscription on this poster, El Generalísimo, refers to General Francisco Franco (1892-1975). Franco was one of the most prominent figures in the Spanish military during the late 1920s and 1930s; on July 17-18, 1936, he was one of the leaders of the military rebellion that led to the Civil War. On September 29, 1936, he was made Head of the Government of Nationalist Spain, and two days later he took on the role of "Head of State." When the Civil War ended on April 1, 1939, Franco was the undisputed leader of the victorious Nationalist army. He remained Spain's chief of state until his death on November 20, 1975. During the nearly forty years of his mandate, Franco ruled in a dictatorial, occasionally cruel and unforgiving manner, and had a ubiquitous, paternalistic presence in everyday life in Spain.

In reaction to the creation of a heroic figure of Franco by favorable Nationalist propaganda, this poster presents the generalísimo as a terrifying skeleton dressed in a cubist-style uniform inscribed with the Nazi swastika. The small effigies of the military, the capitalist and the armed clergyman that carry Franco's cape create an impression of servile dependence, and contribute to the frightening nature of the larger figure. The poster may simultaneously be interpreted as pointing to Franco's reliance on foreign aid (he is depicted as a German Nazi), and also on the quintessential conservative powers: the army, the wealthy capitalist, and the church. Little is known of Pedrero, the author of this scene, other than his activity during the war. He was a member of the Fine Arts Section of the socialist trade-union (Sindicato de Profesionales de las Bellas Artes, UGT), which was one of the most important organizations of artists active in the propaganda effort during the war. He is know to have designed other propaganda posters for the Junta Delegada de Defensa de Madrid, the agency that issued this poster.

This junta was a provisional government set up in Madrid on November 31, 1936; it was heir to the short-lived Junta de Defensa de Madrid, which was created after the government of the Republic fled the capital in view of what appeared to be its immediate fall to the enemy on November 6, 1936. The Junta Delegada de Defensa ceased to exist in late April (probably April 21) of 1937, when its functions were taken over by the municipal government of Madrid. This poster can therefore be dated between November 31, 1936, and the end of April 1937. Francisco Franco victory speech - Subtitled to english - YouTube Francisco Franco victory speech - Subtitled to english Want to watch this again later? Sign in to add this video to a playlist. Need to report the video? Sign in to report inappropriate content. The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later.

Uploaded on May 26, 2008 The victory speech of Francisco Franco, after the Spanish Civil War, who ruled Spain from 1936 until 1975, year in which he died. English subtitles Francisco Franco Francisco Franco ▼ Primary Sources ▼ Francisco Franco Francisco Franco, the son of a naval postmaster, was born in El Ferrol, Spain , on 4th December, 1892. Franco graduated from the Toledo Military Academy in 1910. Commissioned into the 8th Regiment he was posted to Morocco in 1913. Although physically small he proved to be a courageous officer and won rapid promotion. Franco had reached the rank of major in 1917 and played a prominent role in strike-breaking in the Asturian coal fields and in 1920 Lieutenant Colonel Millán Astray appointed him second in command of the Spanish Foreign Legion (Tercio de Extranjeros). The first volunteers arrived in Ceuta in October 1920. Astray told his new recruits "you have lifted yourselves from among the dead - for don't forget that you were dead, that your lives were over.

You have come here to live a new life for which you must pay with death. You have come here to die. Since you crossed the Straits, you have no mother, no girlfriend, no family; from today all that will be provided by the Legion." Astray added: "Death in combat is the greatest honour. You die only once. Death arrives without pain and is not so terrible as it seems. The most horrible thing is to live as a coward." The Tercio de Extranjeros quickly developed a reputation for brutality. Astray and Franco encouraged the killing and mutilation of prisoners. Arturo Barea, who served under Franco in Morroco in 1921, later wrote: "When it attacked, the Tercio knew no limits to its vengeance. When it left a village, nothing remained but fires and the corpses of men, women and children." In 1923 Franco replaced Millán Astray as commander of the Tercio de Extranjeros and over the next few years he gained a reputation as a brilliant strategist and administrator. In October 1923 Franco married Carmen Polo, a member of a wealthy merchant family.

Franco growing reputation in the armed forces was recognized when Alfonso XIII sent a representative to the wedding. In 1925 France and Spain agreed to combine forces against Abd-el-Krim in Morocco . Franco was placed in command of the Spanish troops and Henri-Philippe Petain led the French Army . In 1926 Franco was appointed Europe's youngest general. Two years later he was appointed commander of Spain's new military academy at Saragossa. This involved him visiting military schools in Germany and France . Franco supported the military dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera . However, after failing to solve Spain's economic problems he was forced to resign in January 1930. In 1931 Alfonso XIII agreed to democratic elections. It was the first time for nearly sixty years that free elections had been allowed in Spain. When the Spanish people voted overwhelmingly for a republic, Alfonso was advised that the only way to avoid large-scale violence was to go into exile. Alfonso agreed and left the country on 14th April, 1931. The provisional government called a general election for June 1931.

The Socialist Party (PSOE) and other left wing parties won an overwhelming victory. Niceto Alcala Zamora , a moderate Republican, became prime minister, but included in his cabinet several radical figures such as Manuel Azaña , Francisco Largo Caballero and Indalecio Prieto . On 16th October 1931, Azaña replaced Niceto Alcala Zamora as prime minister. With the support of the Socialist Party (PSOE) he attempted to introduce agrarian reform and regional autonomy. However, these measures were blocked in the Cortes . Franco held right-wing, monarchist views and the republican government mistrusted him and demoted him to a minor post in Corunna. Two years later he was sent to command the Spanish Army in the Balearics. In October 1934 the government used Franco and Moroccan mercenary troops to suppress the Asturian miners' strike. This action caused the left-wing in Spain to identify Franco as one of their main enemies. The right-wing approved of Franco and in 1935, José Maria Gil Robles , the minister of war, appointed him as his chief of staff.

