Tanganyika | historical state, Tanzania | Britannica.com historical state, Tanzania Mauryan empire Tanganyika, historical eastern African state that in 1964 merged with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, later renamed the United Republic of Tanzania. (See Tanzania .) Archaeological evidence attests to a long history of settlement in the area; by the 10th century ce, it was inhabited by Asian and Arab traders and Bantu -speaking peoples. The Portuguese gained control of the coastline in the late 15th century, but they were driven out by the Arabs of Oman and Zanzibar in the late 18th century. German colonists entered the area in the 1880s, and in 1891 the Germans declared the region a protectorate as part of German East Africa . During World War I , Britain captured the German holdings, which became a British mandate (1920) under the name Tanganyika Territory. Britain retained control of the region after World War II , when it became a United Nations trust territory. Tanganyika gained independence on Dec.

9, 1961, and became a republic one year later. On April 26, 1964, it joined with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Eastern Africa as partitioned by the imperial powers, c. 1914. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Tanzania East African country situated just south of the Equator. Tanzania was formed as a sovereign state in 1964 through the union of the theretofore separate states of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Mainland Tanganyika covers more than 99 percent of the combined territories’ total area. Mafia Island is... Zanzibar (island, Tanzania) island in the Indian Ocean, lying 22 miles (35 km) off the coast of east-central Africa. In 1964 Zanzibar, together with Pemba Island and some other smaller islands, joined with Tanganyika on the mainland to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Area 600 square miles (1,554 square km). Pop. (2007...

Bantu languages a group of some 500 languages belonging to the Bantoid subgroup of the Benue-Congo branch of the Niger-Congo language family. The Bantu languages are spoken in a very large area, including most of Africa from southern Cameroon eastward to Kenya and southward to the southernmost tip of the... 5 References found in Britannica Articles Assorted References role of Nyerere (in Julius Nyerere ) history of Corrections? Updates? Help us improve this article! Contact our editors with your feedback. MEDIA FOR: You have successfully emailed this. Error when sending the email. Try again later. Edit Mode Submit Tips For Editing We welcome suggested improvements to any of our articles. You can make it easier for us to review and, hopefully, publish your contribution by keeping a few points in mind. Encyclopædia Britannica articles are written in a neutral objective tone for a general audience. You may find it helpful to search within the site to see how similar or related subjects are covered. Any text you add should be original, not copied from other sources. At the bottom of the article, feel free to list any sources that support your changes, so that we can fully understand their context.

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Close Date Published: March 15, 2010 URL: Access Date: December 30, 2016 Share Tanganyika (1961 - 1964) This page is part of © FOTW Flags Of The World website Tanganyika (1961 - 1964) Zanzibar Self-government and independence (01 May 1961 - circa 30 June 1964) Tanganyika gained self-government from Britain (technically under a League of Nations Trustee mandate) on 01 May 1961 and became independent on 09 December 1961. The flag of Tanganyika was based on that of the ruling Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which was a horizontal tricolour of green-black-red. The flag was modified in 1964 when Tanganyika merged with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania .

Stuart Notholt, 29 Jun 1996 In section of new flags in the Flag Bulletin 01 is the new flag of Tanganyika: 09 December 1961 Tanganyika will become independent. Details of the new national flag were released by its information service on 08 July 1961. The design consist of three horizontal stripes of alternate bright green, black and bright green, all of equal width and length. This combination has been used for a long time by the country's chief political party TANU whose leader Julius Nyerere became the new prime minister. Added to the party flag are two smaller stripe of gold (i.e. yellow) probably in order to make the flag conform to heraldic rules, whereby a colour must not touch colour. Each of these stripes is to be 1/16 of the flag width. Green represents land, black is for the people, and gold represents the country's mineral resources. Official sizes are 6' x 4' and 8' x 12'. The new design replaces the Tanganyika ensign with the badge showing the giraffe head.

Jaume Ollé, 17 Apr 2001 May-December 1961 Tanganyika flag? image by Mikhail Revnivtsev, 4 Apr 2004 In the French vexillological bulletin Vexillologia, N 1/2 Tome II, 1969, p.47, edited by Georges Pash, it states that the first flag of Tanganyika accepted in 1961 has consisted of three horizontal stripes: green, white and orange. The green - black flag was accepted several months later. In the book " United Republic of Tanzania ", Moscow, 1980, (in Russian), it states: In October, 1960 to Tanganyika it has been given internal self-government, in the council of Ministers, headed by the British Governor, have been included 4 Europeans, 7 Africans and 1 representative of the Asian minority. The constitutional conference took place in March, 1961 in the capital, Dar es Salaam.

According to its decisions on 01 May 1961 Tanganyika has received a full autonomy (Legislative Council has been renamed into National Assembly, and Council of Ministers - in the Cabinet). Declaration of independence of Tanganyika took place on 09 Dec 1961. Apart from the TANU there were several other political movements: African National Congress (ANC), National Convention Party (NCP), National Initiative Party (NIP) and others. Within one year, on 09 Dec 1962, the country has been proclaimed a republic. The one-party system TANU was established only in March, 1963. Could this green - white - orange flag be a temporary flag from 1 May till 9 Dec 1961? Possibly this non-party flag has been designed to symbolize Africans (green), Europeans (white) and Asians (orange)? Mikhail Revnivtsev, 04 Apr 2004 Pasch reported this flag for Tanganyika. But later some reports seems to indicate that the flag was in fact a confusion, and was not hoisted as national flag, but as flag of the Indian community.

Jaume Ollé, 05 Apr 2004 In Guide to the Flags of the World, by Mauro Talocci, 1977 (reprint 1986) [ tal77 ] I found: "The flag of Tanganyika consisted of two green bands with a black one in between. When Tanganyika became independent in 1961, two thin yellow stripes were added to symbolize the mineral resources of the country". The TANU flag may have been the Tanganyika flag between 01 May and 09 Dec 1961. Jarig Bakker, 05 Apr 2004 Merger with Zanzibar On 26 April 1964, Tanganyika and Zanzibar merged to form a new republic, the name �Tanzania� being adopted on 29 October 1964. Like the name of the country, the new flag adopted was a merger of that of its constituent parts. The lower green stripe of the Tanganyika flag took the blue of the Zanzibar flag, and the stripes were re-arranged diagonally to give them equal status.

Stuart Notholt, 29 Jun 1996 Tanzania profile - Timeline - BBC News Tanzania profile - Timeline A chronology of key events: 1498 - Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama visits Tanzanian coast. Father of the nation 1506 - Portuguese succeed in controlling most of the East African coast. 1699 - Portuguese ousted from Zanzibar by Omani Arabs. 1884 - German Colonisation Society begins to acquire territory on the mainland. 1886 - Britain and Germany sign an agreement allowing Germany to set up a sphere of influence over mainland Tanzania, except for a narrow piece of territory along the coast which stays under the authority of the sultan of Zanzibar, while Britain enjoys a protectorate over Zanzibar. 1905-06 - Indigenous Maji Maji revolt suppressed by German troops. British rule 1916 - British, Belgian and South African troops occupy most of German East Africa. 1919 - League of Nations gives Britain a mandate over Tanganyika - today's mainland Tanzania. 1929 - Tanganyika African Association founded.

