Somalia's fight to harness the power of Mogadishu port - BBC News BBC News Somalia's fight to harness the power of Mogadishu port By Gabriel Gatehouse BBC News, Mogadishu 6 May 2013 Read more about sharing. Close share panel At the thriving seaport in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, the aroma of lemons drowns out the smell of ship's fuel. The dried fruits, packed into hundreds of sacks, are being offloaded from trucks and hoisted by crane on to a cargo vessel for export. The ship will eventually make its way to the Arab Gulf states. "The pay is poor, but at least there's more work now," says a porter by the name of Alasow, taking a breather from the back-breaking work. Decades of war and piracy almost destroyed this once-powerful trading hub. The management and the businessmen are eating into our wages Noor Osman , Mogadishu dock worker But in recent months, better security has seen the number of ships docking here more than double. For Somalia, this port represents more than just a return to business. It could be the engine of the country's economic resurrection. Exports consist largely of fruit and livestock.

Imports are mostly spaghetti and cement, the latter for use in Mogadishu's current building boom. All of this economic activity is good news for Somalis, from the porters on the quayside to the lorry drivers; from the wholesalers and importers right down to the farmers who grow the lemons. All of them are making a living. But even the people who work here say corruption is rife. "For 20 years we had no government," says Noor Osman, another porter - caked in dust from a morning offloading sacks of cement. "Now the management and the businessmen are eating into our wages. "If the president is a proper Muslim, let him do something about it." Scrutinising the books Mr Osman's troubles with the payroll are symptomatic of a wider problem. Somalia does not have an income tax. Most of the federal budget comes from foreign aid. Image caption The port still shows evidence of Somalia's political instability What little revenue the government does collect comes from here, the port, and to a lesser extent, the airport. Unfortunately, very little revenue is making its way into government coffers.

Abdirazak Fartaag, former head of the Somali Public Finance Unit, says 75-80% of the funds that are being generated by the port are unaccounted for. "Nobody really knows where that money goes," he says. In 2010 Mr Fartaag was asked to investigate the financial management practices of what was then Somalia's Transitional Federal government. Mogadishu port 1991-2006: Closed for business as rival warlords disagree on who should control it May-December 2006: Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) takes over control of the entire city and reopens the port 2007-2009: Ethiopian forces, which ousted the UIC, secure the port and the WFP undertakes repair and refurbishment work 2009-present day: African Union and Somali government troops provide security - trade increases significantly What he found was an almost total lack of accountability. When he presented his findings the following year he was sacked. He says he has no reason to believe things have changed since then. "The international community have a say in this regard.

"To say, 'You know what, since we're paying for this, we need to understand [what you're doing with] the money you generate from the port and the airport and any other sources.'" Earlier this year the UK proposed setting up a mechanism whereby Britain and other donors would get to scrutinise the books. It was to be called the Joint Financial Management Board. Somalia's new government rejected the proposal on the grounds that it would infringe national sovereignty. 'Stop being timid' All the revenues generated here in Mogadishu port, directly will go to the central bank of Somalia Abdullahi Ali Noor, Port general manager Mr Fartaag says the countries that fund the Somali government should demand more accountability. "Unless the international community demands that, nothing is going to change in my view," he says. "The Americans and the British should stop being timid about this whole process, they should be a bit forceful." The port's manager, Abdullahi Ali Noor, denied any suggestions of corruption. "All the revenues generated here in Mogadishu port, directly will go to the central bank of Somalia," he said. He said the money was already being used to pay civil servants' salaries and other government expenditure.

