History of Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery - GOV.UK GOV.UK Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery Liberal 1894 to 1895 Born 21 May 1929, Epsom, Surrey Dates in office Liberal Interesting facts Rosebery's declared ambitions were to marry an heiress, own a horse that won the Derby and be Prime Minister. He fulfilled all 3. “There are 2 supreme pleasures in life. One is ideal, the other real. The ideal is when a man receives the seals of office from his Sovereign. The real pleasure comes when he hands them back.” The Earl of Rosebery is best known today as a staunch upholder of the British Empire. Born into a Scottish aristocratic family, the Earl of Rosebery attended Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, where he developed an interest in both politics and horseracing. While at Oxford, he succeeded to his grandfather’s title as 5th Earl of Rosebery in 1868, and took up his seat in the House of Lords. A year later he bought his first racehorse, Ladas, against university rules.

Offered a choice by the university authorities between selling his horse or abandoning his studies, he chose the racehorse. Lord Rosebery first became a public figure when he managed Gladstone ’s successful Midlothian Campaign in 1879. In 1881 Gladstone convinced him to take up the post of Under Secretary at the Home Office, with special responsibility for Scotland. Not convinced that Gladstone was interested in Scottish affairs, he resigned after 2 years. He then travelled the world, promoting his imperialist ideas. In Australia he made a celebrated speech announcing: “the British Empire is a Commonwealth of Nations”. In 1885 he joined Gladstone’s Cabinet as Commissioner of the Board of Works and Lord Privy Seal. A year later, he became Foreign Secretary in Gladstone’s third administration. Queen Victoria, an admirer, described it as the “only really good appointment” in the whole government. The death of his wife, Hannah, in 1890 kept him out of politics for some time, but he was eventually persuaded by Queen Victoria and the Prince of Wales to return, and in 1892 he became Foreign Secretary again in Gladstone’s last administration.

When Gladstone resigned in March 1894, Lord Rosebery accepted the post of Prime Minister, although he did so reluctantly, regarding it as a dangerously poisoned chalice. He would have preferred to spend his time on horseracing and literature. Lord Rosebery did not enjoy the success in office of his Liberal predecessor Gladstone. It was a short-lived administration - he inherited a divided Cabinet, faced an obstructive, Tory-dominated House of Lords and was heavily attacked in the Commons for opposing Irish Home Rule. His imperialist designs in foreign policy, such as expansion of the fleet, were defeated by disagreements within the Liberal Party, while the House of Lords stopped the Liberals’ domestic legislation. His government lasted only 15 months, falling in June 1895 over a vote of censure on military supplies. In the following year, he resigned as Liberal leader in the interests of party unity. He became the leader of the Liberal Imperialist division of the party, but retired from politics altogether in 1905 when Henry Campbell-Bannerman was chosen as Liberal Prime Minister. In his later years, he turned to writing political biographies.

He died in 1929, requesting to hear the Eton Boating Song before he passed away. Help us improve GOV.UK Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th earl of Rosebery | prime minister of United Kingdom | Britannica.com Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th earl of Rosebery prime minister of United Kingdom Written By: Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th earl of Rosebery Prime minister of United Kingdom born Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th earl of Rosebery, (born May 7, 1847, London —died May 21, 1929, Epsom, Surrey, Eng.), British prime minister from March 3, 1894, to June 21, 1895; faced with a divided Cabinet and a hostile House of Lords , his ministry achieved little of consequence.

Rosebery, ink drawing by an unknown artist; in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh Courtesy of the Scottish National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh His father, Archibald Primrose, son of the 4th earl, died before Archibald was four; as heir to the earldom he therefore bore the title of Lord Dalmeny at Eton. He studied at Christ Church, Oxford, without receiving a degree, and in 1868 he succeeded to the earldom and to large estates in Scotland. Early on, he had taken an interest in politics, leaning toward Liberalism, but he never sat in the House of Commons . At Rosebery’s suggestion and with his help, William Ewart Gladstone conducted the Midlothian campaigns (November 1879 and March 1880) that inspired the Liberals to a decisive victory in the national election of 1880. In Gladstone’s second government Rosebery served as undersecretary of state in the Home Office, with special responsibility for Scottish affairs (August 1881–June 1883), and as lord privy seal (March–June 1885).