Tanzanian treasures 1946 - United Nations converts British mandate over Tanganyika into a trusteeship. 1954 - Julius Nyerere and Oscar Kambona transform the Tanganyika African Association into the Tanganyika African National Union. Independence 1961 - Tanganyika becomes independent with Julius Nyerere as prime minister. 1962 - Tanganyika becomes a republic with Mr Nyerere as president. 1963 - Zanzibar becomes independent. 1964 - Sultanate of Zanzibar overthrown by Afro-Shirazi Party in a violent, left-wing revolution; Tanganyika and Zanzibar merge to become Tanzania with Nyerere as president and Afro-Shirazi leader Abeid Amani Karume as vice-president. Socialism 1967 - Nyerere issues the Arusha Declaration, which launches drive for socialist economic self-reliance. 1977 - The Tanganyika African National Union and Zanzibar's Afro-Shirazi Party merge to become the Party of the Revolution, which is proclaimed as the only legal party. 1978 - Ugandans temporarily occupy a piece of Tanzanian territory.

1979 - Tanzanian forces invade Uganda, occupying the capital, Kampala, and help to oust President Idi Amin. Multi-party politics 1985 - Mr Nyerere retires and is replaced by the president of Zanzibar, Ali Mwinyi. 1992 - Constitution amended to allow multi-party politics. 1995 - Benjamin Mkapa chosen as president in Tanzania's first multi-party election. Embassy attack 1998 August - Al-Qaeda Islamist terror group bombs US embassies in Tanzania and Kenya. 2000 - Mkapa elected for a second term, winning 72% of the vote. 2001 26 January - Tanzanian police shoot dead two people in Zanzibar while raiding the offices in Zanzibar town of the Civic United Front. Front chairman Ibrahim Lipumba charged with unlawful assembly and disturbing the peace. Zanzibar violence 2001 January - At least 31 people are killed and another 100 arrested in Zanzibar in protests against the government's banning of opposition rallies calling for fresh elections; government sends in troops.

2001 March - Governing Chama Cha Mapinduzi and main Zanzibari opposition Civic United Front agree to form joint committee to restore calm and to encourage return of refugees from Kenya. 2001 April - Tens of thousands of opposition supporters march through the commercial capital, Dar es Salaam, in the first major joint demonstration by opposition parties in decades. 2001 July - Huge new gold mine, Bulyanhulu, opens near northern town of Mwanza, making Tanzania Africa's third largest producer of gold. Port of Dar es Salaam Founded in 1862 by sultan of Zanzibar Capital of German East Africa, 1891-1916 Capital of Tanzania 1964-74 Population: 2.3 million 2001 November - Presidents of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya launch regional parliament and court of justice in Arusha to legislate on matters of common interest such as trade and immigration. 2001 December - Britain approves controversial deal to sell military air traffic control system to Tanzania. Critics say it is a waste of money.

2005 March-April - Political violence in semi-autonomous Zanzibar ahead of voter registration for October poll. 2005 October - Governing Chama Cha Mapinduzi wins Zanzibar elections. Opposition Civic United Front claims vote-rigging and announces an indefinite boycott of Zanzibar's parliament. Kikwete elected 2005 December - Jakaya Kikwete, foreign minister and ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi candidate, wins presidential elections. 2006 April - High Court outlaws traditional practice of entertaining candidates during elections. Critics of "Takrima" - the giving of tips - said it encouraged corruption. 2006 June - Visiting Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, on his seven-nation African tour to secure energy deals and strengthen economic ties, signs agreements to help Tanzania's health, transport and communications sectors. 2006 August - The African Development Bank announces the cancellation of more than $640m of debt owed by Tanzania, saying it was impressed with Tanzania's economic record and the level of accountability of public finance.

2007 July - Former US president Bill Clinton launches a programme aimed at making subsidised malaria drugs available in a pilot scheme that could spread to the rest of Africa. 2008 January - Central Bank Governor Daudi Ballali is sacked after an international audit finds the bank made improper payments of more than $120m (£60m) to local companies. Scandal 2008 February - President Kikwete dissolves cabinet following corruption scandal which forced the prime minister and two ministers to resign. 2009 November - Main opposition party in Zanzibar, Civic United Forum, ends five-year boycott of the island's parliament ahead of upcoming elections. 2010 July - Tanzania joins its neighbours in forming a new East African Common Market, intended to integrate the region's economy. 2010 September - President Kikwete says construction of highway through Serengeti game reserve will go ahead, despite criticism from environmental experts. 2010 October - President Kikwete wins re-election. 2011 January - Two killed as police try disperse demonstrators demanding release of Chadema opposition party leader Freeman Mbowe, detained ahead of a rally against government corruption.

2011 July - British arms and aircraft firm BAE Systems admits setting up sham compensation arrangements worth £8m for the sale of an overly-complex air-traffic control system, and agrees to pay Tanzania £30m in compensation. Gas find 2012 March - The Statoil and Exxon Mobil oil exploration companies make major discovery of gas reserves off the coast of Tanzania. 2012 May - President Jakaya Kikwete sacks six ministers after the inspector of public finances notes the "rampant misuse of funds" in at least seven ministries. The ministers of finance, energy, tourism, trade, transport and health lose their jobs. 2012 August - Tanzania confirms 36 Iranian oil tankers have been using Tanzanian flags to evade US and EU economic sanctions on Iran's crude oil exports. The US warns Tanzania that it could face sanctions unless the flag operation stops. 2013 August - Pressure group Human Rights Watch reports that thousands of children work in small-scale Tanzanian gold mines, at great risk to their health. 2013 December - Four cabinet ministers are sacked over allegations of human rights abuses during a campaign against ivory poaching.

2015 April - Referendum on a new constitution is postponed after delays in registering voters. 2015 November - Works Minister John Magufuli of the governing Chama Cha Mapinduzi wins presidential election by large margin over former prime minister Edward Lomassa. 2016 April - Tanzania and Uganda agree to build East Africa's first major oil pipeline. The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of The Cold War? The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of The Cold War? Godfrey Mwakikagile, The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of The Cold War? ISBN 978981425856 “Ask Nyerere, because he is the one who went to Zanzibar. He is the one who wanted the union. He must have had goals. Has he achieved them?

