Tacky’s Rebellion: 1760 Slave Uprising in the Caribbean (Jamaica) | News For The Blind News For The Blind News That Isn't In The Lamestream Media Menu Posted in Historical Revisionism , Racialism , Uncategorized by apocalypse29 Tacky’s War Rebellion was an uprising of #Black African slaves in Jamaica from May to July 1760. The rebellion was one of the most significant slave uprisings in the Caribbean between the 1733 slave insurrection on St. John and 1791 Haitian Revolution. The leader of the uprising, Tacky (Tacki) was originally from the Ashanti ethnic group in West Africa. He along with Queen Nana planned to overtake Jamaica from the British, and make it a separate Black country. As a slave overseer, Tacky had the opportunity to use some of his skills and knowledge to draw up an effective plain to gain the freedom desired. Tacky and his group decided to wait until Easter Sunday to put their plan in motion. Tacky’s War Rebellion was an uprising of Black African slaves in Jamaica from May to July 1760.

The rebellion was one of the most significant slave uprisings in the Caribbean between the 1733 slave insurrection on St. John and 1791 Haitian Revolution. The leader of the uprising, Tacky (Tacki) was originally from the Ashanti ethnic group in West Africa. He along with Queen Nana planned to overtake Jamaica from the British, and make it a separate Black country. As a slave overseer, Tacky had the opportunity to use some of his skills and knowledge to draw up an effective plain to gain the freedom desired. Tacky and his group decided to wait until Easter Sunday to put their plan in motion. Related articles : Rewind: Nat Turner’s Rebellion … Before daybreak on Monday, Tacky and his group of followers began their uprising and took over the Frontier and Trinity plantations. During the revolt their masters on the plantation were killed. Pleased with their success, the group continued on the storeroom at Fort Haldane where the weapons used to defend the town of Port Maria were kept. The group killed the storekeeper and stole the weapons needed. They then moved on to overtake the plantations at Heywood Hall.

Before the day was over, hundreds of slaves had joined in with Tacky and his followers. Tacky and his group decided to stop and celebrate their success, but during that time one slave, Esher, slipped away and got word to the militia what was going on. The Obeahmen, (Caribbean Witch Doctor) quickly passed around a powder to protect the men from injury during battle. The claim was if the slaves used the powder they would not be killed. Soon the militia were on their way to suppress the rebellion. Obeahman was captured, killed, and hung with his mask, ornaments of teeth, and bones visible for all to see. Many of the slaves who now feared being captured returned to their plantations. Tacky and 25 men decided to continue the fight. Tacky was chased by the militia out into the woods. He was shot and head cut off as proof of his capture. His head was then displayed on a pole in Spanish Town until a follower of his took in down in the middle of the night. The rest of Tacky’s followers were found in a cave and had committed suicide to keep from going back into #slavery . Tacky’s rebellion was the first of many to occur during that time.

Soon many rebellions were breaking out over Jamaica. Months later, peace was finally restored but over 60 white people had lost their lives, and as many as 400 Black slaves were killed, including two leaders who were burned alive, and two others who were put in cages at the Kingston Parade until they starved to death. Share this: Black History Culture : - TACKY’S REBELLION: 1760 SLAVE UPRISING IN THE CARIBBEAN (JAMAICA) | Black Community Discussion Forum Black Community Discussion Forum Clyde C Coger Jr going above and beyond PREMIUM MEMBER Country: In the Spirit of Sankofa, TACKY’S REBELLION: 1760 SLAVE UPRISING IN THE CARIBBEAN (JAMAICA) Tacky’s War Rebellion was an uprising of #Black African slaves in Jamaica from May to July 1760. The rebellion was one of the most significant slave uprisings in the Caribbean between the 1733 slave insurrection on St. John and 1791 Haitian Revolution.

The leader of the uprising, Tacky (Tacki) was originally from the Ashanti ethnic group in West Africa. He along with Queen Nana planned to overtake Jamaica from the British, and make it a separate Black country. As a slave overseer, Tacky had the opportunity to use some of his skills and knowledge to draw up an effective plain to gain the freedom desired. Tacky and his group decided to wait until Easter Sunday to put their plan in motion ... Tacky's War : Wikis (The Full Wiki) The Full Wiki More info on Tacky's War Wikis Note: Many of our articles have direct quotes from sources you can cite, within the Wikipedia article! This article doesn't yet, but we're working on it! See more info or our list of citable articles . From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Part of a series of articles on... (Off the Cuban coast, Victorious) 1841 Creole , ship rebellion (Virginia, Suppressed) This box: view • talk • edit Tacky's War, or Tacky's Rebellion, was an uprising of black African slaves that occurred in Jamaica in May, June and July of 1760.

It was the most significant slave rebellion in the Caribbean until the Haitian Revolution in 1790. The leader of the rebellion, Tacky, had been a Coromantee chief before being enslaved. Beginning in St. Mary in the early morning of Easter Monday, Tacky and a group of supporters, most or all Coromantee, moved inland. They took over plantations and killed the white plantation owners. Their plan was to overthrow British rule and to establish an African kingdom in Jamaica. Unfortunately for the rebellion, a slave from one of the rebel controlled plantations escaped and informed white authorities. After the mobilization of a planter militia , regular troops and a Maroon force allied to the British, many of the rebels returned to their plantations. Some, including Tacky, fought on, but when Tacky was killed by a Maroon sharpshooter, the last fighters killed themselves before capture. Tacky's Rebellion was, like many other Atlantic slave revolts, put down quickly and mercilessly by colonial authority. However, Tacky's actions spurred unrest and disorder throughout the island, and it took the local forces some weeks to reestablish order. Further reading Rodriguez, Junius P., ed.

