The battle over Ceuta, Spain's African Gibraltar - Telegraph Spain The battle over Ceuta, Spain's African Gibraltar It overlooks the mouth of the Mediterranean, a fortified port city in the shadow of a towering rock. Long notorious for its smugglers, it is now a duty-free haven, owned by a country across the sea but claimed by the sovereign nation that surrounds it. While Morocco claims Ceuta as its own, Spain has no intention of giving up the exclave Photo: John Robertson By Fiona Govan, Ceuta 5:51PM BST 10 Aug 2013 And each morning thousands of people queue in searing heat to cross its international border for a day’s work before crossing back to their homes in the poorer surrounding towns whose very existence depends on it. This could be a description of Gibraltar , the British exclave on the southern Spanish coast that was the subject of an international row last week as Madrid stepped up its claims of sovereignty over the Rock. But in fact it is Ceuta, the tiny Spanish territory that lies just 18 miles across the water from Gibraltar in North Africa. While Morocco claims Ceuta as its own, Spain has no intention of giving up the exclave.

The rock of Gibraltar seen from Ceuta (John Robertson) The similarities between the two are striking. Related Articles Spain to take 'all necessary measures' to defend Gibraltar interests 09 Aug 2013 Both are military and naval bases dominated by fortified mountains, and both contain populations which are racially mixed but united in their fervent loyalty to a crown and country whose capital lies hundreds of miles away. In Gibraltar, the Union flag flutters from every balcony and British bobbies pace the streets past fish and chip shops, English pubs and store names familiar from every market town the length and breadth of the British Isles. In Ceuta, on a palm tree-lined boulevard that could easily be in Barcelona or Alicante, Spaniards pick at tapas washed down with a cerveza or glass of Rioja, as the crimson and gold of their flag stirs on flagpoles in the evening sea breeze. Ceuta (John Robertson) And the 84,000-strong population is just as determined to remain as it is.

“We are as Spanish as people from Madrid or Valencia, it would be unthinkable to try to give the city to Morocco,” said Maria Leon, a 30-year-old born in Ceuta who like many Spanish suffering in the economic crisis is currently unemployed. “In that way, I do feel sympathy with the people of Gibraltar. So what if our land is at the tip of another country? I think the politicians should just leave things alone and let us get on with our lives peacefully.” The diplomatic row over Gibraltar erupted last week when Spain imposed lengthy border checks that led to queues of up to eight hours, seemingly in retaliation after Rock authorities created an artificial reef in their waters to promote fish stocks but also stop what it saw as illegal fishing by Spanish boats. Spain’s foreign minister ramped up tension with threats to introduce a 50 euro (£43) crossing tax at the border and close Spanish airspace to Gibraltar traffic. In the shadows of the row, Madrid is anxious that the world quietly forgets its own controversial ownership of its African enclaves and doesn’t invite comparisons. Ceuta and its larger sister city Melilla, some 250 miles further south along the coastline, have long been a flashpoint in Moroccan and Spanish diplomatic relations.

When King Juan Carlos made his first royal tour of the cities in November 2007, he stirred up a hornet’s nest, igniting Moroccan claims that the two enclaves be returned to maintain its nation’s “territorial integrity”. Angry demonstrations were staged on the Moroccan sides of the borders and outside the Spanish Embassy in Rabat, while the Moroccan government expressed “strong rejection and clear disapproval” of the “continued and anachronistic colonialism” shown by Spain. “We would like to remind everyone that the two cities form an integral part of Moroccan soil and their return to their homeland will be sought through direct negotiations with our neighbour Spain,” said the then Moroccan Prime Minister Abbas El Fassi. King Mohammad VI even briefly recalled his Ambassador to Madrid in protest over the visit to the “occupied territories”. In the parallel dynamics of the enclaves, the Moroccan reaction foreshadowed Spanish expressions of outrage at a visit by British royals to the Rock last year. (John Robertson) When the Earl and Countess of Wessex paid a visit to Gibraltar as part of the Diamond Jubilee celebrations, Spain’s government expressed its “upset and unhappiness” over their presence in the disputed territory.

The distinction, Spain insists, is that while Gibraltar is recognised as an overseas territory and therefore ripe for “decolonisation”, Ceuta and Melilla form an integral part of Spanish territory and have the same status as semi-autonomous regions as those on the mainland. While Spain ceded Gibraltar to the British in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, its enclaves in North Africa were founded centuries ago, long before the Kingdom of Morocco, Melilla in 1497 and Ceuta in 1580. “Those people who want to make comparisons are uneducated,” argued Juan Jose Improda, the regional president of Melilla from the PP party last week as the Gibraltar dispute yet again made headlines. “Gibraltar is recognised as a colony by both Spain and Britain – not so with Ceuta and Melilla, which have the same state legislation as is applied in the rest of the nation.” He went on to argue that Gibraltar is considered a “non-self governing territory” by the United Nations, which means its status is discussed annually by the Committee on Decolonisation, while Morocco has done nothing to include Melilla and Ceuta on that list.

