Maximilien Robespierre Search for: Maximilien Robespierre Maximilien François de Robespierre (1758-1794) was the most significant leader of the French Revolution’s radical period. Robespierre has divided historians and historical opinion, just as he divided opinion in his own time. Some consider him the revolution’s greatest dictator, the arch ‘sanguinocrat’, the driving force behind the Committee of Public Safety (CPS) and the Reign of Terror. Others have taken a more nuanced and measured view of Robespierre, believing his power and influence have been exaggerated and misrepresented. Whatever the extent of his power, Robespierre is a fascinating figure. Obsessed with virtue and incorruptibility, disinterested in material gain and distractions, Robespierre was a man entirely dedicated to the revolution. Robespierre was born in Arras, about 115 miles (180 kilometres) north of Paris, in 1758. His mother died when Robespierre was an infant and his father abandoned the family shortly after, leaving Robespierre and his siblings to be raised by their grandparents. He attended a local school and proved an exceptional student, winning a scholarship to Paris.

There he shared classes with Camille Desmoulins, who for much of the revolution was a political ally. As a 16 year old Robespierre was chosen to deliver a Latin eulogy to the newly crowned Louis XVI – but the king famously snubbed young Robespierre, remaining in his carriage out of the rain then leaving early. By the early 1780s Robespierre had graduated with a law degree and returned to Arras, where he worked as a defence lawyer. He became one of the region’s best advocates, taking on and winning some high profile cases and frequently working pro bono (‘for the public good’) on behalf of those who could not pay. A portrait of the young Robespierre on entering practice as a lawyer Robespierre’s political life began in 1789 when he was elected to represent the Third Estate of Artois at the Estates General. Radical in his views, he was one of the first to join the Breton Club (a forerunner to the Jacobin clubs) and, later, the National Assembly.

Robespierre’s influence in the National Constituent Assembly was overshadowed by the oratorical power of men like Mirabeau and Bailly. He was more effective behind the scenes, however, and came to exert considerable influence in the Jacobin club. Robespierre did not sit in the Legislative Assembly (he famously raised the self-denying ordinance that prevented this) but was elected to the National Convention in September 1792. Robespierre was an avid believer in republicanism, democracy, equality and the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In his first months in the Convention Robespierre expressed his opposition to slavery in the French colonies, to a declaration of revolutionary war in Europe, to the use of capital punishment and the excessive use of violence. But like the revolution itself, his views would change and radicalise with time. Perhaps the most famous portrait of Robespierre Robespierre’s profile and influence increased during the autumn of 1792. His policies and speeches became popular with the sans culottes of Paris, who admired Robespierre’s democratic values and his regular assertions that the revolution belonged to the people, not the politicians.

Robespierre’s opponents blamed him for igniting the September Massacres; the accusation was baseless, though he later justified the massacres as a legitimate revolutionary action. Within the Convention Robespierre became a prolific leader of the Montagnard faction. His speeches, like much of his political career, divided opinion. Robespierre was undoubtedly eloquent and his speeches were rigorously prepared – but they did not please everyone. “He is too verbose and does not know when to stop”, one observer noted. Robespierre himself was cold, humourless, single minded and difficult to like. He had few friends and never married, despite constant offers from women he did not know. The historian Thomas Carlyle called him the “sea-green incorruptible”. Danton’s coarse view of Robespierre was that he “can’t f-ck and money scares the hide off him”. “Robespierre’s politics have often been seen as synonymous with the Revolution itself. He encapsulated what was best – and worst – about the Revolution. He was a tireless advocate for liberty and equality, yet, to defend these principles, he was prepared to adopt the Terror.

Nevertheless he was only one man amongst many, and we may ask why it is that revolutionary ideology as a whole has so often been identified with this one individual.” Marisa Linton, historian Robespierre spent the first half of 1793 plotting against the Girondins, whose orators still dominated the National Convention. In the spring of 1793 Robespierre took this fight to the Jacobin club, where he urged the people to take action against Jacques Brissot and his followers. Robespierre’s incitement paid off on June 2nd, when an uprising of the National Guard and the sans culottes forced the expulsion of 29 Girondin deputies from the Convention. Though Robespierre had played an important role in orchestrating this, he later claimed it as an expression of the popular will. With his Girondinist opposition gone, Robespierre’s influence began to increase. In late July 1793 he gained election to the Committee of Public Safety (CPS) and became the committee’s spokesman on the floor of the Convention. A reconstruction of the face of Robespierre, based on his death mask This is where uncertainty about Robespierre’s influence begins.