(2006), Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion., Westport, CT: Greenwood Burnard, Trevor (2004), Mastery, Tyranny and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World, Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, pp. 170–2, ISBN 0-8078-5525-1 Tacky's War Succeeds - Successful Slave Uprising in Jamaica | Alternate History Discussion Tacky's War Succeeds - Successful Slave Uprising in Jamaica LawyersGunsMoney Hey! I am no longer illiterate Joined: Jan 22, 2014 Any ideas on what would happen if Tacky's War succeeded and, at least temporarily, slaves took control of Jamaica in 1760? I assume the UK would attempt to take back the island, but it was pretty busy fighting the 7YW at the time.

The topography of Jamaica would make it very hard to quell (and the actual revolt was put down with the help of maroon communities that had already negotiated deals with the Brits/plantation owners, in exchange for returning future runaways), and I assume diseases would cause a lot of UK sailor/marine casualties. So I can see this this working over the long term, but I'd like to know if I'm off base. And would it inspire more uprisings around the Caribbean? Maybe accelerate things in Saint-Domingue? Midwest To put it mildly, this is incredibly scary to everyone in the Caribbean and North American, or at least those that own slaves. For the long-term success of Tacky's War, and a slave-run Jamaica, they'll need foreign aid. France may or may not be in a position to help, but honestly, they're asking for their own slave rebellion in Saint-Domingue if they intervene and post-rebellion Jamaica succeeds. On the other hand, the British have the manpower and the will to crush the rebellion. Sure the Jamaican slaves could have an independent Jamaica, but it won't take long for the British to decide on smashing them flat.

Rio de Janeiro/BR CoomerREC7 said: ↑ To put it mildly, this is incredibly scary to everyone in the Caribbean and North American, or at least those that own slaves. For the long-term success of Tacky's War, and a slave-run Jamaica, they'll need foreign aid. France may or may not be in a position to help, but honestly, they're asking for their own slave rebellion in Saint-Domingue if they intervene and post-rebellion Jamaica succeeds. On the other hand, the British have the manpower and the will to crush the rebellion. Sure the Jamaican slaves could have an independent Jamaica, but it won't take long for the British to decide on smashing them flat. Click to expand... You know, this makes me thing what made Haiti succeed IOTL. I mean, of course France couldn't really oppose the Haitian Revolution due to the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (even then there were some attempts...), but after the 1820s, didn't the restored Bourbon monarchy or the Orleanist one tried to restore the colonial dominion in St. Domingue? If I recall correctly there was even a time in which France came to own the whole island of Hispaniola.

Whatever were the causes of the French... disinterest that allowed for an independent Haiti, perhaps they can be replicated regarding Jamaica? Brooklyn Jamaica is much smaller than Haiti - certainly a lot less places for Jamaican maroons to hide and ambush any British troops determined to reconquer the island. There are the same factors that the French had in Haiti: tropical disease, an unfamiliarity with the terrain (compared to the enemy), and a small white population that will likely be exterminated and unable to assist the troops. The British don't have to worry about revolution but they're in the middle of the Seven Year's War: the French and Spanish would probably do everything possible to prevent British reconquest while planning their own takeovers of the island - much like Britain attempted in Haiti. The best case scenario is that you have an independent Maroon state that is isolated from the rest of the world AND/or reconquered at some point. Midwest Rdffigueira said: ↑ You know, this makes me thing what made Haiti succeed IOTL.

I mean, of course France couldn't really oppose the Haitian Revolution due to the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (even then there were some attempts...), but after the 1820s, didn't the restored Bourbon monarchy or the Orleanist one tried to restore the colonial dominion in St. Domingue? If I recall correctly there was even a time in which France came to own the whole island of Hispaniola. Whatever were the causes of the French... disinterest that allowed for an independent Haiti, perhaps they can be replicated regarding Jamaica? Click to expand... After the failed attempt to retake Haiti in 1802-1803, the French were never able to successfully reclaim the island, although the restored French monarchy continued to claim the island, and made attempts to take the island without resorting to force. Haiti remained in diplomatic limbo and de facto isolation following the rebellion, basically due to the actions of their leadership following the ousting of the French. This gave France a golden opportunity, as they were able to blackmail the Haitians, exchanging a hefty sum of cash in exchange for diplomatic recognition and acceptance of the de facto independence of Haiti.

Haiti was unable to pay off the French, requiring loans from foreign banks, which essentially extorted the Haitian government with interest rates. As for your second point, there wasn't a "disinterest" in reconquering St. Domingue. Quite the opposite, as revolutionary France and Napoleonic France both attempted to control the colony. The reasoning is quite simple: Sugar. This one cash crop accounted for the majority of the agricultural production on the island and it served as the primary source of income for the island, which meant that the French government was making quite a killing through their possession of the island. Jamaica is in a similar position regarding its role within the British Empire: It's a small island colony that produces a cash crop that earns a decent amount of revenue for the government, which means that the government would be willing to put quite a lot of time and resources into retaking the island from the rebelling slaves. Now, if the American Revolution were to happen a few years earlier, at a time when the British are attempting to retake Jamaica, that could serve as the means to distract the British government from retaking the island from the slaves.

Rio de Janeiro/BR CoomerREC7 said: ↑ After the failed attempt to retake Haiti in 1802-1803, the French were never able to successfully reclaim the island, although the restored French monarchy continued to claim the island, and made attempts to take the island without resorting to force. Haiti remained in diplomatic limbo and de facto isolation following the rebellion, basically due to the actions of their leadership following the ousting of the French. This gave France a golden opportunity, as they were able to blackmail the Haitians, exchanging a hefty sum of cash in exchange for diplomatic recognition and acceptance of the de facto independence of Haiti. Haiti was unable to pay off the French, requiring loans from foreign banks, which essentially extorted the Haitian government with interest rates.(...) Jamaica is in a similar position regarding its role within the British Empire: It's a small island colony that produces a cash crop that earns a decent amount of revenue for the government, which means that the government would be willing to put quite a lot of time and resources into retaking the island from the rebelling slaves.

