President of the European Commission : definition of President of the European Commission and synonyms of President of the European Commission (English) ec.europa.eu/president The President of the European Commission is the head of the European Commission ― the executive branch of the European Union (EU) ― the most powerful officeholder in the EU. [2] The President is responsible for allocating portfolios to members of the Commission and can reshuffle or dismiss them if needed. He determines the Commission's policy agenda and all the legislative proposals it produces (the Commission is the only body that can propose EU laws ). The Commission President also represents the EU abroad, although he does this alongside the President of the European Council and, at foreign minister's level, the High Representative (who sits in his Commission as Vice President). However the President, unlike a normal head of government , does not form foreign policy, command troops or raise taxes as these are largely outside the remit of the EU. The post was established in 1958 and is elected by the European Parliament , on a proposal of the European Council for five year terms. Once elected, he, along with his Commission, is responsible to Parliament which can censure him.

The current President is José Manuel Barroso , who took office in October 2004. He is a member of the European People's Party (EPP) and is the former Prime Minister of Portugal . Barroso is the eleventh President and in 2009 was re-elected for a further five years. His vice president, as of 2010, is High Representative Catherine Ashton, Baroness Ashton of Upholland . Contents Further information: European Commission#History and History of the European Union Walter Hallstein, the first President of the Commission The President of the European Commission was established in 1957 with the European Commission. Previously it was merely a post of primus inter pares but had an increasing impact on the Community. Under Jacques Delors it became increasingly presidential in style and now is the dominant force in the Commission, although curbed by crises such as the resignation of the Santer Commission . Establishment Before the establishment of the present European Commission, there was the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community . In 1957 the present Commission was established by the Treaty of Rome , and it also replaced the High Authority and the Commission of Euratom in 1967.

[3] The Commission's first president was Walter Hallstein (see Hallstein Commission ) who started consolidating European law and began to impact on national legislation. National governments took little heed of his administration at first with the President having to stamp the Commission's authority early on. With the aid of the European Court of Justice the Commission began to be taken more seriously. [4] In 1965 Hallstein put forward his proposals for the Common Agricultural Policy , which would give the Community its own financial resources while giving more power to the Commission and Parliament and removing the veto power over Agriculture in the Council. These proposals led to an immediate backlash from France. [5] Hallstein knew the proposals would be contentious, and took personal charge of drafting them, overriding the Agriculture Commissioner . However he did gain the support of Parliament through his proposals to increase its powers, and he also presented his policy to Parliament a week before he submitted them to the Council. He aimed to demonstrate how he thought the Community ought to be run, in the hopes of generating a wave of pro-Europeanism big enough to get past the objections of member states. However in this it proved that, despite its past successes, Hallstein was overconfident in his risky proposals.

[6] President Mansholt opened the first enlargement talks with the Denmark, Ireland, Norway and the United Kingdom In reaction to Hallstein's proposals and actions, then- French President , Charles de Gaulle , who was sceptical of the rising supranational power of the Commission, accused Hallstein of acting as if he were a head of state . France eventually withdrew its representative from the Council, triggering the notorious "empty chair crisis". [5] Although this was resolved under the " Luxembourg compromise ", Hallstein became the scapegoat for the crisis. The Council refused to renew his term, despite being the most 'dynamic' leader until Jacques Delors . [6] 1967–85 Hallstein's work did enable the Commission to be a real player. During the 1970s the Presidents were involved in the major political projects of the day, such as the European Monetary Union . [7] In 1970, President Jean Rey secured the Community's own financial resources [8] and in 1977, President Roy Jenkins became the first Commission President to attend a G7 summit on behalf of the Community.

[9] However due to problems such as the 1973 oil crisis and the 1979 energy crisis , economic hardship put the European ideal on the back burner, with only the President trying to keep the idea alive. The member states had the upper hand and they created the European Council to discuss topical problems, yet the Council was unable to keep the major projects on track such as the Common Agricultural Policy . [10] The Community entered a period of eurosclerosis due to economic difficulties and disagreements on the Community budget , and by the Thorn Commission the President was unable to exert his influence to any significant extent. [11] Presidentialism President Delors (left) transformed the post into a more presidential figure after a period of 'eurosclerosis' under President Thorn (right) However the Commission began to recover under President Jacques Delors ' Commission . He is seen as the most successful President, being credited with giving the Community a sense of direction and dynamism. [12] The International Herald Tribune noted the work of Delors at the end of his second term in 1992: "Mr. Delors rescued the European Community from the doldrums. He arrived when Europessimism was at its worst.