While undoubtedly an influential figure on the CPS, it is unlikely he dominated the Committee, as is often assumed. Robespierre’s ideas, actions and leadership played a critical role in bringing on the Reign of Terror. Seeking to extend their control over the revolution, and under pressure from the Parisian sans culottes, Robespierre and his colleagues on the CPS made “terror the order of the day”. Together they engineered the Law of Suspects (September 1793), which provided a legal basis for the Terror; the Decree on Emergency Government (October 1793), which suspended the constitution and individual rights; and the Law of Frimaire (December 1793), which further centralised government power in the hands of the CPS. Robespierre justified these measures with a number of speeches in late 1793 and early 1794. He equated revolutionary terror with virtue because it cleansed and secured the nation. A drawing depicting the execution of Robespierre in July 1794 Robespierre could be as ruthless as he was single minded.

He used the CPS and the organs of the Terror to eradicate many of his rivals, most notably Georges Danton (April 1794). On his way to the guillotine Danton predicted that Robespierre would soon follow – and so it proved to be. Robespierre’s fall from grace was the product of several miscalculations. By mid 1794 Robespierre was unpopular both with his fellow deputies and many Parisians, a fact suggested several assassination plots against him. Robespierre’s attempt to create an artificial religion, the Cult of the Supreme Being, with himself at the helm, invited accusations of megalomania. Finally, the passing of the Law of 22 Prairial, which expanded and escalated the Terror, drove many of Robespierre’s politicians into a panic. A loose coalition formed and plotted to purge Robespierre before he could purge them. The end came on July 27th 1794, when Robespierre and his followers were cornered in the Hôtel de Ville. Shot through the jaw, Robespierre was hauled away and guillotined the next day.

His death signalled a rapid and profound transformation in the revolution, the end of the Reign of Terror and the beginning of the Thermidorian Reaction. © Alpha History 2015. Content on this page may not be republished or distributed without permission. For more information please refer to our Terms of Use . This page was written by Jennifer Llewellyn and Steve Thompson. To reference this page, use the following citation: J. Llewellyn and S. Thompson, “Maximilan Robespierre”, Alpha History, accessed [today’s date], Danton Versus Robespierre: The Quest for Revolutionary Power THE QUEST FOR REVOLUTIONARY POWER by Aaron D. Purcell No relationship in the French Revolution offers more eloquent testimony to the power of those human and personal forces which shape or alter history than does the struggle between George Jacques Danton and Maximilien Francois Marie Isidore de Robespierre. The difference between the two men was almost entirely one of temperament and opinion. Ideologically and politically, their views had some similarities. Both men hoped to have the Republic of their dreams based on a system of law and civic order.

(1) A Danton, a Robespierre, chief products of a victorious Revolution, arrived to rule a new France. (2) Their differences would split a nation apart, and ultimately cause their own destruction. Robespierre believed in a Republic based on virtue, philosophy, and justice, while Danton believed in a Republic based on tradition, nobility, and domestic peace. Each supported what he believed was in the best interest of the people, but the moral restraints which Robespierre intended to impose in no way interested Danton. (3) The political confrontations between Danton and Robespierre had a personal element that erupted with every encounter. Men such as Danton and Robespierre could not co-exist, and the Revolution became an opportunity for them to destroy one another. Maximilien Robespierre and George Danton shared both provincial origins and a comfortable middle class background. Robespierre was born in 1758, only a year before Danton. As their studies ended, each found the law more appealing than the Church. By 1780, both were practicing law: Robespierre, in his hometown of Arras, and Danton, in Paris.

(4) Around them, however, was an uneasy nation in turmoil searching for leaders, and by the 1790s, Danton and Robespierre were in position to execute their ideas and enemies. Although largely ineffectual in the legislative work of the Revolutionary government, Robespierre gradually became a significant force in the Revolution. He had quietly discovered his voice and issues before he came to Paris. By the spring of 1791, he was one of the best known and respected politicians in France. He had been dubbed "The Incorruptible" by his colleagues, and had become the popular representative for many of the people. (5) Danton had also become a well known lawyer and was appointed Minister of Justice on August 11, 1792. Ironically, just a few days before Danton's appointment, there had been an assassination attempt upon Robespierre, which made Danton fearful for his own life. (6) Both men were eager for a position in the National Convention, and, in September, their dreams came true. The National Convention was the ruling authority of France. It had 745 members and consisted of numerous political factions.