Associated with the Progressives in London politics, he became the first chairman (1889) of the London County Council. In Gladstone’s final governments, he was secretary of state for foreign affairs from February to July 1886 and from August 1892 to March 1894. Mistrusting Russia and (to a lesser extent) France, Rosebery largely continued Lord Salisbury’s policy of secret collaboration with the Triple Alliance powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy). His Liberal Imperialism clashed with the views of his chief; in 1894 he established a protectorate over Uganda , from which Gladstone had wished to withdraw all British influence. At home he headed a committee that effected (Nov. 17, 1893) a compromise settlement of a major coal strike. A controversy over an increased appropriation for the navy resulted in the fall of Gladstone, who had opposed the measure, and his replacement by Rosebery, who favoured a stronger battle fleet. Rosebery proved unable to resolve the conflicts within the Liberal Party , and the determinedly Conservative House of Lords rejected all Liberal legislation except the budget.

When his government lost a House of Commons vote on a minor issue, Rosebery hastily and gladly resigned. On Oct. 8, 1896, he also resigned as leader of the Liberal Party. During the South African War (1899–1902) his enthusiasm for the British Empire led to his estrangement from the bulk of the party, and, late in 1905, a few weeks before the Liberals returned to power, he completely broke with them by declaring his opposition to Irish Home Rule . He thereafter ceased to play any major role in public life. He wrote widely read biographies of Chatham, Pitt, Napoleon, and Lord Randolph Churchill; and he was noted throughout his life for his stable of racehorses.

Learn More in these related articles: Albert Edward Harry Meyer Archibald Primrose Epsom and Ewell History Explorer Albert Edward Harry Meyer Archibald Primrose, 6th Earl of Rosebery, Baron Epsom of Epsom Albert Primrose 6th Earl Rosebery Image courtesy of "The Ernest Fawbert Collection" Flicker.com Albert Edward Harry Meyer Archibald Primrose was born on 8 January 1882 (GRO: Mar 1882 St George Hanover Square 1a 414) in Mayfair, Westminster, London, the first son and third child of Archibald and Hannah Primrose, nee De Rothschild. He was baptised on 21 February 1882 at the Chapel Royal in St.James Palace London. The Prince of Wales (later Edward VII) was one of his godfathers. Although Albert was known by the courtesy title of Lord Dalmeny from birth until he inherited the family title of Earl of Rosebery in 1929, he was best known by his third name of Harry.

The Peerage of Scotland created the title 'Earl of Rosebery', in 1703 for Archibald Primrose, 1st Earl of Rosebery, which then pasted on to his male and female issue successively. His father, Archibald Philip Primrose (1847-1929), the 5th Earl of Rosebery, not only had the title of Lord Rosebery but was also a member of the Order of the Garter and of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom. He was a Liberal Party statesman and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom between 1894-95. Harry's mother, who was known as the Countess of Rosebery, was an English social leader and philanthropist and the daughter of Baron Mayer Amschel de Rothschild and his wife Juliana, nee Cohen. When her father died in 1874 she became the richest woman in Britain. One of Harry's passions was cricket; he played for the Middlesex County Cricket Club and served, between 1902-5, as captain to the Surrey County Cricket Club based at The Oval cricket ground in south London.

Records show that his batting style was 'Right handed' and his bowling style 'Right-arm fast'. Harry attended Eton College and then the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. He joined the British Army and became a Lieutenant in the Grenadier Guards, which was the most senior regiment of the Guards Division of the British Army. At the age of 24 he resigned his commission and began in 1906 his short political career in the House of Commons by being elected the youngest Liberal Party Member of Parliament for the Scottish seat of Edinburghshire, now known as Midlothian. This was an area where the family had long been prominent landowners. His maiden speech in March 1906 was on army expenditure and reorganization. Harry retired from the House of Commons in January 1910. On 15 April 1909 Harry married Lady Dorothy Alice Margaret Augusta Grosvenor, daughter of Lord Henry George and Dora Mina Grosvenor, nee Erskine-Wymess. This was a marriage that was to end in divorce in 1919.

The couple did however have two children from their marriage, Archibald Ronald, who became Lord Dalmeny as was his birthright, born 1 August 1910 and Lady Helen Dorothy born in 1913. Lady Helen died on 6 Oct 1998. Harry's eldest son Lord Dalmeny, Archibald Ronald, played several times for Middlesex County Cricket Club between 1929 and 1931, before dying aged just 21 from blood poisoning contracted during a dental operation at Oxford, on 11 November 1931. During the First World War Harry rejoined the Grenadier Guards and served in France 1914-1917 as Camp Commandant and ADC to General Allenby and subsequently in Palestine as Allenby's Military Secretary. Harry was mentioned in dispatches and was awarded the MC in 1916. In 1917 he was admitted to the French Légion d'honneur and was appointed DSO in 1918. His brother Captain Neil James Archibald Primrose was killed in Hill of Gezer during the Siniai and Palestine Campaign.