Although he was a little-known (outside France) finance minister and former MEP, he breathed life and hope into the EC and into the dispirited Brussels Commission. In his first term, from 1985 to 1988, he rallied Europe to the call of the single market, and when appointed to a second term he began urging Europeans toward the far more ambitious goals of economic, monetary and political union." [13] But Delors not only turned the Community around, he signaled a change in the Presidency. Before he came to power the Commission President still was a position of first among equals , when he left office he was the undisputed icon and leader of the Community. His tenure had produced a strong Presidency and a strong Commission as the President became more important. Following treaties cemented this change, with the President being given control over the allocation of portfolios and being able to force the resignation of Commissioners. When President Romano Prodi took office with the new powers of the Treaty of Amsterdam , he was dubbed by the press as Europe's first Prime Minister. [14] [15] President Delors' work had increased the powers of Parliament, whose support he had enjoyed.

However, later Commissions did not enjoy the same support and in 1999 parliament used its powers to force the Santer Commission to resign. [16] Parliamentary oversight President Prodi was dubbed by the press as "Europe's first Prime Minister" due to his new powers Historically, the Council appointed the Commission President and the whole body by unanimity without input from Parliament. However with the Treaty on European Union in 1993, Parliament gained the right to be 'consulted' on the appointment of the President and to veto the Commission as a whole. Parliament decided to interpret its right to be consulted as a right to veto the President, which the Council reluctantly accepted [17] This right of veto was formalised in the Amsterdam Treaty . The Treaty of Nice changed the Council's vote from a unanimous choice to one that merely needed a qualified majority . This meant that the weight of the Parliament in the process increased resulting in a quasi- parliamentary system where one group could be 'in government'. This became evident in 2004 when numerous candidates were put forward and a centre-right vote won out over left wing groups and France & Germany.

[18] Barroso was then forced to back down over his choice of Commissioners due to Parliament's threat that it would not approve his Commission. [19] In 2009, the European People's Party endorsed Barroso as their candidate for Commission President and the party subsequently retained their position as largest group in that year's elections. The Socialists responded by pledging to put forward a rival candidate at future elections. [20] Barroso once again was forced by Parliament to make a change to his proposed Commission [21] but eventually received assent. However in exchange for approval, Parliament forced some concessions from Barroso in terms of Parliamentary representation at Commission and international meetings. [22] On 7 September 2010, Barroso gave the first US-style State of the Union address to Parliament; which focused primarily on the EU's economic recovery and human rights. The speech is to be annual.

[23] Appointment President Barroso, from the EPP which was the largest party after the 2004 and 2009 elections Article 17 of the Treaty on European Union , as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon , lays out the procedure for appointing the President and his team. The European Council votes by qualified majority for a nominee for the post of President, taking account of the latest European elections . This proposal is then put before Parliament which must approve or veto the appointment. If an absolute majority of MEPs support the nominee, he/she is elected. The President then, together with the Council, puts forward his team to the Parliament to be scrutinised. The Parliament normally insists that each one of them appear before the parliamentary committee that corresponds to their prospective portfolio for a public hearing. The Parliament then votes on the Commission as a whole and, if approved, the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, appoints the President and his team to office. [24] Transparency Qualified majority in the Council has led to more candidates being fielded while there has been greater politicisation due to the involvement of Parliament and the change of policy direction in the EU from the creation of the single market to reform of it.

[25] However despite this, the choice within the Council remains largely behind closed doors. During the appointment of Santer, discussions were kept in private with the media relying on insider leaks. MEPs were angry with the process, against the spirit of consultation that the new EU treaty brought in. Pauline Green MEP, leader of the Socialist group , stated that her group thought "Parliament should refuse to condone a practice which so sullies the democratic process". [26] There was similar deals in 1999 and 2004 saw a repeat of Santer's appointment when Barroso was appointed through a series of secret meetings between leaders with no press releases on the negotiations being released. [27] This was sharply criticised by MEPs such as the liberal group leader Graham Watson who described the procedure as a " Justus Lipsius carpet market" producing only the "lowest common denominator"; while Green-EFA co-leader Daniel Cohn-Bendit asked Barroso after his first speech "If you are the best candidate, why were you not the first?" [28] [29] Criteria One None The candidate selected by the Council has often been a leading national politician but this is not a requirement.

The choice of President must take into account the result of the latest Parliamentary elections (i.e. the candidate supported by the victorious European political party in particular, or at least someone from that political family). That provision was not in force in the nomination in 2004, but the centre-right European People's Party (EPP) who won the elections pressured for a candidate from its own ranks. In the end, the EPP candidate was chosen: José Manuel Barroso . [30] On the same basis, the EPP endorsed again Barroso for a second term during the 2009 European elections campaign and, after winning again the elections, was able to secure his nomination by the European Council . Further criteria seen to be influencing the choice of the Council include: which area of Europe the candidate comes from, favoured as Southern Europe in 2004; the candidate's political influence, credible yet not overpowering members; language, proficiency in French considered necessary by France; and degree of integration, their state being a member of both the eurozone and the Schengen Agreement .