I can not speak for mainlanders on the achievement of the union.” - Aboud Jumbe, a Zanzibari and former First Vice President of Tanzania, at a press conference in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in January 1998 on the 34th anniversary of the Zanzibar revolution, quoted by Godfrey Mwakikagile, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, Third Edition, New Africa Press, 2006, p. 636. Introduction THE unification of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in April 1964 was the first political union between independent countries ever to take place on the African continent in the post-colonial era. And it continues to be a subject of interest among many people more than 40 years after its consummation. It was preceded by the Zanzibar revolution which took place on 12 January 1964. Three months later, the new nation of Tanzania was formed after the two former independent states of Tanganyika and Zanzibar surrendered their sovereignties to a supra-national entity which came to be officially known as the United Republic of Tanzania.

And there is no question that the revolution played a major role in encouraging or pushing the leaders towards unification. The union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar may still have been consummated had the revolution not taken place in the island nation. We will never know. But given the Pan-Africanist inclinations of the leaders involved in the consummation of the union, there was a high probability that the two countries would have united sometime at a later date. The union was a milestone in the history of post-colonial Africa and in the continent's quest for unity and had an impact that is still felt today, decades after it was formed. It influenced political and diplomatic relations between and among countries and changed the course of history. It was even a factor in the super-power rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. It also became a major subject of intellectual and ideological debates in and outside Africa for many years. And it continues to stimulate debate even today among many Tanzanians. There are some people in Tanzania including some leaders who think the union was a mistake. Some people say it was formed in hurry without seriously considering all the issues involved.

And there are those who say the union should not have been formed at all and that the two countries of Tanganyika and Zanzibar should have remained separate entities with full sovereign status they attained when they won independence from Britain on separate dates. Tanganyika won independence on 9 December 1961, and Zanzibar on 10 December 1963, although the legitimacy of Zanzibar's government which assumed power on independence day was highly questionable since the black African majority in the island nation were excluded from power by the Arab rulers; one of the factors which played a major role in igniting the Zanzibar revolution. It has been a bumpy road since independence. And many problems still lie ahead as the two partners continue to find ways to resolve their differences and strengthen the union. In fact, a significant number of Zanzibaris, especially on Pemba island, would like to see the union dissolved and return to the status quo ante. Only time will tell where the union is headed.

Problems faced by the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar have also served as a warning to other African countries which may contemplate uniting under one government, although that is a remote possibility on a continent where nationalism transcends Pan-Africanism despite professions to the contrary. In fact, even within Tanzania itself, Zanzibari “nationalism” is still strong, although Zanzibar is no longer a separate country. It is an integral part of the United Republic of Tanzania and does not have sovereign status. But that has not stopped a significant number of Zanzibaris from claiming independent status and demanding dissolution of the union. Some of the union's strongest opponents are members of the Civic United Front (CUF), Tanzania's major opposition party, which has its biggest support in the former island nation, mainly on Pemba Island, and has ties to Oman and other Gulf states. Opposition to the union also comes from a significant number of people who were supporters of the old Arab regime and they are mostly Arab themselves. The union was a major achievement. But it also has a lot of problems, some of which may not have been anticipated by the architects of this macro-nation.

Why was the union formed, when it was, besides the desire that already existed among the leaders to unite the two countries? Were others forces at work? Did the United States and Britain exert pressure on Nyerere to unite the two countries as Professor Ali Mazrui contends? Or was it a Pan-African initiative by Nyerere and the leader of Zanzibar after the revolution, Abeid Karume and some of his colleages, to form the union? And were the two leaders – Nyerere and Karume – equally motivated to unite their countries? Or was it Nyerere who was behind it all? Or was it Karume who first suggested to Nyerere that their countries should unite? As Tanzania's former First Vice President Aboud Jumbe, who had fallen out with Nyerere, bluntly stated at a press conference in Dar es Salaam in January 1998 on the 34th anniversary of the Zanzibar revolution which, among other things, provided an impetus towards unification of the two countries: “Ask Nyerere, because he is the one who went to Zanzibar. He is the one who wanted the union. He must have had goals.

Has he achieved them? I can not speak for mainlanders on the achievement of the union.” The union remains a highly contentious subject among many Tanzanians. Many questions are still being asked. And most of them have not been fully answered. It is not the purpose of this book to answer those questions, whether or not the union should have been formed, or whether or not it was the right thing to do. The focus of this work is on whether or not Nyerere and his colleagues on the mainland – Tanganyika – and those in Zanzibar initiated the move towards unification. Or was it a product of the Cold War? Part II: The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar.... THE union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was the first merger of independent states on the entire continent and the only one that has ever been consummated.

The Ghana-Guinea union formed on November 23, 1958, between the first black African country to win independence from Britain and the first to achieve it from France, and joined by Mali in 1961 to form the Ghana-Guinea-Mali union, was more symbolic than functional.1 In the case of Tanzania, both Tanganyika and Zanzibar renounced their sovereignties and submerged their separate national identities in the new macro-nation. The establishment of Tanzania from this merger is also one of the most memorable achievements of the late President Julius Nyerere. Tanganyika united with Zanzibar on 26 April 1964. For six months, the new country was simply known as the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. It was also officially known by its much longer name as the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, and was renamed the United Republic of Tanzania on October 29. Dar es Salaam, the capital of Tanganyika, which means Haven of Peace in Arabic and was founded by the Arab rulers, became the seat of the union government.

The union was preceded by the revolution in Zanzibar which ended Arab hegemonic control of the islands that lasted for hundreds of years. The violent uprising was led by John Okello, a Ugandan who had settled in Zanzibar, and who saw himself as a messianic figure on a mission to free his people - blacks in Zanzibar - from Arab domination. And the role this self-styled field marshal played in the redemption of his race on the isles became a sub-text in the unfolding drama that eventually led to the consummation of the union. As Professor Haroub Othman, a Tanzanian of Zanzibari origin teaching at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, explains: “Nyerere states that he casually proposed the idea of Union to Karume when the latter visited him to discuss the fate of John Okello. According to Nyerere, Karume immediately agreed to the idea and suggested that Nyerere should be the president of such a union.

In a New Year’s message to the nation on 1 January 1965, Nyerere implied that even if the ASP (Afro-Sirazi Party led by Karume in Zanzibar) had come into power by constitutional means and not as a result of revolution, the Union would still have taken place.”2 Even though a convergence of interests - Western (especially American and British) concern that Zanzibar was about to become “the Cuba of Africa,” and Nyerere’s Pan-African desire to unite with Zanzibar - may seem to have helped create a climate conducive to unification of the two independent African states; the union would probably still have been established on Nyerere’s own initiative, even if there was no “communist” threat on the isles and independent Zanzibar - under black majority rule - was a capitalist haven, provided the leaders of Zanzibar also, like Nyerere, had the political will to do so. Nyerere had just failed, in 1963, to convince the leaders of Kenya and Uganda to unite with Tanganyika and form an East African federation.