Now, if the American Revolution were to happen a few years earlier, at a time when the British are attempting to retake Jamaica, that could serve as the means to distract the British government from retaking the island from the slaves. Click to expand... That was my question, actually. Why exactly France opter for a "peaceful" (i.e. blackmailing) approach instead of sending another expedition of French soldiers to wrestle back the island? I realize they were exhausted by the Napoleonic Wars, but by the 1840s, for example, they could very well have done it. If I recall correctly, the Haitian government was even divided at the time, it might facilitate a reconquest. I agree completely with you: if Jamaica succeeds in a revolt, it would be a matter of time before the British came back to reconquer the island.

With some luck, perhaps the Jamaicans get a more "friendly" arrangement with the British Crown: instead of a complete recolonization with a white-minority upperclass, Britain gets satisfied with a protectorate, some military and naval facilities, allowing some measure of self-government for the Jamaicans (which I highly doubt, considering that 19th Century Britain showed little sensibility towards its Irish and South African subjects...). Contents The Revolt In 1760, some fifteen hundred enslaved black men and women— perhaps fewer but probably many more— took advantage of Britain’s Seven Year’s War against France and Spain, to stage a massive uprising in Jamaica, which began on April 7 in the windward parish of St. Mary’s and continued in the leeward parishes until October of the next year. Over the course of eighteen months the rebels killed as many as sixty whites and destroyed many thousands of pounds worth of property. During the suppression of the revolt over five hundred black men and women were killed in battle, executed, or committed suicide. Another 500 were transported from the island for life. Colonists valued the total cost to the island at nearly a quarter of a million pounds.

“Whether we consider the extent and secrecy of its plan, the multitude of the conspirators, and the difficulty of opposing its eruptions in such a variety of places at once,” wrote planter-historian Edward Long in his 1774 History of Jamaica, this revolt was “more formidable than any hitherto known in the West Indies.” [1] Long was convinced that the rebellion was the culmination of an island-wide plot by Coromantee compatriots from the Gold Coast of West Africa who hoped to conquer the colony and create a series of principalities “in the African mode.” Yet his and subsequent historical accounts have left a number of important questions unanswered. Was the revolt a unified and coordinated affair, or was it instead a series of opportunistic riots? What in fact did the rebels hope to achieve? Was there ever a real danger to the British Empire in America or was the threat blown out of proportion by panicked whites? If the insurrection was as well planned as the colonists feared, why didn’t it succeed? These questions can be partially addressed by examining how the insurrection played out in space. What the Map Shows Mapping the revolt and its suppression illustrates something that is difficult to glean from simply reading the textual sources.

The colonists and imperial officials who produced the historical record were universally unsympathetic to the rebellion, and we have no documents produced by the rebels. So the written record skews our understanding toward the insights, fears, hopes, and desires of slaveholders. But we learn something else by plotting the combatants’ movements in space. Tracing their locations over time, it is possible to discern some of their strategic aims and to observe the tactical dynamics of slave insurrection and counter-revolt. The uprising encompassed three major phases of sustained action— discounting the various conspiracies discovered by the whites— alongside more dispersed and sporadic skirmishes. The first was the revolt in St. Mary’s, generally named Tacky’s Revolt after one of its principal African leaders. This was followed by a much bigger revolt in Westmoreland parish. Finally, survivors of the Westmoreland insurrection trekked across two parishes, raiding estates along the way. These campaigns adapted to geographical constraints. On the windward side of the island— the north side— heavy rainfall and dense vegetation limited movement more than on the leeward side, where the drier climate allowed for greater mobility.

Still, within each phase of the rebellion, the routes traveled by the rebels through woods, mountains, hills, swamps, and rivers indicated strategic objectives. St. Mary's Revolt, April 8, 1760 The initial revolt in St. Mary’s parish targeted the British fort at Port Maria. At Fort Haldane insurgents gathered arms and ammunition before marching up the main road to the heads of the parish’s most important waterways, which fed Port Maria Bay and Annotto Bay, principal strategic ports on the island’s north side. From there, fleeing the imperial counterattack, the rebels broke into small bands and traversed the area’s deep woods and ravines, conducting raids all the way down to the coastal inlets. The objective in St. Mary’s, then, seems then to have been control of the commercial zone along the rivers, which lends some credence to Long’s suggestion that the insurgents hoped to conduct trade on their own account, perhaps even keeping the plantations geared to the production of exports. Westmoreland Revolt, May 26, 1760 On May 25, not long after the suppression of the uprising in St. Mary’s parish, and just before Lt.

Governor Henry Moore was to declare the suspension of martial law, the revolt broke out in Westmoreland parish. Colonists and imperial officials believed that the Westmoreland and St. Mary’s uprisings were connected. According to the Jamaica squadron commander, Rear Admiral Charles Holmes, “the whole Island remained in great Terror and Consternation for some time, having had more Evidence than before of their Disobedience & Revolt being intended to be universal.” [2] Certainly, the Westmoreland revolt was anything but haphazard. On the map, we can see how the rebels selected a small and detached mountain range, presumed to be defensible from both planters and their maroon allies. Uprisings occurred on estates all around the base of this range, indicating a shared strategic focus arising from a network of communication and planning that ran through the mountains. It is plausible to assume from the location of the rebel encampment and the presence there of many women and children that the rebels hoped to build an enduring society, perhaps another maroon village free of the direct control by the British.

Simon's March, September 1760 Following the defeat and dispersal of the encampment in early June, the map highlights a long rebel march that continued for months, ultimately extending as far as the parish of Clarendon. Topography was crucial to this phase of the revolt. The rebels kept to an elevation that remained within a fairly precise scope between the colonists’ estates on the plains and the steep mountains commanded by the maroons. Trekking through the foothills, into swamps, and to other detached peaks, the insurgents could strike estates and then melt back into wilderness. Their cartographic traces show how movement expressed political intention. May 30, 1760 This map also highlights the geography of British counterinsurgency. Reaction to slave insurrection followed a fairly clear pattern. First, militia units composed of white men from the surrounding plantations confronted the rebels, often with poor success. At the same time, white women, children, and elders fled the estates for the port towns, where they huddled in fear. The countryside then became a militarized free-fire zone where any black person who seemed suspicious could be taken, tortured, or killed on sight.

