'Soviet riviera' struggles for autonomy in the face of Russian cash | World news | The Guardian New East network 'Soviet riviera' struggles for autonomy in the face of Russian cash Breakaway region of Abkhazia wants to remain a ‘loyal ally’ to Moscow but keep control of its Black Sea real estate, RFE/RL reports Russian tourism is the ‘locomotive’ of Abkhazia’s economy, officials say. Photograph: Amos Chapple/RFE/RL Tom Balmforth for RFE/RL, part of the New East network Tuesday 21 June 2016 04.33 EDT Last modified on Thursday 23 June 2016 06.49 EDT Close This article is 7 months old One evening in April, Almas Djapua parked his car by the Soviet-era port of Sukhumi and headed towards the palm-lined waterfront of the Black Sea. Moments later, the car exploded.

Abkhazia, inside the rebel republic – in pictures Read more At the time of the attack, Djapua, a local lawyer, had been campaigning to protect a ban on foreign property ownership designed to stop Russian investors buying up prime real estate along this former “Soviet riviera” in the breakaway region of Abkhazia. The dispute has highlighted Abkhazia’s delicate predicament: shunned by most of the world, it is so heavily reliant on Russia that gratitude for Moscow’s support is tempered by concern Russia’s embrace could tighten to a chokehold. Abkhazia broke away from Georgia in a bloody war between 1992-93, shortly after the Soviet Union fell apart. In 2008, after a five-day conflict between Russia and Georgia , Moscow officially recognised the republic as independent, angering both Tbilisi and the west. Today the region is home to 240,000 people, still relies heavily on Russia. The Kremlin has already given Abkhazia 7.7bn roubles this year to help kickstart its economy, and this influence is evident from the borders to its beaches. The bridge which separates Abkhazia from Georgia.

Photograph: Amos Chapple/RFE/RL Riviera resurgence Before the Soviet Union disintegrated, people from the across the USSR flocked to the this strip of Black Sea coast every summer, but tourist numbers have dried up since 1991. Now, after years of neglect, the region is seeing a resurgence of Russian tourism as diplomatic tensions and security concerns put people off travelling to the beaches of Turkey and Egypt. It is also a cheaper option than the nearby resort of Sochi, or the once popular Crimean peninsula, which was annexed by Russia in 2014 but is awaiting the construction of “Putin’s bridge” , which will enable tourists to bypass mainland Ukraine. Instead, from June to early autumn, Russian holidaymakers are returning to Abkhazia to sun themselves on the pebble beaches, sleep in Soviet-era hotels still sporting proud statues of Vladimir Lenin, and flocking to see Josef Stalin’s old dacha (holiday home). Avtandil Gartskiya, the region’s self-appointed tourism minister, says foreign visitors are the “locomotive” of the local economy. “Every year, it’s a record,” he claims.

“Last year 1.5 million people visited, and we expect numbers grow by 20% this season.” A father and daughter walk to the beach at Gagra. Photograph: Amos Chapple/RFE/RL Holidays, not real estate But while Russians are welcomed to enjoy a holiday in Abkhazia, they are prohibited from investing in real estate. Supporters of foreign property ownership argue that Russian money could rejuvenate Abkhazia and help transform the derelict buildings left over from the war. The state is small, our society is also small... There are very many dangers that exist ​Inal Khashig But critics – including Djapua, who had his car blown up – say that it would give outsiders too much leverage, and could risk making Abkhazia a province of Russia. Inal Khashig, the founder and editor of Chegemskaya Pravda, an independent weekly newspaper, says Abkhazia’s independence is too delicate to be gambled with. “The state is small, our society is also small... There are very many dangers that exist and we are trying to ensure ourselves against them, perhaps over-ensure ourselves,” he explains.

Khashig and others point to events in February 2015, when Russian president Vladimir Putin tightened the “strategic partnership” treaty in a bid to bring Abkhazia’s defence policies in line with Moscow’s, bolstering the number of Russian troops in the republic and laying out plans for a joint “defence and security space”. On paper, the pact could have left Abkhazia duty-bound to impose sanctions on Turkey , its second-largest trading partner, after claims that the Turkish air force downed a Russian warplane. But there has been little evidence of such rules being imposed. The Abkhaz authorities have also expressed concerns over Russian state energy giant Rosneft’s plans to drill for oil . But while Georgia often voices concerns over Russia’s creeping control of Abkhazia, the region has held on more tightly to its independence than South Ossetia – another breakaway region that Russia recognised in 2008. When news emerged that South Ossetia was considering a referendum on becoming part of Russia, Abkhazia’s de facto prime minister, Artur Mikabia, said that it would never happen on his watch.