Samir Bennis, a Moroccan and political adviser on Arab affairs at the UN in New York, believes this is because of historical political failings by Morocco. The arab quarter in Ceuta (John Robertson) “What mattered most during the Sixties and Seventies when such things were discussed was for Morocco to recover its territories in the south, including the Spanish protectorate of the Western Sahara,” Mr Bennis, who has published books on the subject, told The Sunday Telegraph. “That was cleverly exploited by Spain who persuaded Morocco not to take the matter of Ceuta and Melilla up with the UN but agree to make it a strictly bilateral issue between Spain and Morocco.” He accuses the Spanish of operating “double standards” by dismissing Moroccan sovereignty claims as unfounded yet pursuing their own claims over Gibraltar. “Morocco has always put forth the parallel between the two issues, highlighting that Spain cannot claim to regain its sovereignty over Gibraltar while refusing the legitimate right of Morocco to regain its sovereignty over the two enclaves.

The solutions are inextricably linked.” In Ceuta itself, its residents, like those in Gibraltar who in a 2002 vote rejected the idea of becoming Spanish by 17,900 to 187, show no desire to change the status quo. As Ms Leon put it: “If there are people here who want to be a part of Morocco, and I haven’t met any, there is nothing stopping them from crossing over and living life there. But most of us, even the Arabs, are happy being Spanish.” In the Principe district of Ceuta one could be forgiven for thinking they had accidentally crossed the border and entered an Arab town. Ceuta near the border with Morocco (John Robertson) The run-down neighbourhood of winding alleys and shabby apartment buildings with its several mosques stretches across a hillside near the Moroccan border, and is a far cry from the sophisticated Spanish lifestyle on display in Ceuta’s port area. Here, residents chatter in Arabic and stroll through the streets in djellabas as they prepare festivities to mark the end of Ramadan. But they too are appalled at the idea of one day being turned over to Morocco.

“Of course Ceuta should stay a part of Spain,” said Mohammad, a small businessman and one of the Muslims who make up almost half of Ceutas population. “It’s always been Spain. We feel Spanish even though we are part of Africa. I’m a Muslim first because that is my religion, but I was born here, I have a Spanish passport, and when the King Juan Carlos visited I came down and waved a Spanish flag at him. “I have links with Morocco but if you gave me a choice I would always stay Spanish. I’m much better off than my Muslim brothers across the border.” The border serves as a reminder, if any were needed, of why those born in Ceuta are better off than their Moroccan neighbours. Across no-man’s land stretch three high fences topped by rolls of barbed wire and equipped with motion detectors, flood lights and automatic tear gas canisters. Over the years dozens have lost their lives trying to scale that fence to get into Spanish territory, with the promise of making a life in Europe.

But for the time being at least, it is the accusations of human rights’ abuses at another border, that of Gibraltar and La Linea, that are grabbing headlines, as people attempting to cross between the two towns are forced to endure long lines in temperatures above 86F (30C). “For Spain,” a former British diplomat to the country told The Sunday Telegraph, “Gibraltar is like a stone in the shoe. It rubs and rubs and causes discomfort. It always has and it always will.” Spain's North African Enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta By Brian Baskerville, Geography Intern At the onset of the Industrial Revolution (circa 1750-1850), European countries began scouring the globe looking for resources to power their economies. Africa, because of its geographic location and its abundance of resources, was seen as a key source of wealth for many of these nations. This drive for control of resources led to the "Scramble for Africa" and eventually the Berlin Conference of 1884 . At this meeting, the world powers at the time divided up the regions of the continent that had not already been claimed.

Claims for North Africa Originally, North Africa was settled by the indigenous peoples of the region, the Amazigh or Berbers as they have come to be known. Because of its strategic location on both the Mediterranean and Atlantic, this area has been sought after as a center of trade and commerce for centuries by many conquering civilizations. The first to arrive were the Phoenicians, followed by the Greeks, then the Romans, numerous Muslim dynasties of both Berber and Arab origin, and finally Spain and Portugal in the 15th and 16th centuries. Morocco was viewed as a strategic trade location because of its position at the Strait of Gibraltar . continue reading below our video How to Travel Between Morocco and Spain via Ferry Although it was not included in the original plans to divide up Africa at the Berlin Conference, France and Spain continued to vie for influence in the region. Algeria, Morocco's neighbor to the east, had been a part of France since 1830. In 1906, the Algeciras Conference recognized France and Spain's claims for power in the region. Spain was granted lands in the southwest region of the country as well as along the Mediterranean Coast in the North.