[31] [32] [33] There is an assumption that there is a rolling agreement along these lines that a president from a large state is followed by a president from a small state, and one from the political left will be followed by one from the political right: Roy Jenkins (British socialist) was followed by Gaston Thorn (Luxembourg liberal), Jacques Delors (French socialist), Jacques Santer (Luxembourg Christian democrat), Romano Prodi (Italian left wing Christian democrat) and Jose Barroso (Portuguese Christian democrat). However, despite these assumptions these Presidents have usually been chosen during political battles and coalition building. Delors was chosen following a Franco-British disagreement over Claude Cheysson , Santer was a compromise after Britain vetoes Jean-Luc Dehaene and Prodi was backed by a coalition of thirteen states against the Franco-German preference for Guy Verhofstadt .

[34] Elections Further information: Elections in the European Union The European Green Party was the first to run a pan-European campaign with a candidate for Commission president: Daniel Cohn-Bendit In February 2008, President Barroso admitted there was a problem in legitimacy and that, despite having the same legitimacy as Prime Ministers in theory, in practice it was not the case. The low voter turnout creates a problem for the President's legitimacy, with the lack of a "European political sphere", but analysis claim that if citizens were voting for a list of candidates for the post of President, turn out would be much higher than that seen in recent years. [35] Under the Treaty of Lisbon the European Council has to take into account the results of the latest European elections and, furthermore, the Parliament "elects", rather than simply approve, the Council's proposed candidate. This was taken as the parliament's cue to have its parties run with candidates for the President of the Commission with the candidate of the winning party being proposed by the Council. [36] This was partly put into practice in 2004 when the European Council selected a candidate from the political party which secured a plurality of votes in that year's election .

However at that time only one party had run with a specific candidate: the European Green Party , who had the first true pan-European political party with a common campaign, [37] put forward Daniel Cohn-Bendit . [36] However the fractious nature of the other political parties led to no other candidates, the People's Party only mentioned four or five people they'd like to be President. [38] There have been plans to strengthen the European political parties [39] in order for them to propose candidate for future elections. [40] [41] The European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party indicated, in its October 2007 congress, its intention to forward a candidate for the post as part of a common campaign but failed to do so. [42] However the European People's Party did select Barroso as their candidate and, as the largest party, Barroso's turn was renewed. The Socialists, disappointed at the 2009 election, agreed to put forward a candidate for Commission President at all subsequent elections [43] .

After a campaign within that party to have open primaries for said candidate [20] , the PES Congress gathering in Brussels in November 2011 decided that PES would designate its candidate for Commission president through primaries taking place in January 2014 in each of its member parties and organisations [44] , before a ratification of the results by an Extraordinary PES Congress in February 2014. Term of office The President is elected for a renewable five year term starting six months after the elections to the European Parliament . These were brought into alignment via the Maastricht Treaty and the elections take place in June every five years (the first election was held in 1979, hence all subsequent elections are held on years ending in 4 and 9). [45] This alignment has led to a closer relationship between the elections and the President himself with the above mentioned proposals for political parties running with candidates. The President and his Commission may be removed from office by a vote of censure from Parliament.

Parliament has never done this to date, however the threat of this happening in 1999 due to allegations of financial mismanagement led to the Santer Commission resigning on its own accord, before the Parliament forced them out. [46] Duties and powers Membership The President of the European Commission is the most powerful position in the European Union, [2] controlling the Commission which collectively has a monopoly on all Union legislation and is responsible for ensuring its enforcement. [2] [47] The President controls the policy agenda of the Commission for his term and in practice no policy can be proposed without the President's agreement. [2] The role of the President is to lead the Commission, and give direction to the Commission and the Union as a whole. The treaties state that "the Commission shall work under the political guidance of its President" (Article 219 TEC ), this is conducted through his calling and chairing of meetings of the college of Commissioners, [45] his personal cabinet and the meetings of the heads of each commissioner's cabinet (the Hebdo). [2] [45] The president may also force a Commissioner to resign.

