Crazy & Unusual Taxes Around the World Crazy & Unusual Taxes Around the World Share This Image On Your Site <p><strong>Please include attribution to Purely Shutters with this graphic.</strong></p> <p><a href=' src=' alt='Crazy & Unusual Taxes Around the World' width='670px' border='0' /></a></p> <p> Hearth Tax 1662 – 1689 Two shillings for each fireplace or stove was the tax Parliament levied on the British people to support the Royal Household of King Charles II at £1,200,000 annually. This tax was resented by the people as it permitted the tax assessor to enter your home for inspection at any time. Brick Tax 1784 – 1850 Taxed at 4 shillings per thousand bricks, this tax funded the war in the American Colonies. Masons manufactured larger bricks to alleviate the tax, which prompted Parliament to restrict brick sizes and raise the tax to 5 shillings and 10 pennies.

New buildings were made from lumber and weatherboarding, instead of bricks, which ultimately led to a repeal of the brick tax and the English construction economy took a boost as a result. Stolen Property Tax 2012 The IRS’s 1040 instructions indicate that you should list any stolen property gained during the previous year. However, since this would be self-incrimination, which is protected by the Constitution, you may report stolen property as “other income”. Pet Tax 2009 – 2013 In Durham County, NC, you must declare your pets as personal property, obtain a license and pay an annual fee. Spot and Fluffy’s taxes were $10 each if spayed or neutered, or $75 each if they weren’t fixed. Window Tax 1696 – 1851 This was considered to be a fair tax by the British Parliament, since the rich had larger homes and thus more windows. However, the people avoided the tax by bricking up windows, which led to health problems and the eventual repeal of the window tax over 150 years later.

Television Tax 1946 – Current If you own a TV, you must buy an annual TV license to support the BBC – £145.50 for colour and £49.00 for black and white. Even if you are blind, you must pay half the annual fee! Failure to pay can result in criminal penalties. In 2012 there were 155,000 convictions for TV tax evasion. Rain Tax 2013 – Current Ten counties in Maryland will be paying for any structure that prevents rainwater from soaking into the ground – sidewalks, roofs, patios, driveways and more. This tax is supposed to support the Chesapeake Bay by preventing rainwater run-off. The tax rate is calculated and enforced by satellite imagery. Ironically, government buildings are exempt from the rain tax, while churches and non-profits aren’t! Hat Tax 1784 – 1811 This tax was intended to raise revenue for the government in accordance with each man’s wealth, as it was supposed that wealthy men bought more hats. The tax was imposed on both the seller and buyer, with stiff fines for tax evasion.

The death penalty was even used for those who forged the tax license at a business or a stamp inside hats! Understandably, the hat tax eventually made mens hats unpopular. Fruit Tax 2009 – Current If you’re buying California fruit from a vending machine in California, you’re subject to a 33% tax. Ouch. Don’t ask why anyone would buy fruit from a vending machine. Wallpaper Tax 1712 – 1836 Painted, printed or patterned wallpaper was taxed at one penny per square yard and in 1809 that rose to one shilling per yard. In today’s currency value, that’s £3.07 per yard. Like most taxes, the people found a way to circumvent it – buying untaxed, plain wallpaper and stenciling or painting it themselves. Sliced Bagel Tax 2010 – Current A whole bagel is only subject to sales tax in New York. However if a bagel is altered – sliced, toasted, served with toppings or eaten in the store – you are subject to an additional 8 cent tax.

Top 10 Truly Bizarre Taxes - Listverse Top 10 Truly Bizarre Taxes Jamie Frater August 19, 2010 Tax is the bane of all of our lives. Indeed, as the old saying goes, “nothing is certain but death and taxes”. Governments (and not just democratic ones) seem to find the most inane things to tax; they especially like popular activities and goods, as is evidenced by the recent attempts of various governments to tax the Internet. If there is a way for them to make sure you are using it, they will tax it. In the United Kingdom televisions are taxed via the television license – though, fortunately, if you are legally blind you only have to pay half of it. This list looks at ten of the most ridiculous taxes to have been levied in both the past, present and future. If you know of others that you think fit the bill for this list, be sure to share them with us all in the comments. 10 Card Tax The card tax is a great example of people being taxed for something which is popular and pleasurable.

At the time of the instutution of the tax, playing cards was extremely popular after dinner (no doubt due to the lack of televisions and playstations) so the King saw an opportunity to fleece his people. The tax, along with the fancy design and manufacturer’s logo commonly displayed on the Ace of Spades began under the reign of James I of England (16th-17th century), who passed a law requiring an insignia on that card as proof of payment of a tax on local manufacture of cards. Until August 4, 1960, decks of playing cards printed and sold in the United Kingdom were liable for taxable duty, and the Ace of Spades carried an indication of the name of the printer and the fact that taxation had been paid on the cards. 9 Candy Tax In September 2009, the state of Illinois decided to tax candy at a higher rate than other food. The Illinois Department of Revenue carefully explains that “if an item contains flour or requires refrigeration,” it is not considered candy and is taxed at the same lower rate as other food.

This explanation legally classifies yogurt covered raisins as candy, but yogurt covered pretzels as food; Baby Ruth bars as candy, but Twix bars as food; Milky Way Midnight bars as candy, but original Milky Way bars as food. [ Source ] 8 Jock Tax In the United States, the jock tax is the colloquially named income tax levied against visitors to a city or state, who earn money in that jurisdiction. Since a state cannot afford to track the many individuals who do business on an itinerant basis, the ones targeted are usually very wealthy and high profile, namely professional athletes. Not only are the working schedules of famous sports players public, so are their salaries. The state can compute and collect the amount with very little investment of time and effort. And as we all well know, the government doesn’t like to put an effort into anything. 7 Cowardice Tax The cowardice tax (properly known as scutage) was a special tax levied against people who chose not to fight for the King (not just for reasons of cowardice).

The institution existed under Henry I (reigned 1100–1135) and was initially relatively cheap, but then King John raised it by 300% and started charging it to all knights in years in which there were no wars. This is partly what led to the Magna Carta. The tax lasted for around 300 years and was eventually replaced by other methods of fund-raising from the military. 6 Hat Tax The hat tax was a tax levied by the British Government from 1784 to 1811 on men’s hats. The tax was introduced during the first ministry of Pitt the Younger, and was designed to be a simple way of raising revenue for the government in a rough accordance with each person’s relative wealth. It was supposed that the rich would have a large number of expensive hats, whereas the poor might have one cheap hat, or none at all. The hat tax required hat retailers to buy a license, and to display the sign Dealer in Hats by Retail. The cost of the retail license was two pounds for London and five shillings elsewhere. Heavy fines were given to anyone, milliner or hat wearer, who failed to pay the hat tax.