Image caption Everything from livestock to cement passes through the bustling port Mr Ali Noor said that revenue currently amounted to around $3.5m (£2.2m) per month - not a large sum with which to run any country, let alone one struggling with the legacy of two decades of war. The trucks laden with goods rumbling in and out of Mogadishu's port are emblematic of a city rising up from the rubble of war. Foreign aid is paying for former militiamen to join a fledgling national security force. Some of them are in evidence at the entrance to the port: Policemen in blue uniforms alongside soldiers in camouflage fatigues. But old clan loyalties are still strong. The gun is often still the arbiter here, and he who controls the gates also controls the revenue flows. Flights to Mogadishu | Turkish Airlines I have read and accepted the terms and rules. City Guide : Mogadishu Somalia's most populous city Mogadishu, in addition to being the capital city, is also the largest city of the country in terms of area. The location, on the coast of the Indian Ocean, is also known by the name Benadir.

Mogadishu is also a historical port with a history of more than a thousand years. The atmosphere which Persian and Arabic merchants brought into the city in the 10th century, formed a spectacular view; when combined with the colors of Africa. The oldest Arabic settlement on the eastern end of Continental Africa was started here. Mogadishu became prominent as a busy port city; especially after the 13th century. Display All Tourist Attractions The capital city Mogadishu is being protected by the African soldiers of the African Union peacekeeping force. The port is the most yielding and mobile area of the city, which is in a state of destruction due to the civil war. The points of entrance and exit of the port are also controlled by the soldiers of the African Union peacekeeping force. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), together with other organizations, is working to provide urgent necessities such as shelter, food, and water; while also working to increase the donations made for the area.

The city became a prominent center for the independence process when it came under the control of the Zanzibar Sultanate-which was under the rule of the Italian government- at the end of the 19th century. Mogadishu was selected to be the capital city when the Somali Republic was founded in 1960. The old part of the city starts just next to the pier and expands with narrow streets and houses that are painted in white. Not far from the shore, Arba-Racun Mosque should be included in the places you visit in the city. Also located close to the pier, the Mogadishu Cathedral built by the Italians can be another place you may want to visit. The beach area is a must-see with not only in and of itself; but also with the marketplaces located nearby. Hamarwein is a town you may want to visit, with its historical quality. The warehouses of the Turkish Red Crescent and other aid organizations are located at the port. The freight ships docking and unloading at the port presents an opportunity for the local people. The job of unloading the freight from the ships is performed by daily workers, whose daily wages vary between 10 and 15 dollars.

What is happening in Somalia in general remains to be one of the greatest human suffering that UNHCR has ever come face to face with. Following Afghanistan and Iraq, the largest number of refugees are located in Somalia. For a city located that close to the equator, Mogadishu has a very dry climate. A significant part of the area of the city is located on desert. There is no specific time of the year when rainfall is regularly observed and the biggest problem is the endless drought. Webiga Shabelle (Shabelle River), which springs from the center of Ethiopia and stretches toward Mogadishu, bends to the southwest right next to the city. The water of this river, which dries up during February and March, is used to cultivate the limited amount of agricultural produce such as bananas, cotton, and sugar canes. Food & Drink Due to the fact that the traditional Somalian culture has a nomadic and hunter quality, red meat is quite important in daily life. You can often encounter outdoor butchers who are displaying and selling freshly cut meat, mostly of sheep, on street corners. Despite the wide coast line, most Somalians refrain from eating fish.

The slow transition from the chaotic atmosphere -which dominates Mogadishu- to a calm one is observed. However, the city still needs to fix many problems such as infrastructure and roads. Shopping Bakara Marketplace is where commercial activity takes place in a very busy state. Due to the fact that an administration which can enforce commercial taxing has not been formed, the prices are quite low. Security is the most important thing to pay attention to especially while shopping, although it is equally important in every activity. For this reason, guests with high potential to spend money are escorted by private security personnel with weapons, for a certain wage. Big Support For Somalia Big Support For Somalia Turkish Airlines inaugurated flights to the Somali capital Mogadishu in March. Present on that first flight from Istanbul Ataturk Airport to the Somali capital were Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdağ, Turkish Airlines CEO Temel Kotil, Ph.D., and TİKA President Serdar Çam.