A version of this article first appeared on RFE/RL This article was amended on 22 June 2016 to make clear Abkhazia is not an internationally recognised independent state Russian Return To ‘Soviet Riviera’ Brings Hope, Concern To Breakaway Abkhazia Russian Return To ‘Soviet Riviera’ Brings Hope, Concern To Breakaway Abkhazia June 19, 2016 Tom Balmforth Vacationers on a beach in Gagra, Akhazia. Tourism is called the “locomotive” of Abkhazia’s economy and the number of visitors to the region is expected to grow by 15 to 20 percent over the 1.5 million people who came last year -- already more than six times the population of the region. Share Email to a Friend Print SUKHUMI -- On the evening of April 16, a lawmaker who was battling to prevent Russians from buying property in Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia region stepped out of his car by the decaying Soviet-era port and set off down the palm-lined Black Sea waterfront.

Moments later, the sedan was engulfed in an explosion powerful enough to be heard in the foothills above Sukhumi, the sleepy capital of the Moscow-backed region. Two nearby vehicles were also mangled in the blast and belched black smoke into the sky: But Almas Djapua was unhurt -- and his cause has won out, at least for now: A bill that would have allowed the sale of property to foreigners, including Russians, was withdrawn, soothing those who feared the Abkhaz themselves would be crowded out amid a Russian buying spree in the small coastal territory. The dispute over foreign ownership in a lush region once known as the Soviet Riviera has highlighted Abkhazia’s predicament. Shunned by most of the world, it is so heavily reliant on Russia that gratitude for Moscow’s support is tempered by concern Russia’s embrace could tighten into a choke hold. Abkhazia broke from Georgian government control in a fiercely fought war in 1992-93, shortly after the Soviet collapse unleashed ethnic tensions and ignited territorial disputes.

Russia recognized Abkhazia as an independent country after Moscow’s five-day war with Georgia in 2008, angering Tbilisi and the West, but only a handful of states followed suit on recognition. From Abkhazia’s de facto borders to its beaches, Russia’s strong sway is evident. Entering from Georgian-controlled territory, a visitor treads through a no-man’s-land featuring a potholed bridge crossed by locals in a horse and cart. Chatty, laid-back Abkhaz guards are the first encountered, but it is the uniformed officers of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) who run the show, seated in metal booths behind intimidating one-way glass. Russia pumps billions of rubles into Abkhazia in subsidies every year. Still more vital is a boom in tourism, the lifeblood of a subtropical region to which sun-starved vacationers flocked from all corners of the Soviet Union for a few precious days or weeks at the shore. That reliable flow dried up as Abkhazia was first separated from Russia by the Soviet breakup and then plunged into war.

PHOTO GALLERY: Abkhazia -- Coming Back To The 'Soviet Riviera' Abkhazia: Coming Back To The 'Soviet Riviera' But times have changed again and Abkhazia is benefiting from a combination of factors. Cheaper than costly Sochi, just across the border, it is also getting Russians barred from the beaches of Turkey and Egypt due to tensions with Ankara and security fears after the downing of a passenger jet over the Sinai Peninsula in 2015. It is also more accessible than Crimea, which Russia forcibly seized from Ukraine in 2014. A bridge from Russia to the peninsula, bypassing mainland Ukraine, is not due to be finished until December 2018, and the number of Russian visitors to Crimea is down this year after a patriotic spike in 2015. In Abkhazia, those numbers are up -- again. In late May, with heavy spring showers signaling that tourist season wasn’t quite under way, Russians were already being carted by the busload on excursions to Novy Afon, an Orthodox Christian monastery whose gold cupolas gleam in the green mountains overlooking the sea.

Russian tourists posed for cameras in the mist rolling off a 6-meter waterfall; others ventured into nearby caves that are among the largest in the world. A short walk along the coast, a tour guide -- a self-professed devotee of Josef Stalin -- was showing young couples around the Soviet dictator’s dacha overlooking the Black Sea. “Every year, it’s a record,” Avtandil Gartskiya, the de facto tourism minister who led a battalion during the war against Georgian government forces, tells RFE/RL, loudly, from just across a table in his office in Sukhumi. Gartskiya calls tourism the “locomotive” of Abkhazia’s economy and said the number of visitors to the region is expected to grow by 15 to 20 percent over the 1.5 million people who came last year -- already more than six times the population of the region, which is about 240,000. From June to the “velvet season” in early autumn, Russian vacationers sun themselves on the pebbly beaches and bed down at grand, Soviet-era hotels featuring statues of Lenin, creating an echo of the region’s heyday.