However, the death penalty was reserved for forgers of hat-tax revenue stamps. 5 Window Tax The window tax was a significant social, cultural and architectural force in the kingdoms of England, Scotland and, then, Great Britain during the 17th and 18th centuries. Some houses from the period can be seen to have bricked-up window-spaces (ready to be glazed at a later date), as a result of the tax. The tax was introduced under the Act of Making Good the Deficiency of the Clipped Money, in 1696, under King William III, and was designed to impose tax relative to the prosperity of the taxpayer, but without the controversy that then surrounded the idea of income tax. When the window tax was introduced, it consisted of two parts: a flat-rate house tax of 2 shillings per house and a variable tax for the number of windows above ten windows. The richest families in the kingdoms used this tax to set themselves apart from the merely rich. They would commission a country home or a manor house whose architecture would make the maximum possible use of windows. In extreme cases they would have windows built over structural walls. It was an exercise in ostentation, spurred by the window tax.

Amazingly, the tax was not repealed until 1851. 4 Beard Tax In 1535, King Henry VIII of England, who wore a beard himself, introduced a tax on beards. The tax was a graduated tax, varying with the wearer’s social position. His daughter, Elizabeth I of England, reintroduced the beard tax, taxing every beard of more than two-weeks growth. The tax also appeared in Russia but for a different reason: to make the people shave as the Tsar considered beards to be uncultured. In 1705, Tsar Peter I of Russia instituted a beard tax. Those who paid the tax were required to carry a “beard token”. This was a copper or silver token with a Russian Eagle on one side and on the other, the lower part of a face with nose, mouth, whiskers, and beard. It was inscribed with two phrases: “the beard tax has been taken” and “the beard is a superfluous burden”. 3 Crack Tax The “crack tax” is a name given to the taxes on illegal drugs in Tennessee.

The tax, under a law passed by the Tennessee General Assembly, in January, 2005, is applied to illegal substances, including cocaine, marijuana and moonshine. Drug dealers are required to pay anonymously at the state revenue office, where they receive a stamp to prove their payment. If a drug dealer is arrested without having a stamp, the state would seek the money owed it. 22 other states have drug collection laws similar to the crack tax in Tennessee; the law was based upon that of North Carolina’s. Another often taxed illegal activity is prostitution. 2 Fart Tax The Agricultural emissions research levy (commonly described as a “flatulence tax” or “fart tax”) was a tax proposed in New Zealand, in 2003, to assist with compliance with the Kyoto Protocol. The tax would target the release of methane by farm animals, which, in New Zealand, account for over 50% of the greenhouse gas emissions. Needless to say there was an outcry due to the importance of farming in New Zealand and the Labour government eventually gave up their ridiculous idea to tax cow’s farts. 1 Urine Tax Pecunia non olet (money does not stink).

This phrase was coined as a result of the urine tax, levied by the Roman emperors Nero and Vespasian in the 1st century, upon the collection of urine. The lower classes of Roman society urinated into pots which were emptied into cesspools. The liquid was then collected from public latrines, where it served as the valuable raw material for a number of chemical processes: it was used in tanning, and also by launderers as a source of ammonia to clean and whiten woolen togas. There are even isolated reports of it being used as a teeth whitener (supposedly originating in what is now Spain). When Vespasian’s son, Titus, complained about the disgusting nature of the tax, his father showed him a gold coin and uttered the famous quote. This phrase is still used today to show that the value of money is not tainted by its origins. Vespasian’s name still attaches to public urinals in France (vespasiennes), Italy (vespasiani), and Romania (vespasiene). [ Source ] Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License ; additional terms may apply. Text is derived from Wikipedia.

William Berry_1 345 , 346 , 347 , 348 , 351 , 352 , 353 , 354 , 355 , 356 , 357 , 358 , 360 , 369 , 381 , 382,384 , 385 , 386 , 387 , 388 , 389 , 390 , 391 , 392 , 393 , 394 , 395 , 423 , 424 , 497, 567 , 866 , 1151 The first actual historical footprint of Thomas Berry, Jr. occurred when he served as a witness for a land sale from his father and step-mother to one of his older brothers, James Berry. This data point also serves as the basis for the estimate of his birth date.

The fact that he qualified to serve as a witness suggests that he was, in all likelihood, at or over the age of 21 at the time. If he had recently turned 21, then he would have been born in 1742 before the middle of June. Thomas Berry got married at an unknown date to Mary ? (Unknown Last Name), probably in Augusta County, Virginia. Their first two children, Thomas Berry III and William Berry, were born about 1767, based on the 1787 Washington County tax records where they appeared as males between the ages of 16 and 21 in their father’s household. Since there is no evidence that they were twins, the birth date of the younger son is assumed to have occurred a year later in 1768. Consequently, Thomas and Mary must have gotten married sometime in the four year period between 1763, about the time he turned 21, and 1767, when their first child was born. It seems logical to assume that it would be closer to the latter date, about a year before their first child was born, which approximates the date of their marriage sometime in 1766.

Two court records document the presence of Thomas Berry in southwestern Virginia on three separate occasions in the late 1760s and early 1770s. His first verified presence in that area was in 1769, the second occurred either in 1770 or 1771, and a third a year later (1771 or 1772), so, quite clearly, not long after he got married and started a family with his new wife, Thomas Berry was already ranging far from his home base in Augusta County, Virginia on hunting and land acquisition trips, possibly even moving there with his young family. In the late summer of 1781 he was granted a Certificate of Settlement for 374 acres along 15 Mile Creek just south of present day Abingdon, Virginia in Washington County, Virginia ( Figure 22 ). The certificate was granted based on proof of settlement in 1769, consisting either the planting of a crop or evidence of a settlement, which, at the time meant marking trees or building a rough shelter on the spot. A settlement, in this case, could either represent an actual settlement or merely an intent to settle.

In 1803 Thomas Berry gave sworn testimony in a Washington County court supporting the land claims of James Thompson in a lawsuit that appears to involve competing land ownership claims. In his deposition Thomas stated that he first came to Powell’s Valley in 1770 or 1771 on a hunting expedition with William McGauhey, who lived about 70 miles upstream at the time. They stayed for only a few days, and while Thomas Berry was off hunting some buffalo, William McGauhey spent the time “improving” a tract of land by heaping up some piles of brush and trees near a marshy area around a large spring between a river and a mountain at a place that he later learned was called Turkey Cove. Thomas testified that he returned to the same area a year later, possibly on another hunting expedition. While the evidence is not definitive as to whether he was actually living in the area at the time, it does appear that Thomas Berry had a presence in the Washington County area as early as 1769. He eventually settled on land he had selected in 1769, and maintained a persistent, though not necessarily consistent, presence in the area for the next several years.

During the time period before their living location can be definitively identified, several more children were born into their household. In 1769, Mary Berry gave birth to their third child, and third son, John Berry, who was born in Augusta County. Where in Augusta County is unknown, however, since, at that time, all of southwestern Virginia was included in Augusta County. For the next two sons, an exact determination of their place of birth cannot be made with confidence, since the location of Thomas and Mary’s homestead at that time cannot be definitely confirmed, as will be shown below, until about 1776. However, a reasonable assessment of their birth places can be made. When he finally acquired the property in the early 1780s, the documentation indicated that he had actually lived on the land that he had identified in 1769 for at least one year between 1769 and late 1777. He probably lived there the entire time. It is certain that he was living in the area by 1776, since he served on Colonel Christian’s punitive campaign against the Cherokee in that year.