And now Zanzibar provided him with an opportunity to realize this Pan-African ambition although on a smaller scale. And American officials themselves who were in government service under President Lyndon B. Johnson during that time did not even claim credit for engineering the union. As Frank Carlucci, who was US consul in Zanzibar and later CIA director and American secretary of defence, stated in an interview in 1986: “Nyerere had to do something about the Zanzibar problem. I don’t know for a fact whether he came up with the idea himself, or whether we gave him the prescription. Whether our urging him to do something about Zanzibar had an effect on him.... I do know that the situation in Zanzibar was one of continuing deterioration. In the absence of action from Tanganyika, the place would have been completely controlled by the communists.”3 The highly volatile situation in Zanzibar during that critical period provided momentum towards unification, but at a tempo influenced even if not dictated by Nyerere....

That the events in Zanzibar dictated the pace of this consensus building between the leaders of the two countries which led to the establishment of the union is clearly demonstrated by the short time span in which the entire process was completed. The two countries united within three-and-a-half months: the proposal, negotiations and consummation of the union all took place within that short period. And some tough negotiations took place since some Zanzibari leaders were opposed to the merger. As Professor Haroub Othman states: “Discussions on the Union were conducted very secretively. From the archives, and the statements of those who were in the corridors of power at the time, it would appear that not many people in the Tanganyika Government, or the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, knew what was happening. Apart from Nyerere and Karume, the only other people who might have been privy to these discussions were Rashidi Kawawa, Oscar Kambona, Abdallah Kassim Hanga and Salim Rashid.

What is important is that the Articles of Union, signed by Karume and Nyerere on 22 April 1964, were subsequently ratified by both the Tanganyika National Assembly and the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council. Both Abdulrahman Babu and Khamis Abdallah-Ameir, the two former Umma Party leaders who were in the Revolutionary Council at the time, have confirmed that the matter was discussed in the Council and that, while there were reservations on the part of some members, these were overcome by Abdallah Kassim Hanga who made an emotional appeal in support of the Union. Presenting the proposal for a Union to the Tanganyika National Assembly on 25 April 1964, Nyerere based his argument on the proximity of the Islands to the Mainland, a common language, friendship between TANU and the ASP (Afro-Shirazi Party in Zanzibar), and common cultural traditions. But the ultimate ground for the Union was, he said, a commitment to the cause of African unity. Nyerere saw the Union with Zanzibar as a step towards federation in East Africa.”4 With that step, Nyerere....

The union was consummated at the height of the Cold War, and there have been all sorts of speculations, allegations and innuendoes that the merger was externally engineered. The implication of these arguments is that Nyerere would not have formed the union had he not been prompted, prodded or manipulated by these external forces to do so. As Professor Ali Mazrui states in “Nyerere and I”: “Did Tanganyika unite with Zanzibar to form Tanzania under pressure from President Lyndon Johnson of the United States and Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas Home of Britain who did not want Zanzibar to become another communist Cuba? Nyerere bristled when it was suggested that the union with Zanzibar was part of the Cold War and not a case of Pan-Africanism.”7 The argument that Nyerere was coerced by the United States and Britain into uniting Tanganyika with Zanzibar to deprive communists of a base on the island nation is not.... The president of Zanzibar who formed the union with Nyerere, Sheikh Abeid Karume, wanted a complete merger, hence a stronger union. But Nyerere refused to go that far.

He preferred, instead, to have a weaker union in which Zanzibar would continue to have its own government and enjoy considerable autonomy virtually as a sovereign entity in a number of areas except foreign affairs, defence, immigration, and others specifically placed under the jurisdiction of the union government. He was concerned that if a complete merger of the two countries and governments took place, the people of Zanzibar would feel that they had been swallowed up by Tanganyika, a much bigger country. It would not be a union of equals since as a sovereign entity, Zanzibar was entering the union as an independent country, not as a junior partner. Another Zanzibari leader who was strongly in favour of a much stronger union was Kassim Hanga who served as prime minister and vice president under President Karume and was one of the leaders on the isles known for his communist sympathies.... As Gamal Nkrumah, son of the late president of Ghana, Dr.

Kwame Nkrumah, stated in the obituary he wrote for Nyerere, “The Legacy of A Great African,” in Al-Ahram: “Nyerere’s presence at political rallies, remote poverty-stricken villages, academic conferences and international forums where he pleaded the case of the South always lit up the occasion. He had a way with the words.... He was the philosopher-king, intellectual, enlightened, the polar opposite of the despotic ruler so common in the Africa of his day. But he was also a man of the people.... Two years ago, at celebrations marking the 40th anniversary of Ghana’s independence, I met and spoke to Nyerere for the last time. I would never have guessed that he was ill.... He was not only a man of integrity, but he also had the courage and modesty to admit to past mistakes. I have heard him speak in London, at the Commonwealth Institute, in several forums in the United States and at the United Nations, as well as in many an African setting. To me personally, Nyerere was always the attentive father figure, never missing an opportunity to remind me that my own father’s vision for a united Africa was the only way forward.

With his wit, humour, sharp intellect and disarming sincerity, Nyerere was always a winning personality. But, to say that he was an uncontroversial character would be a grave mistake. From the beginning of his political career, Nyerere was widely seen as a moderate, and that at a time when more militant African leaders prevailed. As early as the late 1950s and early 1960s, official US documents, now declassified, interestingly reveal that America’s Central Intelligence (CIA) regarded him as the only ‘responsible’ African leader. Nyerere himself was clever enough to realise that such a revelation was no compliment.... His greatest achievement is undoubtedly the successful unification of mainland Tanganyika with the Indian Ocean island of Zanzibar (and Pemba). The United Republic of Tanzania was born in 1964 out of that union with an overwhelmingly Muslim island-nation whose closest historical, economic and political ties were with Oman in particular and the Arab Gulf countries in general. Zanzibar was for two centuries the Omani official seat of government and the official residence of the Sultan.

In contrast, Tanganyika...had a more mixed population, equally divided between Christians and Muslims. It was to Nyerere’s credit that he managed to unite this most ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse of nation-states and make it one of Africa’s most politically stable countries.”14 It is true that the United States denounced Zanzibar as “the Cuba of Africa”15 after the January 1964 revolution led by John Okello who toppled the Arab-dominated regime and transferred power to the predominantly black majority and their allies including a number of Arabs, Iranians (originally from Shiraz in Iran), and others. But it is also true that the people who led the revolution were not interested in substituting one master for another - capitalist or communist - and their uprising was not communist-inspired. It was an expression of indigenous aspirations triggered by the racial injustices the black majority suffered at the hands of the Arab-minority regime to whom the British transferred power at independence on December 10, 1963. The communist threat in Zanzibar was overly exaggerated. Even the leaders who could have established communism on the isles dismissed this threat.