Harry's second marriage was on 24 June 1924 in Prince's Row Register Office London to Hon. Eva Isabel Marion Bruce, daughter of Major Henry and Constance Mary Campbell Bruce, nee Beckett. It was from this marriage that the future 7th earl of Rosebery, Neil Archibald, was born on 11 February 1929. The birth and death of Harry's fourth child Mary was on 15 March 1935. After the death of his father in 1929, Harry became the 6th Earl of Rosebery and took on all of his father's hereditary titles including the title created in 1911 of Baron Epsom of Epsom. Harry also became a member of the House of Lords and was made Lord Lieutenant of Midlothian 1929-1964. Having been elected to the Jockey Club in 1924, Harry twice won the Epsom Derby with horses bred at his Mentmore and Crafton Studs, which were part of the Mentmore Towers family estate on the Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire borders.

He also became president of the Thoroughbred Breeders' Association and remained so until 1955. Harry's three year old horse 'Blue Peter', his favourite, won not only the Two Thousand Guineas, the Blue Riband at Epsom, and the Eclipse stakes but also won the 1939 Derby, finishing four lengths ahead of the field. This was the first Derby win for the family since 1905 when his father had won his third and last Derby. Harry told reporters that the silks his jockey had wore in the race had belonged to his father and had been discovered in an old trunk during house-cleaning a few weeks before. After Blue Peter's death in 1957 Harry said, "He was just like a human being although a placid animal. Blue Peter was particular about what he ate. Give him something he didn't like and he would take one look at it and turn away. He was the best horse I ever had and was the best I had ever seen and he had only half a career as a racehorse" This was because of the outbreak of World War 2 in September 1939, after the Derby was run.

Blue Peter's offspring 'Ocean Swell' was the second Derby winner for Harry in 1944, and the last winner to date for the Rosebery/Primrose family. In February 1941, during the Second World War, he was appointed Regional Commissioner for Civil Defence in Scotland. When the wartime coalition government broke up in 1945, Winston Churchill formed a caretaker administration to hold office until the 1945 general election. One appointment Churchill made was to install Harry as a member of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom, just as his father had been, and as the Secretary of State for Scotland. Harry was President of the National Liberal Party between1945-1957. He was also appointed Chairman of the Royal Fine Art Commission for Scotland, a Scottish public body, in 1952. Harry died age 92 on 30 May 1974 in Mentmore House, Buckinghamshire. His son, Neil Archibald Primrose, was duly made the 7th Earl of Rosebery. Neil and his wife Deirdre live in the family home in Dalmeny Scotland. They have four daughters and son.

It is their youngest child, Harry Ronald Neil Primrose, born in 1967, who bears the courtesy title of Lord Dalmeny as heir to the Rosebery earldom. The Heir Apparent's Heir Apparent is his son, the Hon. Albert Caspian Harry Primrose who was born in 2005. Harry's wealth at death was £9,941,699 This article was written by Hazel Ballan, March 2009. With thanks to for help in sourcing the image. Primrose Surname, Family Crest & Coats of Arms Primrose Surname, Family Crest & Coats of Arms Buy JPG Image » The Primrose surname is generally thought to be habitational name taken on from a place in Fife , originally named Prenrhos. This place name comes from the Welsh words "pren," meaning "tree"ï¿½ and "rhos," meaning "moor." It thought that only later came an association with the name of the Primrose flower.

Primrose Early Origins Buy PDF History » The surname Primrose was first found in Fife , where they held a family seat from early times and their first records appeared on the early census rolls taken by the early Kings of Scotland to determine the rate of taxation of their subjects. Primrose Spelling Variations Spelling variations of this family name include: Primrose, Prymerose and others. Primrose Early History Primrose Early History This web page shows only a small excerpt of our Primrose research. Another 221 words (16 lines of text) covering the years 1150, 1387, 1616, 1679 and 1659 are included under the topic Early Primrose History in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible. Primrose Early Notables (pre 1700) Primrose Early Notables (pre 1700) Another 48 words (3 lines of text) are included under the topic Early Primrose Notables in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible.

The Great Migration Some of the first settlers of this family name were: Primrose Settlers in United States in the 18th Century Lew Primrose settled in Boston in 1764 William Primrose, who settled in Maryland in 1775 John Primrose, aged 46, landed in New York in 1798 Primrose Settlers in United States in the 19th Century Alexander Primrose, who arrived in Illinois in 1830 William Primrose arrived in Philadelphia in 1843 J W Primrose, who arrived in San Francisco, California in 1850 Thomas Primrose, who arrived in America in 1855 David Primrose, who landed in Allegany (Allegheny) County, Pennsylvania in 1871 Contemporary Notables of the name Primrose (post 1700) Contemporary Notables of the name Primrose (post 1700) William Primrose (1904-1982), Scottish violist and teacher, probably the best known viola player of his time Peter Thomas Primrose (b.