Djapua, the lawmaker whose car was blown up, was fighting a move that would take Russia’s return to the next level. He was pushing back against a proposal to lift the ban on foreign property ownership, which would have opened up prize coastal real estate for purchase by Russian citizens and investors. Supporters of lifting the ban argue that Russian money pouring in would rejuvenate Abkhazia and help transform a scarred land strewn with derelict buildings sprouting vegetation -- constant reminders of the 1992-93 war that ended with de facto independence and the isolation that has come with it. Russia’s recognition and support is a giant exception to that isolation, and the gratitude is palpable. But resistance to the proposal to let foreigners buy property reflects apprehension about giving Russia so much traction as to effectively turn Abkhazia into a province of Russia. While most outsiders see Abkhazia as a Russian protectorate, its people prize their proclaimed independence.

“We have an understanding of…certain red lines that exist and which, if crossed, have the danger of dealing a big blow to the national interests of the state,” says Inal Khashig, the founder and editor of Chegemskaya Pravda, an independent weekly. “The state is small, our society is also small. There are very many dangers that exist and we are trying to ensure ourselves against them, perhaps over-ensure ourselves. It’s better sometimes to be safe than to allow things which you won’t then be able to get back.” Russian subsidies to Abkhazia will reportedly total 7.7 billion rubles ($117 million) this year. In February 2015, Russian President Vladimir Putin tightened Moscow’s grip with a “strategic partnership” treaty that aimed to formally bring the de facto government’s foreign and defense policies in line with Moscow’s. Adding to thousands of Russian troops already based in the territory, it also envisages a common “defense and security space” and a joint military force.

On paper, at least, the pact may have made Abkhazia toe the line on Turkey, the breakaway region’s second-largest trading partner, joining Moscow in imposing sanctions after the Turkish Air Force shot down a Russian warplane that it says crossed over the border from Syria in November. But in an indication that Russia’s influence has limits -- or that Moscow is more interested in geopolitical optics than in enforcing the rules it set -- several people said that little has changed in reality. There has also been tension over potential drilling in Abkhazia by Russian state energy giant Rosneft. And while it is Georgia that often voices alarm at what it calls Russia’s "creeping annexation" of Abkhazia, the region has displayed more of an independent streak than South Ossetia -- another breakaway Georgian region that Russia recognized as an independent country after the 2008 war. South Ossetia may hold a referendum next year on becoming part of Russia -- something that Abkhazia’s de facto prime minister, Artur Mikabia, said on June 10 would never happen under his watch. Abkhazia wants to be an "independent state" and "loyal ally of great Russia," he said.

Stanislav Lakoba, a historian and former chief of the separatist government’s National Security Council, echoes this sentiment. “In the grand scheme of things, we are under Russian patronage,” he tells RFE/RL. “We know that we are not an entirely independent state. But there should be a level of understanding in relations for Abkhazia and for Russia.” Tom Balmforth Tom Balmforth covers Russia and other former Soviet republics. He can be reached at balmfortht@rferl.org Georgia slams Russia for border expansion in breakaway region Georgia slams Russia for border expansion in breakaway region Margarita Antidze Share By Margarita Antidze TBILISI (Reuters) - Georgia on Tuesday condemned Russia for expanding its border deeper into Abkhazia, a breakaway region of Georgia that Moscow has recognized as an independent country since 2008. Russia's Winter Olympics city of Sochi is next to Abkhazia. Georgian diplomats said that Russia shifted its border with Georgia 11 kilometers (7 miles) deeper into Abkhazia, calling it an "illegal action" that violates Georgia's sovereignty.

Georgia has had no diplomatic relations with Russia since the two former Soviet republics fought a brief war in August 2008 and is not sending a government delegation to the games, although it will let its sportsmen compete as a goodwill gesture. "The Georgian Foreign Ministry calls on the Russian Federation to stop provocative policy against Georgia and to live up to its international commitments, envisaged under the provisions of the (2008) cease-fire agreement," the ministry said in a statement. "Georgia's territorial integrity is 'a red line' that Tbilisi will never cross in its relationship with Moscow," Maya Panjikidze, Georgia's foreign minister, told reporters. The Russian government did not respond immediately, although Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on Tuesday that Russia was not going to review its decision over recognition of Georgia's breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. "Attempts to make progress in our political ties conditional to Russia's reversal of recognition of those realities have no prospect and are counterproductive and fruitless," Russian news agency ITAR-TASS quoted Lavrov. Georgia held out an olive branch to Russia last week by offering to help it guarantee security at the Winter Olympics, although details remained unclear.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has put troops on combat alert in Sochi because of threats by Islamist militants to attack the games, which open on February 7. Despite the political tensions, the Georgian government decided last year not to boycott the games. Russia last year lifted bans on imports of Georgian wine, mineral water and fruit that it imposed in 2006, but tensions remain high. Tbilisi has said it wants to deepen ties with the West although it is also trying to improve ties with Moscow. Georgia is strategically important for Europe, which gets Caspian gas and oil from pipelines that run through the country of 4.5 million. Georgia hopes eventually to join the European Union and NATO, although both are distant prospects. Moscow still regards Georgia, and most other former Soviet republics, as part of its sphere of influence.