Welcoming them at Mogadishu Airport, the Somali President Sheikh Sherif Ahmed expressed his pleasure at the opening ceremony, saying, “On behalf of the Somali people I sincerely thank the Turkish government and the people of Turkey.” Bekir Bozdağ for his part said that Mogadishu Airport, which is as yet physically unsuitable for international flights, was being made ready under the leadership of TİKA (the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) with Turkish Airlines’ support, adding that this would be an important step towards a better today and tomorrow for Somalia. At the opening ceremony, Somali President Sheikh Sherif Ahmed and Turkey’s Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdağ cut the ribbon at the entrance to the airport. Ticket Sales Offices : Mogadishu AMISOM Military ComponentLa Composante MilitaireQeybta Milatariga AMISOM - AMISOM Home › Mission Profile › AMISOM Military Component 18704823589_e4b6ccac4a_z Djibouti-troops Burundi-troops The Military Component is the biggest of the three components of the AU Mission in the country.

The component is mandated to conduct peace support operations in Somalia and seeks to stabilize the situation in the country, create the necessary conditions for the conduct of humanitarian activities and an eventual handover of the Mission to a United Nations Peacekeeping Operation. Headed by the AMISOM Force Commander, Lieutenant Gen. Jonathan Rono, the component also provides protection to the country’s Federal Institutions as they carry out their functions and helps secure Somalia’s key infrastructure including its airports and seaports. The Security Council authorized the Member States of the African Union to maintain the deployment of AMISOM, as set out in paragraph 1 of resolution 2093 (2013) until 30 November 2015, in line with the Security Council’s request to the African Union for a maximum level of 22,126 troops. Currently the military component is comprised of troops drawn from Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia who are deployed in six sectors covering south and central Somalia. Ugandan troops are deployed in Sector 1, which comprises the regions of Banadir, and Lower Shabelle. Kenyan forces are responsible for Sector 2 comprising Lower and Middle Jubba.

Sector 3 comprising Bay and Bakool as well as Gedo (Sub Sector 3) comes under Ethiopian command. Djiboutian forces are in charge of Sector 4 which covers Hiiraan and Galgaduud while Burundian forces are in charge of Sector 5 which covers the Middle Shabelle region. First deployed in March 2007, the AMISOM military component has been instrumental in helping Somali National Security Forces push the Al Qaeda-affiliated terror group, al Shabaab, out of much of southern Somalia including most major towns and cities. It has created a relatively secure environment which has allowed the Somali peace process to take root, allowed local population the opportunity to begin establish accountable local governance institutions that can begin to deliver services as well as rebuild the local economy and create linkages to the national economy and government. Mogadishu is today transformed. The local economy is booming and the effects are far from confined to Mogadishu. Securing the capital allowed AMISOM to move into the second phase of its original concept of operations, deploying across the country and expanding the authority of the state.

The component is popular with the Somali population due to its provision of various free services, including an in-patient and out-patient medical service as well as a reliable supply of purified water. Press Releases Al-Shabab - Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Authors: Jonathan Masters , Deputy Editor, and Mohammed Aly Sergie Updated: March 13, 2015 See More of the Most Viewed Introduction Al-Shabab, or “the Youth,” is an al-Qaeda-linked militant group and U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization fighting for the creation of a fundamentalist Islamic state in Somalia. The group, also known as Harakat al-Shabab al-Mujahideen, and its Islamist affiliates once held sway over Mogadishu and major portions of the Somali countryside, but a sustained African Union military campaign in recent years has weakened the group considerably. Still, security analysts warn that the group remains the principal threat in a politically volatile, war-torn state.

Al-Shabab's terrorist activities have mainly focused on targets within Somalia, but it has also carried out deadly strikes in the region, including coordinated suicide bombings in Uganda's capital in 2010 and a raid on a Nairobi mall in 2013 (PDF). Washington fears the group, which has successfully recruited members of the Somali diaspora in the United States, may strike on U.S. soil. However, many terrorism experts say al-Shabab's reach is limited to East Africa. What are the origins of al-Shabab? Somalia, one of the most impoverished countries in the world, has seen a number of radical Islamist groups come and go in its decades-long political upheaval. Analysts say the forerunner of al-Shabab, and the incubator for many of its leaders, was Al-Ittihad Al-Islami (AIAI, or “Unity of Islam”), a militant Salafi group that peaked in the 1990s after the fall of the Siad Barre military regime (1969–1991) and the outbreak of civil war.