They were explicit in their intentions and would not have shied away from acknowledging that they were going to establish communism in Zanzibar - which would been an open secret, anyway, sooner rather than later. They included Abdulrahman Mohammed Babu, the most prominent leader with communist leanings on the islands and whom the CIA followed closely, as it did all the other leaders. According to one of the declassified documents in the US Archives written by the American ambassador to Nigeria, Averill Harriman, to President Lyndon B. Johnson and Secretary of State Dean Rusk on March 25, 1964: “In long talks with Prime Minister Abubakar (Tafawa Balewa) and Foreign Minister (Jaja) Wachuku,...both minimized concern I expressed for Communist takeover in Zanzibar, assured me that Karume was sensible and Babu was primarily African nationalist and would not permit Communist takeover. When I pressed Wachuku, he firmly insisted he could guarantee Babu whom he had personally known a long time.”16 The preceding telegram was followed by other reports on the potential for communist penetration of Africa during the early years of independence in the sixties.

Ambassador Harriman himself in another report to President Johnson on October 28, 1964, about nine months after the Zanzibar revolution and just one day before the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was renamed Tanzania (on October 29, 1964), conceded: “Not a single new African nation has succumbed to Communist domination.”17 Officials in the Johnson Administration were convinced that communists had played an active role in the Zanzibar revolution on January 12, 1964, according to released documents contained in the 850-page volume of Foreign Relations of the United States 1964 - 1968. As one US State Department background paper, February 7, 1964, asserted: “There was obvious communist involvement in Zanzibar.”18 Yet, the same officials admitted that disturbances in other parts of East Africa - the army mutinies in Tanganyika, Kenya, and Uganda in January 1964 - around the same time did not appear to be communist-inspired.

In fact, President Nyerere himself resolutely maintained that there was “no evidence whatsoever to suggest that the mutinies in Tanganyika were inspired by outside forces - either Communist or imperialist.”19 But there was a common logic that linked the mutinies to the Zanzibar revolution. The revolution was an African uprising against.... ...from all available evidence, it is clear that communism - or any form of external involvement or manipulation - was not a factor in the army mutiny in Tanganyika or those in Kenya and Uganda; three inter-related incidents in a chain reaction that almost plunged the three countries into chaos during those fateful days in January 1964. Probably more than anything else, even more than salary demands, the mutinies were inspired by black nationalism and were a military expression of indigenous political aspirations. And so was the Zanzibar revolution, although it transcended race and included some Arabs and Persians in the vanguard in the quest for racial justice.... Although it is true that American policy towards Africa during the Johnson Administration (and preceding and future ones) was one of communist containment, there was little evidence to show that communism was gaining ground anywhere on the continent.

Hence Ambassador Harriman’s observation as early as 1964 that - “not a single new African nation has succumbed to Communist penetration”; and the conclusion, in the same year, by the US State Department that: “There is no hard evidence at this time that the trouble in East Africa (the army mutinies) was part of an inter-related communist plot to take over the area.”21 A plausible explanation for American involvement in “facilitating” the establishment of the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar may lie in the fact that the interests of the United States with regard to Zanzibar coincided with those of Julius Nyerere who had always wanted all the countries in the region (including Zanzibar) to unite, and therefore the American government - at best - did not interfere and try to block the union from being formed; but not in the fact.... And there's no question that there were leaders in Zanzibar who also wanted the two countries to unite for reasons which had nothing to do with pressure from the United States and Britain. They supported unification not because they buckled under pressure from the two Western powers but because they had their own reasons for supporting the merger....

....some of the Zanzibari leaders - whom the Americans and the British wanted to contain or nuetralise by bringing them under the control of Nyerere's “moderate” leadership as opposed to their radical views as communists – were some of the strongest supporters of the union themselves. In fact, they strongly supported the move probably far more than some of the leaders in Tanganyika did. Among them was Kassim Hanga, prime minister and vice president of Zanzibar under Abeid Karume, who made an impassioned plea to the other members of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council on the imperative need for unity with Tanganyika. Another strong supporter of the union was Abdulrahman Mohammed Babu, who was known to be a communist and whom the Americans wanted to neutralise because of his status as the most prominent and most influential communist leader in the government of Zanzibar. Kassim Hanga was another communist or someone with well-known communist ties and sympathies. And it was his arguments in support of the union which swayed the other members of the Revolutionary Council who were opposed to it.

Now, why would Hanga and Babu support a union, which they knew the Americans and the British also desperately wanted in order to neutralise them as a political force, if they did not have their own reasons for supporting the merger? Were they also pressured by the Americans to support the merger? And did they want to help the Western powers to destroy them? Or did they support the union because, like Nyerere, they strongly believed in African unity? Would Hanga have made an impassioned plea for unification of the two countries if the Americans and the British were not a factor in the calculus in terms of encouraging the merger for their own reasons? He probably would have done so, since he wanted the two countries to unite for reasons which had nothing to do with the Americans and the British or with securing Western interests in the region as the Americans and the British wanted when they encouraged formation of the union. This is not to discount the possibility or the fact that the Americans and the British did.... And there's no question that there were leaders in the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council who wanted the two countries to unite, the most prominent being Hanga and Babu.

Were some of the other leaders in the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, besides Hanga and Babu, who supported the union also pressured by the Americans and the British to support the merger, although they knew that the Western powers did not like them and wanted to neutralise them as a political force? Why would they support a union which would serve Western interests against theirs? Did Hanga, as prime minister of Zanzibar, make an impassioned plea for unity because he was allied with the Americans and the British and they told him to do so since they wanted the union? Did Babu and others support the merger for the same reason – and because of pressure exerted on them to support unification of the two countries? It's clear that they supported the union for other reasons which were different from the reasons given by the Americans and the British when they supported the merger. Babu, Hanga and other leaders in Zanzibar supported the merger because.... Appendix II: Jenerali Ulimwengu The East African, 30 June 2008 IN his compelling new book, Prof. Issa Shivji is in no mood for taking prisoners.

Instead, he takes some very sacred cows indeed to the slaughter as he dissects the actions of the protagonists involved in the story of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar - from Julius Nyerere to Abeid Karume, to Aboud Jumbe, to Abdulrahman Babu and others. When anti-colonial forces in Africa were agitating for independence, different ethnic, racial and class formations vied with each other for political ascendancy. Zanzibar in particular was a melting pot where groups of varied origins had created a culture, civilisation and language that were distinctly Zanzibari in particular and Swahili in general, belonging to the larger religious and cultural ensemble of coastal city-states that dotted the East African coast from Lamu and Mombasa to Sofala in present-day Mozambique.