(Reporting by Margarita Antidze; Editing by Steve Orlofsky) Reblog Latvian President Concerned by Russia Accord With Breakaway Abkhazia Region Latvian President Concerned by Russia Accord With Breakaway Abkhazia Region Nov 26, 2014 — 15:02 Latvian President Concerned by Russia Accord With Breakaway Abkhazia Region Nov 26, 2014 — 15:02 Latvia's army soldiers hold rifles decorated with Latvia's national flags during the military parade as they celebrate Independence Day in Riga on Nov. 18, 2014. TBILISI — Latvian President Andris Berzins said Wednesday that an agreement deepening cooperation between Russia and Georgia's Abkhazia region threatened regional stability and security. But, during a visit to the Georgian capital Tbilisi, he also said it was vital for Russia's neighbors to look for ways to live beside it in peace.

The strategic partnership agreement signed by Russia and Abkhazia on Monday envisages a "joint defense and security space and stipulates Russian "protection of the state border of the Republic of Abkhazia with Georgia." "I consider this agreement … will negatively affect safety and stability in the region," Berzins told a news conference with Georgian President Georgy Margvelashvili. Russia and Georgia fought a brief war in 2008 over breakaway moves by Abkhazia and another region, South Ossetia, which Moscow has recognized as independent countries. Monday's agreement was criticized by NATO and the European Union, which are locked in a diplomatic standoff with Moscow over the crisis in Ukraine, and Georgia has warned that Moscow might be preparing to annex Abkhazia. Like Georgia, Latvia is a former Soviet republic that is wary of Moscow, and its government has taken a tough line over Russia's actions in Ukraine. But underlining the need for caution, Berzins said: "There is no other way for us but to find ways how to stabilize our relations with our neighbors, including Russia." "We will do our best to stabilize those [ties] and to have long-term peaceful and stable relations," he said.

shares Nauru and Abkhazia: One is a destitute microstate marooned in the South Pacific, the other is a disputed former Soviet Republic 13,000km away, so why are they so keen to be friends? | The Independent Europe Nauru and Abkhazia: One is a destitute microstate marooned in the South Pacific, the other is a disputed former Soviet Republic 13,000km away, so why are they so keen to be friends? Russia wants the world to recognise a breakaway state, but it needs other nations (big or small) to lend support. Where in the world could it find allies? Tuesday 14 February 2012 00:00 BST Click to follow The Independent Online Nauru and Abkhazia: One is a destitute microstate marooned in the South Pacific, the other is a disputed former Soviet Republic 13,000km away, so why are they so keen to be friends?

Nauru and Abkhazia: One is a destitute microstate marooned in the South Pacific, the other is a disputed former Soviet Republic 13,000km away, so why are they so keen to be friends? 1/2 Sun, sea and palm trees at Nauru in the South Pacific Alamy The beach at Sukhumi, capital of Abkhazia Alamy Sun, sea and palm trees at Nauru in the South Pacific At first glance, Nauru and Abkhazia make an unlikely pairing on the world stage, with little in common other than their obscurity, and desperate need for new friends. Nauru, the world's smallest republic, is a destitute South Pacific island microstate of just 8.5 square miles, with about 10,000 inhabitants and a critical shortage of funds following the collapse of its only industry of note, mining phosphate deposits created by bird droppings.

Abkhazia, some 13,000km away on the eastern coast of the Black Sea, is a former Soviet republic of about 240,000 people, with precious few allies in the international arena besides its chief backer, Russia. Its independence is recognised by only six countries, including Nauru, with the rest of the world viewing it as a renegade province of Georgia, against whom it fought a bloody secessionist war in the 1990s. Yet despite their differences, Nauru and Abkhazia have recently become firm friends, as a result of a "paper war" between Georgia and Russia that is reshaping the geopolitical landscape of the South Pacific and prompting accusations of cheque-book diplomacy – using aid, investment and gifts for diplomatic gains, including their votes at the UN. Since the end of its 2008 war with Georgia, Russia has been lobbying for international recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the two breakaway Georgian territories at the heart of that conflict.