As soon as he received word of the uprising Lieutenant Governor Henry Moore declared martial law and mobilized the formal counterinsurgency: the army, who were much more effective than the militia at traveling long distances in fighting formation and in fighting set-piece battles; the navy, which conducted relief and resupply efforts while lending sailors to engagements on land; and the maroons, who excelled at pursuing rebels through dense forest and mountains. The militia, sticking close to the plantations, continued to skirmish with the bands of rebels that had survived major engagements. Viewed on the map, the insurrection appears to have been the product of genuine strategic intelligence, one that utilized Jamaica’s distinctive geography and aimed toward the creation of alternative enduring societies. Recognizing a real threat to the maintenance of the colony, the British mounted a rapid and diversified response, drawing upon the highly coordinated efforts of the regular military, the haphazard and decentralized tactics of the local militia, and the rough-terrain warfare of maroon allies, each of which traversed the landscape in distinctive ways. The interpretive focus of this story emerges from its visual design. Design Four elements provide the principal content of the narration: the base map, the locational database, the symbol design, and the interface.

The Maps First, several eighteenth-century maps were adapted to create the Terrain Map and the Estate Map, which form the base maps for the narration. The historical maps—a topographical view of the entire island and three separate maps of Cornwall, Middlesex, and Surrey counties— were printed in 1763 for Henry Moore, who, as Lieutenant Governor of Jamaica in 1756-61, was responsible for suppressing the insurrection. Drawn from surveys conducted by engineer Thomas Craskell and surveyor James Simpson, these maps show both the mountainous topography of the island and the placement of estates. Most interestingly, the map for Westmoreland marks the location of the “Rebel’s Barricade,” where the rebels built a fortified encampment and repulsed an attack by the militia before succumbing to a combined force of militia, soldiers, sailors, and maroons. [3] The base maps were geo-referenced to give rough latitudes and longitudes, so that movements gleaned from a locational database could be plotted as points on the graticule. Symbology Second, the thematic map graphically depicts a chronological database of locations.

Contemporary accounts of the revolt— drawn from diaries, letters, military correspondence, newspapers, and retrospective accounts like those written by planter-historians Edward Long and Bryan Edwards— yielded descriptions of the positions, movements, and engagements of rebels and counterinsurgents. These locations were cross-referenced with multiple sources wherever possible; latitudes and longitudes were then reckoned by correlating the base maps with satellite images so the information could be plotted as points. The database also records numerical values where they accompanied reports of rebel forces, and killings and captures. The third major element of the exhibit is the symbol design. A simple color scheme differentiates the fighting units, with icons for conspiracies, clashes, and judicial executions. Fading tracer lines track the movement of units. It was challenging to account for the uncertainty of much of the data. Symbols such as pushpins inappropriately signified too much clarity. Blurred circles were confusing. Solid lines tracking movement did not reflect the nature of guerilla warfare, in which rebels dispersed over the landscape in loose formations and their pursuers hunted rumors and chance sightings. Yet without traces between the points, it became difficult for the map to suggest that the movements were directional.

The graphics attempt to balance intelligibility with uncertainty, while maintaining viewers’ sense of the interpretive character of the database. The interface allows users to navigate the timeline of the revolt. The color tones and typefaces were chosen to evoke a sense of the period. On the left side of the screen, quotations from contemporaneous documents provide sourcing and context for the movements shown on the map. A simple legend is accessible beneath the quotations. The map can be animated to provide an overview of the rebellion or played step by step, which allows closer inspection of the data. The overall goal of the interface is to convey an understanding of the tactical and strategic movements that shaped the events of the insurrection. Uncertainty There are obvious limitations to plotting a turbulent slave revolt on a map like this. By using British maps that highlight the placement of forts, towns, and estates, our maps tend to reify colonial geography. Even more fundamentally, cartography presumes the natural existence of points on a grid much as history naturalizes the timeline, though these are ultimately folkways for representing space and time that have more in common with slaveholders’ epistemes than with those of their slaves.

The spatial schemas of the rebels, their landmarks and pathways, and their sense of temporality are probably irretrievable in cartographic form. Maps orient viewers by offering an orderly aerial view. But gazing down from a great height makes it hard to see chaos and confusion, the most essential features of a protracted insurgency. Indeed the sources used to locate the events of the revolt are themselves artifacts of desperate attempts to make sense of a fast-changing and bewildering predicament. A crucial source, the April 14, 1760, “Letter from a Gentleman at St. Mary”— almost certainly written by Zachary Bayly, who played a key role in organizing the militia’s response to the initial outbreak— begins with a disclaimer: “I am informed you have received several erroneous and contradictory Accounts of the proceedings of the rebellious Negroes; which I am not surprized at, as the Truth is difficult to come at here on the Spot. The following is the best information I can give you. ” [4] This map represents such imperfect efforts to grasp the way the rebellion unfolded, which are only shadows of the actual insurrection. Of course, if this limitation arises from the sources, it also reflects the nature of guerilla warfare.

Uncertainty was the rebels’ best weapon. They stood a chance of success only when they could surprise and confuse imperial forces. As a frustrated Admiral Holmes lamented, “Experience has proved that it is much easier to Vanquish & Rout them in the Field, or in a Collective Body Entrenched, than to Grab them out of the Woods.” [5] The implication for cartography is clear: rebel movements are extremely difficult to map for the periods when they were dispersed or hidden from the view of the counterinsurgency. Nonetheless, concurring reports of the same activities allow for more confident narration. Readers may compare the multiple contemporary descriptions of major episodes like the battle at the rocky gully near Downes’s Cove, described by the “Letter from a Gentleman at St. Mary’s” and by Edward Long; or, of the battle at the Rebel’s Barricade (June 2, 1760), described in several accounts, to determine how descriptions of events vary and change over time. Readers should be aware that the earliest descriptions are not necessarily the most accurate. In chaotic events of this kind, the reverse is just as often true; accurate sequences of events are only known in time.