Washington fears the group, which has successfully recruited members of the Somali diaspora in the United States, may strike on U.S. soil. AIAI, which sought to establish an Islamist emirate in Somalia, sprang from a band of Middle Eastern-educated Somali extremists and was partly funded and armed by al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden. Many of its fighters, including current al-Shabab commanders, fled the country and fought in Afghanistan in the late 1990s after being pushed out by the Ethiopian army and its Somali supporters. The U.S. State Department designated the group a terrorist organization in the days after the 9/11 attacks. In 2003, a rift developed between AIAI's more moderate old guard, which had decided to create a new political front, and younger members who sought the establishment of a “Greater Somalia” under fundamental Islamic rule . The hardliners eventually joined forces with an alliance of sharia courts, known as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), serving as its youth militia. Al-Shabab and the ICU wrested control of the capital in June 2006, a victory that stoked fears of spillover jihadist violence in neighboring Ethiopia, a majority Christian nation.

An Interactive Timeline of al-Shabab What were the turning points for al-Shabab? Ethiopia invaded Somalia in December 2006 and ousted the ICU from Mogadishu with little resistance. The intervention, which came at the request of Somalia's transitional government (which was set up in 2004), had a radicalizing effect on al-Shabab, analysts say. After much of the ICU fled to neighboring countries, al-Shabab remained and retreated to the south, where it began organizing guerilla assaults, including bombings and assassinations, on Ethiopian forces. Some experts say it was during these years that the group morphed into a full-fledged guerilla movement and gained control over large pieces of territory in central and southern Somalia. The Ethiopian occupation (PDF) was responsible for “transforming the group from a small, relatively unimportant part of a more moderate Islamic movement into the most powerful and radical armed faction in the country,” writes Rob Wise, a counterterrorism expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Addis Ababa says the intervention was a “ reluctant response “ to calls by the ICU for jihad against Ethiopia and renewed territorial claims against both Ethiopia and Kenya.

It has stressed that the intervention was supported by the United States and the African Union, among others. New Islamist-nationalist fighters swelled al-Shabab's ranks from around four hundred into the thousands between 2006 and 2008. This was also a period when the group's ties to al-Qaeda began to emerge. Al-Shabab leaders publicly praised the international terrorist network and condemned what they characterized as U.S. crimes against Muslims worldwide. The State Department designated al-Shabab a foreign terrorist organization in February 2008. Two years later, the group vowed to “connect the horn of Africa jihad to the one led by al-Qaeda and its leader Sheikh Osama bin Laden.” However, it was not until February 2012 that al-Shabab's leadership formally declared allegiance to al-Qaeda . In June 2010, al-Shabab seemed to make good on its promises of jihad with coordinated suicide bombings that killed seventy-four people who had gathered to watch the World Cup in the Ugandan capital of Kampala . It was the group's first terrorist attack outside of Somalia.

“We are sending a message to every country who is willing to send troops to Somalia that they will face attacks on their territory,” said a spokesman at the time. Uganda was the first nation to send forces into Somalia in March 2007 under the African Union Mission in Somalia ( AMISOM ), which was charged with defending the transitional government. In late 2014, Kampala maintained the largest contingent in the UN-backed force with 6,220 personnel. Other AMISOM troops come from Burundi (5,338), Ethiopia (4,395), Kenya (3,664) Djibouti (1,000), and Sierra Leone (800). What are al-Shabab's objectives? Many analysts say the group is not monolithic and its objectives vary. Writing in 2012, former CFR fellow and Africa expert Bronwyn E. Bruton described some of the cleavages that divide al-Shabab's leadership, including competing clan loyalties and rifts between the group's nationalists intent on ousting AMISOM and the central government, and Gulf-sponsored radicals with transnational terror aims.