Elected in September 1792, the National Convention had abolished the monarchy and declared France a Republic. (7) Between September fifth and nineteenth, 1792, the electoral committees, which had been appointed on August 26 by equal and universal vote, elected the deputies to the National Convention. On the first day, Robespierre, who headed the list, and was called into the Convention with only 333 of 520 votes cast. Danton, however, on September 6 received 638 of 700 votes. No other deputy obtained so large a number. (8) After being elected to the National Convention, both leaders fell under substantial political and public scrutiny. One English observer, John Moore, described Robespierre as a man with a disagreeable countenance, possessing more fire than understanding. Moore also believed that Robespierre concealed hatred and malignity in his heart and soul. Danton was also described by Moore as a politician who laid little stress on government and would have no objection to returning the monarchy, provided the monarchy were a creature of his own. (9) Another Englishman, J. G.

Millingen, described Danton, after seeing him in the National Convention: The only member of the Government I saw, whose brutality revolted me, was Danton. There was something inexpressibly savage in his looks, and in his stentorian voice. His course shaggy hair gave him the appearance of a wild beast. To add to the fierceness of his repulsive countenance, he was deeply marked with the small-pox, and his eyes were unusually small, and sparkling in surrounding darkness, like the famous carbuncle. (10) Danton was heavily involved with the National Convention. With his support, the National Convention authorized the right to search every household throughout the kingdom in order to confiscate all property that could be useful to the government. Danton believed the country's situation called for vigorous actions because public danger was much greater than the people imagined. (11) By 1793, the Revolution had entered the first stage of the Reign of Terror, which was characterized by numerous executions and utter chaos. During this period, over 18,000 persons fell to the guillotine, with 2,700 executions occurring in Paris under the power of the Revolutionary Tribunal.

(12) On April 6, 1793, the National Convention created a new Committee to deal with the escalating civil unrest. An emergency executive body, the Committee of Public Safety was designed to provide more effective action and greater co-operation between executive and legislative branches of the government. At first, the Committee served as a ministry, responsible to the Convention, which it later came to dominate. Under critical circumstances, it was authorized to take measures of general defense, both internal and external. With the Committee of General Security and the Revolutionary Tribunal, the Committee of Public Safety came to constitute the foundation of the Terror Government. (13) Danton was elected to one of the nine positions on the Committee of Public Safety. He was the dominating personality in the body. The ends for which he worked were the reconciliation of the parties within the Convention and the re-establishment of peace with Europe. (14) Danton's aim was to restore the rule of the law. This meant justice for everyone, clemency for enemies and the recalling of all deposed Convention members. He believed that these former members should be granted amnesty and subjected to the Constitution of 1793.

(15) Danton hoped to arrest and stabilize the Revolution with the ultimate intention of organizing a new constitution. Danton misjudged the depth and fury of the revolutionary stream, believing in May 1793 that the time had come for compromise and consolidation. That was his error, and he resigned from the Committee in July 1793, leaving behind failed projects and the leadership of the newly elected Robespierre. (16) Robespierre joined the Committee of Public Safety on July 27, 1793. He was to remain a member and the Committee's outstanding spokesman until his death a year later. (17) This second Committee of Public Safety had to struggle against opposition on the right, represented by the Dantonists, and that of the left, represented by the Hebertists. (18) Robespierre continued to intensify the Terror. He established the guillotine as a permanent feature of the Revolution and ordered mass executions in order to cleanse France of all threats to his power. Resting in his hometown, Danton soon learned of his successor's victories. He was naturally jealous of Robespierre's achievement and horrified by the outrageous methods used to bring it about.

Despite the resources which Robespierre could command, Danton saw himself strong enough for a political challenge. Though he had no stomach for street battles, Danton showed real courage in the political arena. (19) Danton returned to Paris, after the execution of several factions, including the Girondins. He came back still a giant, forcing a loud voice, but It seems that he returned too late to stop Robespierre's dictatorship. (20) Although Danton returned, his six weeks absence put him out of favor with the Convention and out of sympathy with Robespierre and the Committee. (21) As a result, Danton was threatened by the Committee. Robespierre sought to help Danton elttier because he saw that Danton and he were not strong enough to overthrow the Committees or because he was afraid to give too much power to Danton. (22) By December 1793, Robespierre seemed to be moving toward an alliance with his former rival. However, the pro-terror groups within the Committee of Public Safety ended the possibility of the two leaders uniting. (23) Robespierre believed in a strong French Republic, whereas Danton wanted a loose Repubic.