The rich tapestry of Zanzibari society brought together not only people from the African mainland, from as far away as Nyasaland (present day Malawi) and Belgian Congo, but also from Oman, Yemen, the Comoros, India and Shiraz in Persia, - who interacted extensively in the fields of commerce, agriculture and the crafts and who, though the idyllic characterisation of social relations on the islands of Unguja and Pemba may have been exaggerated, could not strictly be pigeonholed into the racial hierarchy obtaining on the mainland (Europeans at the top, Asians in the middle, and Africans at the bottom). A unique Zanzibari identity thus came to be a reality, whatever the origins of those who claimed it. It was the politicians, in jostling for space in the public consciousness, who ushered in the politicisation of race and ethnicity, especially as Independence approached and the prospects of acquiring power beckoned. Thus were born the easy categorisations that sought, to place the various ethnic and racial groups into the neat little boxes -Arabs, Indians, mainlanders, etc - that have coloured the politics of the islands to this day.

Whereas Karume and the Afro-Shirazi Party, ASP, accused the Zanzibar Nationalist Party, ZNP, of being Arab feudalists acting at the behest of their masters in Oman, the ZNP suspected Karume and the ASP of being Trojan horses for the mainland. The bad blood created in that epoch poisons Zanzibari politics to this day. Much has been written about the January 12, 1964 insurgency that came to be known as the Revolution, and of the role played in it by John Okello, Karume, and Babu and his Umma Party cadres. Shivji has little doubt that Karume did not take an active part in the events of that Saturday night, and that he may have been kept at a distance for his own safety. It also seems that Okello played a more significant role than that ascribed to him by some ASP stalwarts - that he was chosen to make those bloodthirsty radio broadcasts because of his voice! Shivji also discounts claims made by Babu about the importance of his Umma cadres in directing the revolution.

What is beyond dispute is the direct participation in the uprising of the so-called Committee of 14, including Seif Bakari, Saidi Natepe and Saidi Washoto, representing the lumpen character of the uprising, which was not necessarily informed by a well thought-out political agenda for a social revolution. Indeed, Shivji asserts that the revolution was not in fact a truly popular one because a good half of the population did not support it. This aspect of the genesis of the uprising was to seriously affect the conduct of affairs of state once les sans-culottes found themselves holding the reins of state. It is hardly surprising that the state that they put in place proceeded haphazardly without a clear direction, while wreaking havoc on people’s basic rights, instilling fear in the populace and dealing with real or perceived opponents in the most brutal fashion. Thus was the stage set for the birth of the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar.

On the one hand, there was the heartfelt desire, expressed over and over again by African freedom fighters within the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East and Central Africa, including Nyerere, to enter into some kind of unity/federation of their countries even before independence — giving rise to the school of thought that sees the Union as the child of this emotional “pull.” But, on the other hand, the realities of the Cold War, especially acute at that particular time in the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis, point to another source of pressure on the “push” side of the equation, and in this respect Shivji affords us ample documentary evidence to show that the imperial powers wanted the neutralisation of the perceived “communist” threat posed by Babu and the “comrades” from the Umma party. Given the oft-repeated desire for unity in the region and the anxieties expressed by the representatives of the imperial powers about the implantation of a “Cuba” on the East African coast, reinforced by.... Source: Godfrey Mwakikagile, The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Product of The Cold War? ISBN 978981425856.

Tanganyika and Zanzibar Merge to Form Tanzania (1964) - This Day in History - English - The Free Dictionary Language Forums Tanganyika and Zanzibar Merge to Form Tanzania (1964) Posted: Tuesday, April 26, 2016 12:00:00 AM Rank: Advanced Member Tanganyika and Zanzibar Merge to Form Tanzania (1964) Located in central East Africa, Tanzania has been inhabited by humans or their ancestors perhaps longer than any other place on Earth, with hominid fossils discovered there dating back over two million years. The country of Tanzania is a more recent development, forming in 1964 with the merger of two newly independent republics—Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The former leaders of Tanganyika and Zanzibar then became Tanzania's first president and vice president. What is Tanzania's official language? More... Chronological History of Tanganyika (Tanzania) Arrow Head Cleaning Stone Arabian merchants visited the Tanzanian Coast 2000 years ago and later settled in Zanzibar around 7th century AD.

They established trade routes into the interior and in so doing helped to spread the Arab influenced culture and language of the coast : Swahili culture and language. From 1000 A.D., a considerable amount of trade went on between China, Persia and Tanzania Coastal Areas. Much exchange took place with India until after 1500 A.D. when Chinese merchant ships reached East African Coast. Chinaware of 700 years ago have been excavated in Kilwa, Tanzania bearing evidence that the Tanzania Coast was once part of a developed culture that boomed along the Indian Ocean Coast. As stated above, ivory from Tanzania was also exported to Japan around this period. It is fabled that about this time the powerful chief Lutunasobasoba and his people followed the traders across the Indian Ocean - travelling south east of Asia and settled Fiji . Beyond coincidence.... Interestingly, the flowering tree seen in the images below is common to both Tanganyika and Fiji. In Fiji it is called the Fijian Tulip and is found all over Viti Levu - it is clear that the tree has been there for hundreds of years - before the white man came. Who brought it from Tanganyika to Fiji? I think I know!

The Fijian Tulip - images taken near Koro Levu on the Coral Coast Witch Doctors and Death Masks During these times witch craft became a real part of African village life with witch doctors having the power to cast spells on people who would then die. The masks below are original death masks acquired in northern Mozambique by a white hunter in the 1940s in exchange for cigarettes. They are now held in the Balson Holdings Family Trust collection. Each death mask is carved out of the softwood of the baobab tree with animal hair (normally buck) placed as hair. The carvings are beautifully done and created as realistically as possible in the likeness of the man or woman who the spell has been cast on. Click on thumbnail image below for larger image Indian Portuguese West African The Portuguese established temporary settlements in the 16th century , and a relic of a Portuguese Fort, "Geresa" built in 1505 is in Kilwa (remains right). In the late 17th century, however, the Portuguese were supplanted by the Omanis who established trade in ivory and slaves.

Ivory was in great demand in India, where married women were expected to wear ivory bangles which were buried with them when they died. Ivory trade was also established in the 18th century with Japan where it was required for production of "netsukes" (ivory buttons used to suspend objects from a belt). Slaves were used to carry ivory to the coast but were also required for clove plantations in Zanzibar and in sugar plantations in Mauritius. Other slaves were exported to the Persian Gulf, Europe and Americas. The scramble for Africa by the European powers at the end of the 19th century led to the occupation of the mainland by Germany despite resistance by leaders such as Abushiri of Pangani, Mkwawa of Iringa, and Kinjeketile of Rufiji. The latter led the famous Maji maji uprising of July 1905. Zanzibar became a British Protectorate. After World War I, Germany was forced to surrender mainland Tanzania to British rule. The mainland (then known as Tanganyika) became independent in 1961 and Zanzibar in 1963.