The group continues to threaten neighboring countries as well as Western interests in Africa. In January 2013, Ethiopian authorities arrested more than a dozen al-Shabab-linked militants allegedly plotting attacks in eastern Ethiopia. And in September of that year, al-Shabab fighters claimed responsibility for a raid on a Nairobi mall , holding hostages for days and killing dozens. It was the deadliest terrorist attack in Kenya since al-Qaeda's East Africa affiliate bombed the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi in 1998 (224 people were killed in that attack). Al-Shabab attacks in Kenya escalated in 2014, with 173 people killed in Kenya , according to its police force. In areas it controls, al-Shabab enforces its own harsh interpretation of sharia, prohibiting various types of entertainment, such as movies and music, the sale of khat (a narcotic plant often chewed), smoking, the shaving of beards, and many other “un-Islamic” activities. Stonings and amputations have been meted out as punishment on suspected adulterers and thieves.

International rights groups have reported that al-Shabab members have kidnapped young boys from schools and have forced them to fight for the group. Who are the group's leaders? Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, who fought against Ethiopia as a colonel in the Siad Biarre regime in the 1970s, is reportedly al-Shabab's spiritual leader. He commanded the military arm of the AIAI, and then took over leadership of the ICU. In 2006, Aweys handed operational command of al-Shabab to a young Somali jihadi, Aden Hashi Ayro, who was killed in a U.S. missile strike in May 2008. Ahmed Abdi Godane (aka Abu Zubayr), one of al-Shabab's founders, served as the group's top commander after Ayro's death. He was designated a global terrorist by the United States in November 2008. In June 2013, Godane loyalists reportedly killed two senior al-Shabab leaders , Ibrahim al-Afghani and Moalim Burhan, in a shoot-out that analysts attribute to internal dissension.

Prior to his death, al-Afghani reportedly penned a letter to al-Qaeda chief Ayman al-Zawahiri condemning Godane's harsh leadership style. That same month, Aweys, al-Shabab's elder statesman, surrendered to federal authorities in Mogadishu after his relationship with Godane soured. In September 2014, the U.S. military confirmed it killed Godane in a targeted air strike on an al-Shabab encampment in Somalia. The White House stated that the successful counterterrorism operation marked “a major symbolic and operational loss to the largest al-Qaida affiliate in Africa.” Some terrorism experts believe the removal of al-Shabab's powerful, charismatic leader will prompt a power struggle within the militant group. Ahmed Umar, also known as Abu Ubaidah, is the current leader of al-Shabab. Experts say he lacks the charisma and strategic intelligence of his predecessor and is unlikely to maintain control of the fractious group. Al-Shabab's former intelligence chief surrendered in late 2014, and the militants continued to lose battles against African Union forces in 2015 . How is al-Shabab funded?

Counterterrorism experts say al-Shabab has benefited from several different sources of income over the years, including revenue from other terrorist groups, state sponsors, the Somali diaspora, charities, piracy, kidnapping, and the extortion of local businesses. The governments of Eritrea, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Qatar, and Yemen have been cited as financiers—although most officially deny these claims. Domestically, the group built up an extensive racketeering operation in Kismayo after seizing control of the southern port city and its economy in 2008. The trade of charcoal, in particular, is essential to the city's commerce. However, a Kenya-led assault on Kismayo liberated the port of al-Shabab forces in October 2012—a victory that many experts say strategically crippled the jihadi group. However, an October 2014 UN Security Council report (PDF) says al-Shabab's illicit charcoal trading hasn't been interrupted by “the military offensive against the group” and continues in Kismayo and nearby Barawe. Charcoal exports are a component of a trade that includes al-Shabab's importation of sugar, much of which then makes its way into Kenya illegally.