Robespierre summarized his views in a speech delivered to the National Convention: In our country, we want to replace egoism with morality, honor with honesty, the tyranny of fashion with the rule of reason, insolence with self-respect, wit with genius, show with truth, and an amiable, frivolous and wretched people with one that is magnanimous, strong and happy, that is to say we want to replace all the vices and stupidities of the monarchy with all the virtues and miracles of the Republic. (24) Robespierre differed from the rest of the revolutionaries, and his role in the Revolution was extremely important. He described making himself into a new man by means of virtue, and offered this exemplary being to the nation as a constant object of admIration, pity and fear. Unlike Danton, known to abandon his heroic posture, Robespierre never relinquished the image that he had created of himself. (25) Although Danton and Robespierre had numerous differences, the main reason for their political disagreement was based in their differing beliefs of continuing or ending the Terror. Danton wished to relax the Terror.

He saw no more need for wholesale use of the guillotine when the Republican armies were victorious at home and abroad. The creation of a vague and broad Republic, with men of all political orientations joined together, was Danton's plan (26) "Blood endless blood," Danton said, "The Wretches. They will end up by drowning the Revolution." (27) He was for the Terror, but a Terror more controlled, so as to punish and frighten only the guilty. During the Convention, Danton had even spoken in favor of eventually ending the Terror. Twice he had approached Robespierre, but no agreement could be made. Robespierre denied that any innocent people had perished and insisted that Danton's concern for suspects was proof of his own lax principles. (28) Robespierre replied to Danton's plea for an end to the Terror on Christmas Day 1793, in his speech on the Principles of Revolutionary Government He explained that the safety of France demanded a governmental system endowed with great powers to repel invaders and crush internal strife.

The Revolution, according to Robespierre, is the war of liberty against its enemies, and the constitution is the regime of victorIous and peace-loving liberty. Robespierre strongly believed that the Terror should be increased in intensity, rather then diminished, in order to assure the establishment of a permanent constitutional government. (29) Robespierre believed that the safety of the nation depended upon the continuation of the Terror. Since Robespierre's conception of the Terror was its infallibility in all matters of justice, Danton was seriously questioning a fundamental tenet of Robespierre's nationalist philosophy that the "nation could do no wrong." (30) Robespierre's followers agreed that times were stilt critical and that toleration would weaken Republican energy. Danton seemed to prefer toleration and a return to pre-Revolutionary France. Their decision that the Terror should be maintained was simply a time judgement because both intended to end the Terror after Revolutionary justice had been applied to ease the wounds of the nation. (31) While Robespierre and Danton were carrying out numerous executions many Americans, British and French became disenchanted with the governmental practices.

Although the two politicians had a sense of immortality and constant approval, Englishmen such as W. A. Miles believed that Robespierre and Danton were just leaders as long as they remained loyal to liberty, but they would be overthrown if they betrayed the cause of liberty. (32) Even American Revolutionary leader Thomas Paine believed there should be some method to the Terror. He did not agree that individuals should be denounced at random without any kind of proof. According to Paine, the Terror undermined and destroyed all trust, not to mention all confidence and authority that had already been created. (33) Many believed that Danton and Robespierre possessed influence but would be overthrown the moment they abused their power. (34) Another political disagreement between Robespierre and Danton was the question of what to do with the deposed monarchy and aristocracy. While the Dantonists wanted the French royalty to return, Robespierre declared that all kings and aristocrats were slaves rebelling against the people. Robespierre went further to add that all enemies of liberty should be annihilated to uphold the rights of man.

(35) Robespierre also believed that the aristocracy was planning a counterrevolutionary movement to overthrow the National Convention. With Danton's plan to recall the noblemen, Robespierre scoffed at him and said, "Show consideration for the Royalists. No! You should have compassion with the innocent and the weak." (36) Robespierre wanted to crush royalism because it would try to overcome the victories of the Republic. Given their numerous differences in personality and ideology, Robespierre and Danton were destined to confront one another. Robespierre definitely considered the Dantonists to be enemies of the Revolution because they proposed a form of government not based upon virtue. Robespierre connected the government with the welfare of France and considered any assauit upon the government as an attack upon the nation. (37) After the fall of the left-wing Hebertists, Danton made a triumphant speech announcing the end of the Terror. As Robespierre listened, he was convinced that Danton was pushing for leadership in a post-Terror government. If Robespierre did not counter-attack quickly, the Dantonists could seize control of the National Convention and bring an end to his Republic of Virtue.