[45] The work of the Commission as a body is based on the principle of Cabinet collective responsibility , however in his powers he acts as more than a first among equals . [45] The role of the President is similar to that of a national Prime Minister chairing a cabinet. [2] The President also has responsibility for representing the Commission in the Union and beyond. For example, he is a member of the European Council and takes part in debates in Parliament and the Council of Ministers. Outside the Union he attends the meetings of the G8 to represent the Union. [45] However in foreign affairs, he does have to compete with several Commissioners with foreign affairs related portfolios: the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the President of the European Council . [48] The Presidential system had started to develop since Jacques Delors and has since been cemented, a strong President with competent mandarins is practically unstoppable. However, externally he is still dependent on support from the Council and Parliament. Delors had enjoyed the Parliament's and the Council's support for his whole term, and due to his work the Parliament increased in powers and the Council increased in membership.

The membership is now so large the President is increasingly unable to garner the support of all the states, even though the job is supposed to try to keep everyone happy. The Parliament now has more powers over the Commission and can reject its proposals, although the Commission has little power over Parliament, such as the ability to dissolve it to call new elections. [49] The Presidents office is on the top, 13th, floor of the Berlaymont building in Brussels . The president receives his political guidance from his cabinet , the head of which acts as a political bodyguard for the President. Such factors can lead to an isolation of the President from outside events. [50] For the European Civil Service the President has a very high status, due to his immense authority and symbolism within the body. [51] The President exercises further authority through the legal service and Secretariat-General of the Commission . The former has the power to strike down proposals on legal technicalities while the latter organises meetings, agendas and minutes. His control over these areas gives the President further political tools when directing the work of the Commission. This has also increased the Presidential style of the Commission President.

[52] With the reorganisation of leading EU posts under the Lisbon Treaty , there was some criticism of each posts vague responsibilities. Ukrainian ambassador to the EU Andriy Veselovsky praised the framework and clarified it in his own terms: The Commission President speaks as the EU's "government" while the President of the European Council is a "strategist". The High Representative specialises in "bilateral relations" while the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy deals in technical matters such as the free trade agreement with Ukraine. The President of the European Parliament meanwhile articulates the EU's values. [53] Relationship to European Council Presidency Having both a Commission President (Barroso, left) and a European Council President (Van Rompuy, right) led to concerns over confusion and infighting Despite the recent Presidential style, the President has also begun to lose ground to the larger member states as countries such as France, Italy, the UK and Germany seek to sideline its role. This may increase with the recent creation of the permanent President of the European Council .

[54] There has been disagreement and concern over competition between the President of the European Council Van Rompuy and the Commission President Barroso due to the vague language of the treaty. Some clarifications see Van Rompuy as the "strategist" and Barroso as a head of government . In terms of economic planning Van Rompuy saw the Commission as dealing with the content of the plan and the European Council as dealing with the means and implementing it. Despite weekly breakfasts together there is a certain extent of rivalry between the two yet-defined posts, including the High Representative . [53] [55] [56] Although there are concerns that competition with the new Council President would lead to increased infighting, [57] there are provisions for combining the two offices. The European Council President may not hold a national office, such as a Prime Minister of a member state, but there is no such restraint on European offices. So the Commission President, who already sits in the European Council, could also be appointed as its President. This would allow the European Council to combine the position, with its powers, of both executive bodies into a single President of the European Union .

[58] Since the creation of the European Council presidency, President Van Rompuy and Commission President Barroso have begun to compete with each other as Van Rompuy has benefited from the general shift in power from the Commission to the Council yet with Barroso still holding the real powers. At international summits there was no agreement as to who should represent the EU, so they agreed to both go at the same time. The complicated situation has renewed some calls to merge the posts, possibly at the end of Barroso's term in 2014 or even as early as mid-2012 when Van Rompuy's present mandate ends. However some member states are expected to oppose the creation of such a high profile post. [55] [56] Privileges of office The basic monthly salary of the President is fixed at 138% of the top civil service grade [59] which works out at € 24,422.80. [60] Vice Presidents are paid €22,122.10, ordinary commissioners €19,909.89 and the High Representative €23,006.98.

[59] [60] The President is awarded no official residence or private jet , but does receive a chauffeured car, a personal staff of approximately 20 people, a housing allowance [61] and further allowances. [59] List of presidents President of the European Commission : Wikis (The Full Wiki) Membership The President of the European Commission is the most powerful office in the European Union , [2] as the head of the European Commission , the executive branch of the European Union . The President is responsible for allocating portfolios to members of the Commission and can reshuffle or fire them if needed. He determines the Commission's policy agenda and all the legislative proposals it produces (the Commission is the only body that can propose EU laws ). The post was established in 1957 and is appointed by the European Council and European Parliament for five year terms. Once elected, he, along with his Commission, is responsible to Parliament which can censure him. The current President is José Manuel Barroso , who took office in October 2004. He is a member of the European People's Party and is the former Prime Minister of Portugal .