France was granted the rest and in 1912, the Treaty of Fez officially made Morocco a protectorate of France. Post World War Two Independence In the aftermath of World War II , many African countries began seeking independence from the rule of Colonial powers. Morocco was among the first nations to be granted independence when France relinquished control in the spring of 1956. This independence also included the lands claimed by Spain in the southwest and in the north along the Mediterranean coast. Spain continued its influence in the north, however, with control of two port cities , Melilla and Ceuta. These two cities had been trading posts since the era of the Phoenicians. The Spanish gained control over them in the 15th and 17th centuries after a series of struggles with other competing countries, namely Portugal. These cities, enclaves of European heritage in the land the Arabs call "Al Maghrib al Aqsa," (the farthest land of the setting sun), remain in Spanish control today. The Spanish Cities of Morocco Geography Melilla is the smaller of the two cities in land area.

It claims approximately twelve square kilometers (4.6 square miles) on a peninsula (Cape of the Three Forks) in the eastern part of Morocco. Its population is slightly less than 80,000 and it is situated along the Mediterranean coast, surrounded by Morocco on three sides. Ceuta is a little larger in terms of land area (roughly eighteen square kilometers or about seven square miles) and it has a slightly larger population at approximately 82,000. It is located north and west of Melilla on the Almina Peninsula, near the Moroccan city of Tangier, across the Strait of Gibraltar from mainland Spain. It too is located on the coast. Ceuta's Mount Hacho is rumored to be the southern Pillar of Heracles (also vying for that claim is Morocco's Jebel Moussa). Economy Historically, these cities were centers of trade and commerce, connecting North Africa and West Africa (via the Saharan trade routes) with Europe. Ceuta was especially important as a trade center because of its location near the Strait of Gibraltar. Both served as entry and exit ports for people and goods going into, and coming out of, Morocco.

Today, both cities are part of the Spanish Eurozone and are primarily port cities with much business in fishing and tourism. Both are also part of a special low tax zone, meaning that the prices of goods are relatively cheap when compared to the rest of mainland Europe. They service many tourists and other travelers with daily ferry and air service to mainland Spain and are still points-of-entry for many people visiting North Africa. Culture Both Ceuta and Melilla carry with them the marks of western culture. Their official language is Spanish, although a large portion of their populations are native Moroccans who speak Arabic and Berber. Melilla proudly claims the second largest concentration of modernist architecture outside of Barcelona thanks to Enrique Nieto, a student of the architect, Antoni Gaudi, famous for the Sagrada Familia in Barcelona. Nieto lived and worked in Melilla as an architect in the early 20th century. Because of their close proximity to Morocco and connection to the African continent, many African migrants use Melilla and Ceuta (both legally and illegally) as starting points to get to mainland Europe. Many Moroccans also live in the cities or cross the border daily to work and shop.

Future Political Status Morocco continues to claim possession of both enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta. Spain argues that its historical presence at these specific locations predates the existence of the modern country of Morocco and therefore refuses to turn over the cities. Although there is a strong Moroccan cultural presence in both, it appears as though they will remain officially in Spanish control in the foreseeable future. Ceuta, Melilla profile - BBC News BBC News Read more about sharing. Close share panel The tiny Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla sit on the northern shores of Morocco's Mediterranean coast. Together they form the European Union's only land borders with Africa. Ceuta and its larger sister city Melilla, situated some 250 miles further south along the coast, trace their Spanish past to the 15th century. Coveted by Morocco, they have long been a flashpoint in diplomatic relations with Spain. Madrid asserts that both territories are integral parts of Spain and have the same status as the semi-autonomous regions on its mainland. Historically, both port cities developed as military and trade centres linking Africa to Europe. Since 1995, they have enjoyed a limited degree of self-government as Autonomous Communities.

Unemployment among the native workforce is more than 30%, among the highest rates in Spain. The cities are a magnet for thousands of traders and menial workers who cross the border from Morocco each day to earn a living. Increasingly Ceuta and Melilla's heavily fortified borders have come under pressure from African migrants seeking a better life in Europe. Human rights groups and the European Union have raised concerns with Madrid about the deportation of illegal immigrants. Some key dates in the history of Ceuta and Melilla: Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Moroccan protesters opposite the island of Perejil demand an end to the Spanish "occupation". In 2002 Spanish troops were sent to eject Moroccan police from the island 5th century - Ceuta and Melilla are successively colonized by the Carthaginians, Greeks and Romans. 8th century - Ceuta is ruled by various Berber and Arab dynasties. 1415 - Portugal seizes control of Ceuta. 1497 - Spain conquers Melilla, a long history of attacks and siege by Muslim forces follows. 1556 - Melilla comes under the Spanish crown.