(38) Robespierre began to act. He planned to convict Danton and his followers on false charges of treason and other unpatriotic acts. During the week preceding Danton's arrest, Robespierre cautiously moved his agents into vacancies in the government created by previously eliminated factions. All sides of the trap were carefully tested so that Danton could not escape. In the solitude of his room, Robespierre began to construct the charges that would secure Danton's head. (39) These notes were written so haphazardly that only Robespierre himself could interpret them. He wrote phrases and ideas, rather than clear sentences, in order to protect himself from possible incrimination. (40) The bulk of his notes deal with the supposed illegal actions of the Dantonists. (41) Robespierre accused Danton of wanting to dissolve the Convention, being unpatriotic, taking part in a conspiracy aimed at re-establishing the monarchy, attempting to destroy the Republican government and associating himself with rascals.

(42) When he had finished the charges, Robespierre handed the notes to his accomplice, Louis Antoine Jean de Saint-Just, whose duty was to prepare the material in such a way that Robespierre could not be held responsible. (43) Armed with Robespierre's notes, Saint-Just completed his report and laid it before a joint meeting of the Committee of Public Safety and Committee of General Security, on March 30. All but two signed the warrant for arrest of Danton, and the order was carried out the same night. (44) The order reads as follows: Danton, and his associates, shall be apprehended, taken up and arrested wherever they may be found. Their names will be entered in the jail-book of the register of the Luxembourg house of detention, where they shall remain in prison until arraignment upon the decree of accusations. (45) At 5:00 a. m. on March 31, 1794, Danton was taken from his bed and cast in the Luxembourg prison. He was soon joined by his followers and kept under close confinement until their trial began.

(46) Robespierre believed that Danton's arrest was necessary for the safety of the nation. The Dantonists, in Robespierre's eyes, had become false patriots who had preferred personal and foreign interests to the welfare of the nation. (47) The arrest of Danton and his followers eliminated that last of the factions who attempted to challenge Robespierre's increasing power in the Committee of Public Safety. (48) On April 2, 1794, the Dantonists went to trial, which lasted four stormy days. The trial was as great a farce as the charges. Robespierre took every precaution to assure Danton's condemnation. There were no witnesses, because the "proof" rested largely in Robespierre's accusations. (49) Robespierre had few doubts that Danton would be found guilty of the alleged charges. However, the charges were scarcely credible. Robespierre's belief that Danton was involved in plots against France was impossible to prove and hardly believable. The charges became even more ridiculous when Robespierre accused Danton of being an enemy of virtue and not being patriotic enough.

Once again Robespierre demonstrated his belief that anything contrary to the Republic of Virtue was a crime against France. Robespierre's picture of Danton was a travesty of logic and justice. (50) Even though Danton's chances for acquittal were slight, he was still allowed to speak in his own defense. One by one, Danton began to answer to Saint-Just's charges, reducing them to a concoction of lies and gossip. He spoke for over an hour and, before he was through, it became apparent to the whole court, audience and participants alike, that the charges could not possibly be sustained. (51) A citizen who witnessed the trial sald that Danton made the judges, jurors and President of the Court tremble. The President was so afraid that the crowd might take the prisoner's side that he adjourned the session, with the excuse that Danton must be tired. After adjournment, a report was spread through Paris that Danton was to be acquitted, and, on the following day, the rest of the Dantonists would be allowed to defend their actions. (52) However, during the night, a letter from the Luxembourg prison was produced.

(53) The letter was written by Alexandre Laflotte, whose function was to mingle and spy upon the prisoners. (54) It dramatically unveiled a plot that the Dantonists planned to escape from prison, rescue other political prisoners and re-establish the monarchy. (55) The next day, with the letter in hand, Saint-Just helped to pass a law that prevented any accused tyrant from speaking in his own defense. Thus, the Dantonists were not allowed to further defend themselves, and the trial became dominated by Robespierre. Danton expressed his indignation at the injustice and the tyranny of their trial. Danton cried out, "We are to be condemned without a hearing! There is no need for the jury to deliberate. We have lived long enough to be content to slumber in the bosom of glory. Take us to the scaffold!" (56) The trial showed the terroristic methods of deceit, suspicion and fear which Robespierre employed. In the verdict, five days later, these charges were condensed into two. Six of the prisoners were found guilty of a conspiracy aiming at the re-establishment of the monarchy and the destruction of the national representation and republican government.