Barroso is the eleventh President and in 2009 was re-elected for a further five years. Contents Further information: European Commission#History and History of the European Union The President of the European Commission was established in 1957 with the European Commission. Previously it was merely a post of first among equals but had an increasing impact on the Community. Under Jacques Delors it became increasingly presidential in style and now is the dominant force in the Commission, although curbed by crises such as the resignation of the Santer Commission . Advertisements Establishment Before the establishment of the present European Commission, there was the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community . In 1957 the present Commission was established by the Treaty of Rome , and it also replaced the High Authority and the Commission of Euratom in 1967. [3] The Commission's first president was Walter Hallstein (see Hallstein Commission ) who's started consolidating European law and began to impact on national legislation. National governments took little heed of his administration at first with the President having to stamp the Commission's authority early on. With the aid of the European Court of Justice the Commission began to be taken more seriously.

[4] In 1965 Hallstein put forward his proposals for the Common Agricultural Policy , which would give the Community its own financial resources while giving more power to the Commission and Parliament and removing the veto power over Agriculture in the Council. These proposals led to an immediate backlash from France . [5] Hallstein knew the proposals would be contentious, and took personal charge of drafting them, overriding the Agriculture Commissioner . However he did gain the support of Parliament through his proposals to increase its powers, and he also presented his policy to Parliament a week before he submitted them to the Council. He aimed to demonstrate how he thought the Community ought to be run, in the hopes of generating a wave of pro-Europeanism big enough to get past the objections of member states. However in this it proved that, despite its past successes, Hallstein was overconfident in his risky proposals. [6] In reaction to Hallstein's proposals and actions, then- French President , Charles de Gaulle , who was sceptical of the rising supranational power of the Commission, accused Hallstein of acting as if he were a head of state . France eventually withdrew its representative from the Council, triggering the notorious "empty chair crisis".

[5] Although this was resolved under the " Luxembourg compromise ", Hallstein became the scapegoat for the crisis. The Council refused to renew his term, despite being the most 'dynamic' leader until Jacques Delors . [6] 1967-85 Hallstein's work did enable the Commission to be a real player. During the 1970s the Presidents were involved in the major political projects of the day, such as the European Monetary Union . [7] In 1970, President Jean Rey secured the Community's own financial resources [8] and in 1977, President Roy Jenkins became the first Commission President to attend a G7 summit on behalf of the Community. [9] However due to problems such as the 1973 oil crisis and the 1979 energy crisis , economic hardship put the European ideal on the back burner, with only the President trying to keep the idea alive. The member states had the upper hand and they created the European Council to discuss topical problems, yet the Council was unable to keep the major projects on track such as the Common Agricultural Policy .

[10] The Community entered a period of eurosclerosis due to economic difficulties and disagreements on the Community budget , and by the Thorn Commission the President was unable to exert his influence to any significant extent. [11] Presidentialism President Delors transformed the post into a more presidential figure However the Commission began to recover under President Jacques Delors ' Commission . He is seen as the most successful President, being credited with giving the Community a sense of direction and dynamism. [12] The International Herald Tribune noted the work of Delors at the end of his second term in 1992: "Mr. Delors rescued the European Community from the doldrums. He arrived when Europessimism was at its worst. Although he was a little-known former French finance minister, he breathed life and hope into the EC and into the dispirited Brussels Commission. In his first term, from 1985 to 1988, he rallied Europe to the call of the single market, and when appointed to a second term he began urging Europeans toward the far more ambitious goals of economic, monetary and political union." [13] But Delors not only turned the Community around, he signaled a change in the Presidency.

Before he came to power the Commission President still was a position of first among equals , when he left office he was the undisputed icon and leader of the Community. His tenure had produced a strong Presidency and a strong Commission as the President became more important. Following treaties cemented this change, with the President being given control over the allocation of portfolios and being able to force the resignation of Commissioners. When President Romano Prodi took office with the new powers of the Treaty of Amsterdam , he was dubbed by the press as Europe's first Prime Minister . [14] [15] President Delors' work had increased the powers of Parliament, whose support he had enjoyed. However, later Commissions did not enjoy the same support and in 1999 parliament used its powers to force the Santer Commission to resign. [16] Parliamentary oversight Historically, the Council appointed the Commission President and the whole body by unanimity without input from Parliament. However with the Treaty on European Union in 1993, Parliament gained the right to be 'consulted' on the appointment of the President and to veto the Commission as a whole.