In 1964, Tanganyika and Zanzibar united to form United Republic of Tanzania. Ancestral Pipe - made of human bones On the other side of Africa, in the north west of the Congo the bonesaka / bonesandi people had some unique traditions like this ancestral pipe (below) which is literally constructed out of the bones of the loved one who passed away. The large bowl similar to a gourd joining the two leg bone pipes and covered in pitch could be the skull of the ancestor or a primate. It was an honour for the family to smoke the pipe made from the bones of their deceased family member. The pipe weighs 1.5 kilos and is 48cm long by 26cm high. The two thigh bones are crudely carved to represent the likeness of the ancestor and the main body of the pipe sparcely decorated with shells and small copper studs while the pieces are bound together with tightly wrapped copper braid and pitch. Today the Bonesaka and Ngabandi people are Christian and no longer practice this sort of ritual activity.

Ancestral Pipe in the Balson Holdings Family Trust c1850 HISTORY OF TANZANIA HISTORY OF TANZANIA Enjoy the Famous Daily Uncharted territory: to the 19th century In the uncharted centuries of prehistory, Tanzania is criss-crossed by tribal trade routes linking the Great Lakes (Victoria and Tanganyika) with the coast. These are the same routes along which Arab traders subsequently move inland, searching for slaves and ivory. In a second wave of penetration by outsiders, Europeans use Bagamoyo (opposite Zanzibar) as their starting point for exploration inland. Burton and Speke do so in 1856, as does Stanley in 1871 and again in 1874 . But the most significant visitor to the region turns out to be Karl Peters, a young man with a feverish enthusiasm for the notion of a German empire. Peters, with two companions, spends a few weeks at the end of 1884 moving at frantic speed within the sultan of Zanzibar 's mainland territories. The trio arrive in each new region with blank treaty forms and German flags.

They fill in the local chief's name and persuade him to make his mark on the document and to run up a flag. Then they move on. Grievously under-equipped and soon short of food, they only just manage to make their way back to the coast. But Peters, returning to Berlin, has an exciting proposition to put to Bismarck - who is himself in high imperial mood, with his Berlin colonial conference still in progress. A German east African colony, Peters tells him, is there for the taking. In February 1885 Bismarck grants Peters a charter for an East African protectorate, but the fact is kept secret until the colonial conference has ended. Meanwhile Peters recruits more agents in Africa to continue the work of distributing treaty forms. Their instructions are to be schnell, kühn, rücksichtslos (swift, daring, ruthless). When the sultan of Zanzibar hears of the proposed protectorate on his territory, he sends a protest to the German emperor. It reaches Berlin in May. Bismarck asks Peters what the response should be.

Peters replies that there is a lagoon facing the sultan's palace in Zanzibar, deep enough for warships to anchor in. A German-British carve up: 1885-1886 On 7 August 1885 five German warships steam into the lagoon of Zanzibar and train their guns on the sultan's palace. They have arrived with a demand from Bismarck that Sultan Barghash cede to the German emperor his mainland territories or face the consequences. But in the age of the telegram, gunboat diplomacy is no longer a local matter. This crisis is immediately on desks in London. Britain, eager not to offend Germany, suggests a compromise. The two nations should mutually agree spheres of interest over the territory stretching inland to the Great Lakes. This plan is accepted before August is out. The embarrassed British consul finds himself under orders from London to persuade the sultan to sign an agreement ceding the lion's share of his mainland territory, with the details still to be decided. In September the German gunships begin their journey home. A joint Anglo-German boundary commission starts work in the interior.

By November 1886 the task is done and the result is agreed with the other main colonial power, France. The sultan is left a strip ten miles wide along the coast. Behind that a line is drawn to Mount Kilimanjaro and on to Lake Victoria at latitude 1° S. The British sphere of influence is to be to the north, the German to the south. The line remains to this day the border between Kenya and Tanzania. German East Africa: 1886-1916 The administration of the territory in the agreement of 1886 is handed over to Karl Peters' German East Africa Company. The company extends its territory to the sea from 1888, by buying a lease of the coastal strip which was left in the sultan of Zanzibar's possession. But local resentment leads to a Muslim uprising in that year which is only suppressed after the arrival of German troops (assisted on this occasion by the British navy). The inadequacy of the company causes the German government to take direct control in 1891. But Karl Peters retains his involvement, being appointed imperial commissioner.

There follow two decades in which the German authorities make considerable efforts to develop their east African colony. A railway is built from Dar es Salaam to Tabora and then on to Ujiji. New crops, such as sisal and cotton, are introduced and prove very successful - as also is the development of coffee plantations on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. But this energetic German presence is profoundly resented by the African tribes, particularly when the harsh methods of forced labour are used in the cultivation of the new and alien crops. The result, in 1905, is a widespread popular rebellion which becomes known as the Maji-Maji rising. Maji is the Swahili for 'water'. The rising gets its name because the belief spreads among the African workers that a magic potion of water, castor oil and millet seeds can turn German bullets to water. In August 1905 the drums begin to broadcast the news that cotton plants are being pulled up rather than tended, in a symbolic gesture of resistance. The excitement spreads throughout much of the colony, as people drink the potion and set off on a rampage wearing headbands woven from the stalks of millet, the indigenous crop.

Soon, inevitably, there are murderous attacks on Germans and the burning of their houses. Reinforcements arrive from Germany in October 1905, by which time many of the Maji-Maji have already begun to discover that German bullets do not turn to water. The German commander, General von Götzen, uses a strategy hardly more humane than that of his colleague von Trotha in Namibia, whose brutality has caused an international outcry only a year previously. Von Götzen decides that in the long term only famine will bring these rebellious workers to heel. He instructs his troops to move through the country destroying crops, removing or burning any grain already harvested, and putting entire villages to the torch. It is estimated that about 250,000 Africans die in the resulting famine. German East Africa, like German South West Africa , acquires in its early years a besmirched colonial record. Meanwhile Karl Peters , the originator of this colony, has in 1897 been tried and convicted in a Potsdam court for brutal offences committed in Africa. They include his response to the suspicion that one of his servants may have slept with his African mistress.

The young girl is flogged and then both are hanged. These scandals shock Berlin sufficiently for reforms in colonial policy to be hastily put in place. But any likely benefit is cut short by the onset of World War I. Early in 1916 British forces move south from Kenya to occupy German East Africa. British Mandate: 1919-1962 After the end of the war the treaty of Versailles, in 1919, grants Britain a League of Nations mandate to govern the former German East Africa - which now acquires a new name, Tanganyika. British policy from the 1920s onwards is to encourage indigenous African administration along traditional lines, through local councils and courts. A legislative council is also established in Dar es Salaam, but African members are not elected to this until after World War II. By then local political development is an obligation under the terms of UN trusteeship, in which Britain places Tanganyika in 1947. During the 1950s a likely future leader of Tanganyika emerges in the person of Julius Nyerere.