It was also around this time that he was wounded in a skirmish with the Cherokee, so the year of occupation must have occurred prior to 1776. Their next child, another son, James Berry, was born about 1771, and yet another son, George Berry, was born in 1774. As will be shown, James was probably born in Botetourt County and George was more than likely born in Fincastle County. Robert Berry, their sixth son, was born about 1777, since Thomas Berry had already been involved with the Fincastle County militia by that time, and the counties had been reorganized in late 1776, as will be shown below, Robert Berry must have been born in Washington County, Virginia. A seventh son, David Berry, was born in 1779 in Washington County, their eighth and last son, Basil Berry, came into the world in 1781 in Washington County, Virginia. Within a space of twelve years, Mary, Thomas’ wife, had given birth to eight children, all boys. One can only imagine the amount of work involved in that effort, as well as the busy household.

For some reason, no more children were born after 1781, and Mary was still alive as late as 1803. The county boundary changes in the area during this time period are shown in Figure 65 . As noted in the section of the report on Francis Berry and his brother in law James Trimble, many settlers from Augusta County, and elsewhere, had been moving into the Holston and Clinch River valleys between 1769 and 1771. These dates suggest that the early records documenting Thomas Berry’s presence in southwest Virginia could very well represent such a homesteading action. Basically, these early settlers were squatters, looking for unoccupied and free land where they could start a new life in less crowded conditions than the territories where their families had lived for about a generation, so no land ownership documents were yet being recorded. James Trimble, who married Francis Berry’s sister, Rachel Berry, first moved to the Holston River area in 1771, taking up land on the south side of the South Fork of the Holston River, not far from the ground Thomas Berry settled.

He, along with all or most of the other settlers in the area were then forced by Shawnee raiding parties to abandon their new home sites and flee to the safety of the older settlements back east by late 1771. When the security situation improved, by early to middle 1772, many of the previous white settlers, plus many new ones, re-entered the lands of southwestern Virginia. It is not inconceivable that Thomas Berry and his family were some of those early settlers who were chased out in late 1771 and returned in mid 1772. Further substantiation for Thomas Berry’s home being in the area at an early date is provided by David Dryden, in one of the Simon Ely court cases, where he noted that he had that moved to Washington County in 1771 and, at that time, came to the house of Thomas Berry. Although this seems to confirm Thomas Berry was living in the area at the time, it certainly could represent the cabin of Thomas Berry’s father, Thomas Berry, Sr. Since the younger Thomas Berry’s land was nearby, it seems quite logical to assume that the younger Thomas Berry could and probably would have moved to the area with his father.

It was not uncommon for pioneer families from this era to moved together in order to provide more personal security. 21 , 521 , 885 , 970 , 972 War and Thomas Berry's Militia Service Thomas Berry’s activities in southwestern Virginia are sketched out in one of the legal depositions where he noted that he was part of a hunting party in the Turkey Cove area in 1770 or 1771. Thomas Berry testified that he was hunting for buffalo while one of the men in the party sought to claim some land in Powell Valley. Thomas Berry, apparently, was not looking for land, since he had already made his selection on 15 Mile Creek in what would eventually become Washington County. Instead, he was hunting, but the purpose of the hunting trip is unknown. He could have been hired as a hunter for another party, acquiring skins for the fur trade or providing meat for his family. About the only reasons to hunt for others would be to supply food for a garrisoned militia force or for a group of traveling land speculators.

The string of defensive fortifications built by the Holston militia would not appear in the area for several more years, and there’s no indication that he was working for a group of land speculators, since the Loyal Land Company had legal claim to all of the land in the area. People who settled on land in this area were, essentially, squatters, so it doesn’t seem likely that an organized group of hired men, who would be requiring a food source, would be operating in the area marking territory. In addition, the era of the Long Hunters, those solitary or small groups of hunters who acquired animal skins in order to generate income, was near an end and the bulk of these men were most likely operating farther west in Kentucky and Tennessee where the population density was even less than in southwestern Virginia. Of these three explanations, then, supplying food for his family seems a most logical explanation, and, very indirectly, suggests that Thomas Berry was living in the area at that time.

Historical Background Following the eviction of the French from most of the North American continent following what’s known in America as the French and Indian War, the British king issued the Proclamation of 1763, which restricted English settlement to the river basins that drained into the Atlantic Ocean. The ban was widely ignored, and recognizing that westward expansion could only be slowed, not stopped, a follow-on treaty was negotiated in 1770, pushing the line significantly westward. Settlers immediately rushed into southwestern Virginia, and Thomas Berry appears to have arrived in the area right around this time. As noted above, Shawnee and to a lesser extent, Cherokee opposition temporarily pushed back most settlers from the area in 1771, but by 1772 most had returned. Shawnee resistance continued, culminating in the late 1774 Battle of Point Pleasant, the only sizeable conflict in what became known as Dunmore’s War.

Thomas Berry does not appear on any of the Fincastle County militia lists from this battle, so, in all likelihood, he was not a participant, most likely remaining at home, protecting the settlements in the area from Indian attacks while the militia was deployed, although a Thomas Berry, presumably his father who lived nearby, supplied the militia troops with sundry goods. 462 , 570 , 865 , 866 , 885 With the Shawnee temporarily out of the picture, the Cherokee became increasingly involved in the efforts to thwart the European advance, and it was the American Revolution that provided them with the impetus to execute their goals of territorial reoccupation. Through the early to mid 1770s, relations between the American colonies and Great Britain rapidly deteriorated to the point of open revolution. By the time war finally broke out, the British had instigated a strategy of using British and Loyalist troops to attack the rebels from the sea while simultaneously taking advantage of their already aggrieved Indian allies to pressure the American rebels from the frontier. Consequently, numerous British agents visited the western tribes with arms, supplies and cash, inciting them to take up arms against the English colonists.

The Cherokee, being eager to regain their lost territories, readily agreed and became increasingly aggressive. This, of course, greatly alarmed the settlers in the Powell, Holston and Clinch valleys of Botetourt and later Fincastle counties, who responded by organizing into militia units. 462 , 570 , 865 , 866 In July 1776, as open conflict between the American rebels and the British homeland erupted, the British, along with their Indian allies, developed a plan to eradicate settlers from these valleys once and for all. An assembled force of 700 warriors, predominantly Cherokee, but also including Shawnee, Delaware and Mohawk warriors, was split into two groups. The dissident Cherokee chief Dragging Canoe was to attack the Nolichucky and Watauga settlements with half of the warriors while Raven was to lead the rest up the Clinch and Holston valleys to break up those settlements.