Parliament decided to interpret its right to be consulted as a right to veto the President, which the Council reluctantly accepted [17] This right of veto was formalised in the Amsterdam Treaty . The Treaty of Nice changed the Council's vote from a unanimous choice to one that merely needed a qualified majority . This meant that the weight of the Parliament in the process increased resulting in a quasi- parliamentary system where one group could be 'in government'. This became evident in 2004 when numerous candidates were put forward and a centre-right vote won out over left wing groups and France & Germany. [18] Barroso was then forced to back down over his choice of Commissioners due to Parliament's threat that it would not approve his Commission. [19] Appointment President Barroso, from the EPP which was the largest party after the 2004 and 2009 elections Article 17 of the Treaty on European Union , as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon , lays out the procedure for appointing the President and his team. The Council (as the European Council ) vote by qualified majority for a nominee for the post of President after taking account of the latest European elections .

This proposal is then put before Parliament which must approve or veto the appointment. The President then, together with the Council, puts forward his team to the Parliament to be scrutinised. The Parliament then votes on the Commission as a whole and, if approved, the Council acting by a qualified majority appoints the President and his team to office. [20] Transparency Qualified majority in the Council has led to more candidates being fielded while there has been greater politicisation due to the involvement of Parliament and the change of policy direction in the EU from the creation of the single market to reform of it. [21] However despite this, the choice within the Council remains largely behind closed doors. During the appointment of Santer, discussions were kept in private with the media relying on insider leaks. MEPs were angry with the process, against the spirit of consultation that the new EU treaty brought in. Pauline Green MEP, leader of the Socialist group , stated that her group thought "Parliament should refuse to condone a practice which so sullies the democratic process".

[22] There was similar deals in 1999 and 2004 saw a repeat of Santer's appointment when Barroso was appointed through a series of secret meetings between leaders with no press releases on the negotiations being released. [23] This was sharply criticised by MEPs such as the liberal group leader Graham Watson who described the procedure as a " Justus Lipsius carpet market" producing only the "lowest common denominator"; while Green-EFA co-leader Daniel Cohn-Bendit asked Barroso after his first speech "If you are the best candidate, why were you not the first?" [24] [25] Criteria The candidate selected by the Council has often been a leading national politician but this is not a requirement. The choice of President must take into account the result of the latest Parliamentary elections (i.e. the candidate supported by the victorious European political party in particular, or at least someone from that political family). That provision was not in force in the nomination in 2004, but the centre-right European People's Party (EPP) who won the elections pressured for a candidate from its own ranks. In the end, the EPP candidate was chosen: José Manuel Barroso .

[26] On the same basis, the EPP endorsed again Barroso for a second term during the 2009 European elections campaign and, after winning again the elections, was able to secure his nomination by the European Council . Further criteria seen to be influencing the choice of the Council include: which area of Europe the candidate comes from, favoured as Southern Europe in 2004; the candidate's political influence, credible yet not overpowering members; language, proficiency in French considered necessary by France; and degree of integration, their state being a member of both the eurozone and the Schengen Agreement . [27] [28] [29] There is an assumption that there is a rolling agreement along these lines that a president from a large state is followed by a president from a small state, and one from the political left will be followed by one from the political right: Roy Jenkins (British socialist) was followed by Gaston Thorn (Luxembourg liberal), Jacques Delors (French socialist), Jacques Santer (Luxembourg Christian democrat), Romano Prodi (Italian left wing Christian democrat) and Jose Barroso (Portuguese Christian democrat).

However, despite these assumptions these Presidents have usually been chosen during political battles and coalition building. Delors was chosen following a Franco-British disagreement over Claude Cheysson , Santer was a compromise after Britain vetoes Jean-Luc Dehaene and Prodi was backed by a coalition of thirteen states against the Franco-German preference for Guy Verhofstadt . [30] Elections Further information: Elections in the European Union In February 2008, President Barroso admitted there was a problem in legitimacy and that, despite having the same legitimacy as Prime Ministers in theory, in practice it was not the case. The low voter turnout creates a problem for the President's legitimacy, with the lack of a "European political sphere", but analysis claim that if citizens were voting for a list of candidates for the post of President, turn out would be much higher than that seen in recent years. [31] Under the Treaty of Lisbon the European Council has to take into account the results of the latest European elections and, furthermore, the Parliament "elects", rather than simply approve, the Council's proposed candidate.

This was taken as the parliament's cue to have its parties run with candidates for the President of the Commission with the candidate of the winning party being proposed by the Council. [32] This was partly put into practice in 2004 when the European Council selected a candidate from the political party which secured a plurality of votes in that year's election . However at that time only one party had run with a specific candidate: the European Green Party , who had the first true pan-European political party with a common campaign, [33] put forward Daniel Cohn-Bendit . [32] However the fractious nature of the other political parties led to no other candidates, the People's Party only mentioned four or five people they'd like to be President. [34] There are plans to strengthen the European political parties [35] in order for them to propose candidate for future elections. [36] [37] The European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party indicated, in their October 2007 congress, their intention to forward a candidate for the post as part of a common campaign but failed to do so.