The first shot fired in the diplomatic war was in late 2009, when Nauru became only the fourth country (after Russia, Nicaragua and Venezuela) to establish diplomatic relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Nauru, whose economic plight over the past decade had forced it to resort to store-housing refugees on Australia's behalf, subsequently received $10m (£6.3m) in Russian money, used to pay for critical work on its port and aircraft. Moscow's new assertive policy in the South Pacific, illustrated by Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov's visit to Fiji last week for talks with Pacific Island nations, has prompted Georgia to launch a rival campaign to woo the region's leaders. "Although the war with Georgia has ended, we're on a constant diplomatic battlefield," said Juris Gulbis, Abkhazia's ambassador to Asia-Pacific, labelling the rivalry a "paper war". Mr Gulbis told The Independent Abkhazia had approached about 14 countries in the region, and expected at least four – on top of the three Pacific Island nations, including Nauru, which have already recognised Abkhazia – to give their backing by the year's end.

The ultimate goal is recognition in the United Nations, with each vote from a member state amounting to another small step on the path to statehood. "The problem Abkhazia has faced with European countries is they want to recognise us, but there's a lot of pressure on them not to," explained Mr Gulbis. "Pacific states are more democratic and perhaps more sovereign than some of the countries in Europe." Nauru and Abkhazia were not as different as they might seem, he added. "They went through the same (independence) struggle themselves in the past 30 years." However, observers see less idealistic motivations underpinning the relationship. Dr Steven Ratuva, a specialist in Pacific politics at the University of Auckland, said the region was experiencing a new round of cheque-book diplomacy. "This is a mutual thing, not a one-way street," he said. "The big countries are targeting them, hoping to make use of them, and get their support.

They're doing it in the Pacific because the island states are very easy to dangle a carrot in front of, because of their size and the state of their economies, but they still have a vote in the UN." Dr Ratuva said the current jockeying was "a replay of the China-Taiwan diplomatic game", in which Pacific leaders had "become masters of playing one side off against the other" to leverage greater benefits for themselves. Taiwan and China eventually called a truce on poaching each other's diplomatic allies, following a humiliating 2008 affair in which Taiwan lost over $30m trying to persuade Papua New Guinea to switch sides. Until recently the focus for Russia and Georgia had been on wooing Fiji, a country eager to boost its regional status and forge new alliances. Since a military coup in 2006, Fiji has been marginalised by traditional Pacific powers Australia and New Zealand, and cast out of the Pacific Forum regional bloc over its failure to hold elections. Last October, Georgia's Foreign Minister, Grigol Vashadze, visited Fiji to court the regime of Commodore Josaia Voreqe "Frank" Bainimarama.

Then, late last month, just days before Russia's Mr Lavrov was scheduled to make his first visit to Fiji, a Georgian delegation returned to present the island republic with 200 notebook computers. Georgian Deputy Foreign Minister, David Jalagania, said Tbilisi hoped Fiji would withstand "temptation or pressure" from Russia and refuse to recognise Abkhazia and South Ossetia. "This is clearly cheque-book diplomacy," said Mr Gulbis. "Georgia has not had any relations for years in the South Pacific, but suddenly, just before the Russian Foreign Minister arrives, a delegation just happens to turn up with these completely useless Georgian-made laptops." Russia, too, has started aid payments to Fiji, including $20,000 for relief from recent floods. But Mr Gulbis denied it was to garner further backing for Abkhazia's statehood bid. "We have not paid a single Pacific country to recognise us," he said, adding that Russia's $10m payment to Nauru was "unrelated" to the country's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

"As far as us going around saying Russia will support you if you back us, that doesn't happen." Last year, the nations of Vanuatu (population 240,000) and Tuvalu (population 11,000) followed suit in recognising Abkhazia. The latter, a low-lying atoll suffering a freshwater crisis, which gets by mainly on expatriate remittances and by selling the ".tv" web domain, successfully elicited sweeteners from both sides. In September, it received a shipment of medicine worth about $12,000 from Georgia, before switching its allegiance and receiving a shipment of thousands of bottles of Fiji Water, courtesy of Abkhazia. Timur Zevakhin, first secretary to the Russian Embassy in Australia, said Moscow was weighing an aid contribution to Tuvalu, adding that it was "hard to say" whether other Pacific countries could expect to receive contributions on the scale of those made to Nauru. "If the countries need assistance, we will consider their request," he said. "Fiji had flooding, so we helped them.