Getting word of the impending attacks, the southernmost settlements along the Nolichucky River were abandoned and the refugees fled northward to the protection of the only nearby fortified positions -- Eaton’s Fort near the Long Island of the Holston River and the fort on Watauga Creek (Watauga Fort). Finding the Nolichucky settlements abandoned, Dragging Canoe split his force again, sending Old Abram to lead an attack against the settlements on the Watauga Creek while he took the bulk of his force, nearly 200 warriors, to assault Eaton’s fort. (Figure 66) At this time the North Carolina settlements were governed by Virginia authority, so they looked to their neighbors in Fincastle County, Virginia for assistance. As the Nolichucky refugees poured into the two fortifications, word of the Indian onslaught was sent out to the nearby Virginia militia units at Thompson’s Fort, Edmiston’s Fort, Cocke’s Fort, Shelby’s Fort and the settlements near Wolf Creek. The next day, 20 July 1776, 170 members of the Virginia militia from in and around these locations quickly concentrated at Eaton’s Fort.

Rather than wait for the inevitable defensive battle, or worse yet, sitting behind walls as the Cherokee looted their properties and killed stragglers, the militia army opted to go on the offensive and attack the approaching force. Two divisions marched toward Long Island, about seven miles away. Several miles short of their target a small group of Indians, loaded with plunder was encountered and attacked. As the Indians fled back to the nearby main Cherokee force, the militia, expecting a quick attack, fell back about a mile toward high ground. The counter attack came quickly as the main Cherokee force soon caught up with the settlers. Finding the settlers in apparent retreat, the Indians attacked, expecting an easy victory from an enemy that appeared to be in retreat already. The militia quickly formed a quarter mile long line of battle along the crest of a small ridge as the Cherokee attacked their center and left flank. The fighting soon devolved to bitter hand to hand combat, lasting from 30 to 45 minutes, but ending as quickly as it began with the rapid withdrawal of the Indian force. The militia suffered no losses and only two four minimally wounded men, while Indian losses were somewhat higher, with at least 13 known dead and many more wounded.

Dragging Canoe was seriously wounded during the clash and soon withdrew his force from the field. Meanwhile, after an initial unsuccessful assault on Fort Watauga, Old Abram’s force settled into siege, but failed to overcome the fort’s defenses, and after two weeks, gave up. This battle of Long Island Flats, was the first clash of the Revolutionary War that took place west of the mountains and, especially coupled with the follow-up campaign, was considered to be an overwhelming victory for the settlers. 462 , 570 , 867 The militia returned to Eaton’s fort immediately after the battle, but with Raven’s force wrecking havoc throughout the lower Holston and Clinch River valleys, the Virginians quickly headed back to defend their homes and families. The only safe zone in the vicinity was now Black’s Fort, situated where the present city of Abingdon, Virginia is now located. For the next few days, Raven’s warriors killed and scalped settlers, looted and burned their homes and scattered their livestock, as they made their way through the area, eventually reaching as far north as 7 Mile Ford.

Refugees from the affected areas streamed into the fort and on the eve of the battle of Long Island Flats, at least 400 men, women and children had left their homes for the safety of the fort. The Cherokee were mostly an unorganized force, roving the countryside in small bands, and one such band that was busy burning and plundering homes in the Wolf Hills settlement about eight miles south of the fort was attacked by Virginia militia members that had ventured out from the fort. Eleven Indians were killed in the encounter and their scalps were brought back to the fort where they were attached to a tall pole at the gate of the fort. 462 , 570 Eventually, after the Watauga siege was lifted, the Cherokee withdrew from the area, and the settlers quickly reoccupied the territory. In early October of 1776, Col. Christian, leading a force of 1,800 Virginia and North Carolina militia, launched a punitive raid against the Cherokee, coordinated with similar raids by the North and South Carolina militias. From October through December Col.

Christian’s army marched southward into the heart of Cherokee territory, burning villages, destroying crops, capturing British supplies and killing livestock as a force of North Carolina militia and another force of South Carolinians, approached from farther south and to the east, doing the same in a giant pincer movement. All of the major Cherokee towns were destroyed in the process with obviously devastating effects due to the oncoming winter season. Another, much smaller punitive expedition was mounted in April 1777. The Cherokee sued for peace, which ended the expedition, and made additional territorial cessions that were formalized in a treaty with the North and South Carolinians in May 1777 and the Virginians in July 1777. In these agreements, the Cherokee gave up all of their claims to contested lands in the Nolichucky, Watauga, Holston and New River valleys in addition to other territorial cessions with North and South Carolina. Col. Christian’s casualties were very light, resulting in only one killed and several wounded.

570 , 868 , 869 , 870 Thomas Berry During the 1770s The development of the southwestern Virginia counties during the 1770s is also important in understanding this portion of Thomas Berry’s life journey. ( Figure 65 ) Assuming that he lived on the same plot of land on 15 Mile Creek during the 1770s, a fairly safe assumption, his land, which he “settled” in 1769, would have originally been part of Augusta County, Virginia when his son John Berry was born. It then fell under the jurisdiction of Botetourt County, Virginia from 1770 through 1772, during the time when the Shawnees temporarily expelled all of the settlers in southwestern Virginia and when his next son, James Berry, was born. About the time they returned it became part of Fincastle County, and for the next four years, particularly during the time of the Cherokee uprising, his land remained in that county. He was still living there when his son George Berry was born in 1774. In late 1776, not long after Col.

Christian’s punitive expedition against the Cherokee, the counties reorganized again, and Thomas Berry’s land became part of Washington County. As soon as Washington County was formed, Thomas Berry began appearing in the court records. 56 While there is little direct documentation for Thomas Berry during the early to mid 1770s, his life experiences can be approximated from the flow of documented historical events, described above, that took place around him. From all available evidence, it is fairly clear that Thomas Berry was living in Fincastle County during this time period. In 1769 he claimed squatter’s rights on a chunk of land located along 15 Mile Creek, a tributary of the South Fork of the Holston River and part of the Wolf Hills settlement located about six miles south of the modern day town of Abingdon, Virginia. Due to a change in Virginia land laws in 1779, which will be discussed below, he eventually purchased the property in 1783, so, in all probability, this location is where he, his wife and five young sons lived through the entire decade of the 1770s.

This approximate location fix places Thomas and Mary Berry and their five children, ranging in age from two through nine, right in the middle of the area that was subject to the roving bands of Raven’s Cherokee warriors. No doubt Thomas Berry and his family formed part of the mass of frightened masses of settlers seeking shelter in Black’s Fort. Furthermore, it is inconceivable to think that Thomas Berry, or any of the other Berry families living in this area under these conditions, did not take up arms against these mortal threats as part of the local militia. Although some of the evidence is somewhat conflicting and confusing, it is quite clear that Thomas Berry did, indeed, serve in the Fincastle and Washington County militias at this time, in the lead-up to these events, as well as in the Col. Christian’s raid on the Cherokee settlements several months later, in the Kings Mountain Campaign in the fall of 1780 and another punitive raid against dissident Cherokee in December of 1780. These events provide some insight into the dangerous conditions endured by the frontier settlers living in the Holston, Clinch and Powell valleys at this time, as well as the response of the settlers to these threats.