In this post Franco promoted monarchists and purged the army hierarchy of Republicans. On 15th January 1936, Manuel Azaña helped to establish a coalition of parties on the political left to fight the national elections due to take place the following month. This included the Socialist Party (PSOE), Communist Party ( PCE), Esquerra Party and the Republican Union Party . The Popular Front , as the coalition became known, advocated the restoration of Catalan autonomy, amnesty for political prisoners, agrarian reform, an end to political blacklists and the payment of damages for property owners who suffered during the revolt of 1934. Right-wing groups in Spain formed the National Front. This included the CEDA and the Carlists . The Falange Española did not officially join but most of its members supported the aims of the National Front. The Spanish people voted on Sunday, 16th February, 1936. Out of a possible 13.5 million voters, over 9,870,000 participated in the 1936 General Election .

4,654,116 people (34.3) voted for the Popular Front, whereas the National Front obtained 4,503,505 (33.2) and the centre parties got 526,615 (5.4). The Popular Front, with 263 seats out of the 473 in the Cortes formed the new government. The Popular Front government immediately upset the conservatives by releasing all left-wing political prisoners. The government also introduced agrarian reforms that penalized the landed aristocracy. Other measures included outlawing the Falange Española and granting Catalonia political and administrative autonomy. The government, afraid of a military uprising, transferred right-wing military leaders to posts outside Spain. This included Franco, who was appointed him governor of Canary Islands. In February 1936 Franco joined other Spanish Army officers, such as Emilio Mola , Juan Yague , Gonzalo Queipo de Llano and José Sanjurjo , in talking about overthrowing the Popular Front government. Mola became leader of this group and at this stage Franco was unwilling to fully commit himself to joining the revolt.

On the 10th May 1936 the conservative Niceto Alcala Zamora was ousted as president and replaced by the left-wing Manuel Azaña . As a result of the government's economic measures the wealthy took vast sums of capital out of the country. This created an economic crisis and the value of the peseta declined which damaged trade and tourism. With prices rising workers demanded higher wages. This led to a series of strikes in Spain. President Manuel Azaña appointed Diego Martinez Barrio as prime minister on 18th July 1936 and asked him to negotiate with the rebels. He contacted Emilio Mola and offered him the post of Minister of War in his government. He refused and when Azaña realized that the Nationalists were unwilling to compromise, he sacked Martinez Barrio and replaced him with José Giral . To protect the Popular Front government, Giral gave orders for arms to be distributed to left-wing organizations that opposed the military uprising. General Emilio Mola issued his proclamation of revolt in Navarre on 19th July, 1936. The coup got off to a bad start with José Sanjurjo being killed in an air crash on 20th July.

The uprising was a failure in most parts of Spain but Mola's forces were successful in the Canary Islands, Morocco, Seville and Aragon. Franco, now commander of the Army of Africa , joined the revolt and began to conquer southern Spain. By the end of September 1936, the nine other generals involved in the military uprising came to the conclusion that Franco should become commander of the Nationalist Army . He was also appointed chief of state. General Emilio Mola agreed to serve under him and was placed in charge of the Army of the North. Franco now began to remove all his main rivals for the leadership of the Nationalist forces. Some were forced into exile and nothing was done to help rescue José Antonio Primo de Rivera from captivity. However, when José Antonio was shot by the Republicans in November 1936, Franco exploited his death by making him a mythological saint of the fascist movement. On 19th April 1937, Franco forced the unification of the Falange Española and the Carlists with other small right-wing parties to form the Falange Española Tradicionalista. Franco then had himself appointed as leader of the new organisation.

Imitating the tactics of Adolf Hitler in Nazi Germany , giant posters of Franco and the dead José Antonio were displayed along with the slogan, "One State! One Country! One Chief! Franco! Franco! Franco!" all over Spain. Franco and his Nationalist Army , with the support of German and Italian troops, gradually began to take control of Spain. His troops captured Badajoz and this enabled him to join up with General Mola's army and secure the borders with Portugal . The victory at Irun sealed one frontier with France . In June 1937 the Nationalists captured Bilbao providing Franco with a major industrial base. Franco was also helped by the French government's closing the Pyrenees passes to Spain in June 1938. Another important factor in his victory was the decision by Juan Negrin , the Republican prime minister, to withdraw the International Brigades in September 1938. In February 1939 the Nationalist Army was able to close the last frontier with France. Franco now concentrated his forces on the now isolated Madrid and its defenders eventually surrendered the city on 31st March. Franco developed a reputation as a cruel and vindictive military leader.

It is estimated that an estimated 200,000 political prisoners died as a result of starvation, overwork and executions. The persecution of political opponents continued until 1944 when a number of amnesties and pardons were granted. Franco joined the Anti-Comintern Pact on 7th April 1938 but declared the neutrality of Spain on the outbreak of the Second World War . Adolf Hitler tried hard to get Franco to change his mind. In their negotiations Franco demanded that in any postwar settlement he wanted control of Gibraltar , French Morocco, a portion of Algeria including Oran, and parts of Africa. Franco's main demand was that Germany had to fully compensate Spain for the cost of any British blockade of the country. Hitler was in no position to take on this burden and the negotiations came to an end. However, Franco did agree to provide logistical and intelligence support and promised to send a volunteer force, the Spanish Blue Division, to help the fight against communism in Europe. After the defeat of France in May 1940, Adolf Hitler resumed negotiations with Franco. The two men met at Hendaye on 23rd October 1940.