[38] Term of office The President is elected for a renewable five year term starting six months after the elections to the European Parliament . These were brought into alignment via the Maastricht Treaty and the elections take place in June every five years (the first election was held in 1979, hence all subsequent elections are held on years ending in 4 and 9). [39] This alignment has led to a closer relationship between the elections and the President himself with the above mentioned proposals for political parties running with candidates. The President and his Commission may be removed from office by a vote of censure from Parliament. Parliament has never done this to date, however the threat of this happening in 1999 due to allegations of financial mismanagement led to the Santer Commission resigning on its own accord, before the Parliament forced them out. [40] In the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Council can end the President's term of office in the event of an impediment or serious misconduct (article 9B (5)).

Duties and powers The President of the European Commission is the most powerful position in the European Union, [2] controlling the Commission which collectively has a monopoly on all Union legislation and is responsible for ensuring it is enforced. [2] [41] The President controls the policy agenda of the Commission for his term and in practice no policy can be proposed without the President's agreement. [2] The role of the President is to lead the Commission, and give direction to the Commission and the Union as a whole. The treaties state that "the Commission shall work under the political guidance of its President" (Article 219 TEC ), this is conducted through his calling and chairing of meetings of the college of Commissioners, [39] his personal cabinet and the meetings of the heads of each commissioner's cabinet (the Hebdo). [2] [39] The president may also force a Commissioner to resign. [39] The work of the Commission as a body is based on the principle of Cabinet collective responsibility , however in his powers he acts as more than a first among equals . [39] The role of the President is similar to that of a national Prime Minister chairing a cabinet .

[2] The President also has responsibility for representing the Commission in the Union and beyond. For example, he is a member of the European Council and takes part in debates in Parliament and the Council of Ministers. Outside the Union he attends the meetings of the G8 to represent the Union. [39] However in foreign affairs, he does have to compete with several Commissioners with foreign affairs related portfolios: the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the President of the European Council . [42] The Presidential system had started to develop since Jacques Delors and has since been cemented, a strong President with competent mandarins is practically unstoppable. However, externally he is still dependent on support from the Council and Parliament. Delors had enjoyed the Parliament's and the Council's support for his whole term, and due to his work the Parliament increased in powers and the Council increased in membership. The membership is now so large the President is increasingly unable to garner the support of all the states, even though the job is supposed to try to keep everyone happy. The Parliament now has more powers over the Commission and can reject its proposals, although the Commission has little power over Parliament, such as the ability to dissolve it to call new elections.

[43] The Presidents office is on the top, 13th, floor of the Berlaymont building in Brussels . The president receives his political guidance from his cabinet , the head of which acts as a political bodyguard for the President. Such factors can lead to an isolation of the President from outside events. [44] For the European Civil Service the President has a status akin to a deity , due to his immense authority and symbolism within the body. [45] The President exercises further authority through the legal service and Secretariat-General of the Commission . The former has the power to strike down proposals on legal technicalities while the latter organises meetings, agendas and minutes . His control over these areas gives the President further political tools when directing the work of the Commission. This has also increased the Presidential style of the Commission President. [46] With the reorganisation of leading EU posts under the Lisbon Treaty , there was some criticism of each posts vague responsibilities. Ukrainian ambassador to the EU Andriy Veselovsky praised the framework and clarified it in his own terms: The Commission President speaks as the EU's "government" while the President of the European Council is a "strategist".

The High Representative specialises in "bilateral relations" while the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy deals in technical matters such as the free trade agreement with Ukraine. The President of the European Parliament meanwhile articulates the EU's values. [47] Relationship to European Council Presidency Despite the recent Presidential style, the President has also begun to lose ground to the larger member states as countries such as France, Italy, the UK and Germany seek to sideline its role. This may increase with the recent creation of the permanent President of the European Council . [48] Although there are concerns that competition with the new Council President would lead to increased infighting, [49] there are provisions for combining the two offices. The European Council President may not hold a national office, such as a Prime Minister of a member state, but there is no such restraint on European offices. So the Commission President, who already sits in the European Council, could also be appointed as its President. This would allow the European Council to combine the position, with its powers, of both executive bodies into a single President of the European Union .