When Dunmore’s War sparked up in 1774, Fincastle County drafted a number of the local men to serve in the campaign, while the rest remained behind to protect the settlements. Since Thomas Berry’s name does not appear on any of the militia lists from this event, which are quite complete, it is clear that Thomas Berry must have been among the men who remained behind. Two years later, at the time of the Cherokee Uprising of 1776, however, there is more direct evidence of Thomas Berry’s involvement. Washington County court records reveal that Thomas Berry was shot in the chest by Indians in the service of his country on 4 September 1776, which clearly indicates that he was serving in the Fincastle County militia at the time. Since the Cherokee raid occurred later in the same month, the shooting incident must have occurred during the hostilities that led up to the raid. It also noted that it took nearly a year for him to recover from the wound, so it must have been somewhat serious. Thomas Berry’s name appears on the list of local militiamen who served on Col.

Christian’s punitive raid on the Cherokee in early October 1776, and the source also notes that he was wounded during the campaign. Whether this actually refers to the earlier incident or not is unclear, so either he was wounded once, in the lead-up to the Cherokee invasion or during Col. Christian’s campaign or both. Either way, during 1776 Thomas Berry served in the Fincastle Militia, since he was living in the area, and was wounded by enemy fire in an engagement during his term of service. Flush with success from their guerilla campaign against British troops east of the mountains, North Carolina militia leaders requested assistance from the Washington County Virginia militia for an offensive aimed to eliminate the continuing threat from the east. Col. William Campbell, the Washington County militia commander, at first was willing only to contribute half of his available troops, amounting to 200 men who had just returned from east of the mountains in successful service against North Carolina Loyalists. On 25 September 1780 this group of militia soldiers arrived at Sycamore Shoals on Watauga River, to concentrate with the North Carolina militia already gathering there for the upcoming campaign.

The rest of the Washington County militia, another 200 men, were to remain behind to defend against potential Cherokee attacks. After further consultations, however, it was determined that the expeditionary force was not sufficient, so the rest of the Washington County militia, another 200 troops, was committed to the cause. It was most likely from this group that the bulk of the Berry men who participated in the campaign, including Thomas Berry, were drawn. 441,462 , 570 , 872 These citizen soldiers did not have the orderly look of a typical army. Being grizzled veterans of a dangerous pioneer life positioned at the edge of civilization, they were dressed in the attire of the woodsmen and farmers that they were - fur skin caps and woolen clothes manufactured by their wives and daughters. In addition, they brought only minimal baggage – a water cup, blanket and small satchel of provisions, primarily consisting of parched corn meal mixed with maple sugar.

An observer described their appearance as follows: 441,462 , 570 Their fringed and tassled hunting-shirts were girded in by bead-worked belts, and the trappings of their horses were stained red and yellow. On their heads they wore caps of coon-skin or mink-skin, with the tails hanging down, or else felt hats, in each of which was thrust a buck’s tail or a sprig of evergreen. Every man carried a small bore rifle, a tomahawk and a scalping knife. A very few of the officers had swords, and there was not a bayonet nor a tent in the army. Every member of this little army was equipped with a Deckard rifle, and they were not only splendid horsemen but excellent marksmen; and the warfare that they had been carrying on with the Indians they were accustomed to every kind of danger and hardship. On 26 September 1780, with the last minute arrival of the remaining Washington County troops, the small army, organized into companies, then mounted their horses, and headed up into the forested mountains on a long and arduous march.

A herd of cattle was driven behind them for additional food. From Sycamore Shoals they proceeded up Gap Creek, across the divide to the Little Doe River valley, then up that valley and across a low divide to the Big Doe River, a clear, fast-slowing mountain stream. Their first night’s camp was at a place called Shelving Rock, a distance of about 20 miles from their starting point that day. At this place, many of the horses were shod by a blacksmith who lived nearby. Unbeknownst to the Overmountain Men, COL. Ferguson, at this time, was in Gilbert Town, North Carolina. ( Figure 69 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 , 874 Next morning, 27 September, they decided to eliminate the cattle herd which had been slowing them down, so they slaughtered and cooked what they needed and sent the rest back, which delayed their march some. Eventually, they returned to their mission, continuing upstream along a well known path known as Bright’s Trace, which made a relatively easy ascent to a gap between the snow-covered Yellow and Roan Mountains.

At the top of the pass they encountered an open area covered by ankle-deep snow where they took lunch and conducted military drills. The units fired off a volley with their rifles and noted the muted explosions in the thin mountain air. During roll call it was discovered that two men with known Loyalist tendencies had deserted one of the North Carolina units, and were probably on their way to Ferguson with news of the approaching army. As a result, the route of march was changed to a more northerly approach in order to throw off anyone looking for them on the originally planned trail. The group then proceeded a few miles downhill for their second night’s camp – this time near the mouth of Brights Branch as it emptied into Roaring Creek. The Overmountain Men were still unaware of Ferguson’s location, who, on this day, had left Gilbert Town in pursuit of a Georgia militia unit under the command of a Col. Clarke. He had just laid siege to a British garrison at Augusta, Georgia, located about 50 miles south of the garrison at Ninety Six, which contained arms and supplies for the Cherokee to be used in their attacks on the Watauga and Nolichucky settlements. After the battle Clarke headed north toward the mountains.

Ferguson hoped to intercept Clarke before his force melted into the countryside, and was completely unaware of the new rebel force in pursuit of him ( Figure 70 ). 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The next day, 28 September, the Overmountain Men descended the valley of Roaring Creek to the North Toe River, passing Bright’s place along the way. As they headed downhill the weather became more summer-like and enjoyable. After encountering some rough terrain, they eventually ended up at the mouth of Grassy Creek, near the present day town of Spruce Pine, North Carolina, where they camped for the night. Col. Ferguson at this time was still in pursuit of Col. Clarke, and had crossed Mountain Creek, around ten miles southwest of Gilbert Town. ( Figure 71 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The next morning, Friday, the 29th of September, the march took the Overmountain Men up Grassy Creek to its head, a place called Gillespie’s Gap, located along the crest of the Blue Ridge Mountains.

Fearing a British ambush, they decided to divide their forces at this point. Col. Campbell led his Washington County militia south about seven miles to a place called Turkey Cove, located near the North Fork of the Catwaba, where they bedded down for the evening. The North Carolina troops headed easterly down another valley about the same distance to a place called North Cove, near the confluence of Honeycutt Creek and the North Fork of the Catawba River, where they camped for the night. Each group had traveled about 15 miles that day. Intelligence reports indicated that additional militia forces from North and South Carolina were converging on the area and that Col. Ferguson was currently encamped about 30 miles away at Gilbert Town, unaware of the approaching military forces. All of this news greatly encouraged the overmountain men. Unfortunately it was only partially true. Col. Ferguson was not yet aware of their presence in the country, but he was no longer in Gilbert Town. This information suggests that the source of the intelligence had last been in Gilbert Town on or before the 26th of September.