Hitler's main request was for his troops to travel through Spain to link up with an airbourne assault in Gibraltar. Franco, who believed that Germany would not win a long war, refused. Instead, he asked for arms so that Spain could capture Gibraltar . Afterwards Hitler remarked that he would rather visit the dentist to have his teeth removed than have another meeting with Franco. Franco did consider invading Gibraltar while Britain was involved in the war with Nazi Germany . However, he decided against this move when he was informed that if this happened, British forces would take the Canary Islands. In October 1943, Franco recalled the Spanish Blue Division from the Soviet Union . Convinced that the Axis powers would be defeated, Franco now began to openly support the Allies in the war with Germany . After the war Franco came under considerable pressure to restore the monarchy. In 1947 Franco announced a referendum to establish his position. The vote confirmed him as lifetime regent. The following year, Juan Carlos, the future king, began his education at the age of ten under Franco's supervision. Franco's strong anti-Communism made him popular with the United States and in 1950 Spain was allowed to join the United Nations .

In 1953 Franco signed an agreement that enabled the United States to establish four air and naval bases in Spain . In return the National Atlantic Treaty Organization protected Franco's regime from foreign invasion. In 1953 the Vatican confirmed the Church's recognition of Franco's power by granting him the right to the final choice of a bishop from a list of several candidates proposed by the pope. Franco's main foreign policy was to recover Gibraltar and to maintain Spain's colonies in Africa. He was unsuccessful in persuading Britain to give up Gibraltar and in 1956 he was forced to come to terms with the sultan of Morocco . Franco announced in 1969 that on his death he would be replaced by Juan Carlos, the grandson of Spain's last ruling king. Francisco Franco died on 20th November 1975 and within two years almost every vestige of his dictatorship had disappeared.

Primary Sources (1) Edward Knoblaugh , Correspondent in Spain (1937) Cadiz, Caceres, Huelva, Sevilla, Granada and Cordoba were Franco's, as was the whole northern area of Spain from the Guadarrama mountains just north of Madrid to the Bay of Biscay, save a small strip of the Basque and Asturian coast. Huesca, Zaragoza and Teruel marked his lines on the east. He was in possession of the entire area bordering the Portuguese frontier on the west except a narrow strip in the vicinity of Badajoz. In Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia, however, Franco's revolt had been crushed with a thoroughness that portended ill for the success of his movement. They were the three largest cities of Spain, and had been the key-points of the rebellion. Lack of coordination in Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona, was what caused the rebellion to miss fire there. The government, having, in desperation, overruled President Azana and passed out arms to the workers, seemed as though it would turn the tables on the insurgent leader.

In that first urgent need for militant manpower to offset the traditional apathy of the peace-loving masses, 40,000 common prisoners had been released on their promise to carry arms, and these, with some 25,000 recently pardoned political prisoners gambling for continued freedom, had stiffened the disorganized Loyalist forces. But the decision of Commander Martinez Monje, chief of the Valencia garrison, to throw his support to the government, was the deciding factor in the issue at that time. For ten days Commander Monje held his troops in their barracks while he carefully weighed the odds. When the Montana barracks fell before the militia in Madrid, and the Barcelona revolt had been crushed, Monje decided Franco's chances were slim and cast his lot with the government. Franco must have cursed the thought of Monje many times since. (2) Francisco Franco, speech (17th July 1936) Spaniards! The nation calls to her defense all those of you who hear the holy name of Spain, those in the ranks of the Army and Navy who have made a profession of faith in the service of the Motherland, all those who swore to defend her to the death against her enemies.

The situation in Spain grows more critical every day; anarchy reigns in most of the countryside and towns; government-appointed authorities encourage revolts, when they do not actually lead them; murderers use pistols and machine guns to settle their differences and to treacherously assassinate innocent people, while the public authorities fail to impose law and order. Revolutionary strikes of all kinds paralyze the life of the nation, destroying its sources of wealth and creating hunger, forcing working men to the point of desperation. The most savage attacks are made upon national monuments and artistic treasures by revolutionary hordes who obey the orders of foreign governments, with the complicity and negligence of local authorities. The most serious crimes are committed in the cities and countryside, while the forces that should defend public order remain in their barracks, bound by blind obedience to those governing authorities that are intent on dishonoring them. The Army, Navy, and other armed forces are the target of the most obscene and slanderous attacks, which are carried out by the very people who should be protecting their prestige. Meanwhile, martial law is imposed to gag the nation, to hide what is happening in its towns and cities, and to imprison alleged political opponents.

(3) The Manchester Guardian (30th July 1936) General Franco, the rebel Spanish leader, in an interview with a Press Association correspondent at his headquarters in Tetuan, made what appears to be virtually an appeal for international support, and also indicated the possibility of introducing large numbers of Riffs into Spain to fight against the Spanish Government. He indicated that the revolutionaries had plenty of money, but did not explain where it came from. He adopted the revolutionaries' favourite argument that time is of little consequence to them, and that all they have to do is to hold on until the Government's funds and supplies are exhausted. He said: 'It is not merely a national question, it is international. Surely Great Britain, Germany, and Italy must be in sympathy with our aims. I am absolutely disinterested personally. As long as the uprising benefits Spain by stamping out Communism I am content, but I have no wish to inflict unnecessary hardships. After all they are not all Communists. 'If all goes well I shall establish my first headquarters at Seville. We are not short of money, but the danger lies in what help the Spanish Government may receive from Moscow and the Popular Front Government in France.