One was acquitted, while the other nine were guilty of a conspiracy aiming at discrediting and debasing the national representation and destroying by corruption the Republican government. (57) When passing in front of Robespierre's house, on the way to the guillotine, Danton rose from his fatal seat, turned toward Robespierre's house and said, "You will follow us shortly. Your house shall be beaten down and sowed with salt." (58) Not content with seeing his enemies pass his house, Robespierre followed them to the place of execution. (59) At the foot of the scaffold, Danton exclaimed, "Oh my wife, my well-beloved, I shall never see thee more." And, interrupting himself, he said, "Danton no weakness!" (60) His last moments were best described by an eyewitness: Terrible picture! Time will never erase it from my memory. I perfectly comprehend the feeling which inspired Danton to utter his last words, those terrible words, that I could not hear, but which were repeated to me in trembling horror and admiration.

'Do not forget, above all,' he said to the executioner, 'do not forget to show my head to the people; it is good to look at.' (61) The executioner obeyed him and showed Danton's head on all four sides of the scaffold. (62) At the age of thirty-four, Danton died. For five years Danton had been the champion of the Revolution, but the forces of Robespierre had given Danton the image of a traitor. (63) Even if Robespierre's joy was complete at the very moment when Danton's head fell, he is said by some mechanical instinct to have put his hand to his neck, as if to make sure that his head was on his shoulders. Since Danton's head had fallen, Robespierre was making no mistake in believing that his life was now, more than ever, in danger. (64) Within four months of Danton's death, the Revolutionary Government had fallen apart, and Robespierre himself had perished by the guillotine.

(65) "Vile Robespierre!" Danton had shouted at his trial, "you will follow me to the scaffold." (66) Danton's prophecy was correct. First, the Girondins had fallen, then the Hebertists, and, after Danton, Robespierre and all his followers were executed. The Revolution had eaten its children and destroyed the Republic of Virtue. Robespierre's most serious rival was Danton. During the Revolution Danton was seen by many as an alternative to Robespierre. Danton had been in power two times during the Revolution. First, he was made Minister of Justice in the interim government that succeeded the destruction of the monarchy, and secondly, as one of the original members of the first Committee of Public Safety. He had extensive friendships, a considerable personal following and unimpeachable Revolutionary credentials. (67) Of all the men in the Revolution, Danton was undoubtedly the most admired by the public. The fact that such a man as Danton could be overthrown by the ruses and guile of Robespierre filled the National Convention with terror. No one could perceive himself free from accusation. (68) .

Robespierre was a man full of pride and cunning, and an envious and vindictive being who surmounted obstacles and circumstances most appalling. His steadiness and control helped him ascend to the Committee of Public Safety, where he openly aspired to tyranny and dictatorship. (69) Robespierre had always feared Danton, because he was the only rival who angered and annoyed him. Robespierre, with the ability or luck to preserve his own popularity, seized the moment to destroy Danton, but in reality he destroyed himself. (70) Overall, the differences between Robespierre and Danton are readily apparent. Robespierre wanted a Republic of Virtue based on his idealistic philosophy, while Danton wanted a Republic slightly different from pre-Revolutionary France. The conflict brought these two powerful leaders together and caused their downfall. Robespierre was a man of philosophy, while Danton was a man of practicality. The deaths of Danton, and many other patriots, were inevitable because of the complex political struggles of late 1793 and early 1794.

Perhaps had these two leaders merged their views, Danton and Robespierre might not have met their untimely demises and further bloodshed may have been avoided. ENDNOTES 1 . Stanley Loomis, Paris in the Terror: June 1793-1794 (New York: J. B. Lippincott, 1964), 263. 2 . Thomas Carlyle, The French Revolution: A History (London: D. Appleton and Company, 1837; reprint, New York: Heritage Press, 1956), 571. 3 . Loomis, Paris in the Terror, 264. 4 . Norman Hampson, Danton (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1978), 19; and Gustaff Johannes Renier, Robespierre (New York: D. Appleton-Century, 1936), 7-13. 5 . David P. Jordan, The Revolutionary Career of Maximilien Robespierre (New York: The Free Press, 1985), 59. 6 . J. M.