1955), Australian politician in New South Wales Captain Neil James Archibald Primrose (1882-1917), British politician and soldier, member of the UK Parliament Philip Carteret Hill Primrose (1864-1937), Canadian police officer, who was made Lieutenant Governor of Alberta Archibald Philip Primrose (1847-1929), British politician, 5th earl of Rosebery, Prime Minister of Britain (1894-95) Primrose Family Crest Products Citations Other References The Norman People and Their Existing Descendants in the British Dominions and the United States Of America. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing, 1975. Print. (ISBN 0-8063-0636-X). Matthews, John. Matthews' American Armoury and Blue Book. London: John Matthews, 1911. Print. Fairbairn,. Fairbain's book of Crests of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland, 4th Edition 2 volumes in one. Baltimore: Heraldic Book Company, 1968. Print. Paul, Sir James Balfour.

An Ordinary of Arms Contained in the Public Register of All Arms and Bearings in Scotland Second Edition. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing, 1903. Print. Robb H. Amanda and Andrew Chesler. Encyclopedia of American Family Names. New York: Haper Collins, 1995. Print. (ISBN 0-06-270075-8). Burke, Sir Bernard. Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry Including American Families with British Ancestry 2 Volumes. London: Burke Publishing, 1939. Print. Innes, Thomas and Learney. Socts Heraldry A Practical Handbook on the Historical Principles and Modern Application of the Art of Science. London: Oliver and Boyd, 1934. Print. Best, Hugh. Debrett's Texas Peerage. New York: Coward-McCann, 1983. Print. (ISBN 069811244X). Shaw, William A.

Knights of England A Complete Record from the Earliest Time to the Present Day of the Knights of all the Orders of Chivalry in England, Scotland, Ireland and Knights Bachelors 2 Volumes. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing. Print. (ISBN 080630443X). Crozier, William Armstrong Edition. Crozier's General Armory A Registry of American Families Entitled to Coat Armor. New York: Fox, Duffield, 1904. Print. ... The Primrose Family Crest was acquired from the Houseofnames.com archives. The Primrose Family Crest was drawn according to heraldic standards based on published blazons. We generally include the oldest published family crest once associated with each surname. This page was last modified on 31 July 2016 at 18:57. Sign Up Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery - Wikiquote Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery From Wikiquote Quotes[ edit ] Few speeches which have produced an electrical effect on an audience can bear the colorless photography of a printed record.

Life of Pitt (1891), reported in Bartlett's Familiar Quotations, 10th ed. (1919). [The British Empire is] the greatest secular agency for good now known to mankind. Speech at the unveiling of a bust of the late Canadian Prime Minister Sir John Macdonald at Westminster Abbey (16 November 1892), reported in The Times (17 November 1892), p. 9. Leo McKinstry, Rosebery: Statesman in Turmoil (John Murray, 2006), p. 120. But if this is good in itself it is infinitely more important, in my opinion, as a sign of that new spirit which is passing from municipal into Imperial politics, which aims more at the improvement of the lot of the worker and the toiler than at those great constitutional effects in which past Parliaments have taken as their pride. To what do you attribute that spirit? I attribute it to two things. In the first place, I believe as England has been governed under various suffrages for the benefit of various sections, that now the suffrage has been made accessible to all it is about to be governed for all.

(Cheers.) in the next place, I believe in the further course of the lowering of that suffrage we somewhere or other lit upon the conscience of the community. I believe that at last the community has awoke to its liabilities and duties to all ranks and classes. And I believe the people are now inclined to think that politics is not merely a game at which the pawns have to be sacrificed to the knights and castles (cheers), but is an elevating and ennobling effort to carry into practical politics and practical life the principles of a higher morality. I believe that increasingly Governments will be judged by that test. I believe the people are coming to recognize that in that spirit alone must Governments be carried on. It is all very well to make great speeches and to win great divisions. It is well to speak with authority in the councils of the world and to see your navies riding on every sea, and to see your flag on every shore. That is well, but it is not all.

I am certain that there is a party in this country not named as yet that is disconnected with any existing political organization, a party which is inclined to say, "A plague on both your Houses, a plague on all your parties, a plague on all your politics, a plague on your ending discussions which yield so little fruit." (Cheers.) "Have done with this unending talk and come down and do something for the people." It is this spirit which animates, as I believe, the great masses of our artisans, the great masses of our working clergy, the great masses of those who work for and with the poor, and who for the want of a better word I am compelled to call by the bastard term of philanthropists. Speech to a meeting at St James's Hall on behalf of the Progressive majority in the London County Council (21 March 1894), reported in The Times (22 March 1894), p. 7. There are two supreme pleasures in life. One is ideal, the other real. The ideal is when a man receives the seals of office from the hands of his Sovereign. The real pleasure comes when he hands them back.