Roughly ten thousand bags of contraband sugar worth hundreds of thousands of dollars may be smuggled into Kenya every day, according to the UN. In April 2013, Kenyan officials complained that al-Shabab operatives were attempting to infiltrate the country's sugar trade . What areas does al-Shabab control? Despite strategic setbacks inflicted by AMISOM forces over the past several years, including the loss of the Barawe in October 2014 , al-Shabab remains in control of most of southern and central Somalia. The U.S. State Department's 2013 terrorism report estimates the group has several thousand members . Analysts say the group's resilience is likely the result of significant support from local clans and the perception among elders that it remains a plausible alternative to corrupt institutions in Mogadishu. Does al-Shabab recruit U.S. nationals? Al-Shabab has recruited members of the Somali-American diaspora in recent years, a trend the FBI has described as a top domestic terrorist threat. In particular, the group has attracted several volunteers from Minneapolis, MN, which is home to the largest Somali population in the country.

Shirwa Ahmed and Farah Mohamad Beledi, the first two confirmed U.S. suicide bombers, both traveled from Minnesota, where they had grown up, to Somalia to receive al-Shabab training and wage jihad. Another prominent leader for al-Shabab was Omar Hammami (aka Abu Mansoor Al-Amriki), a native of Alabama, authorities say. However, Hammami reportedly fell out with the group and was killed in a firefight with al-Shabab militants in September 2013. Other Somali-American recruits have come from California, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, and Virginia, according to a list compiled by the Anti-Defamation League . What is U.S. policy in Somalia? Washington's primary interest in Somalia has been preventing it from becoming a refuge for terrorist groups like al-Shabab to plot attacks on the United States and potentially destabilize the strategically significant Horn of Africa, where longstanding disputes among Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia still fester. In recent years, U.S.

officials have also been wary of collaboration between the militant Islamist organizations in the region, including al-Shabab, Boko Haram , al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb , and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula . The United States, stung by the loss of eighteen U.S. servicemen in the Battle of Mogadishu in 1993 (aka the “Black Hawk Down” incident), has largely relied on the use of proxy forces in Somalia in recent years. Since 2007, analysts say Washington has provided more than half a billion dollars to train and equip African Union forces battling al-Shabab. Much of this indirect logistical support has been supplied on the ground by State Department-funded contractors, such as Bancroft Global Development and DynCorp . Drone strikes and special operations raids on al-Shabab and al-Qaeda targets have rounded out the U.S. strategy. Military analysts have characterized the Pentagon's approach in Somalia as “ offshore balancing ,” which emphasizes the use of U.S. air and sea assets in conjunction with support for local counterinsurgency forces, such as AMISOM.

In January 2013, the United States formally recognized the Somali government after a hiatus of more than twenty years, and two years later President Barack Obama nominated Katherine Dhanani to be the first U.S. ambassador to Somalia since 1991. And while the U.S. has no embassy in Mogadishu (the U.S. mission to Somalia is based in the U.S. embassy in Nairobi), officials say Washington is likely to expand its diplomatic presence. Additional Resources Somalia Fact Sheet June 30, 2016 More information about Somalia is available on the Somalia Page and from other Department of State publications and other sources listed at the end of this fact sheet. U.S.-SOMALIA RELATIONS The United States established diplomatic relations with Somalia in 1960, following its constituent parts' independence from British and Italian administration, respectively. A 1969 coup replaced Somalia's elected government with military rule that reflected both ideological and economic dependence on the Soviet Union. Following war with Ethiopia in the 1970s, Somalia began turning toward the West, including the United States, for international support, military equipment, and economic aid.