On that depends how long the Government forces can hold out. 'The Riffs, too, are anxious to help us. They have made representations asking to be allowed to form regiments of their own under my officers and go and fight against the Communists. The Foreign Legion, both Spanish and native, is entirely faithful to me.' General Franco admitted his disappointment at the collapse of the rising in the navy, but went on: 'Without the officers the men can do little. They are ignorant and have no idea of navigation. Fuel and food are short. It is only a matter of time until they finally surrender to us.' The correspondent asked about the bombing of the Spanish warship Jaime I, at the entrance of Tangier harbour, when bombs fell close to a British steamer and caused alarm in Tangier. The General appeared to be upset. 'The pilot responsible', he stated, 'was sent for and I severely reprimanded him. He had been looking for the boat and missed it until it was nearing Tangier harbour.

Then he lost his head and dropped his bombs against my express order.' (4) Hermann Goering , statement at Nuremberg War Crimes Trial (October 1946) When the civil war broke out in Spain Franco sent a call for help to Germany and asked for support, particularly in the air. Franco with his troops was stationed in Africa and he could not get his troops across, as the fleet was in the hands of the communists. The decisive factor was, first of all, to get his troops to Spain. The Führer thought the matter over. I urged him to give support under all circumstances: firstly, to prevent the further spread of communism; secondly, to test my young Luftwaffe in this or that technical respect. (5) George Orwell , Homage to Catalonia (1938) To understand the alignment on the Government side one has got to remember how the war started. When the fighting broke out on 18th July probable that every anti-Fascist in Europe felt a thrill of hope. For here at last, apparently, was democracy standing up to Fascism. For years past the so-called democratic countries had been surrendering to Fascism at every step.

The Japanese had been allowed to do as they liked in Manchuria. Hitler had walked into power and proceeded to massacre political opponents of all shades. Mussolini had bombed the Abyssinians while fifty-three nations (I think it was fifty-three) made pious noises 'off'. But when Franco tried to overthrow a mildly Left-wing Government the Spanish people, against all expectation, had risen against him. It seemed - possibly it was - the turning of the tide. But there were several points that escaped general notice. To begin with, Franco was not strictly comparable with Hitler or Mussolini. His rising was a military mutiny backed up by the aristocracy and the Church, and in the main, especially at the beginning, it was an attempt not so much to impose Fascism as to restore feudalism. This meant that Franco had against him not only the working class but also various sections of the liberal bourgeoisie - the very people who are the supporters of Fascism when it appears in a more modern form.

More important than this was the fact that the Spanish working class did not, as we might conceivably do in England, resist Franco in the name of 'democracy' and the status quo; their resistance was accompanied by - one might almost say it consisted of- a definite revolutionary outbreak. Land was seized by the peasants; many factories and most of the transport were seized by the trade unions; churches were wrecked and the priests driven out or killed. The Daily Mail, amid the cheers of the Catholic clergy, was able to represent Franco as a patriot delivering his country from hordes of fiendish "Reds". For the first few months of the war Franco's real opponent was not so much the Government as the trade unions. As soon as the rising broke out the organized town workers replied by calling a general strike and then by demanding - and, after a struggle, getting - arms from the public arsenals. If they had not acted spontaneously and more or less independently it is quite conceivable that Franco would never have been resisted. (6) Luis Bolin , Spain, the Vital Years (1967) The passing of a year had seated Franco firmly in the saddle.

Some think of him mainly as a strategic and political commander-in-chief, but throughout the Civil War he was also a tactical leader, as he had been in Morocco. Though he did not physically lead troops in action, he certainly directed their movements, and this explains the prestige he enjoyed. His fellow-officers would hardly have tolerated a perfunctory leader of a more academic type. Wherever he might be he would spend hours poring over large-scale maps pinned on plywood boards and set up on easels under a strong light. Every feature of the ground over which his men fought was noted and taken into account. Minute instructions, issued on the field of battle or transmitted also personally, through long-distance telephone lines, were backed by a knowledge of the terrain equal to that possessed by those who received his orders. That he should issue them in person was taken as a matter of course. (7) Francisco Franco, statement (26th November, 1937) I will impose my will by victory and will not enter into discussion. We open our arms to all Spaniards and offer them the opportunity of helping to form the Spain of tomorrow which will be a land of justice, mercy, and fraternity.

The war is already won on the battlefields as in the economic, commercial, industrial, and even social spheres. I will only agree to end it militarily. My troops will advance. The choice for the enemy is fight or unconditional surrender, nothing else. (8) Florence Farmborough , Life and People of Spain (1938) The youth of Spain turn towards their Leader, Generalissimo Franco, as towards a shining light; he is the beacon that guides them to their highest goal. In all people this great faith in the Caudillo is to be found; in the highest and lowest, in the richest and poorest, in the oldest and youngest, for even the very small children are taught to play their role of loyal subject to National Spain. And that reminds me of an incident which I witnessed the other day, an incident which amused me and yet seemed to touch a deeper chord. I was walking through the Arcade of the Plaza Mayor in this city of Salamanca (one of the most beautiful old squares in Europe, surrounded by a columned promenade, lined on one side by shops), when I saw in front of me a woman of humble station in life, holding a small boy of some three years by the hand.