Thus the portrayals by Edward Long and Bryan Edwards can be understood as products of careful investigation, even if they also probably indulged in some retrospective myth making. Quantitative information reported by the sources must be taken as impressionistic. Numerical tallies often conflicted, highlighting the fact that uncertainty suffused the entire episode. Like words, numbers produced during the chaotic and disorienting events were the products of aspiration, fear, and rumor. For example, the military report compiled by Lt. Gov. Henry Moore and conveyed to the UK by Admiral Charles Holmes lists seventy-five rebels killed at the June 2 assault on the rebel’s encampment, while a resident of St.

Elizabeth parish, reporting news from a man who took part in the attack, claims that the rebels had been reduced from twelve hundred to “not above 400.” The precise numbers here are not as relevant as the general sense of the event: “They Killed them with great Slaughter & the Prisoners they took, they hanged up without ceremony or Judge or Jury,” hoping to “leave a Terrour on the Minds of all the other Negros for the future.” [6] Summary Mapping the great Jamaican insurrection of 1760-61 allows us to see how the island’s topography shaped the course of the revolt, how the rebellion included at least three major uprisings, and how its suppression required the sequenced collaboration of several distinct elements of British military power. From the cartographic evidence, it appears that the insurrection was in fact a well-planned affair that posed a genuine strategic threat, checked ultimately by an effective counterinsurgency. Yet if the map draws a clearer picture of the extent and contours of the insurrection, it cannot convey the ambition, hope, desperation, shock, dread, alarm, cruelty, bloodlust, and sheer mayhem of the experience.

These are matters left to the historical imagination of viewers and readers. Notes 1 For eighteenth-century histories of the war and its aftermath see Edward Long, History of Jamaica, II (London, 1774), 447-472, quotation on 462; Bryan Edwards, History of the West Indies, II (London, 1793), 75-79. 2 Holmes to Cleveland, 11 June 1760, TNA, ADM 1/236, f. 41. 3 Map of the Island of Jamaica, 1763, TNA, CO 700/JAMAICA16; Map of the County of Cornwall, 1763, TNA, CO 700/JAMAICA17; Map of the County of Middlesex, 1763, TNA, CO 700/JAMAICA18; Map of the County of Surrey, 1763, TNA CO 700/JAMAICA19. 4 Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman at St.

Mary, April 14, 1760,” The Pennsylvania Gazette, June 5, 1760. 5 Holmes to Cleveland, 25 July 1760, TNA, ADM 1/236, f. 53. 6 John Hamilton to Robert Hamilton, 12 June 1760, Ayrshire Record Office, AA/DC/17/113. © 2012 Vincent Brown. All rights reserved. Loading PIRATES SUCK at Florida State University - StudyBlue StudyBlue Size: 59 Views: 19 Caboceer appointed West African Chiefs who were responsible for the actual procurement of slaves from the interior of Africa Vincent Oge Free person of mixed color living in San Domin, who pressured the french national assembly to force colonists to give free men of color voting rights. When told no he stated a rebellion that was subdued Quickly. Lead to Tackys war Advertisement ) Social Death Africans were cut off from people they were alike with when forced into slavery. Everyone had different backgrounds and languages.

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 be changed for local circumstances Chattel Property Personal Property that is moveable Coartracion Achieving freedom from slavery by self purchase in Spanish Colonial America and Brazil Code Noir Decree Passed by King Louis XIV in 1685 Code that defined the conditions of Slavery in the French Colonial Empire Legitimized Corporate punishment and from practicing any other religion than roman catholic Leeward Treaty Jamaica Agreement between the British Government and Runaway slaves (Maroons), The Slaves would remain in there five main towns living under there own rule and a British supervisor In exchange the slaves were not to harbor any new runaways and help catch them Marronage Long Term - Grand Middle Passage The Forced voyage of slaves mad crossed the atlantic ocean from the coast of west Africa Nanny Well known leader of the Jamaican Maroons Known For her Obeah powers Obeah African derived religion concerned with the manipulation and control of supernatural forces Through the use of charms and recitation of spells Royal African Company Storefront for English Exports out of Africa Siete Partidas Most important legal document for slavery Designed to Replace Roman Gothic Law Tries to define what will happen to slaves and attempted to create better conditions for the slaves Model on how slave law is supposed to work Somerset Case Famous English Court case

 which held that chattel slavery was unsupported by common law Decision did not free all slaves but prevented masters from forcibly removing slaves from Britain and selling them abroad Tacky's War Most Significant uprising of black slaves in Jamaica Toussaint Loverture Very skilled diplomat and military mind Takes out Spanish in 1801 Tannenbaum Debate Debate about weather Latin American slave regimes were more likely to free there slaves than British colonists because of the influence of Catholicism and Roman Law, Which recognized the humanity of slaves Latin Americans seemed to be less harsh because of of previous inprisonment due to war or religious beliefs Periphery Outside edge of Colonies in the Caribbean or America were Periphery Colonies because they were far from there mother country Proprietary Colony A colony in which rights of the government were granted by a european government to an individual Barbary Pirates Gets away with it Later becomes the governor of Jamaica Hostis Humani Generis Enemy of the Human Race Attached to Pirates in the Early Modern Era Creole Legalism The independent, and often unauthorized, development of legal norms by social elites In European colonies like Louisiana Letter Of Marque Accreditation for a private warship to attack the shipping of enemy power Natural Law Body of unchanging moral principals regared on a basis for