Nauru had a difficult economic situation, so we helped them." The aid payments had nothing to do with the issue of recognising the breakaway Georgian states, he said, adding that at last week's meeting with Pacific leaders in Fiji, the issue of Akbhazia and South Ossetia had not been raised at all. "We just want to develop relations with these countries," he said. The meetings, which had gone well and would be held regularly in the future, were part of Russia's goal to strengthen its "political and economic presence" in the region, as an "integral part" of its Asia-Pacific strategy, Mr Zevakhin said. Russia's vision is outlined in an article by Mr Lavrov, which describes the centre of global growth moving rapidly to Asia-Pacific, where "the emergence of a new polycentric world order" was taking place. Australia, in particular, had reacted warily to the Russians coming "into its backyard", and voiced its concern about Russia and Georgia's battle for influence undermining development efforts in the region. Dr Ratuva said that such cheque-book diplomacy, if it lacked transparency, could certainly contribute to a culture of political corruption already endemic in the Pacific.

On the other hand, decades of Australia and New Zealand "administering" the islands had achieved little in terms of economic development. Perhaps the arrival of new players could be of lasting benefit, if Pacific leaders respond smartly to the opportunity. "Before, they were locked in a corner. Now, they have a wider range of global players to deal with," he said. "The fact all these big fellas are coming to them gives them a sense of maturity, a political self-esteem which was not there before. If they use that newfound confidence to generate economic development, it could be a positive." More about: Life in a breakaway region | The Wider Image | Reuters Life in a breakaway region Sukhumi, Georgia Maxim Shemetov 14 images Advertisement Across the border from Russia’s Olympic city of Sochi lies Abkhazia, a disputed region in the northwest of the former Soviet republic of Georgia. The area still bears the scars of heavy fighting which took place there in the 1990s, when Abkhazia broke with Georgian government control following the collapse of the USSR. 26 Dec 2013 . Tkvarcheli, Georgia.

REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov Elderly residents stand in a queue to receive their pension payments in the Abkhaz town of Tkvarcheli, as daily life continues in the disputed territory. Russia recognised Abkhazia and another rebel province, South Ossetia, as independent nations after fighting a five-day war with Georgia in 2008, angering NATO and the United States. Moscow maintains troops in both regions. Only a few other countries consider them independent states. 1 / 12 27 Dec 2013 . Ochamchira, Georgia. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov A rusty gate opens onto a meadow near the town of Ochamchira, some 50 km (31 miles) southeast of Abkhazia's capital. 27 Dec 2013 Boys play soccer in a dusty schoolyard in the town of Gal. 26 Dec 2013 . Tkvarcheli, Georgia. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov A local resident named Vitaliy Benia rests on a bench at an abandoned railway station in Tkvarcheli, in the south of the disputed region.

25 Dec 2013 A vendor waits for customers at her market stall in the Abkhaz capital. 27 Dec 2013 A woman sits at her stall at a market in the town of Tkvarcheli. 27 Dec 2013 A rooster lies on sale at the market. 26 Dec 2013 A boy rides a bicycle past a partly crumbling building in Tkvarcheli. 25 Dec 2013 A woman stands on a pier in Sukhumi’s harbour. 25 Dec 2013 Residents relax in the sun by the Black Sea. 25 Dec 2013 A man goes fishing in Sukhumi harbour. 25 Dec 2013 . Sukhumi, Georgia. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov The word "Caucasus" – the volatile region that encompasses Abkhazia – appears smudged and faded on the side of an abandoned boat.

26 Dec 2013 Russia Signs Treaty With Georgia's Breakaway South Ossetia Region Russia Signs Treaty With Georgia's Breakaway South Ossetia Region March 18, 2015 — 17:02 Russia Signs Treaty With Georgia's Breakaway South Ossetia Region March 18, 2015 — 17:02 Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) shakes hands with President of the Georgian breakaway region of South Ossetia Leonid Tibilov during a signing ceremony at the Kremlin in Moscow, March 18, 2015. President Vladimir Putin signed a treaty with Georgia's rebel South Ossetia region on Wednesday that almost completely integrates it with Russia, alarming Georgia and the West a year after Moscow took over Crimea. Tbilisi described the "alliance and integration" treaty as a "move aimed at annexation" and the United States, European Union and NATO said they would not recognize the agreement, which the EU depicted as a threat to regional security and stability.