1580 - Ceuta comes under Spanish jurisdiction by default, after Portugal and Spain unite under one crown. 1688 - Ceuta remains under Spanish control after the union between Portugal and Spain ends. 1936 - Melilla is the first Spanish town to rise against the Popular Front Government at the start of the Spanish Civil War. 1956 - Spain retains Ceuta and Melilla after Morocco becomes independent. 1995 - Spain approves Statute of Autonomy for Ceuta and Melilla. 2002 - Moroccan and Spanish forces clash over the islet of Perejil (Parsley Island) off Ceuta. 2007 - Visit by Spain's King Juan Carlos reignites Moroccan claims of sovereignty. Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Hundreds of migrants daily try cross the substantial border fences separating the Spanish territories from Morocco Ceuta | florafranca florafranca Reflections of a curious mind Menu florafranca Africa , Ceuta , colonialism , decolonization , Government , Human Rights , Melilla , Migration , Overseas Territories , Spain Leave a comment The migration wave coming from Africa and reaching Europe makes the headlines everyday. This migration patterns shows the failure of the West’s deployment in Northern Africa.

The resurgence of crises in Congo, Mali, Burundi and so forth also reinforce the idea that we still live in a divided world. And those who suffer are not to come to Europe because they do not belong. And what better way to mark this divide that with a wall? There are many examples of such infrastructures which try to keep migrants away from a better life; walls mark the border between Mexico and the US, between North and South Korea, Jerusalem and the West Bank, India and Bangladesh, in Cyprus, etc. But did you know that a wall prevented Africans from accessing two cities located on the continent? What I am referring to here are the Spanish exclaves located on the opposite side of the Mediterranean of the mainland. These cities are called Ceuta and Melilla and are situated on the Moroccan coast. Ceuta is right on the other side of the Gibraltar strait, while Melilla is further East. Morocco vs. Spain Technically speaking, the two cities are on African soil, but belong to Spain. The local currency is euro. Melilla is a semi-autonomous city, governed by a mayor-president. For that reason, it is part of the EU.

And because those two cities are EU outposts outside of Europe, they offer the safest alternatives to reaching the Old Continent for migrants coming from all over Africa (mainly sub-saharian). Every year, thousands of migrants risk their lives in the hope of crossing the walls which separate the European enclaves from Morocco. Most surprisingly, Morocco is adding difficulties to the migrants’ quest. It is eyebrow-raising because Morocco does not recognize Spain’s sovereignty over these two cities for the reason that they are in Morocco and thus historically belong to them. Spain, on the other hand, claims that Spanish presence dates back to before Morocco became a sovereign and nation-state, thus invoking the historical precedent rather than geographical considerations. In this case, and like in many other when in comes to overseas territories, organizing a referendum to consult the local populations would be pointless. Take the case of Mayotte which was previously discussed in an article: who would choose to be attached to the Comoros when you can remain French? The two options do not offer the same opportunities. For that reason, self-determination is not invoked by Morocco. In this case, territorial integrity is, just like Spain does against the UK for Gibraltar.

The great walls Going back to those walls, Ceuta is surrounded by 20km of wires while Melilla is separated by 3 layers of fences over 10 km. Guarded 24/7, those borders can be deadly for whoever tries to overpass them. They, however, do not defeat everybody, and hundred of migrants still manage to make it to Spain (4 354 in 2013) . If not immediately caught by the Guardia Civil or the Moroccan police, they can no longer be ‘pushed back’ to Morocco, as stated under European law. If sent back to Morocco, migrants are often in bad shape and still undesired illegal immigrants in Morocco. Walls were not walls before the 1990s when they were reinforced. Before then, Spanish exclaves and Morocco were difficult to delineate, and inhabitants from both communities walk freely across borders. The Spanish-Moroccan borders are also the object of other types of trafficking, from both times this time. The Spanish enclaves are actually exempt of taxes, thus making good much cheaper than in mainland Europe, and mostly accessible for the Moroccans.

The latter thus buy European foods and items from the harbour area at the border between the two countries, and sell them on the Moroccan side. Local authorities have attempted to put an end to this trade by banning vehicles from entering the warehouses, turning the merchants into ‘human mules’ as some carry up to 100kg in duty free goods. Another problem of these exclaves are the Moroccan shanty towns. In Ceuta specifically, the shanty town “Principe Alfonso” is a no-go zone, and is considered as Spain’s most dangerous area. There, Spanish authorities have no rights. Illegal trafficking and terror do. There is no future for the local inhabitants. They are not Spaniards and they do not live in Morocco. They are nothing. The neighbourhood is also recognized as a jihadist recruitment center. What now? Problems seem to pile up in the two exclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. Illegal immigration, violence, human rights abuse, sovereignty dispute, poverty, despair… Nothing is changing other than the reinforcement of the borders to keep Spain out of reach of the migrants.