 all human conduct that no one is above Hugo Grotius Triggered more reasonable laws and Religious outrage Hugo Grotius Wrote one of the most important legal documents called the Freedom of the Seas First to claim that the Seas should be free from legal regimes John Ward Fisherman that deserted the royal navy to become a pirate Ruthless, Swore, Drank and Gambled Picked the most likely to desert and lead them to steal a ship Makes friends with a Tunis King Primogeniture Law that all a fathers estate was given to the first born son if he were to pass away Legal Geography How People from different areas use the law differently and the different laws of each geographical area People in cities have quicker access to legal help Trials Of Joseph Dawson Group of British pirates that argued in court that they were working for the British Also argued they did not know what they were doing was wrong Or were forced into piracy All were sentenced to death Piracy In the Caribbean Unsteady legal regimes in the Caribbean Hard to define Maritime space States trying to figure out territorial power Plantations and Piracy could coexist well Selling sugar and rum for slaves Plenty of goods and wealth coming and going from mother colonies Spanish Treasures Dutch Port where race, ethnicity, or legality didn’t matter Would buy and sell to

 anyone Became Caribbean Trade Hub Pirates would trade smuggled cloth and Slaves for there needs Letters of Marque Tacky's Rebellion | Caribya!

Tacky's Rebellion Things to See and Do ▼ ▲ Where to Stay ▼ ▲ Tacky's Rebellion 1756-1768: Fighting at Home and Abroad: Jamaica's War-Torn History The Seven Years' War is just one of many conflicts in Jamaica's history. The uneasy international peace that followed the war gave Jamaica's islanders time to concentrate on the country's internal problems: slave uprisings. War Breaks Out Less than 10 years after the treaty that ended the War of Jenkins' Ear, France and Britain were at war again. In 1756 the Seven Years' War began, and in 1758 the Spanish joined forces with the French. Despite this dual opposition, the British naval powers captured nearly every island in the Caribbean. Jamaica invaded Cuba and took the capital of Havana. Cuffee, a slave who had been sold to Don Emmanuel in Cuba, helped to lead this attack. Cuffee ran to the British when they landed, and became a volunteer fighter. After the battle he was awarded his freedom in Jamaica. The story claims that Don Emmanuel came to the English camp and demanded Cuffee's return from the British officer.

However, the officer told him that he had lost all rights to ownership of Cuffee and the Don left, humiliated. While few men were lost in the battle to capture the city, nearly 5,000 died of disease in Havana. The Treaty of Paris in 1763 ended the war, but Havana was returned to Spain in exchange for Florida, while Dominica, Grenada, the Grenadines, St. Vincent, and Tobago were ceded to the British. Though this war was put to an end, the peace was short-lived. Jamaica's tumultuous history continued to be fraught with fighting for several more years. Uprisings at Home Slave uprisings began on Jamaica before the end of the Seven Years' War. And while Cuffee was granted his freedom, the slaves on Jamaica were no closer to being free. A slave-based plot to murder the whites of the island was caught before it could begin. A black nanny gave away the plan when the conspirators refused to consider her request to spare the life of the child she cared for. About 10 of the revolt's leaders were executed, and the rest were deported.

This slave uprising was far from being the first or the most important. Tacky's Rebellion Tacky's Rebellion, the most important slave revolt in island history, occurred in 1760. It broke out in St. Mary and spread throughout most of the country. The uprising is named for its leader, Tacky, who was a Coromantee chief in Africa. Tacky gathered together a small party of followers, also Coromantee, a tribe from which many of Jamaica's slaves were descended. The plan began on Easter Monday when they murdered a shopkeeper in Port Maria before dawn. They took with them muskets, powder, and shot; by sunrise hundreds of slaves had joined their cause. The slaves moved inland in the early morning, taking over estates and killing white settlers, who were often still asleep upon their arrival. They paused to celebrate at Ballard's Valley. Meanwhile, a slave from one of the overrun properties spread the alarm, and a troop of 70 or 80 militiamen mounted on horseback came to the region. Messages to the Governor quickly gained the dispatch of two companies of regular troops, and called upon the Scott's Hall Maroons to assist as well.

The Maroons joined in as part of their peace treaty with the British. The slaves were led by men known as obeahmen, shaman-type leaders who claimed that they could not be killed. When the British learned of this claim, they quickly captured and publicly hung an obeah man. This disheartened the slaves, and many returned to their plantations. Those who continued to fight, including Tacky, ran to the mountains, where the Maroons tracked them. One of the deadliest Maroons, a man named Davy who was known for his sharpshooting abilities, shot Tacky while they ran through the forest. The remaining rebels killed themselves in a cave rather than be captured. Tacky's Rebellion spurred slave revolts throughout Jamaica, and it took the British several months to quell all of the unrest. Final counts included the deaths of 60 whites and 300-400 slaves, including several ringleaders who were executed. Post-War Revolts After the Seven Years' War, Coromantee slaves were again behind a revolt in St. Mary that had the potential to spread across the island. In 1765 the group met secretly and began their plans by making an oath.

The leaders sealed the oath by drinking from a cup containing a mixture of rum, gunpowder, graveyard dirt, and the blood of the group's members. However, the plan was given up by an overeager man known as Blackwell. He and a small group set fire to a sugar works at Whitehall estate. Though one white man was killed in the ensuing fight, the rest escaped to Ballard's Valley. While the rebellious slaves pursued the whites, one climbed to the roof in an attempt to set fire to the house. He was shot from the roof in full view, and the remaining insurgent slaves retreated. They were all later captured or killed. Other Coromantee revolts followed. Westmoreland's slaves staged a rebellion the following year. Another revolt was caught before it could begin when a young slave girl in Kingston gave up plans to destroy the city and kill all of its inhabitants. Though these rebellions were all stamped out, it would not be the end of Jamaica's troubles. Nor would the end of the Seven Years' War be the end of England's troubles with France and Spain.