Upon the fall of his ministry; said to journalist Sir Henry William Lucy , The Diary of a Journalist (Vol. 1), E. P. Dutton, 1920), p 93. It is always possible that that may happen here which has happened in Belgium—the elimination of Liberalism, leaving the two forces of Socialism and Reaction face to face. Whether that shall happen here depends on the Liberal Party. Letter to Canon Scott Holland (21 August 1895), quoted in D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and Rosebery: A Study in Leadership and Policy (Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 223. It is beginning to be hinted that we are a nation of amateurs. Rectorial Address, Glasgow (November 16, 1900), reported in Bartlett's Familiar Quotations, 10th ed. (1919). ...what would be most extraordinary is this, that anybody who considered the state of the Liberal party then [1896] and now should expect me voluntarily to return to the Liberal party.

(Laughter.) I left the Liberal party because I found it impossible to lead it, in the main owing to the divisions to which I referred in my letter. (Hear, hear.) The Liberal party in that respect is no better now, but rather worse; and it would indeed be an extraordinary evolution of mind if, after having left the Liberal party on that ground, I were to announce my intention of voluntarily returning to it in its present condition. No, gentlemen, so far as I am concerned, I must repeat what I have said on that subject in all my speeches, that for the present, at any rate, I must proceed alone. I must plough my furrow alone. Speech to the City Liberal Club (19 July 1901), reported in The Times (20 July 1901), p. 15. The nation which is satisfied is lost. The nation which is not progressive is retrograding. "Rest and be thankful" is a motto which spells decay. The new world seems to possess more of this quality in its crude state, at any rate, than the old. In individuals it sometimes seems to be carried to excess.

I do not by this mean the revolutions which periodically ravage the Southern and Central American Republics. I think more of the restless enterprise of the United States, with the devouring anxiety to improve existing machinery and existing methods, and the apparent impossibility of accumulating any fortune, however gigantic, which shall satisfy or be sufficient to allow of leisure and repose. There the disdain of finality, the anxiety for improving on the best seems almost a disease; but in Great Britain we can afford to catch the complaint, at any rate in a mitigated form, and give in exchange some of our own self-complacency, for complacency is a fatal gift. "What was good enough for my father is good enough for me" is a treasured English axiom which, if strictly carried out, would have kept us to wooden ploughs and water clocks. In these days we need to be inoculated with some of the nervous energy of the Americans. Address as President of the Birmingham and Midland Institute (15 October, 1901). 'Lord Rosebery On National Culture', The Times (16 October, 1901), p. 4. ...what is the advice I have to offer you?

the first head is this, that you have to clean your slate. (Cheers.) It is six years now since you were in office. It is 16 years since you were in anything like power, and it does seem to me that under these circumstances the primary duty of the Liberal party is to wipe its slate clean and consider very carefully what it is going to write on it in future (Cheers.) Now, there will be some who will not agree with that advice, for I will tell you a secret. There are a great many Tory Liberals in the Liberal party. There is a Toryism in Liberalism as great and as deep, though as unconscious, as any in the Carlton Club. There are men who sit still with the fly-blown phylacteries bound round their obsolete policy, who do not remember that, while they have been mumbling their incantations to themselves, the world has been marching and revolving, and if they have any hope of leading or guiding it they must march and move with it too.

(Cheers.) I, therefore, hope that when you have to write on your clean slate you will write on it a policy adapted to 1901 or 1902 and not a policy adapted to 1892 or 1893. (Laughter)...The last piece of advice I shall venture to offer the Liberal party is this, that they shall not dissociate themselves, even indirectly or unconsciously, or by any careless words, from the new sentiment of Empire which occupies the nation. To many the word "Empire" is suspect as indicating aggression and greed and violence and the characteristics of other empires that the world has known; but the sentiment that is represented now by Empire in these islands has nothing of that in it. (Cheers.) It is a passion of affection and family feeling, of pride and of hopefulness; and the statesman, however great he may be, who dissociates himself from that feeling must not be surprised if the nation dissociates itself from him.