Civil war in the 1980s led to the collapse of Somalia's central government in 1991. Following this, various groupings of Somali factions, sometimes supported by outside forces, sought to control the national territory (or portions thereof) and fought one another. Although the United States never formally severed diplomatic relations with Somalia, the U.S. Embassy in Somalia was closed in 1991. From 1992-94, the United States took part in operations that aimed to provide assistance to Somalis. Numerous efforts at mediation and reconciliation were attempted over the years, and a transitional government was established in 2004. In 2012, Somalia completed its political transition with the election of a new federal parliament and speaker, the national constituent assembly's adoption of a provisional constitution, the election of a new president, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and the naming of a new prime minister and cabinet. The United States formally recognized the new government on January 17, 2013. U.S.

foreign policy objectives in Somalia are to promote political and economic stability, prevent the use of Somalia as a safe haven for international terrorism, and alleviate the humanitarian crisis caused by years of conflict, drought, flooding, and poor governance. The United States is committed to helping Somalia's government strengthen democratic institutions, improve stability and security, and deliver services for the Somali people. Since 2013, the Federal Government of Somalia has made progress establishing government institutions, negotiating relationships with regional authorities, and supporting community stabilization. The United States supports the Somali government’s state-building agenda for completing federal state-formation, completing a review of the provisional constitution and holding a constitutional referendum, preparing for democratic elections, promoting reconciliation, and strengthening responsive and representative governing institutions. The United States also has welcomed the African Union Mission in Somalia's (AMISOM) success in driving the al-Shabaab terrorist organization out of strategically important population centers, and has underscored the continued U.S. commitment to support AMISOM and the Somali national forces in their responsibility of extending security throughout Somalia. U.S. Assistance to Somalia The United States has provided $1.5 billion in humanitarian assistance in Somalia since 2006 to address the problems of drought, famine, and refugees.

Since 2011, the United States has provided an additional $240 million in development assistance to support economic, political, and social sectors to achieve greater stability, establish a formal economy, obtain access to basic services, and attain representation through legitimate, credible governance. The United States works closely with other donor partners and international organizations to support social services and the development of an effective and representative security sector, including military, police, and justice sector, while supporting ongoing African Union peacekeeping efforts. Bilateral Economic Relations The United States has little trade or investment with Somalia. U.S. exports to Somalia include legumes, grain, baking-related goods, donated products, and machinery. U.S. imports from Somalia include precious stones and low-value shipments. Somalia's Membership in International Organizations Somalia and the United States belong to a number of the same international organizations, including the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank. Bilateral Representation On September 8, 2015, the Department of State formally launched the U.S. Mission to Somalia, based in the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya. The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi also handles consular coverage for Somalia.

On June 27, 2016, Stephen Schwartz was sworn in as the first U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, in 25 years. Other principal mission officials are listed in the Department's Key Officers List . U.S Mission to Somalia staff and other U.S. personnel travel frequently into Somalia to conduct official business. During Secretary Kerry’s May 5, 2015 visit to Mogadishu, he announced that the United States will begin the process of establishing the premises for a diplomatic mission in Mogadishu. There is no fixed timeline for reopening the embassy in Somalia. After a twenty-three year diplomatic absence, the Federal Government of Somalia’s first ambassador was accredited to Washington on July 14, 2014. The Somali embassy re-opened on November 18, 2015 at 1705 DeSales Street NW, Suite 300 Washington, DC 20036 (tel. 202.296.0570).

More information about Somalia is available from the Department of State and other sources, some of which are listed here: The unlikely love affair between two countries - BBC News BBC News The unlikely love affair between two countries By Mary Harper BBC News 15 December 2014 Read more about sharing. Close share panel The chaos and conflict that once consumed the port of Mogadishu are now gone and a few foreign investors are starting to move into Somalia. Turkey is leading the way - but why is there such a strong bond between these two countries? Where once rival militias battled for control of these docks, giant container ships now line up to discharge their cargoes of cement, vehicles, pasta and rice. Huge cranes swoop up and down. Some operated by Turks, others by Somalis. As a container swings uncomfortably close above my head, the sprightly Turkish manager of the port tells me that since his company took over in September, it has been bringing in a monthly revenue of $4m, and rising. Fifty-five percent goes straight to the Somali government.