The best way to address the issue is to understand that Africa is in a dire situation, and that, even though Europe is not the paradise, it is still better than most countries from which migrants leave. Yes, migrants are illegal, but no, this does not justify that violence. Standard Spain's Overseas Plazas in Africa, the Gibraltar Question and the Western Sahara; A Complicated Chess Game > Norman Berdichevsky Norman Berdichevsky NER Symposium Nashville from Jerry Gordon on Vimeo . The following is an expanded version of Dr. Berdichevsky's speech delivered to the New English Review Symposium, "Decline, Fall & Islam," June 19th, 2010. In the Rise and Fall of Islam, several lengthy chapters are currently being played out amidst the consequences of the Spanish Reconquista, the Expulsion of the Jews, and the centuries long conflict between Great Britain and Spain. Also involved are Israel, the Palestinians, radical Arab nationalism, and Morocco and its neighbors. Five separate but related areas are involved: 1. the Spanish overseas plazas (enclaves within Moroccan territory) or lying just offshore, 2. Gibraltar, 3.

Morocco, Algeria and Mauretania, 4. the Western Sahara (formerly Spanish Sahara and also known as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (or SADR), led by the Polisario (Frente Polisario, from the Spanish abbreviation of Frente Popular de Liberación de Saguía el Hamra y Río de Oro;("Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro "), an organization with support from radical Arab and Muslim states, and 5. The Canary Islands. Most of us identify Spain immediately as that larger part of the Iberian Peninsula in Southwestern Europe that has been an independent state with a distinct national identity for more than a thousand years. Those with a more extensive knowledge of geography will also probably recall that the Spanish state includes two island chains, the Balearics (Las Islas Baleares) in the Western Mediterranean between mainland Spain and Italy and the Canaries (Las Islas Canarias) off the coast of West Africa. Tennis fans would know that Spanish star Rafael Nadal is from Mallorca.

Only a select few with some special interest however are likely to identify the two autonomous city-territories Ceuta (7.3 square miles and a population of 80,000) and Melilla (4.7 square miles and 75,000 inhabitants) as integral parts (autonomous communities) of the Kingdom of Spain wholly located on African soil and surrounded by Morocco. These two postage size autonomous communities although not contiguous with the European mainland are as much a part of Spain as Alaska is part of the United States, Greenland and Bornholm parts of Denmark, Newfoundland, a part of Canada, Easter Island, a part of Chile; the Falkland islands are British territory and Northern Ireland is a part of the United Kingdom, Kaliningrad, part of Russia, Ngorno-Karabach, part of Azerbaijan and Cabinda a part of Angola. The world was once strewn with many more similar enclaves, exclaves and offshore island territories but most people today are under the assumption that a major requirement of national solidarity is territorial contiguity. Ceuta and Melilla are valuable economic resources, important fishing and free ports and the majority of the population in both areas are native-born Spaniards and Christians.

Both cities have important historic Jewish communities and about one-third of their populations are Muslim. Many Moroccan workers cross the frontier daily to work in the two towns and Morocco. The former Organization of African Unity (disbanded in 2002 and reestablished as The African Union) and the Muslim and Arab countries back what they call “Morocco’s fight for the liberation of its territories occupied by the Spanish.” At the time of the OAU's disbanding, all African states except Algeria supported the Moroccan claim yet, ironically, Morocco left the organization on November 12, 1984 following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (the former Spanish colonial territory of the Western Sahara) which Morocco also claims. Morocco thus found itself, like Spain, at the end of a double-edged sword. In Morocco’s case, mobilizing African and Arab support at the U.N. to “win back” the plazas “under Spanish occupation” clash with the claim of the Polisario, a radical organization of local Arabized Muslim inhabitants of the former Spanish Sahara colony demanding independence for their territory that Morocco occupied.

The issue of Ceuta and Melilla is of note due to the fact that Spain is the only NATO country bordering an Arab and Muslim state. The borders of both city regions are surrounded by double fences of barbed wire. What is at stake is nothing less than Spanish sovereignty in the form of two cities, their hinterlands and several small but strategic islands, the Chafarinas and the “island plazas” (originally a plaza meant a fortified town) of Peñón Vélez de la Gomera and Alhucemas located a few miles from the Moroccan coast. These islands are important for the maintenance of Spanish fishing rights, navigation and supervision of illegal migration and smuggling. All of these areas have the status of autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas) on an equal footing with the other regions of Spain as guaranteed by the Spanish constitution. Peñón de Velez de Gomera is a minor conical island, barely more than a barren rock of 15 acres which serves as a relay station between Ceuta and Melilla and has been used as a prison. Peñón de Alhucemas to the west of Melilla is a few miles offshore and consists of three small islands.