Under the deal, signed in the Kremlin by Putin and South Ossetian leader Leonid Tibilov, a former KGB official, the region's security forces, military, economy, customs service and border guards will be deeply integrated with those of Russia. Russia won a five-day war with Georgia in 2008 over the fate of South Ossetia and another rebel region, Abkhazia. It formally recognizes both regions as independent states and signed a similar treaty with Abkhazia last year. "Another step is being taken today to strengthen our partnership," Putin said after signing what he described as a "landmark" treaty in the Kremlin, with the Russian and South Ossetian flags behind him. Tibilov hailed the agreement, which will make it easier for the people of South Ossetia to gain Russian citizenship, as "the best possible guarantee of state security." He said EU and U.S. officials should mind their own business. As they signed the treaty, thousands of people gathered for a concert in the shadow of the Kremlin walls to celebrate the first anniversary of Crimea's annexation from Ukraine, a show of public support for Putin and his assertive foreign policy.

The moves to draw in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, an impoverished region with a population estimated at between 30,000 and 50,000, have alarmed the West and Georgia, a former Soviet republic crossed by gas and oil pipelines to Europe. "It's a cynical and provocative step by Russia. … We consider it a move aimed at annexation," Georgian Foreign Minister Tamar Beruchashvili said of the treaty in Tbilisi. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said the agreement "violates Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and blatantly contradicts the principles of international law, OSCE principles and Russia's international commitments. "This so-called treaty is yet another move by the Russian Federation that hampers ongoing efforts by the international community to strengthen security and stability in the region," Stoltenberg said in a statement, adding that NATO did not recognize the treaty. Western Fears Western leaders fear Russia is becoming increasingly expansionist and may try to take control of other regions in former Soviet states, including separatist-held territory in eastern Ukraine, though Moscow denies this. Russian troops also protect a self-proclaimed independent region in Moldova.

The United States and the European Union denounced the new treaty with South Ossetia. "The United States' position on South Ossetia and Abkhazia remains clear: These regions are integral parts of Georgia, and we continue to support Georgia's independence, its sovereignty and its territorial integrity," U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said. EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini said the signing would be "yet another step" against "ongoing efforts to strengthen security and stability in the region." South Ossetia's people saw Russia as a savior after the 2008 war, but the region is poor, roads are bad and unemployment is widespread. It is also almost entirely dependent on Russia for financial, political and military support, and many of its people are frustrated with life under Russia's wing. Moscow says it has poured in 43 billion rubles ($700 million) at current rates, but independent organizations say much of this has been lost in corruption. Russia has had occasional difficulty maintaining political control in South Ossetia. A presidential election there was declared invalid in 2011 after the candidate backed by the Kremlin lost and accused his opponent of violations.

Tibilov, the region's former KGB chief, won the rerun election in 2012. shares BBC News - Regions and territories: Abkhazia Regions and territories: Abkhazia Abkhazia declared independence from Georgia in 1999. Georgia continues to regard it as a breakaway region Situated in the north-western corner of Georgia with the Black Sea to the south-west and the Caucasus mountains and Russia to the north-east, Abkhazia was once known as a prime holiday destination for the Soviet elite. Abkhazia's battle for independence from Georgia since the collapse of the USSR reduced the economy to ruins. More recent times have seen major Russian investment in the territory, as Moscow seeks to consolidate its influence. Overview Abkhazia's long history was always closely intertwined with that of Georgia, although its language is unrelated and is closer to several spoken in the North Caucasus.

At-A-GLANCE Broke away from Georgia in 1992-1993 war De-facto independence recognised by Russia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Vanuatu and Nauru Ceasefire in force, Russian peacekeepers in place Georgia says Russian troops propping up separatist state Georgian offer of autonomy within federal state rejected by Abkhazia From the 9th century BC onwards, it was part of the Georgian-dominated kingdom of Colchis. The area adopted Christianity in the sixth century. In the 8th century AD, Abkhazia became an independent state, before being united with the medieval kingdom of Georgia in 1008. In the 19th century, the wider region came under Russian domination, and in 1864 Abkhazia was annexed to the Russian Empire. After the Bolshevik revolution, Abkhazia gained a measure of autonomy, before Stalin incorporated it into the Soviet union republic of Georgia in 1931. Despite formally remaining an autonomous republic of the USSR, there was very little sign of genuine autonomy, and Abkhaz ethnic culture was suppressed in favour of Georgian.

The policy of repression was eased soon after Stalin's death in 1953. At the time of the collapse of the USSR in 1991, less than a fifth of the people of Abkhazia were ethnic Abkhaz, while the rest of the population was made up largely of Georgians. When Georgia became independent, supporters of a break with Georgia in favour of independence and closer ties with Russia became more vociferous. Tension grew, and in 1992 Georgia sent troops to enforce the status quo.