Suddenly the child stopped, turned towards a shop-window and, relinquishing his mother's hand, drew himself up to his full height, clicked his tiny heels together and, standing to attention, was about to raise his arm in the Phalangist salute. His mother, unconscious of his action, grasped his hand and dragged him along with her - none too gently! The wee boy's face was a study in expressions of anger and disappointment. But, with sudden determination, he turned, manfully resisting his mother's display of force, and, nearly toppling over himself in his anxiety that his heels should touch each other, he stiffened his small round body and saluted, solemnly and ceremoniously, in Phalangist manner! His unheeding mother, sensing rebellion, seized him so vigorously that the child stumbled and nearly fell - but he was docile now, he had done his duty. He had saluted a large portrait of Generalissimo Franco in the shop-window!

(9) Statement issued by General Francisco Franco about the bombing of Barcelona (24th March 1938) The air raids carried out by the 'Nationalist' air force on military objectives in Barcelona have been reported with notorious mendacity by the 'Red' press and part of the foreign press, too. The 'Nationalist' air force has sought only to destroy strictly military objectives. 'Red' barbarity has converted the district situated in the centre of towns into huge stores of explosives and war material. 'Red' propaganda states that some of the 'Nationalist' bombs fell in the Cataluna Square, on the underground station of the Metro, and the main northern railway station. It omitted to say, however, that these two points had been converted into huge munition dumps, a fact which is proved by the several explosions which took place after the falling of the bombs. These explosions caused the collapse of several buildings such as the Barcelona Theatre and others in the Cataluna Square. We regret the victims caused amongst the civilian population, but responsibility for these rests with the 'Red' authorities who, violating all the laws of humanity and warfare, have placed huge powder dumps in the middle of large cities.

(10) Francisco Franco, statement (18th July, 1938) Our fight is a crusade in which Europe's fate is at stake. That is why since the beginning Russia has taken her place unconditionally on the side of the Spanish Republic by sending tanks and a thousand war-planes, and by mobilizing the undesirables of all Europe to fight for the Red Army. Our triumph is immense, in spite of the difficulties of the enterprise. No difficulties have prevented the rescue of over three million Spaniards from Red barbarism during the second triumphal year. I beg your affectionate remembrance of our brothers who are suffering from the effects of lawlessness in the Red zone, and your prayers for the martyrs of our cause. I pay tribute to those who have fallen far from their own countries - the natives, the volunteers, the legionaries who left their home to enrol in the forces of the crusade and to demonstrate in Spain the fullness of their countries' identification with the cause of firmness and friendship professed by them towards Spain. The Reds assassinated over 70,000 in Madrid, 20,000 in Valencia, 54,000 in Barcelona.

Such crimes are the work of the Comintern and its agents Rosenberg, Marti, Negrin, Del Vayo - all servants of Soviet Russia. Spaniards have a duty to remember that Christian charity is boundless for the deluded and the repentant but they must observe the dictates of prudence and not allow the infiltration of the recalcitrant enemies of Spain. Those proceeding from a politically infested area must undergo quarantine to avoid the contamination of the community. I denounce the new Red campaigns of those posing as defenders of Spanish independence against foreign invasion. The foreign invasion came through the Catalan frontier, whence entered the undesirables who sacked and destroyed Spanish towns and villages, looted banks, destroyed homes, and stole our patrimony of art. The Reds who pursued these treacherous tactics in the Nationalist rear, in attempting to destroy our unity, will continue these tactics after the war, when our vigilance and our care for the purity of our creed must increase. The Nationalist movement has ousted the old political intrigues and is guiding the nation to greatness and prosperity. Spain was great when she had a State Executive with a missionary character.

Her ideals decayed when a serious leader was replaced by assemblies of irresponsible men, adopting foreign thought and manners. The nation needs unity to face modem problems, particularly in Spain after the severest trial of her history. Separatism and class war must be abolished and justice and education must be imposed. The new leaders must be characterized by austerity, morality, and industry. Spaniards must adopt the military and religious virtues of discipline and austerity. All elements of discord must be removed. (11) Martha Gellhorn , The Undefeated (1945) The generally accepted figure is 300,000 executions in the six years since Franco won power. The total present American casualties, killed and wounded in all theaters of war, are about 475,000. It is obvious that the only way to defeat these people is to shoot them. As early as 1941, Spanish Republicans were running away from their French employers and disappearing into the Maquis. From 1943 onward, there was the closest liaison between the French Maquis and the Spanish bands throughout France. That the work of the Spanish Maquis was valuable can be seen from some briefly noted figures.

During the German occupation of France, the Spanish Maquis engineered more than four hundred railway sabotages, destroyed fifty-eight locomotives, dynamited thirty-five railway bridges, cut one hundred and fifty telephone lines, attacked twenty factories, destroying some factories totally, and sabotaged fifteen coal mines. They took several thousand German prisoners and - most miraculous considering their arms - they captured three tanks. In the south-west part of France where no Allied armies have ever fought, they liberated more than seventeen towns. The French Forces of the Interior, who have scarcely enough to help themselves, try to help their wounded Spanish comrades in arms. But now that the guerrilla fighting is over, the Spaniards are again men without a country or families or homes or work, though everyone appreciates very much what they did. After the desperate years of their own war, after six years of repression inside Spain and six years of horror in exile, these people remain intact in spirit. They are armed with a transcendent faith; they have never won, and yet they have never accepted defeat. Theirs is the great faith that makes miracles and changes history.