They were occupied in 1673 as part of Spanish efforts to prevent the Turks from raiding the Spanish coast. The Chatarinas, occupied in 1848 by Spain, are used as fishing base. The potential for conflict over these territories is both imminent and far reaching. On the Spanish political landscape, only the Far Left has contemplated any form for negotiation over sovereignty. How did Spain acquire these territories? Ceuta was originally conquered by the Portuguese in 1514 as part of their Reconquista which drove the Moors from the Iberian Peninsula. When Portugal was absorbed by Spain (1580-1640), Ceuta passed under Spanish control and Spain simply refused to return it when Portugal regained its independence. It later was used as a Spanish penal colony and military base that withstood repeated Muslim sieges. Melilla was conquered by Spain in 1497. Like the Portuguese seizure of Ceuta, it was a necessary defensive strategy to acquire a major naval base on the North African coast to prevent further attempts by the Muslims to try to regain the peninsula which they had seized in the early 8th century and on which they had imposed their rule and religion.

Both areas have thus been under continuous Spanish rule for approximately five hundred years. They are much closer to the Spanish mainland than either the Balearic Islands or the Canaries. A list of colonial territories drawn up by the U.N. in 1947 did not mention them and a statement by the U.N. proclaiming the principle of “territorial integrity” for all states in 1960 is regarded by Spanish authorities as proof that these legal grounds outweigh any consideration of “geographic contiguity” put forward by Morocco. The Gibraltar Controversy and the Irony of Spanish Claims Spain’s attempts to recover Gibraltar from the British bear an uncanny resemblance to Morocco’s campaign to eventually absorb Ceuta and Melilla. Spain’s insistence that the principle of territorial integrity justifies its claim to regain Gibraltar is, again, a double edged sword. Morocco claims precisely the same rights over the plazas. The issue of the plazas and Spain’s determination to acquire Gibraltar present a complex riddle of political geography. Gibraltar on the Spanish mainland (known as El Peñon – The Rock) is a narrow peninsula jutting southward towards Africa.

It was conquered from the Moors in 1462, thirty years before the fall of Grenada, the last Muslim stronghold on the Iberian Peninsula, marking the final victory of the Spanish Reconquista. In 1704, Gibraltar was seized by a joint Anglo-Dutch military force in the War of the Spanish Succession. The Peace Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 awarded Gibraltar to Great Britain “in perpetuity.” In terms of length of ownership, Gibraltar has been British longer than it was under Spanish-Christian rule just as Ceuta and Melilla have been Spanish longer than any claim put forward by Morocco. The inhabitants of Gibraltar even expressed a wish to become part of the United Kingdom but the British government was reluctant to go so far and rejected the proposal in 1976! Beyond physical geography and history, there is, of course, another concept in political geography, namely “self-determination” (the will of the people). Gibraltar has already had two referendums, with 99.5% of the people voting to remain British. Any foreseeable referendum in Ceuta and Melilla would give a majority to Spain.

No one on the Spanish political horizon except the Far Left can imagine negotiating away part of Spanish territory although just before his death in 1976, General Franco and King Hassan II of Morocco were reported to have agreed on a minor compromise. This would have allowed Spain to retain the two city-plazas but cede minor island chains, the Chafarinas and the “plazas” of Vélez de la Gomera and Alhucemas to Morocco. In The Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, by which Gibraltar came under British rule, the Spanish added the following clause barring Jews and Moroccans from the city: Her Britannic Majesty, at the request of the Catholic King, does consent and agree that no leave shall be given, under any pretext whatsoever, either to Jews or Moors to reside or have their dwellings in the said town of Gibraltar. As the British ignored this provision regarding the admission of Jews (others were the admission of Moors, the extension of fortifications and the alleged smuggling from Gibraltar), the Spanish claimed the British had violated the treaty.

Throughout the 20th century, Spanish claims to recover Gibraltar actually were based on honoring the absurd anti-Jewish provision as if Spain wished to further emphasize its emotional fundamentalist Catholic attachment to the territory that would forever remain judenrein. In 1727, the Spanish unsuccessfully laid siege to the city. In 1729, the British and the Sultan of Morocco reached an agreement giving the Sultan's Jewish subjects permission to reside in Gibraltar. Jews were given the right to permanently settle in 1749, when the new community's first Rabbi, came to the country from London and established congregation Sha’ar HaShamayim, the oldest synagogue in Gibraltar. At the time, there were already 600 Jews in Gibraltar, who constituted one third of the civilian population. Three more synagogues, all of which still function on Shabbat and feast days, were subsequently built Nefutsot Yehuda and Etz Hayyim in 1781, as well as the Abudarham Synagogue in 1820.