Resistance and Rebellion You are here: Home / Resistance & Rebellion Resistance and Rebellion African resistance to enslavement and captives' rebellion against the conditions of slavery were natural reactions to the transatlantic slave trade. According to slave owners, ‘slaves were notoriously lazy and ill disposed to labour’, which illustrates that daily resistance was ubiquitous. The enslaved also engaged in acts of non-cooperation, petty theft and sabotage, as well as countless acts of insubordination. Sometimes enslaved Africans would resort to more open or violent means of resistance, including the poisoning of animals and owners, and sometimes turned it against themselves by committing infanticide, self-mutilation and suicide. It was not unusual for slaves to absent themselves from enslavement for a few hours or a few days, regardless of the punishment they might receive on their return. It is estimated that about 10% of all the enslaved took such action, which sometimes involved moving temporarily to another location or, for those held captive in the Caribbean, even to another island. Resistance to slavery had a long history, beginning in Africa itself.

Rebellion would reach its peak in 1791, when the enslaved people of the French colony of St Domingue defeated three European powers to establish the first Black republic: Haiti. Resistance in Africa In African societies, there are many examples of opposition to the transatlantic slave trade. One of the earliest documented is the correspondence of the Kongo ruler Nzinga Mbemba (also known as Afonso I, c. 1446–1543) who wrote to the king of Portugal, João III, in 1526 to demand an end to the illegal depopulation of his kingdom. The Kongolese king's successor Garcia II made similar unsuccessful protests. Other African rulers took a stand. For instance, in the early 17th century Nzinga Mbandi (c. 1583–1663), queen of Ndongo (modern-day Angola), fought against the Portuguese – part of a century-long campaign of resistance waged by the kingdom against the slave trade. Anti-slavery motives can also be found in the activities of the Christian leader Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita (1684–1706) in Kongo.

Several major African states took measures to limit and suppress the slave trade, including the kingdoms of Benin and Dahomey. Agaja Trudo, the king of Dahomey (r. 1708–40), banned the slave trade and even went as far as attacking the European forts on the coast. Unfortunately, Agaja Trudo’s successor did not share his view and profited from engaging in the trade. Several Muslim states in West Africa, including Futa Toro in the Senegal River basin in the late 18th century and, in the early 19th, Futa Jallon in what is now Guinea, were opposed to the trafficking of humans. In Futa Jallon, the religious leader Abd al-Qadir wrote a letter to British slave traders threatening death to anyone who tried to procure slaves in his country. Many ordinary Africans also took measures to protect themselves from enslavement. Flight was the most obvious method, but there is also evidence that many Africans moved their villages to more inaccessible areas or took other measures to protect them. In his Narrative, Olaudah Equiano mentions some of the defensive measures that were taken in his own village.

It is reported that, when the English slave trader John Hawkins attempted to kidnap people to enslave them in the late 16th century, he was resisted. It is also said that communities of Africans who had fled from and escaped enslavement settled on the Cape Verde and other islands off the west coast of Africa. Other reports tell of coastal residents who refused to load slave ships with supplies and of many escapes from the forts that held enslaved Africans prior to transport across the Atlantic. The 'Middle Passage' It is now estimated that, during 1 in 10 of all Atlantic crossings - the so-called 'Middle Passage' – there was some kind of rebellion, Africans continuing on board the resistance that had failed ashore. Alexander Falconbridge, a slave-ship surgeon who became an abolitionist, certainly believed that rebellions on ship were common and expected, and the Middle Passage became increasingly dangerous for crews. As a result, slave traders demanded more shackles and arms to hold their captives securely, increasing production in England. There are several reports not only of rebellion but of Africans taking control of ships and attempting to sail them back to Africa, with the assistance of the European crew or without, and of Africans battling against other ships.

The most famous example of such a rebellion is the Amistad: In 1839 (after the Emancipation Act to end transatlantic slavery), the 53 Africans were taken captive aboard a cargo ship. The captives freed themselves, killed the captain and the cook and forced their ostensible owners to sail the ship back to the their home in Sierra Leone. Instead the owners steered a roundabout course up the eastern coast of the United States, where the ship was captured by the US Coast Guard. The Africans eventually returned to Sierra Leone, but only after two years of legal battles that reached the US Supreme Court. In many of these rebellions, it appears that women played an important role, as they were sometimes permitted more freedom of movement on board ship. On numerous occasions, however, maritime rebellion might simply consist of jumping overboard and committing suicide rather than continuing to endure slavery. It seems that the idea that, in death, there was also a return home to Africa was widespread among the enslaved both on the slave ships and in the Americas.

Cultural resistance In the Caribbean and in many slave societies in the Americas, one of the most important aspects of resistance to slavery was the retention of African culture or melding African, American and European cultural forms to create new ones such as the Kweyol languages (Antillean Creole). The importance of African culture – names, craftsmanship, languages, scientific knowledge, beliefs, philosophy, music and dance, was that it provided the psychological support to help the captives resist the process of enslavement. The act of enslavement involved attempts to break the will and ignore the humanity of slaves in what was known as 'seasoning'. Obvious examples would be the use of Vodun (Voodoo) religious beliefs in the Haitian Revolution and the employment of Obeah to strengthen the Jamaican Maroons in the struggles against the British. Rebel leaders such as Nanny in Jamaica and Boukman and Mackandal in St Domingue (Haiti) were also religious or spiritual leaders. Religious beliefs should perhaps be seen as also providing the enslaved Africans a way of understanding the world and giving them simultaneously a whole belief system, a coping mechanism and a means of resistance.

As in all other forms of resistance, women played an important role in cultural resistance, especially in the transmission of African culture from one generation to the next. They were also particularly noted for their insubordination: when in 1823 a law was introduced in Trinidad outlawing the whipping of enslaved women, it was strongly opposed by slave owners on that grounds that, without such punishment, women would be impossible to control. Enslaved women were often more likely to be in a position to engage in infanticide and in acts of poisoning. They sometimes developed different strategies of resistance to those of men. Female slaves, for example, seem to have been particularly adept at developing forms of economic independence by growing their own provisions and through trading. This helped the enslaved women to maintain some level of independence. But like the men, some ran away, and women were also leaders of several rebellions: one, known as Cubah, the 'Queen of Kingston', was prominent during Tacky's Rebellion in Jamaica in 1760, while Nanny Grigg was one of the leaders of the 1816 rebellion in Barbados.