You can sit in a basement restaurant in Toulouse and listen to men who have uncomplainingly lost every safety and comfort in life, talking of their republic; and you can believe quite simply that, since they are what they are, there will be a republic across the mountains and that they will live to return to it. (12) Edward Heath , The Course of My Life (1988) The news from Spain which we had been receiving back home had not prepared me for what we encountered. In the event, I left Spain with a very strong feeling that support for Franco was chiefly to be found among the wealthy and the landowners. Their fear seemed to be that, if they did not submit themselves to a right-wing dictatorship, a communist revolution would be the inevitable alternative. My group was far from convinced: we saw for ourselves that the Republican government was introducing progressive social reforms and encouraging a bracing, democratic atmosphere among its people. Most of the men we met were not extremists, by any token, rather they were practical, hard-nosed individuals. All of us were hardened in our resolve to put their case as forcefully as we could back in the United Kingdom.

It was not until 1964, after I had opened the British Trade Fair in Barcelona as Secretary of State for Industry, Trade and Regional Development, that I flew over to Madrid for a meeting with General Franco at his home in the Pardo Palace. I had hesitated before accepting an invitation from the Spanish ambassador for such a meeting, because I guessed that General Franco knew of my visit to Spain during the Civil War, the broadcast I had made from Barcelona and the articles I had later written. I was assured, indeed, that he knew all about my Civil War activities and had expressly indicated that he wished to meet me. He greeted me in his study where his desk and the shelves all round were piled high with files awaiting his attention. He was much smaller than I had realised and had a rather withered appearance. The shakiness of his left arm seemed to indicate the onset of some disease. However, he embarked on a long and lucid discussion, largely about the power of the Soviet Union and the threat of communism. He occasionally mentioned my earlier visit to Spain during the Civil War, but now seemed to regard it as of little consequence.

His other main interest was how I saw the future development of Europe, and he greatly regretted that Britain's entry into the European Community had been vetoed by General de Gaulle. Perhaps he foresaw even then that his country would one day rejoin the free world, and itself become a member of the Community. Francisco Franco - Wikiquote Francisco Franco Jump to: navigation , search One thing that I am sure of, and which I can answer truthfully, is that whatever the contingencies that may arise here, wherever I am there will be no Communism . Francisco Franco Bahamonde ( 4 December 1892 – 20 November 1975 ), commonly referred to as Francisco Franco, was a military generalísimo , leader of Spain (Caudillo de España) from October 1936 (whole country from April 1, 1939 on), and de-facto regent of the nominally restored Kingdom of Spain from 1947 until his death in 1975. Quotes[ edit ] Spain ’s struggle is a Crusade; as soldiers of God we carry with us the evangelism of the world !

The defense of internal peace and order constitutes the sacred mission of a nation 's armed forces and that is what we have carried out. One thing that I am sure of, and which I can answer truthfully, is that whatever the contingencies that may arise here, wherever I am there will be no Communism . In discussion with Niceto Alcalá-Zamora , as quoted in Francisco Franco : The Times and the Man (1938) by Joaquin Arraras, p. 159 We strive to form a single national front against the Judeo - Masonic lodges, against Moscow and the Marxist societies . Statement in El defensor de Córdoba (24 July 1936), as cited by Javier Navarrete in Más Allá All is well, thank God... but victory will not be complete, definitive or stable, as long as Masonry is in our Spain . And how will it disappear? What to do?

Ask the nigger Statement in El defensor de Córdoba (2 October 1936), as cited by Agustín Celis Fascism , since that is the word that is used, fascism presents, wherever it manifests itself, characteristics which are varied to the extent that countries and national temperaments vary. It is essentially a defensive reaction of the organism, a manifestation of the desire to live, of the desire not to die, which at certain times seizes a whole people. So each people reacts in its own way, according to its conception of life. Our rising, here, has a Spanish meaning! What can it have in common with Hitlerism , which was, above all, a reaction against the state of things created by the defeat, and by the abdication and the despair that followed it? Franci Interview with Henri Massis , 1938. Quoted in Massis's book Chefs, Paris,Plon 1939.Also quoted in Richard Griffiths, An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism. London : Duckworth Publishing , 2000. We do not believe in government through the voting booth. The Spanish national will was never freely expressed through the ballot box.

Spain has no foolish dreams . Statement during the civil war , cited in 1938 by TIME Magazine, , also cited in John A. Crittenden, Parties and elections in the United States, Prentice-Hall, 1982, (p.6). Un estado totalitario armonizará en España el funcionamiento de todas las capacidades y energías del país, que dentro de la Unidad Nacional, el trabajo estimado como el más ineludible de los deberes será el único exponente de la voluntad popular. A totalitarian state will harmonize in Spain the operation of all the capabilities and energy in the country, that inside the National Unity , the work esteemed as the most unavoidable must be the only exponent of the people's will. Victory speech in Madrid (19 May 1939), quoted in Espana Nuevo Siglo‎ (1997) by Tim Connell and Juan Kattán-Ibarra, p. 174 Let us be under no illusion.

The Jewish spirit , which was responsible for the alliance of large-scale capital with Marxism and was the driving force behind so many anti-Spanish revolutionary agreements, will not be got rid of in a day. Victory speech in Madrid (19 May 1939) We have torn up Marxist materialism and we have disorientated Masonry . We have thwarted the Satanic machinations of the clandestine Masonic superstate. Despite its control of the world ’s press and numerous international politicians. Spain’s struggle is a Crusade; as soldiers of God we carry with us the evangelism of the world! Speech to the women’s section of the Falange in Madrid (11 September 1945), as quoted in "Freemasonry and the Spanish Civil War" by Matthew Scanlan. The whole secret of the campaigns unleashed against Spain can be explained in two words: Masonry and Communism ... we have to extirpate these two evils from our land.