( Figure 72 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 When the next day dawned, Saturday the 30th, the North Carolina Overmountain units encamped at North Cove headed eastward, across the North Fork of the Catawba River, then over Linville Mountain and down Paddy Creek to the Catawba River, where they reunited with the Washington County militia who had a longer haul from their starting point at Turkey Cove, and took a different route. They marched down the North Fork of the Catawba until it joined the main stream, then headed downstream to the mouth of Paddy Creek. The latter group had traveled 31 miles that day while the North Carolina troops had to cover 23 miles. After reuniting, the combined force moved downstream a few miles to Quaker Meadows, located near the present city of Morganton, North Carolina. This was the home of Col. McDowell, a North Carolina militia leader, and it was on his grounds that they united with other North Carolina militia troops from the area, led by Col. Cleveland, which boosted their force by 350 men.

On 30 September, two days after they had left the camp of the Overmountain Men, the two North Carolina deserters caught up with Ferguson and relayed the news of the approaching rebels. At the time, Ferguson had furloughed many of his Loyalist allies, so he was undermanned, and being located about halfway between Charlotte, North Carolina, where General Cornwallis was located, and the garrison at Ninety Six in South Carolina, so he was some distance from immediate help. Consequently, he sent urgent messages to the Ninety Six garrison and to Cornwallis, requesting reinforcements and informed Cornwallis that he was headed that way. Suspecting that the Overmountain men were in the vicinity, he then feinted a withdrawal toward the garrison at Ninety Six in order to draw in the approaching rebel forces in the wrong direction, as well as to continue his pursuit of Col. Clarke and give his Loyalist forces time to return.

( Figure 73 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The next day, 1 October 1780, presented the Overmountain Men with continued good weather, and the united force marched southwestward skirting the base of the South Mountains along a good road, which allowed them to make better time. They passed Pilot Mountain, a landmark for travelers in the area that could be seen for miles, then continued on until a thunderstorm struck later in the afternoon. The storm caused them to call a halt to the march for the day along the headwaters of Cane Creek and to make camp after marching 18 miles. Meanwhile, Col. Ferguson, now somewhat alarmed, as well as reluctant to give up the chase of Col. Clarke, began a slow march in the general direction of Charlotte. He made it as far as Denard Ford’s on the Broad River, located about five miles southwest of Gilbert Town. ( Figure 74 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The next day, 2 October, proved to be rainy, so the Overmountain army remained in camp. Meanwhile, Col.

Ferguson was located south of Gilbert Town on the Broad River and was still reluctant to give up the chase, eager for the return of his furloughed troops and for reinforcements from Cornwallis. As yet he did not know the location of the approaching Overmountain force, but he must have thought they were within striking distance for his forces crossed over to the north side of the Broad River and remained on full alert that night. The fact that he crossed over to the north side of the river to form his defensive line indicated that he suspected the attack to come from the south, which was the direction of approach reported by the two North Carolina deserters. A position with the river in the rear would have been militarily indefensible. In all likelihood, the rain affected his movements that day, as well. 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 On the 3rd of October, the Overmountain Men were grumbling, being unaccustomed to military discipline and long marches.

That, plus the fact that they were only about 16 miles from Gilbert Town, where Ferguson’s location was last reported, and that the Overmountain force was composed of elements from different states, the corps commanders determined that a single commander was needed. After much discussion, Col. William Campbell, the only colonel from Virginia, was selected. Sensing that the pivotal encounter that they sought was now at hand, and that it would probably be taking place in the vicinity of Gilbert Town, all of the men were called to form a circle and Col. Cleveland, one of the North Carolina commanders, made the following speech to stir up the men. 441 Now, my brave fellows, I have come to tell you the news. The enemy is at hand, and we must up and at them. Now is the time for every man of you to do his country a priceless service – such as shall lead your children to exult in the fact that their fathers were the conquerors of Ferguson. When the pinch comes, I shall be with you. But if any of you shrink from sharing in the battle and the glory, you can now have the opportunity of backing out, and leaving; and you shall have a few minutes to considering the matter.

After a few minutes, Col. Shelby, another overmountain North Carolina colonel said: 441 You have all been informed of the offer, you who desire to decline it, will, when the word is given, march three steps to the rear, and stand, prior to which a few more minutes will be granted you for consideration. When the word was given not a man took the three steps back, and immediately a round of applause arose from the gathered citizen soldiers. Being quite pleased by this, Col. Shelby again took center stage for some final directions: 441 I am heartily glad to see you to a man resolve to meet and fight your country’s foes. When we encounter the enemy, don’t wait for the word of command. Let each one of you be your own officer, and do the very best you can, taking every care you can of yourselves, and availing yourselves of every advantage that chance may throw in your way. If in the woods, shelter yourselves, and give them Indian play; advance from tree to tree, pressing the enemy and killing and disabling all you can.

Your officers will shrink from no danger – they will be constantly with you, and the moment the enemy give way, be on the alert, and strictly obey orders. Following the speech, orders were given to break camp and march in three hours, and to have two meals in their satchels. Two of the colonels had gotten their hands on some whiskey, and ensured that the men had a treat as they began their march. The army headed down Cane Creek only a few miles and camped for the night. On the 3rd of October, Ferguson had, apparently, given up on his pursuit of Col. Clarke, as well as waiting for any reinforcements from South Carolina, and was making a beeline toward the safety of Cornwallis’ base at Charlotte. He left his position on the Broad River, proceeded eastward and crossed the Second Broad River, then traveled overland, crossed Sandy Run and by the end of the day had crossed Buffalo Creek. While the American patriots were preparing for a probable battle at Gilbert Town, their quarry was rapidly escaping eastward.

( Figure 74 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The Overmountain Men resumed their march on the morning of the 4rth of October, spending the day crossing and recrossing Cane Creek as they headed downstream to Gilbert Town. They fully expected a fight with Ferguson when they arrived, but, finding him gone, they set up camp for the night. Intelligence reports had Ferguson moved in a southerly direction toward the Ninety Six garrison, located about 100 miles away. That evening the Overmountain Men took advantage of some available cattle, and had steaks for their dinner. About this time a small group of men from Col. Clarke’s band joined up with the Overmountain Men, bringing fresh information. Many stragglers from Clarke’s band, including old men and some children, had been captured and hideously tortured by both the Loyalists and by their Cherokee allies, which greatly incensed the Overmountain Men, and drove them to continue their expedition. Col.

Ferguson and his troops remained at a Loyalist plantation near Buffalo Creek for the next two days, no doubt gathering intelligence on on the whereabouts of the various armed factions hot on their trail. ( Figure 75 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 On the 5th of October, the Overmountain Men followed Ferguson’s pathway to Mission Creek and Denard’s Ford at the Broad River, where they temporarily lost his trail. Eventually they picked it up again and finally ended up at Alexander’s Ford on the Green River, where they set up camp for the evening. Meanwhile, a Patriot spy had visited Ferguson’s camp near Buffalo Creek during the day, then made his way to the camp of the South Carolina militia, located near Gilbert Town, with updated intelligence on their quarry. This fresh information pinpointed Ferguson’s position, indicated that he was aware of the army chasing him, had requested the assistance of Col. Tarleton (the commander of the right wing of the British army), and was selecting a suitable battle ground for the inevitable fight. With Ferguson within reach and not yet reinforced, Col.