Find out more Listen to From Our Own Correspondent for insight and analysis from BBC journalists, correspondents and writers from around the world Broadcast on Radio 4 on Saturdays at 11:30 BST and BBC World Service Download the programme He won't let me take his photograph. "I'm too ugly," he says. It's not just the port. Turks are everywhere in Mogadishu. And so is their flag. This visit, I think I saw more Turkish flags in the city than Somali ones. Turks run the airport and are busy building a new terminal. Turkish Airlines now flies to Mogadishu four times a week, the first international airline to do so in more than 20 years. At a gleaming new hospital, built by the Turks, Turkish doctors wear simple white polo shirts. On one sleeve is an image of the Turkish flag. The Somali flag is on the other. Outside, Turkish builders in cowboy hats and Somalis in tatty T-shirts are putting the final touches to an Ottoman-style mosque with room for 2,000 worshippers. Craftsmen were flown in from Turkey to hand paint the ceiling in rich blues, reds and gold.

Even the garbage trucks trying to get rid of the 20 years' worth of rubbish and rubble come from Turkey. I saw one such truck hosing down a street after a suicide bombing, to make sure every trace of blood and wreckage was removed. It all started with the famine of 2011. The then Turkish prime minister, now president Erdogan, flew to Somalia. Unlike other foreigners, who keep at a safe distance from the country, preferring to do Somali-related business from neighbouring Kenya, he walked through the streets of Mogadishu. In a suit. Not body armour. Somalis still talk to me about how he picked up dirty, starving children. How his wife kissed members of the despised minority clans. And hence the love affair began. Somalis called their boys Erdogan, their daughters Istanbul. Image copyright AFP Image caption Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his wife Emine during their visit to a camp for displaced people in August 2011 This affection for a foreign country is highly unusual in Somalia. Somalis generally do not like outsiders, and have all sorts of abusive nicknames for them.

But I struggled to find a Somali who would criticise Turkey, apart from the complaint that they hadn't provided adequate drainage for the new roads they're building in Mogadishu, and that they hadn't done enough to help other parts of the country. In private conversations, Western diplomats have told me Turkey doesn't communicate or co-ordinate with other donors, that it is too unilateralist. Turkey, like many other countries, is keen to lay its hands on Africa's natural resources and to exploit new markets as the continent develops. But it has chosen an eccentric way in - Somalia is classed by many as one of the world's most dangerous countries. The Turks in Mogadishu seem to have a different attitude to danger. On the day of a suicide bombing, I was forbidden access to the highly fortified airport, where I was due to meet the British ambassador. Image caption Before Turkey resurfaced the roads they were full of holes But just nearby was a Turkish school, guarded by a couple of lightly-armed Somalis. Turkish children scampered about, playing hide and seek amongst the papaya trees. They share classes with Somali students, who the teachers say are especially good at computing and languages.

The Turks have paid a price for this more relaxed attitude to security. A few have been killed and injured in attacks by the Islamist group al- Shabab; some have been shot dead in disputes over money and other issues. The next day, I managed with some difficulty to get into the airport compound, this time to meet the United Nations, based in a sterile, grey complex of containers. Somewhat to my embarrassment, I didn't have a pen. The UN lady kindly lent me a pencil. I forgot to give it back, and later on I gave it to a Somali friend. Wielding the pencil, he rushed off to his friends shouting, "Look. This is all the UN has to offer us, after more than 20 years and billions of dollars. In just three years, the Turks have helped transform our man-made earthquake of Mogadishu into a semi-functioning city." Image caption Goods are loaded on to trucks at the port Of course, it's not as simple as that. The UN and others are paying for African Union soldiers who are helping make Somalia a safer place. The Turks have gone for highly visible projects.

But as I sat eating the cube of Turkish delight offered to me by the sleek stewardess on my homeward Turkish Airlines flight, I couldn't help wondering whether the rest of the world could learn something from what the Turks are doing in the broken city of Mogadishu. How to listen to From Our Own Correspondent : BBC Radio 4: Saturdays at 11:30

Question: In which country is the port of Mogadishu
Answer: Somalia