KEY DATES 1992 - Georgia sends troops to stop Abkhazia breaking away 1993 - Fierce fighting ends with Georgian forces being expelled from Abkhazia 1994 - Ceasefire agreed, peacekeepers arrive, nearly all Russian 1999 - Abkhazia declares independence 2004 - New Georgian president Saakashvili vows to restore Georgia's territorial integrity and return Abkhazia, South Ossetia to the fold 2008 - Russia formally recognises Abkhazia's independence, following the Russian-Georgian war over South Ossetia 2009 - Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin visits 2010 - Moscow deploys S-300 anti-aircraft missiles in Abkhazia after a visit by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev In late 1993, they were driven out in fierce fighting. Several thousand people were killed, and nearly the entire Georgian-speaking population fled the republic in what Georgia describes as a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Abkhazia formally declared independence in 1999, resulting in an international economic embargo that is still in force.

It has left Abkhazia's economy highly dependent on Russia, which maintains a border crossing and railway line to Sukhumi. Moscow infuriated Georgia by making it easy for people in Abkhazia to gain Russian citizenship, and most now hold Russian passports. For nearly 15 years, UN peacekeepers - mainly composed of Russians - patrolled a buffer zone on the border between the two sides. However, in August 2008, during the war between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia, Russian army troops moved through Abkhazia and pushed into Georgia proper, effectively using the region to open another front with Georgia. Meanwhile, Abkhaz forces drove Georgian troops out of the only area of Abkhazia still under Georgian control - the Kodori gorge. After the 2008 conflict, Moscow declared that it would formally recognise the independence of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Russia's allies Nicaragua and Venezuela followed suit, as did a number of small Pacific island states. In October 2008, Russia pulled its troops back to the Abkhaz-Georgian border, but stationed a large force in the breakaway republic, with the agreement of the Abkhaz government.

The next year, Moscow also vetoed an extension of the UN peacekeeping mission, and signed a five-year agreement with Abkhazia to take formal control of its frontiers with Georgia proper. In 2010 Russia said it had deployed S-300 anti-aircraft missiles in Abkhazia in order to defend it and South Ossetia, shortly after Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visited Sukhumi. Georgia expressed "concern" at the move. Facts Status: Break-away region of Georgia. Declared independence 1999. Not recognized internationally. Population: (1991) 550,000 (2003) approximately 250,000 Capital: Sukhumi President: Alexander Ankvab Alexander Ankvab was a leading official in Soviet Georgia Mr Ankvab is a businessman and close ally of his predecessor, Sergey Bagapsh, under whom he served as prime minister and, from 2010, vice-president.

He took over as acting president on the death of President Bagapsh in May 2011 and won the August presidential election against his outgoing prime minister, Sergei Shamba, and opposition leader Raul Khajimba. Mr Ankvab, born in 1952, was a leading official in Soviet Georgia who went on to support Abkhazia's campaign for independence. After a business career in Moscow, he returned to Abkhazia in 2000 and joined the opposition to then President Vladislav Ardzinba. He is said to have survived at least six attempts on his life, including a deadly ambush on his convoy in February 2012 that was described by Russia as an attempt to destabilise the situation before Abkhazia's March 2012 parliamentary elections. Media Leaders Media Russian TV and Abkhazian state TV are the main sources of news. Major Russian TVs are relayed in the territory. AGTRK is the state-owned radio and TV broadcaster. There is little or no access to Georgian TV, other than by satellite. Broadcasts from the only private TV, Abaza TV, are limited to Sukhumi.

The Abkhaz government publishes newspapers in Abkhaz and Russian. Several private and pro-opposition papers publish alongside official titles. Radio listeners can choose between Abkhazian, Russian, Georgian and Turkish stations. The activities of the president and other leaders dominate the news on state media. Fear of retribution can mean that journalists self-censor. There is no significant questioning of Abkhazia's ties with Russia. Views toward Georgia are generally negative. Internet access is growing, with local providers using connections via Russia and Russian ISPs. Local observers estimate upwards of 25% of the population use the internet. Most Abkhaz bloggers use Russian platform LiveJournal. The press • Respublika Abkhazia - official Russian-language paper, thrice weekly • Apsny - official Abkhaz-language weekly • Ekho Abkhazii - private Russian-language weekly • Nuzhnaya Gazeta - private Russian-language weekly • Chegemskaya Pravda - private Russian-language weekly • Novyy Den - privatel weekly • Abkhaz AGTRK TV - Abkhaz government-run • Abaza TV - private

Question: Abkhazia, recognised as independent by Russia, is a breakaway region from which former Soviet republic?
Answer: Georgia