Writing under the alias Jakin Boor in the journal Arriba in an article, "Masonry and Communism" (14 December 1946), as quoted in Franco: A Biography by Juan Pablo Fusi Aizpurúạ, p. 71 The defence of internal peace and order constitutes the sacred mission of a nation's armed forces and that is what we have carried out. As quoted in The Tyrants : 2500 Years of Absolute Power and Corruption (2006) by Clive Foss, p. 143, ISBN 1905204965 The Spanish Republic did not find itself free of obligations. For the most part the leaders were Freemasons . Before their duty to their country came their obligations to the Grand Orient. In my opinion , Freemasonry, with all its international influence, is the organization principally responsible for the political ruin of Spain, as well as the murder of Calvo Sotelo, who was executed in accordance with orders from the Grand Secretary of Freemasonry in Geneva. Interview with Spanish journalist Nena Belmonte, as quoted in "Freemasonry and the Spanish Civil War" by Matthew Scanlan.

Quotes About Franco[ edit ] We have to be against Franco and Fascism and for the people of Spain , and the future of gentleness and brotherhood which ordinary men and women want all over the world . ~ Naomi Mitchison One did not need to be a clairvoyant to foresee that war between Britain and Germany was coming; one could even foretell within a year or two when it would come. George Orwell Francisco Franco, the former fascist dictator of Spain, gave the Nazis a list of every Jew in his country in order to facilitate efforts to locate, deport and destroy them, according to a document found recently in a Spanish archive and reported on Sunday by the Spanish daily El Pais.The paper said that in 1941, Spain prepared a list of all 6,000 Jews in its territory and gave it to the architect of the Nazis' Final Solution, Heinrich Himmler ...

Ofer Aderet, in "WWII document reveals: General Franco handed Nazis list of Spanish Jews", in Haaretz (22 June 2010) The document is an official order, dated May 13, 1941, issued by Franco's chief of security, Jose Maria Finat y Escriva de Romani , to all provincial governors. It instructs them to prepare a list of every Jew in their district, both local residents and foreigners, along with details about "their personal and political leanings, their means of supporting themselves, their commercial activity, the level of threat they constitute and their security classification. Ofer Aderet, in "WWII document reveals: General Franco handed Nazis list of Spanish Jews", in Haaretz (22 June 2010) Franco's own ideology was deeply conservative but it was subordinated to the perputation of his own power . He maintained control by repeatedly shifting the balance of influence within the regime according to internal and external pressures, and he continued to command loyalty by allowing the self-enrichment of his elites through the institutions of the state.

Sebastian Balfour, quoted in Spain: A History (2000), edited by Raymond Carr (p.265). General Franco made it clear that Spain could enter the war only when England was about ready to collapse. Admiral Wilhelm Canaris . Quoted in The Last European War (1976) by John Lukacs (p. 114). I most sincerely wish to go on record as being unalterably opposed to Franco and fascism , to all violations of the legal government and outrages against the people of Republican Spain . William Faulkner , 1938, quoted in Frederick Robert Karl, William Faulkner, American writer:a biography (1990), p. 630 Just like any honest man, I am against Franco and Fascism in Spain. Ernest Hemingway , quoted in Writers Take Sides : Letters About the War in Spain from 418 American Authors (1938) by the American Writers League, which asked various authors: "Are you for or are you against Franco and fascism?".

A great man...and the greatest and most representative of the Spanish people of the 20th century...one of the great leaders we have had in our history. Manuel Fraga Iribarne , Spanish Politician and diplomat, on the occasion of Franco's death. Quoted in "Frases que reflejan el recorrido de Manuel Fraga" in GARA Newspaper (16 January 2012) A democracy can be highly illiberal, while on the other hand an absolute ruler could be a thorough liberal—without being for this reason the least bit democratic. Even a dictator, theoretically, could be a liberal. [...] A purely military dictatorship based on the bayonets and sabres of a handful of professional soldiers has greater liberal potentialities (one has only to compare Franco, Oliveira Salazar and Pétain with Hitler , Mussolini and Stalin ). Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn (1952). Liberty and Equality: The Challenge of Our Time, Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, pp. 87-88 Neither the Nazis nor the Italians were able to cash in on their "investments" in Spain.

Franco saw Hitler only once and, as an old specialist on criminals from his days in the Tercio, he immediately sized up his partner. Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn (1974). Leftism: From de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Marcuse, Arlington House Publishers, p. 271 The crucial difference was between the regimes of the old Right, who wanted to turn the clock back to a pre-democratic elitist era, and the new Right who seized and sustained power through the instruments of mass politics. The former included General Franco and the Greek dictator Metaxas , men who feared mass politics and allied themselves with bastions of the established order such as the monarchy and the Church...the new radical Right, in contrast, rose to power in Italy and Germany through elections and the parliamentary process. Mark Mazower , Dark Continent: Europe's 20th Century (1998), p. 27 There is no question for any decent, kindly man or woman, let alone a poet or writer, who must be more sensitive.

We have to be against Franco and Fascism and for the people of Spain , and the future of gentleness and brotherhood which ordinary men and women want all over the world . Naomi Mitchison , in 1937, as quoted in Spanish Front : Writers on the Civil War (1986) by Valentine Cunningham, p. 227 The most baffling thing in the Spanish war was the behaviour of the great powers. The war was actually won for Franco by the Germans and Italians , whose motives were obvious enough. The motives of France and Britain are less easy to understand. In 1936 it was clear to everyone that if Britain would only help the Spanish Government, even to the extent of a few million pounds’ worth of arms, Franco would collapse and German strategy would be severely dislocated. By that time one did not need to be a clairvoyant to foresee that war between Britain and Germany was coming; one could even foretell within a year or two when it would come. Yet in the most mean, cowardly , hypocritical way the British ruling class did all they could to hand Spain over to Franco and the Nazis . Why? Because they were pro-Fascist, was the obvious answer.