Thompson, Leaders of the French Revolution (1929; reprint, Oxford: Basil Blackwell & Mott, 1 963), 118. 7 . Wilfred B. Kerr, The Reign of Terror 1793-1794 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1927), 109. 8 . Herman Wendell, Danton (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1935), 150. 9 . John Moore, "Political Characters," in English Witnesses of the French Revolution, ed. J. M. Thompson (1938; reprint, Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, 1970), 206. 10 . J. G. Millingen, "Danton and Barere," in English Witnesses of the French Revolution, 255. 11 . Oscar Browning, ed. The Despatches of Earl Gower (Cambridge University Press, 1885), 216. 12 .

George Rude, "Robespierre," History Today 8 (April 1956): 226. 13 . National Convention, "Decree on the Foundation of a Committee of Public Safety," in A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, ed. John Hall Stewart (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1951), 423-424. 14 . Geoffrey Brunn, Saint-Just: Apostle to the Terror (Hamden, Connecticut: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1932; reprint, Hamden, Connecticut: Anchor Books, 1966), 43. 15 . Joseph Dominique Garat, "Garat on Danton's Plans," in English Witnesses of the French Revolution, 193. 16 . Henri Beraud, Twelve Portraits of the French Revolution, trans. Madelin Boyd (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1928), 45. 17 . George Rude, Robespierre: Portrait of a Revolutionary Democrat (New York: The Viking Press, 1975), 38. 18 .

Alphonse Aulard, The French Revolution: a Political History 1789-1804, trans. Bernard Miall (New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, 1910), 144. 19 . Robert Christophe, Danton, trans. Peter Green (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1967), 388-398. 20 . Hilaire Belloc, Robespierre (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1928), 300. 21 . Thompson, Leaders, 128. 22 . Norman Hampson, The Life and Opinions of Maximilien Robespierre (London: Gerald Duckworth, 1974), 254. 23 . Maximiien Robespierre, "Robespierre's Values: Extract From a Speech of 5 February 1794," in The French Revolution: The Fall of the Ancien Regime to the Thermidorian Reaction 1785-1795, Documents of Modern History Series, ed.

John Hardman (New York: St. Martins Press, 1982), 211. 24 . Anne Sa'adah, The Shaping of Liberal Politics in Revolutionary France: A Comparative Perspective (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990), 184. 25 . Carol Blum, Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue: The Language of Politics in the French Revolution (Ithica, New York: Cornell University Press, 1986), 151 -152. 26 . Robert Roswell Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of the Terror in the French Revolution (1941; reprint, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 257. 27 . Jean Matrat, Robespierre: or the Tyranny of the Majority, trans. Alan Kendall (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971), 231. 28 . John Fisher, Six Summers In Paris: 1789-1794 (New York: Harper and Row, 1966), 182-183.

29 . Maximilien Robespierre, "The Principles of Revolutionary Government," in Revolution and Terror in France 1789-1795, ed. D. G. Wright (New York: Longman Inc., 1992), 137. 30 . James Michael Eagan, Maximilien Robespierre: Nationalistic Dictator (Morningside Heights, New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 139. 31 . Eugene Newton Curtis, Saint-Just: Colleague of Robespierre (Morningside Heights, New York: Columbia University Press, 1935), 218. 32 . Charles Popham Miles, ed. The Correspondence of William Augustus Miles of the French Revolution 1789-1817 (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1890), 165. 33 . Thomas Paine, 'A Letter to Danton," in English Witnesses of the French Revolution, 238. 34 . Miles, Correspondence, 156. 35 .

Maximilien Robespierre, "Declaration of Rights," in A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, 433-434. 36 . lbid., "Report on the Principles of Political Morality," in Speeches of Maximilien Robespierre, Voices of Revolt Series vol. 1, Maximilien Robespierre (New York: International Publishers, 1927), 75-79. 37 . Eagan, Robespierre: Dictator, 133. 38 . Matrat, Robespierre, 245. 39 . Loomis, Paris in the Terror, 299. 40 . Maximilien Robespierre, "Les Notes de Robespierre; Contre les Dantonists," in Robespierre Terroriste, Albert Mathiez (Paris: La Renaissance du Livre, 1921), 84-118. 41 . J. M. Thompson, Robespierre (Oxford: Basil Blackwell and Mott Ltd., 1939), 464-468. 42 . Jules Claretie, ed.