(Cheers)...my watchword if I were in office at this moment would be summed up in one single word—the word " efficiency ." (Cheers.) If we have not learned from this war that we have greatly lagged behind in efficiency we have learned nothing, and our treasure and our lives are thrown away unless we learn the lesson which the war has given us. (Hear, hear)...there is another branch of national efficiency in which I think an energetic Government might take a great part, in the way of stimulation and inquiry—I mean our commerce and our industry. (Hear, hear)...I believe that in that branch of our national efficiency there is much to be done by an energetic Government. But last, and, perhaps, greatest of all, there comes a question that underlies the efficiency of our nation—not of our services, not of any particular branch of our nation, but of the nation as a whole—I mean education (loud cheers), in which we are lagging sadly, and with which we shall have peacefully to fight other nations with weapons like the bow and arrow if we do not progress. We have nothing like a national system, but a great chaos of almost haphazard arrangement.

Then there is another question closely allied to it, though not in appearance perhaps, the question of the housing of the people. Well, you will, I think, get nothing from the present Government, and you will get nothing from any Government that does not throw its heart and soul into the work. And, last of all, but by no means least, there comes that question of temperance (cheers), which means so much to us all in the extravagance, in the degradation, in the physical degeneracy of our race. That is a question which a firm and energetic Government could, I will not say settle, but make a great advance towards settling, if it grasped the nettle firmly and refused to listen to the fanatics on either side, and made up its mind that, come well or ill, even if it sacrificed for a moment its majority or its power, it would not leave office without having made an effort in the direction I have indicated. (Cheers.) Speech at Chesterfield (16 December 1901), reported in The Times (17 December 1901), p. 10.

A question had been raised in a very powerful speech the other night (cheers), and he was not treating it in any political or critical sense to-night; but it was a topic of so great importance as regarded the existence and the future of the Empire, as regarded the basis on which it was to rest and its ultimate development, that he was sure it was one of the subjects that the chamber of commerce must discuss at a very large meeting. The subject raised in that speech the other night was not a matter of party politics as yet, and in one sense he did not think that it ever would be a matter of politics as affecting politics as at present existing, because it cut across that line diagonally and not by the ordinary separation of English party lines. Another reason why he would not discuss it politically that night was that he would not hastily reject, without mature consideration, any plan offered on high authority and based on large experience for really cementing and uniting the British Empire.

(Cheers)...It would have to be considered from the Imperial point of view whether the system of reciprocal tariffs would really bind the mother country more closely with her colonies than was now the case...how Great Britain might have annually to submit to the pressure of various colonies who were discontented with the tariff as then modified and wanted it modified still further. If they considered Great Britain as a target at which all these proposals for modification and rectification would be addressed, he thought it would occur to their Chamber that it would not altogether add to the harmony of those relations to have these shifting tariffs existing between Great Britain and her colonies. (Cheers)...He thought we should have some form of direct representation from the colonies to guide us and advise us with regard to this question of tariffs...Under a system of free trade every branch of industry did not prosper.

He was interested in the landed industry (hear), and he did not know that the land industry had prospered particularly under free trade...he thought it could not be denied that under a system of free trade large tracts of country had been turned out of cultivation, that our own food supply had been diminished, and that the population which had been reared in the rural districts had ceased to be reared in those districts...he was not a person who believed that free trade was part of the Sermon on the Mount, and that we ought to receive it in all its rigidity as a divinely-appointed dispensation. Speech to the Burnley chamber of commerce on 19 May 1903 in the aftermath of Joseph Chamberlain's speech advocating Imperial Preference tariffs on imports, as reported in The Times (20 May 1903), p. 12. The Times reported Rosebery's speech in third person. Now, what is the policy?

It is, so far as we know, to interfere with the established fiscal policy of this country in order to promote the union of the Empire—that is to say, it is to affect gravely, if not to sap, the foundations of the edifice in order to promote the stability of the structure. (Laughter and cheers)...Had free trade failed us in the 57 years of experience we have had of it, had we found ourselves with a shrinking trade, a diminished revenue, a population on the verge of poverty, we should long ago have reviewed the whole system of free trade and reconsidered it. But we find ourselves, so far as all statistics can give us a clue, at a pinnacle of wealth such as no nation of the size has ever reached in the history of the world...The Empire is built up on free trade...your Empire is founded on the condition, and it could not have existed until now except on that condition, that every self-governing part of it shall have the right to work out its own prosperity by its own methods. I do not know why it should enter the heads of any statesman to deny that liberty to the United Kingdom.

Speech to the Liberal League on 12 June 1903, repudiating Chamberlain's proposals, reported in The Times (13 June 1903), p. 8. The old Liberal party is drawing to its end. These last two elections, particularly the last, are the Mene Mene Tekel Upharsen of the Liberal banquet. The socialist does not indeed get a majority but while the two old parties are cutting each other's throats, he slips in and will continue to slip in and the encouragement to his party is great. The Liberal party will lose their industrial seats, while the Conservative party, the natural refuge in time of trouble, creams off all who will accept protection. Letter to Sir George Murray (27 July 1907), quoted in McKinstry, pp. 499-500. It is by self-reliance, humanly speaking, by the independence which has been the motive and impelling force of our race, that the Scots have thriven in India and in Canada, in Australia and New Zealand, and even in England, where at different times they were banned.