Lacey, one of the South Carolina leaders, made a night journey to the encampment of the Overmountain Men camped at Alexander’s Ford, and relayed the information. It was agreed that the two forces would merge at the Cowpens the next day, whereupon the Col. Lacey made the return trip to his troops. This fresh intelligence had come just in time to reinforce the lagging feelings of many of the Overmountain Men, who were beginning to doubt the soundness of continuing a seemingly endless pursuit of Ferguson. Many of the horses were limping, the men were tired and many were having second thoughts about leaving their families incompletely protected from a certain Cherokee assault. The Overmountain Men got little sleep at their camp, spending the night selecting the best men, horses and equipment for the climactic phase of the campaign. It was decided that about 700 men and horses would continue on, while the rest would have to remain behind with the weaker animals at the Cowpens. Despite their lack of adequate horses, many of these “footmen” (armed men on foot) continued on.

( Figure 76 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 In the early morning of 6 October Col. Lacey returned to his men and the additional force of about 350 South Carolinia militia men began their march to the Cowpens, reaching there around sunset, just before the Overmountain Men arrived. Both groups remained there for the night. After waiting for reinforcements for two days near Buffalo Creek, Ferguson’s army resumed marching on the 6th. He sent a message to Cornwallis telling him he was heading toward King’s Mountain, then marched along the divide between Buffalo and King’s Creeks. After he crossed King Creek, he took his troops on up to the top of King’s Mountain, the highest ground in the area. While it was a commanding eminence, it was not at all well suited for defensive purposes, being narrow and stony with a flat open summit and heavily wooded steep sides. It was here that he settled in for the night and waited for reinforcements as the deadly Overmountain force closed in.

After receiving the latest intelligence on Ferguson’s position, placing him about six miles from King’s Mountain, the combined American militia forces, consisting of 900 mounted men and an uncounted number of footmen – all armed with rifles, began a night march toward their target around 9 pm. A drizzly rain fell from the dark sky throughout the night, making the journey both unpleasant and difficult. ( Figure 77 ) 441 , 462 , 871 , 872 The Virginia contingent took the wrong trail during the night , becoming lost and dispersed in the woods, and by morning found themselves only five miles from the Cowpens before they were able regain their bearings and reunite with the main force. The entire group reached the Broad River at dawn, where they discovered a field of corn which they used to feed their horses. The rain continued and became very heavy by late morning, so the men wrapped their flintlocks with their bags, blankets and shirts. By noon, though, the rain finally stopped.

As they proceeded, they gathered intelligence on the latest disposition of Ferguson’s forces from Loyalist families living in the area, a few soldiers they captured and a prisoner who had been paroled by Ferguson. From all of the sources they were able to deduce that Ferguson’s force was now camped out on the top of King’s Mountain, so a plan of attack was quickly formulated. They would surround the mountain, cutting off Ferguson from any escape pathway, then shoot up to Ferguson’s troops camped at the top, which should eliminate the possibility of friendly fire. ( Figure 78 ) 441 , 462 , 871 For the march from the Cowpens the men had been marching in whatever order they wanted, but when they were about a mile away from their target, the men were split into two divisions, Col. Campbell leading the right flank and Col. Cleveland the left flank, and instructed to do no talking at all from this point, which they faithfully obeyed. Just over 900 armed men and their horses, plus an unknown number of men on foot were now padding in complete silence through the forest on a deadly mission.

A halt was called at 3 pm, and the men ordered to dismount. Here, they were ordered to remove all great coats and blankets and tie them to their saddles. Most also removed their hats, replacing them with headbands so they could more easily move through the trees. Then the final orders were given by Col. Campbell: 441 , 462 , 871 Fresh prime your guns and every man go into battle firmly resolving to fight till he dies. Ferguson’s troops, consisting of 100 British regulars and around 1,100 Loyalists, had absolutely no idea that their enemy was now upon them. As they arrived at the mountain, they split into two groups and filed around the flanks of the mountain to completely surround Ferguson. ( Figure 79 ) The Virginia militia units were placed along the southwestern flank. Since they had the longest circuit to make, when the center element of the rebel militia force was in place, the plan was that they would initiate the attack by firing their rifles and screaming a frontier war whoop in the manner of the Indians they had so often battled.

Before they were in place, however, elements of the left flank were discovered and fired upon by Ferguson’s troops. At that point Col. Campbell yelled as loud as he could: 441 , 462 , 871 Here they are my brave boys; shout like hell, and fight like devils! Upon hearing this, the woods erupted in deafening fire and yelling. The part of the mountain where the Washington County militia was assigned was the steepest, rockiest and roughest part of the ridge, which greatly slowed their progress. They continued upward, however, firing and moving from tree to tree until they reached the top, where they were able to fire long shots along the flat, treeless summit. It was here that Ferguson’s main body of troops were located, so he quickly directed a fixed bayonet charge against this threat with deadly results. Soon, the Virginians broke their line and retreated down the mountainside, running down to the valley and up the next hill, being hotly pursued by the blade-wielding British soldiers. Before they reached the bottom, however, the British turned and headed back uphill.

The Washington County men were then rallied by their officers and returned to the fight, chasing the British back up the hill until they had regained the summit in desperate hand to hand combat. Immediately after the Virginians were pushed off the mountain, Ferguson directed his force to the North Carolinians on the opposite side of the mountain, who were also forced to retreat under fire, firing as they pulled back. When they reached the bottom of the hill, like the Virginians, they too began fighting their way back up. Both flanks soon found themselves back on top of the mountain, at the edges of the summit, pouring deadly fire into the British lines, which presented easy targets for the riflemen. The battle soon engulfed the entire top of the mountain with deafening rifle fire combined with the flash of firing barrels and choking powder smoke. During the course of the battle the Washington County militia, as well as the North Carolinians on the other side of the hill experienced three bayonet assaults that drove them back down the hill, only to fight their way back up again. As soon as the British charges ended, the patriots returned to firing from behind trees and rocks and chased the British back up to the top.

The steady losses, repeated ineffective charges, combined with the fact that they were running low on ammunition began to take a toll on Ferguson’s troops, who began to yield ground, some of them waving white flags. Ferguson’s force was now isolated into two groups, one at the northern end of the mountain at Ferguson’s command post and the other at the southern end, and all attempts at mutual support ended in failure. Sensing the inevitable, Ferguson’s second in command advised surrendering to end the slaughter. Ferguson refused, and, to avoid capture, made a desperate, last minute attempt to break out with a select group of men. Seeing this, the mountain men quickly cut them down with accurate rifle fire. Very shortly thereafter, scattered soldiers began raising white handkercheifs and were picked off, the Overmountain Men, giving what they referred to as “Tartleton’s Quarter”. Col. Tarleton, in battles with American forces earlier in the year, had ordered his men to continue shooting after white flags were raised, so the slaughter continued for some time until the men were brought under control. After just over an hour of intense combat and twelve days of cross country chase, the firing finally ceased and Col.