The maroons The word 'maroon' is thought to derive from the Spanish word cimarrón – literally meaning 'living on mountain tops' – which was first applied to runaway animals that has returned to their wild state. The term has come to mean communities of fugitive or escaped slaves. The first African maroon communities were established in the early 16th century when enslaved Africans were brought to the Caribbean by the Spanish. Some of these built on earlier traditions of Amerindian runaways or even joined in creating settlements with them. In Hispaniola, it is estimated that, by 1546, there were over 7,000 maroons among a slave population of 30,000. Following the division of the island into French St Domingue (later Haiti) in the west and Spanish Santo Domingo (later the Dominican Republic) in the east in 1697, maroons took advantage of the hostility between France and Spain to maintain settlements along the border throughout the period of slavery.

In addition, there were maroons in Cuba, Puerto Rico (including fugitives from other islands including the Danish Virgin Islands) and Jamaica, followed in the 17th century by communities in St Kitts, Antigua, Barbados and the French colonies of Martinique and Guadeloupe. As European cultivation of the islands increased, it became more difficult to establish maroon settlements on the smaller ones except those with a strong Amerindian presence such as St Vincent and Dominica. The former became the home of the Garifuna, a mixture of indigenous and Africans inhabitants, who preserved their independence against both the French and the British. Mountainous and heavily wooded islands were also favoured – Jamaica, Cuba, Guadeloupe and Hispaniola. In addition, there were important communities on the South American mainland, especially in Belize, French and British Guiana, Suriname and Brazil. In Brazil, the most famous maroon community, or quilombo, was Palmares, which existed from 1605 to 1694. It resisted invasion by both the Dutch and the Portuguese, and is reported to have had a population of at least 10,000 organised and governed by a king using political traditions drawn from central Africa.

Significant maroon communities also existed in the United States, including the so-called Black Seminoles of Florida. In many places, the maroons essentially comprised a small guerrilla band led by an elected chief. In Cuba, for example, there were hundreds of small maroon settlements, or palenques – stockades guarded by ditches, stakes and secret paths. Settlements communicated with each other, but most remained isolated, growing their own crops and hunting and fishing, as well as engaging in petty trade, sometimes even with other islands. Maroon communities are often considered important as custodians of African cultural traditions, including language, music and religious beliefs. African political institutions were also adapted to provide a means of establishing effective means of government, as seems to have been the case in Palmares. The maroons of Jamaica In Britain, the Jamaican maroons are the most well known. Settlements had been established on the island from the time of Spanish rule, and the Spanish actually released many enslaved Africans when the British invaded and occupied Jamaica in 1655.

The British in turn came to an agreement with one band of maroons led Juan Lubola as early as 1658, and by the 18th century, there were two main maroon groups on the island. The British colonial forces attempted to suppress them in the 1st Maroon War of 1731–9. It was inconclusive but led to the treaty of 1739, which gave the maroons land and some rights in return for assisting the British against foreign invasion and for helping in the hunt for and return of runaway slaves. The treaty clearly undermined maroon independence and led to the 2nd Maroon War of 1795, involving only one group of maroons. Severely outnumbered, the Trelawny Maroons were eventually forced to surrender and subsequently deported to Nova Scotia (in Canada) and then to Britain's new West African colony of Sierra Leone. Rebellions in the Caribbean The first enslaved Africans to be transported to the Spanish colony of Hispaniola are said to have rebelled and run away. From that time on, it is possible to speak of continual African resistance and rebellion.

There were seven major rebellions in the British colony of Jamaica between 1673 and 1686, as well as several others during the same period in Antigua, Nevis and the Virgin Islands. In 1733, during the Amina rebellion on St John in the Danish Virgin Islands, the African insurgents were able to take control of the island for six months before being defeated. More slave rebellions occurred in Jamaica, Britain's largest colony, than in all its other colonies in the Caribbean combined. One of the most famous of the Jamaican rebellions started in 1760 and was led by a man known as Tacky. It lasted for over a year before being suppressed by the British colonial forces. Some groups of rebels presented the slaveholders with specific demands. For instance, in 1791 there was a major rebellion in Dominica led by Louis Polinaire, a free man from Martinique who is said to have been influenced by the French Revolution. Rather than demanding a complete end to slavery, however, Polinaire and his followers pressed for free days for the enslaved so that they could also work for themselves. On some occasions, African rebels tried to come to an agreement with the colonial power.

In 1763, in the colony of Berbice in Dutch Guiana, enslaved Africans led by Cuffee rebelled for the fifth time in 30 years, seized part of the colony and threatened to take over the whole island. When the Dutch brought reinforcements, the enslaved initially suggested a partition of the island and sought to establish an alliance with the maroon communities in neighbouring Suriname. In the 19th century, slave rebellions were sometimes led by literate slaves or those who were aware of what was happening in other parts of the world and/or had been inspired by the French or Haitian Revolution or the growth of abolitionist sentiment. This was a feature of the 1816 Bussa rebellion on Barbados and the 1831 Christmas rebellion in Jamaica led by Sam Sharpe. The most important of all the slave rebellions was the revolution that occurred in the French colony of St Domingue in 1791. It was highly organised and took advantage of the turmoil in the colony caused by the revolution in France that had broken out two years before.

Led by Toussaint L'Ouverture, 500,000 enslaved Africans and free people in St Dominque defeated the armies of three major European powers: France, Spain and Britain. They established their own independent republic – Haiti – in 1804. The impact of that revolution was profound. It inspired others in the Caribbean and in parts of the Americas and had a major effect on efforts to abolish Britain's role in the transatlantic slave trade and in transatlantic slavery.

Question: ‘Tacky’s War’ (or Tacky’s Rebellion) was a 1760 uprising of black African slaves in which British colony?
Answer: Jamaica