During the sieges of the city by the Spanish and during the Peninsular War (1808-1814)against Napoleon’s occupation, Jewish civilians valiantly helped defend Gibraltar from invaders. In 1984, Rabbi Ron Hassid became the new Chief Rabbi and has been there ever since. Since his arrival, he has had a positive impact on Gibraltar and much of the surrounding communities in Spain, Melilla and Ceuta. The Jewish communities have become much stronger which can be directly attributed to him, adding yet another factor to the near total support of the population to remain British. Spain’s abysmal record of anti-semitism, and more than four centuries of religious intolerance from the fifteenth to the early twentieth century left behind a deeply entrenched legacy (see fig. 3, the photo of Church inscription in village near Murcia) in popular opinion. Several Gibraltarian Jews have served in important positions in the Government there in the 20th century, particularly Sir Joshua Hassan, who served as Chief Minister of Gibraltar for two separate terms before his death. Gibraltar's current Mayor, Solomon Levy, assumed the position on August 1, 2008.

The city maintains five Kosher institutions, a Jewish Primary School and two Jewish secondary schools. In 2004, at a celebration of the anniversary of three hundred years of British rule, the congregants at the Great Synagogue (Sha’ar Hashamayim) performed the anthem "God Save the Queen" in Hebrew, the first time this has been done officially. Spain’s attempts in the 19th Century to become an imperial power, after the loss of its South American and Caribbean colonies, focused on expansion and influence in Morocco and West Africa. Ceuta and Melilla were important staging grounds for further penetration into Morocco, the Spanish Sahara, and Equatorial Guinea. Eventually, Spain gained control of its own protectorate in Morocco. From the Moroccan point of view, its demands to acquire the plazas are part of its struggle for liberation against colonialism. They don’t accept the Spanish arguments about historical presence, or sovereignty, or even the right of self-determination. Spain’s campaign to “decolonize” Gibraltar from British rule was submitted to the UN in December 1967. In spite of all the changes in technology and transportation in the past century, Gibraltar retains a strategic importance.

The straight separating Spain from Africa is only 8.6 miles wide at Gibraltar and while the port is not of great economic importance, the naval base has safeguarded the link between the Atlantic, Mediterranean and Suez Canal. It acts as a guardian for international shipping, especially oil tankers supplying Western Europe and Britain with oil from the Persian Gulf. The Spanish claim to Gibraltar was the sole issue on which the governments of General Franco and the losing Republican side in the civil war fully agreed. The Moroccan Seizure and Expulsion from Perejil; A Sign of Things to Come? In early July, 2002, a handful of Moroccan troops seized the tiny Spanish island of Perejil (Parsely), a football field size island lying 800 feet from Morocco, and 5 miles from Ceuta. The island itself was deserted, although some Moroccan shepherds had made use of it in the past. Morocco claimed that their occupation was to “monitor illegal immigration and to fight drug traffic.” They claimed smugglers used the island as a logistic platform, a claim Spain denied. Spain received lukewarm support from all the European Union countries except France.

Morocco was supported by all Arab League states except Algeria, one of Spain's top trading partners. On the morning of July 18, 2002, Spain took the island back by force in an operation named Romeo-Sierra. The attack was carried out by Spanish commandos supported by the Spanish Navy and Airforce. Moroccan Navy Cadets did not offer any resistance and were captured and transported by helicopter to the headquarters of the Guardia Civil in Ceuta, from where they were returned to the Moroccan border. With the exception of the fringe United Left Party and Basque Nationalists, Prime Minister Aznar’s action was popularly supported in Spain but doubts remain about the future ability of Spain to resist Moroccan demands backed by the large Arab-Muslim block. It was for this very reason as well as to regain Gibraltar and not anti-Semitism that General Franco followed a pro-Arab foreign policy and refused to recognize the State of Israel. While Aznar strongly supported American policy in Iraq under President Bush, his Socialist successor, José Luis Zapatero, has emphasized close cooperation with the Arab world and should not expect the same kind of American backing provided in the Perejil incident, especially now with Obama in the White House.

Among Spain’s Muslim minority are Al-Qaeda sympathizers who wish to restore Andalucía to Dar-al-Islam. All of Spain’s efforts to win Arab sympathies by its hostile attitude towards Israel will not help it in the confrontation that is bound to come sooner or later. The Complicated Chess Game During the reign of King Hassan II (1929-1999), Morocco recuperated the Spanish-controlled area of Ifni in 1969, and seized two thirds of Spanish Sahara (see figure 4; now Western Sahara) through the " Green March " in 1975. The African union and a total of 81 governments consider the territory a sovereign, albeit occupied, state. They demand recognition by all of an independent Western Sahara, styled the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR- see figure 5), with an exile government backed by the Polisario Front. This issue continues to dominate Moroccan foreign policy to this day and has embroiled the country in a long dispute with the radical Islamic states and Algeria.