Undoubtedly they were, and yet when it came to the final showdown they chose to stand up to Germany. It is still very uncertain what plan they acted on in backing Franco, and they may have had no clear plan at all. Whether the British ruling class are wicked or merely stupid is one of the most difficult questions of our time, and at certain moments a very important question. George Orwell , in "Looking Back on the Spanish War" (1943) General Franco, whom Sir Winston Churchill has praised as a "gallant Christian gentleman", has forbidden any work of fiction alluding to adultery , though I believe he had made a special exception for the Iliad . Bertrand Russell , in Dear Bertrand Russell : A selection of his correspondence with the general public 1950-1968 (1970) It is time to visit General Francisco Franco. A short taxi ride does it, and I am deposited at the foot of a giant, prancing stone horse bearing a triumphant-looking granite copy of the dictator.This, the only public statue of the "caudillo (leader) for God and the fatherland" left in Madrid, stands at the gates to the environment ministry.

Here, spattered with red paint hurled by protesters and with a few bunches of wilting flowers left by his admirers, General Franco must remain. For the conservative-run city hall has decreed the generalísimo does not deserve to be knocked off his pedestal. Barring a small, remote Caudillo Square and a Franco Street that may or may not be named after him, this is all that remains of the man who ruled Spain for 36 years. Giles Tremlett , in " The generalísimo remains on his pedestal " in The Guardian (27 November 2004) If I were a Spaniard I should be fighting for General Franco. As an Englishman I am not in the predicament of choosing between two evils . I am not a Fascist, nor shall I become one unless it were the only alternative to Marxism. It is mischievous to suggest that such a choice is imminent. Evelyn Waugh , in 1937, as quoted in The Picturesque Prison : Evelyn Waugh and His Writing, (1983) by Jeffrey M. Heath, p. 49 Franco, that murderous little "Christian gentleman".

Capital letters: Giles Tremlett in Madrid | World news | The Guardian Giles Tremlett in Madrid Share on Messenger Close It is time to visit General Francisco Franco. A short taxi ride does it, and I am deposited at the foot of a giant, prancing stone horse bearing a triumphant-looking granite copy of the dictator. This, the only public statue of the "caudillo (leader) for God and the fatherland" left in Madrid, stands at the gates to the environment ministry. Here, spattered with red paint hurled by protesters and with a few bunches of wilting flowers left by his admirers, General Franco must remain. For the conservative-run city hall has decreed the generalísimo does not deserve to be knocked off his pedestal. Barring a small, remote Caudillo Square and a Franco Street that may or may not be named after him, this is all that remains of the man who ruled Spain for 36 years. But even after nearly 30 years in his grave, the generalísimo divides Madrileños. "It is a monument to intolerance, to repression," says Concepción Denche, a United Left councillor who, backed by the city's socialist opposition, has demanded the dictator's removal.

It is part of a nationwide campaign to erase the caudillo's footprints. Parliament has asked the Socialist government to remove "Francoist symbols" from public places. There is no more public a symbol than this statue. Strangely, it carries no plaque. It is as if, embarrassed by his presence, the city did not want tourists to realise the dictator was still around. Questioning Madrileños as they wander past the generalísimo, I find them divided. "They should have got rid of him years ago," Alberto Rubio, who at 19 is too young to remember him, tells me. "They could chuck him on a rubbish dump." Angel Palacios, foreman of a team of men digging up the road at the caudillo's feet, is not sure. "We've got statues of Columbus and I am not sure he was so nice," he said. "Franco, for good or bad, is part of our history." The socialist passion for removing Franco symbols is a recent one. For 12 years, in the 1980s, Madrid had socialist mayors. None tried to get rid of the statue.

The then socialist prime minister, Felipe Gonzalez, pointed out that the proper time for unseating Franco had been while he was alive, not afterwards. The statue is not the only Francoist symbol causing controversy. There are calls for his Victory Arch, a huge, grey thing at one entrance to the city, to be renamed the Concord Arch. Then there is the Valley of the Fallen. Franco's vast underground mausoleum a couple of dozen miles from the city, topped with a giant cross, is a shrine for his tiny band of remaining followers. Earlier this month, on the anniversary of his death, they were there, arms stiffly raised, shouting "Viva Franco!" and singing his anthem, Cara al Sol, Face to the Sun. At its headquarters in a modest, slightly shabby apartment in the middle of Madrid, the Franco Foundation - devoted to preserving his "good" name and sorting out his papers - is despondent. "They will not leave us in peace," says one, blaming the row on leftwingers and Catalans in parliament. As controversy grows, the Franco family has made a surprise reappearance.

The caudillo's daughter, granddaughter and great-grandson graced the cover of a Sunday newspaper supplement, smiling broadly as they posed at the Valley of the Fallen. "It is a place of great strength, and great calm," sighed the granddaughter, Carmen Martínez-Bordiú. The republican prisoners forced to build it, and the tens of thousands shot by firing squads, would not agree. But does that mean the valley should be closed and the caudillo knocked off his granite steed? "I am a history graduate," says Teresa Herrero, an environment ministry functionary. "We need the reminder, so it doesn't happen again." Quite so.

Question: What "generalísimo" ruled Spain from 1939-1975?
Answer: Francisco Franco