As things are we in Scotland do not take much or even ask much from the State, but the State invites us every day to lean upon it. I seem hear the wheedling and alluring whisper, "Sound you may be; we bid you be a cripple. Do you see? Be blind. Do you hear? Be deaf. Do you walk? Be not venturesome; here is a crutch for one arm. When you get accustomed to it you will soon want another, the sooner the better." The strongest man, if encouraged, may soon accustom himself to the methods of an invalid; he may train himself to totter or to be fed with a spoon. The ancient sculptors represent Hercules leaning on his club; our modern Hercules would have his club elongated and duplicated and resting under his arms. (Laughter.) The lesson of our Scottish teaching was "Level up"; the cry of modern civilization is "Level down; let the Government have a finger in every pie," probing, propping, disturbing.

("Hear, hear," and laughter.) Every day the area for initiative is being narrowed, every day the standing ground for self-reliance is being undermined, every day the public infringes, with the best intentions, no doubt, on the individual. The nation is being taken into custody by the State. Perhaps the current cannot now be stemmed; agitation or protest may be alike unavailing; the world rolls on, it may be part of its destiny, a necessary phase in its long evolution, a stage in its blind, toilsome progress to an invisible goal. I neither affirm nor deny. All in the long run is doubtless for the best; but, speaking as a Scotsman to Scotsmen, I plead for our historical character, for the maintenance of those sterling national qualities which have meant so much to Scotland in the past. (Cheers.) Speech to Glasgow University (12 June 1908), reported in The Times (13 June 1908), p. 12. This is not a Budget, but a revolution; a social and political revolution of the first magnitude. Letter to the The Times attacking the " People's Budget " (22 June 1909), p. 8.

...it is a revolution without any mandate from the people. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, it is in the first place a revolution in fiscal methods...this Budget is introduced as a Liberal measure. If so, all I can say is that it is a new Liberalism and not the one that I have known and practised under more illustrious auspices than these. (Cheers.) Who was the greatest, not merely the greatest Liberal, but the greatest financier that this country has ever known? (A voice, "Gladstone.") I mean Mr. Gladstone. (Cheers.) With Sir Robert Peel—he, I think, occupied a position even higher than Sir Robert Peel—for boldness of imagination and scope of financing Mr. Gladstone ranks as the great financial authority of our time. (Cheers.) Now, we have in the Cabinet at this moment several colleagues, several ex-colleagues of mine, who served in the Cabinet with Mr. Gladstone...and I ask them, without a moment's fear or hesitation as to the answer that would follow if they gave it from their conscience, with what feelings would they approach Mr. Gladstone, were he Prime Minister and still living, with such a Budget as this?

Mr. Gladstone would be 100 in December if he were alive; but, centenarian as he would be, I venture to say that he would make short work of the deputation of the Cabinet that waited on him with the measure, and they would soon find themselves on the stairs and not in the room. (Laughter and cheers.) In his eyes, and in my eyes, too, as a humble disciple, Liberalism and Liberty were cognate terms. They were twin-sisters. How does the Budget stand the test of Liberalism so understood and of Liberty as we have always comprehended it? This Budget seems to establish an inquisition, unknown previously in Great Britain, and a tyranny, I venture to say, unknown to mankind...I think my friends are moving on the path that leads to Socialism. How far they are advanced on that path I will not say, but on that path I, at any rate, cannot follow them an inch. (Loud cheers.) Any form of protection is an evil, but Socialism is the end of all, the negation of faith, of family, of prosperity, of the monarchy, of Empire.

(Loud cheers.) Speech in Glasgow attacking the "People's Budget" (10 September 1909), reported in The Times (11 September 1909), pp. 7-8. I used to dislike the Whigs but in my years of loneliness I have come to the conclusion that they governed England better than anybody else. They thought our their measures carefully and adapted them to their times and generation. They were not heroic but they were wise. In modern days we see much heroism but little wisdom. Letter to Strachey (19 October 1921), quoted in McKinstry, p. 526. The Prime Minister [Ramsay MacDonald]...circulated pamphlets by the thousand in German against our contention. It is terrible to think that such a man should be in high office with the support of anybody in this country. Letter to Lord Stamfordham, the King's secretary (20 February 1924), quoted in McKinstry, p. 526.