Patrick Ferguson, along with his entire command, was defeated. 441 , 874 On the return trip to the overmountain settlements, the victorious militia was burdened by their wounded, as well as a large number of prisoners, the latter, of which were not treated well. In addition, many militia members split off into separate groups and plundered the homes of Loyalists as they proceeded homeward. It became enough of a problem that Col. Campbell felt the need to issue the following general order: 441 It is with anxiety that I hear the complaints of the inhabitants on account of the plundering parties who issue out of the camp, and indiscriminately rob both Whig and Tory, leaving our friends, I believe, in a worse situation than the enemy would have done. He went on to say the the officers should Georgian fashion and clothing Welcome to part three of our Fashion Through the Ages series. Starting from medieval fashion ending at the swinging sixties , this section covers British fashion during the Georgian period. Man's Day Clothes about 1738 This gentleman wears a smart summer suit, with the coat more tightly fitting than at the end of the 17th century.

It is made of plain cloth embroidered on edges and pockets, which are raised to hip level. The waistcoat is plain and the breeches are tighter and fasten below the knee. The shirt is frilled at the cuff and around the neck is a knotted muslin or lace cravat. He wears his own hair. For formal occasions a powdered wig tied back with a bow would be worn and his coat and waistcoat would be of patterned silks. Lady's Day Dress about 1750 This lady (left) wears a 'sackback' dress developed from the flowing undress gowns of 17th century. Beneath are a stiff corset and cane side hoops supporting the skirts. The frills of her shift show at the neck, veiled in a muslin 'kerchief' and at the opening of her wing-like cuffs, which are typical of the 1750's. She wears a round muslin cap, the central pleat recalling the 'fontange' (1690 - 1710). For formal dress she would wear richly brocaded or embroidered silks.

Man's Day Clothes about 1770 This gentleman wears a plain coat, tightly fitting and cut away, forming curving tails. The waistcoat is shortened to just below the waist and the breeches are longer and tighter than before. His coat has a band collar and he wears a rather stiff stock instead of a cravat. He wears his own hair, but for formal occasions he would have a powdered wig, dressed high and tied at the back. Embroidery and trimming were no longer fashionable except for formal wear. Lady's Day Dress about 1780 This dress is typical of the simple countrified styles which became fashionable towards the end of the century. It is a 'redingote' or riding coat, modelled on a man's coat. The waist has become shorter and the bosom is padded by a muslin 'buffon' neckerchief and the hips by a 'false rump'. The hair is dressed in a mass of loose curls and the lady wears a huge hat inspired by a mid-17th century riding hat. Woollen cloth, cotton and linen had become fashionable materials, while silks were worn for evening, as were small hoops since wide ones were only worn for court.

Lady's Formal Dress 1802 There was great interest at this time in ancient Greece and Rome, and this lady wears 'fashionable full dress', the style based on the drapery of classical statues. The waist is high and uncorsetted, and the materials light in colour and texture. Muslin had become a fashionable fabric. Her gown is still 18th century in cut, but for day wear it would have bodice, skirt and petticoat in one piece. Her accessories are varied: she carries a huge swansdown muff, wears long white gloves, has a tasselled girdle and a feather-trimmed turban. In 1795, in order to raise revenue, a tax was imposed on hair powder by William Pitt. However this tax failed as people promptly abandoned the wearing of powdered wigs and the tax raised just 46,000 guineas. Man's Day Clothes 1805 Informal day dress is shown here, the illustration taken from a sketch portrait of George (Beau) Brummell, the fashionable ideal (and famous dandy) of his age.

He persuaded men to think that dark, well cut and fitted clothes were smarter than colourful ostentatious ones. He usually wore a cut-away cloth coat with brass buttons, plain waistcoat matching his pantaloons (which replaced shorter breeches in about 1805), hessian riding boots and a hard conical riding hat, introduced in the late 18th century. Great care was taken in the laundering and tying of his stiffly starched cravat. For evening he wore a black coat and silk pantaloons instead of old fashioned knee breeches. 'Beau' Brummell is credited with introducing and bringing to fashion the modern man's suit worn with necktie; the suit is now worn throughout the world for business and formal occasions. Evening Clothes about 1806 The lady wears a one-piece dress introduced at the end of the 18th century. Its design was inspired by the new interest in classical works of art. It has a high waist, straight skirt unsupported by petticoats and very short sleeves. Contemporaries found it daring and immodest! The material is light and striped. For warmth she has a shawl, wears long gloves and carries a muff.

The gentleman's cut-away tail coat of fine cloth with velvet collar, silk stockings, tie wig and bicorne hat recall day clothes of the 18th century and anticipate the evening styles of the 20th century. Formal dress is usually a day style which persists, remaining unchanged though long since out of fashion. The period after 1811 is known as the Regency period, as the Prince of Wales (later King George IV) ruled as Regent from that time until the death of his father George III in 1820. The fashions of this era are quite familiar to us, as these are the styles of dress portrayed in the popular TV adaptations and films of Jane Austen novels, such as the 1995 Andrew Davies adaptation of 'Pride and Prejudice' for the BBC. ITV's Sharpe is based in this era too, during the Peninsular and Napoleonic Wars. The Napoleonic Wars were a series of conflicts fought between France under the leadership of Napoleon Bonaparte and a number of European nations, including Great Britain, between 1799 and 1815.

Napoleonic Wars: British soldiers and their ladies Day Clothes about 1825 The lady's dress assumes a new outline. The waist has dropped to natural level and the sleeves and skirt are wide and full. The colours are bright, trimmings elaborate and much jewellery is worn. Accessories are varied, the most noticeable being the vast hat trimmed with many ribbon bows. The man wears elegant walking dress also with a slight fullness at the shoulder and a waistcoat with lapels. He wears tight pantaloons acceptable for day wear after about 1805 and wears a higher 'top' hat. Welsh Country Dress about 1830 This Welsh girl from a painting of about 1830, shows how fashion lags behind in remote places. She wears a gown of 18th century cut, over a stiff corset, a printed neckerchief and a petticoat protected by a check apron. Her dress is probably made from Welsh woollen material, her mittens and stockings being knitted. Her high crowned hat can be traced back to 17th century fashions.

Many wore a red, caped cloak no different from that worn by English countrywomen in the 18th and 19th century. This and the hat are the two essentials of Welsh national dress as we know it today. Part 4 - Victorian to the 1960's Fashion If you enjoyed this article, you might also like... Harris's List - Harris's List of Covent Garden Ladies was an annual directory of prostitutes working in London published from 1757 to 1795, and was a Georgian bestseller. William Hogarth and 18th century life - In the early 18th century, Georgian Britain was a nation openly and often shockingly rude, especially to 21st century eyes. A gifted commentator on his times, Hogarth’s shockingly satirical and sometimes brutal works transport us back to that time A Georgian Christmas - How was Christmas celebrated in the Georgian and Regency era? Perhaps we can find out from the works of Jane Austen amongst others... "Women and Children First!" - The Birkenhead Drill or Women and Children First, as established by the the silent heroes of HMS Birkenhead in 1852.

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Question: From 1784 to 1811 the British government levied a tax on which item of men’s attire?
Answer: Hats