"Decree of Accusation Against the Dantonists," in Camille Desmoulins and His Wife: Passages from the History of the Dantonists, trans. Cashel Hoey (London: Smith and Elder, 1976), 425. 43 . Loomis Paris in the Terror 300. 44 . Thompson, Robespierre, 470. 45 . Jules Claretie, ed. "The Order for the Arrest of the Dantonists," in Camille Desmoulins and his Wife: Passages from the History of the Dantonists 434-435. 46 . George Duruv, ed. Memoirs of Barras: Member of the Directorate vol. 1, trans. C. E. Rouche (New York: Harper and Brothers Franklin Square, 1895), 179-181. 47 . Eagan, Robespierre: Dictator, 140. 48 . John Black Sirich, The Revolutionary Committees in the Departments of France.

1793-1794 (Cambridge, Massachusetts.: Harvard University, 1943), 184. 49 . Kerr, Reign of Terror 361. 50 . Loomis, Paris in the Terror, 311-312. 51 . Brunn, Saint-Just, 105-106. Historian: Thomas Carlyle Historian: Thomas Carlyle Books: The French Revolution: A History (1837) Perspective: Liberal Thomas Carlyle was a Scottish-born essayist and historian of the 19th century. Carlyle’s seminary historical text, The French Revolution: A History appeared in three volumes in 1837. It was written in a vivid and often stylised way that resembled poetic fiction rather than historical narrative. In this account, Carlyle understates, overlooks and even criticises ideological aspects of the revolution. Indeed, he seems to view the revolution not as an ideological event but a chaotic mix of individual hopes and fears, compounded by unforeseen situations. Essentially Whig-liberal in his focus, Carlyle is less interested in conditions, forces and movements than he is with significant people.

He seems to suggest that the actions of heroes and flawed characters drove the revolution, much more than abstracts and wishes. Carlyle paints Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette as well meaning and harmless but basically incompetent. He lavishes praise on moderates like Mirabeau and Danton but he loathes the “sea-green incorruptible” Robespierre. Modern historiography tends to paint Carlyle as a liberal-progressive, even a Utopian. While this may be true of his history of the French Revolution, Carlyle’s later writings became more reactionary – in fact as late as 1849 he was writing essays defending slavery. Quotations “France was long a despotism tempered by epigrams.” “The actual irrational Versailles government? Alas, that is a government existing there only for its own behoof: without right, except possession; and now also without might. It foresees nothing, sees nothing; has not so much as a purpose, but has only purposes, and the instinct whereby all that exists will struggle to keep existing.

Wholly a vortex; in which vain counsels, hallucinations, falsehoods, intrigues, and imbecilities whirl; like withered rubbish in the meeting of winds!” “Foolish enough! These privileged classes have been used to tax; levying toll, tribute and custom, at all hands, while a penny was left: but to be themselves taxed? Of such privileged persons, meanwhile, do these Notables, all but the merest fraction, consist.” “Poor ill-advised Marie-Antoinette; with a woman’s vehemence, not with a sovereign’s foresight!” “Misery which, through long ages, had no spokesman, no helper, will now be its own helper and speak for itself.” “Do nothing, only keep agitating, debating; and things will destroy themselves.” “That greenish-coloured individual is an Advocate of Arras; his name is Maximilien Robespierre.

With a strict painful mind, an understanding small but clear and ready, he grew in favour with official persons, who could foresee in him an excellent man of business, happily quite free from genius.” “About eight on the Saturday morning she [Corday] purchases a large sheath knife in the Palais Royal, then straightway, in the Place des Victoires takes a hackney-coach: It is the residence of the Citoyen Marat! The Citoyen Marat is ill and cannot be seen, which seems to disappoint her much. Her business is with Marat, then? Hapless beautiful Charlotte; hapless squalid Marat!” “And still the Prisons fill fuller, and still the Guillotine goes faster. On all high roads march flights of Prisoners, wending towards Paris. Not forever; no. All Anarchy, all Evil, Injustice, is, by the nature of it, dragon’s-teeth; suicidal, and cannot endure.” Information and resources on this page are © Alpha History 2015. Content on this page may not be copied, republished or redistributed without the express permission of Alpha History. For more information please refer to our Terms of Use .

Question: In 1837 who nicknamed Robespierre "The Sea-Green Incorruptible"?
Answer: Thomas Carlyle