Son of a chief, a convert to Roman Catholicism while studying at Makerere college in Uganda, then an undergraduate for three years in Edinburgh university, Nyerere returns to Tanganyika in 1953. He immediately founds a political party, TANU or the Tanganyika African National Union (evolving it from an earlier and defunct Tanganyika African Association). From the start its members feature prominently in elections to the legislative assembly. When independence follows, in 1961, Nyerere becomes the new nation's prime minister. In 1962 Tanganyika adopts a republican constitution and Nyerere is elected president. Republic of Tanzania: 1964-1985 In 1964 Nyerere reaches an agreement with Abeid Karume , president of the offshore island of Zanzibar which has been so closely linked in its history to the mainland territory of Tanganyika. The two presidents sign an act of union, bringing their nations together as the United Republic of Tanzania. Nyerere becomes president of the new state, with Karume as his vice-president.

Nyerere, by instinct an idealistic socialist, guides his country along lines which often have a utopian touch. Local self-sufficiency is emphasized. Traditional and simple solutions are sought for local problems rather than relying on technological foreign imports. Great importance is placed on education and literacy, in which excellent results are achieved. Nyerere declares his political creed in a document of 1967 known as the Arusha Declaration. This announces the introduction of a socialist state and is accompanied by the nationalization of key elements in the economy. With such policies Nyerere inevitably has to rely on help from the eastern bloc, and in particular China. Nevertheless he is able to maintain his declared international stance of non-alignment. The Arusha Declaration puts agriculture at the centre of the national economy and introduces a programme of 'villagization' - meaning the moving of peasant families into cooperative villages where they can supposedly work together more productively. As elsewhere where such cooperatives have been tried (in particular Mao Tse-tung's China, a source of inspiration to Nyerere), they prove both unpopular and inefficient.

When Nyerere relinquishes executive power voluntarily in 1985 (a rare act in modern African history, and certainly one with no appeal to Mao), he admits that his economic policies have failed. But in his twenty-three years in office he has established an impressive reputation as an independent and free-thinking African statesman - willing to sever relations with the UK (1965-8) because of British acceptance of racist Rhodesia and South Africa , but also taking on the OAU (as when he recognizes Biafra 's secession in 1968). Chama Cha Mapinduzi: from1977 From 1965 each part of the union has only one political party, but they are different parties - TANU in Tanganyika and ASP (Afro-Shirazi Party) in Zanzibar. In 1977 they merge as the CCM or Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Party). When Nyerere stands down as president, in 1985, he remains chairman of the CCM and as such retains an important voice in the formulation of general policy.

For the executive post of president the party puts forward only one candidate, Ali Hassan Mwinyi. However, by the early 1990s there is irresistible pressure - here as elsewhere in Africa - for the introduction of multiparty democracy. President Mwinyi promulgates a new democratic constitution in 1992, with the stipulation that political parties will only be registered if they are active in both Tanganyika and Zanzibar and if they are not identified with specific religious, regional, tribal or racial groups. Elections are held in 1995. The CCM just wins in Zanzibar, where opposition anger at electoral malpractice disrupts polital life for the rest of the decade. In Tanganyika the CCM candidate Benjamin Mkapa is elected president of the union, but only after all his rivals have withdrawn from the race alleging ballot-rigging. During the 1990s very great strain is placed on an already impoverished Tanzania by the ethnic conflicts over the border in Rwanda and Burundi . During a single 24-hour period in 1994 as many as 250,000 Rwandan refugees stream into Tanzania.

Eventually the total is 550,000 from Rwanda and 100,000 from Burundi. Many of them are still in Tanzania at the end of the decade. In Dar es Salaam a hopeful sign is the progress of an anti-corruption campaign launched by President Mkapa. In 1997 more than 1500 civil servants are dismissed on these grounds.

Today in History: Tanganyika and Zanzibar Merge to Form Tanzania (1964) Today in History: Tanganyika and Zanzibar Merge to Form Tanzania (1964) Coordinates: 6°18′25″S 34°51′14″E / 6.307°S 34.854°E / -6.307; 34.854 The United Republic of Tanzania ( /ˌtænzəˈniːə/ Swahili: Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania) is a country in central East Africa bordered by Kenya and Uganda to the north, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, and Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique to the south. The country's eastern borders lie on the Indian Ocean. The United Republic of Tanzania is a unitary republic composed of 26 mikoa (regions). The head of state is President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, elected in 2005. Since 1996, the official capital of Tanzania has been Dodoma, where parliament and some government offices are located.

Between independence and 1996, the major coastal city of Dar es Salaam served as the country's political capital. Today, Dar es Salaam remains the principal commercial city of Tanzania and the de-facto seat of most government institutions. It is the major seaport for the country and its landlocked neighbours. The name Tanzania derives from the names of the two states Tanganyika and Zanzibar that united in 1964 to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, which later the same year was renamed the United Republic of Tanzania. Source: encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com Tanzania - Q-files Encyclopedia East Africa is home to the earliest ancestors of modern humans. 600 BC–100 AD Bantu tribes move from West Africa to an area east of Lake Victoria. 1400–1500 Settlers from southern Sudan, ancestors of modern Maasai people, move into northern Tanzania. 1400s Yemeni settlers establish the trading city of Kilwa on Tanzania’s coast. 1498 Vasco de Gama, a Portuguese explorer, reaches the East African coast.

The Portuguese control most of the East African coast for the next 200 years. 1699 Omani Arabs take control of Kilwa and Zanzibar. An important port, it becomes the centre of their slave-trading empire. 1867 Britain starts to put pressure on Sultan of Zanzibar to end the country’s slave trade. 1885-6 Germany takes control of part of East Africa. 1905 Villagers revolt against German rule in the Maji Maji Rebellion, and are suppressed by the German government. 1919 At the end of World War I, Germany is defeated, and Britain takes control of Tanganyika. 1948 Young Africans form the Tanganyika African Association in protest over colonial rule. The organization is renamed the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1953. 1961 Tanganyika becomes independent from Britain. 1962 Julius Nyerere elected Tanganyika's first president; he remains in his post until 1995. 1963 Zanzibar becomes independent from Britain.

1964 Tanganyika and Zanzibar merge to form a new country: Tanzania. 1974 Government attempts to set up more efficient farming communities by relocating 80% of the population to new villages. 1979 Tanzania declares war on Uganda and achieves a swift victory; Uganda's President Idi Amin is forced to quit the country.

Question: In which year did Tanganyika and Zanzibar merge to form Tanzania?
Answer: 1964