On this day 21-5-1929 · Liberal History 21st May 1929 Death of Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl Rosebery, Liberal statesman and writer, Prime Minister 1894-95 Rosebery scored an early political success when he masterminded Gladstone’s Midlothian Campaign of 1879-80. He served as Foreign Secretary in Gladstone’s last two governments and succeeded him as prime minister in March 1894. Rosebery’s government was not a happy one and he and Sir William Harcourt , the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader in the House of Commons, were often at loggerheads. He resigned with alacrity when the government suffered a surprise defeat in June 1895. Rosebery resigned as party leader in October 1896 and, although nominally leader of the Liberal Imperialist faction, he became increasingly estranged from the party. In later life, Rosebery turned to writing, including biographies of Lord Chatham, Napoleon and the Younger Pitt. Rosebery was a keen horseman and, while Prime Minister, his horses twice won the Epsom Derby.

British prime ministers history - worst Prime Ministers UK - Tatler Getty Images When the Prince of Wales was crowned George III, his favourite tutor, Lord Bute, ended up becoming the first Scottish prime minister. Funny, that. Unfortunately, everyone else was less keen on him, particularly when he introduced a cider tax that was so unpopular there was rioting. He was openly accused of having an affair with the Dowager Princess of Wales and, after less than a year in office, he retired and took up botany. Frederick North (1770-82) Getty Images It's quite a claim to fame to be able to say you contributed to the outbreak of the American War of Independence because of a row over tea. France, Holland and Spain all ended up siding against the British in the ensuing war, which also sparked the famous Gordon Riots in London, aka the worst riots in British history. North was the first prime minister to resign following a vote of no confidence. Not a story to tell the grandchildren.

Spencer Perceval (1809-12) Getty Images Spencer Perceval was forced to serve as his own unpaid chancellor of the exchequer when six people turned down the job because no one wanted to work for him. Accused of having a 'lack of ambition', he is notably the only prime minister ever to have been assassinated. Awks. The Duke of Wellington (1828-30; 1834) Getty Images Hmmm. Being a good boyfriend does not guarantee you'll make a good husband - as the British electorate discovered when the rock star of the British Army and notorious Napoleon nemesis, the Duke of Wellington, became prime minister. Preferring to live in Apsley House because he considered Downing Street 'too small', he acquired the nickname the 'Iron Duke' during office for, among other things, rejecting the Reform Bill, which resulted in crowds throwing missiles at his house. Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery (1894-95) Getty Images Lord Rosebery succeeded Gladstone in becoming prime minister and head of the Liberal party in 1894. In 1895, he lost the election.

Beaten down and deranged with insomnia, he jacked in the job and, in 1896, resigned as party leader. Short - and not at all sweet. Arthur Balfour (1902-05) Getty Images Not keen on wishy-washy things like equality, so most people felt that Arthur Balfour had basically entered politics for a laugh. There were multiple resignations from his cabinet and, after he resigned from the top job, his party - still under his leadership - suffered a famously eye-watering defeat, in which he lost his seat. Kind of embarrassing. Ramsay MacDonald (1924; 1929-35) Getty Images Things started off OK for the first ever Labour prime minister. Yes, his first term in office was only nine months, but his second term saw him appoint the first female minister, Margaret Bondfield. A global economic recession that included soaring unemployment meant he ended up including opposition leaders in a cross-party national government that lost him the support of his own party. You can't please everyone and you probably shouldn't try.

Neville Chamberlain (1937-40) Getty Images 'Oh, he's all right' - Neville Chamberlain probably wished he'd never said about Hitler. 'He's a bit small and angry, but he didn't get into art school, you know, and he just needs calming down a bit. The Munich Agreement will sort him out - let him have that corner of the Czech region, it'll be fine... wait, what do you mean he's invaded Poland?' Sir Anthony Eden (1955-57) Getty Images Suez. It was just so awkward. The US, Soviet Union and the Commonwealth were all wildly unimpressed with the botched Anglo-French invasion, and after trying to cover it all up, lying to Parliament and frantically ordering civil servants to burn incriminating evidence, Eden was forced to resign, leaving Britain with its tail between its legs. Not cool.

DON'T MISS 1000+ images about Edwardian Politics on Pinterest | Nancy dell'olio, Gladstone and Duke of devonshire Forward Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery, 1st Earl of Midlothian (1847 – 1929) was a British Liberal statesman & Prime Minister. Between the death of his father, in 1851, & the death of his grandfather, the 4th Earl, in 1868, he was known by the courtesy title of Lord Dalmeny. He was the first to coin the term the Commonwealth of Nations, which led to the British Empire evolving into such. See More

Question: Archibald Primrose was Prime Minister 1894-95, what was his title?
Answer: Lord Rosebery