Relations have deteriorated sharply due to the Western Sahara affair, as well as Moroccan claims on Algerian territory, which unleashed the brief 1963 “Sand War.” Morocco is thus walking a tightrope under its new ruler, King Mohammed VI, anxious to assume undisputed control over the former Spanish possessions in Africa and assert its credentials as a proud Muslim nation by recovering the plazas of Ceuta and Melilla. Facing the territory of the Western Sahara are the Canary Islands, discovered and settled by the Portuguese, Spanish and Genoese in the 14th century although claims have been made that the Muslim navigator Ibn Farrukh, from Granada, landed in "Gando" (Gran Canaria) in February 999. Spaniards from Majorca established a mission with a bishop in 1350. Treaties between Spain and Portugal established Spanish sovereignty there. Nevertheless, radical Arab leaders, especially Muammar Gaddafi backing the SADR have also claimed that the Canary Islands should “revert” to Arab control and tried to enlist the support of African, Arab and Muslim countries. The international boundary of the Canaries is the subject of a dispute between Spain and Morocco.

Morocco does not accept the Spanish claim for seabed boundaries based on the territory of the Canaries. The boundary is relevant for possible seabed oil deposits and other ocean resource exploitation. Morocco therefore does not formally agree to the current territorial and sea boundaries. This policy has at times created “strange bedfellows.” The present king (who learned the Koran by heart as a child), like his father, is a pro-Western moderate. Morocco was among the few Arab countries to have had formal and cordial ties with Jerusalem. Morocco further traditionally has been one of the safest refuges for Jews in the Arab world. In solidarity with the Palestinians, however, Morocco closed its official mission in Israel and broke off all formal ties six years ago. Nevertheless, diplomatic activities between Morocco and Israel have been warming lately. According to Sahrawi (Polisario) sources, Morocco is offering the resumption of full diplomatic relations with Israel in exchange for a strong Israeli lobbying in favor of Rabat's Western Sahara policies (and quite possibly over the Spanish plazas as well) and the promotion of Moroccan interests.

Spain, for all its notorious past anti-Semitism, is fond of pointing to the thriving Jewish communities in Ceuta and Melilla in an attempt to ward off Moroccan demands for absorbing the enclaves and thwart possible closer relations between Morocco and Israel. The Israeli press recently revealed that relations between the two countries indeed are thawing. In September 2003, King Mohamed VI even received Israel's Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom at one of his vacation palaces for political talks. Israeli diplomats have reportedly tried to influence the American government to accept Morocco's so-called autonomy plan for the Western Sahara - the former Spanish colony occupied by Morocco since 1976 despite numerous UN protests. The controversial autonomy plan opposes UN demands of an independence referendum in Western Sahara and instead proposes to make the disputed territory an autonomous Moroccan province. In this complicated chess game, the plazas, Gibraltar, and the Western Sahara are all important chips. Figure 2. Gibraltar from the West Country Reviews - Country Watch Country Overview SPAIN Located in Southwestern Europe, the main body of Spain is a country that stands at the crossroads of the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, Europe and Africa.

Spain 's borders include the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, as noted above, but also the Bay of Biscay, the Pyrenees Mountains, France, Portugal, and Andorra. Another border includes Gibraltar -- a semi-autonomous overseas British territory, while the Spanish overseas territories of Ceuta and Melilla border Morocco. Through exploration and conquest, Spain became the most powerful nation in Europe in the 16th century, due to the immense wealth derived from its presence in the Americas. Spain's powerful world empire of the 16th and 17th centuries ultimately yielded command of the seas to England. Subsequent failure to embrace the mercantile and industrial revolutions caused the country to fall behind England, France, and Germany in economic and political power. Controversy over succession to the throne consumed the country during the 18th century, leading to an occupation by France during the Napoleonic era in the early 1800s. As well, a series of long, costly wars and revolts began a steady decline of Spanish power in Europe. The 19th century saw the revolt and independence of most of Spain's colonies in the Western Hemisphere.

Spain remained neutral in World Wars I and II but suffered a bitter civil war in 1936-1939. Following the victory of his nationalist forces, General Francisco Franco ruled as dictator of Spain until his death in 1975. After Franco's death, Spain made a peaceful transition to democracy and achieved rapid economic modernization. Spain joined the European Community, now the European Union, in January 1986. Spain's economy is dominated by the services sector, and the tourist industry holds particular importance since Spain is one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world. Today, the government continues to confront the Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) terrorist organization, but its major focus for the immediate future will be on measures to reverse the severe economic recession that started in mid-2008. To date, that economic crisis has seriously challenged the Spanish financial system and the country's overall economic prospects. Country Forecast

Question: Ceuta and Melilla are Spanish Overseas Territories in which country?
Answer: MOROCCO