[50] Privileges of office The President's salary is (as of 2004) € 266,530. This is compared to a normal Commissioner who is paid €217,280. [51] The President is awarded no official residence or private jet , but does receive a housing allowance, chauffeured car and a personal staff of approximately 20 people. [52] List of presidents Obituary: Sicco Mansholt | The Independent Obituary: Sicco Mansholt Monday 3 July 1995 23:02 BST Click to follow The Independent Online Sicco Leendert Mansholt, politician: born Ulrum, The Netherlands 13 September 1908; Agriculture Minister, The Netherlands 1945-57; Agriculture Commissioner, European Economic Community 1957-72; president, European Commission 1972-73; married 1937 Henny Postel; died Wapserveen, The Netherlands 30 June 1995.

If any one human bull can be said to have sired the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy, that bull goes by the name of Sicco Mansholt. In 1953, it was Mansholt who presented the historic plan for the agricultural section of the European Economic Community. Years later, in 1976, Pierre Lardinois, by then himself theAgricultural Commissioner, told the late Mark Hughes MP, Labour's agricultural spokesman in Europe, and me - as members of the indirectly elected European Parliament - that Mansholt had conceptualised, formulated and written most of the plan himself. "Those like me," Lardinois said, "who worked closest to him had the greatest admiration for him. Truly, Sicco was one of the real half-dozen or so creators of modern Europe in the league of Konrad Adenauer, [Alcide] de Gasperi, Walter Hallstein, [Jean] Monnet and Robert Schumann." Mansholt was born into a family at Ulrum, near Groningen, in north Holland, which had been in the small-farmer milk and butter business for centuries.

Everything in his later life reflected his concerns for the millions of hard-working, frugal, prudent small producers from Bayonne to Messina, north to Flemsburg. Mansholt's Europe - and it was to be very much Mansholt's Europe - was geared to the small farmer, the then backbone of European society, from whose stock Mansholt emerged. After what he himself described as an unexceptional schooling in Groningen, Sicco was sent by his father to the School for Tropical Agriculture in Deventer which trained boys for service in the Dutch East Indies, much as Haileybury and Imperial Service College did for India. The Dutch emphasis was agricultural rather than military. At the age of 26, after experience of a number of varied Dutch farms, Mansholt went to Java for three years (1934-36). This experience too was a seminal influence on Mansholt's thinking: that European prosperity should take into account the legitimate requirements of the Dutch and the French Empires and equally that of the erstwhile Belgian Congo.

It was a matter of acute disappointment to Mansholt, fluent as he was in the English language, that Britain did not seem to him to comprehend the help that could be forthcoming to her emerging colonies and to her former empire in India and Pakistan by linking in to the European Community. And as a socialist his scorn for shilly-shallying as he perceived it by Harold Wilson over British entry knew no bounds. Wilson, on 3 October 1972, referred in anger to Sicco Mansholt (then president of the European Commission) as "an interfering international civil servant". And Mansholt replied tartly, "I am a politician." Mansholt desperately wanted Britain to join the community to balance the growing prosperity and power of Ludwig Erhard's Germany. Mansholt also had a very real concern for tropical countries; and this seemed to be reciprocated. When my wife and I were entertained to breakfast by President Sukarno in Jakarta in 1966, in the dying embers of his power, the Indonesian president was full of "my friend Sicco Mansholt", whom he had known as the most enlightened Dutchman in all Indonesia in the 1930s.

Mansholt was an opinion former in the Netherlands in favour of reconciling themselves with the end of Empire and putting their collective heart into Europe. Coming home in 1937, partly for family reasons and the education of his children, Mansholt worked on the Wieringermeer Polder - land reclaimed from the sea. Had he had a coat of arms the Mansholt motto would have been "Constructive co- operation". He was about human beings working together for the greater good and against wasteful competition. Basically he was a tolerant but determined socialist. In 1940, Mansholt was appalled both by the fact and then by the manner of the German occupation of his country. At first he concentrated on organising a food supply for the severely underfed populations of Western Holland. He was particularly active in helping to keep those who might have got into the clutches of the Gestapo from going to concentration camps. A gentile himself, he was one of the moving spirits in the creation of the Anne Frank Museum in Amsterdam. Towards the end of 1943 Mansholt became a resistance commander.

He was greatly moved by the courage of the British airborne paratroopers at Arnhem and once, after one of his denouncements of the British Labour Party, he said in my presence: "You owe it to those of your comrades who went to Arnhem to become immersed in the European Community." Making sure that European conflict would never again occur became the same kind of imperative for creating a common market as it did for Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Heath. After German capitulation, Mansholt became by acclamation Burgomaster of the Wieringermeer. He was perpetual Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1945 to 1958. He was minister in charge of the negotiations for the creation of the Benelux union in 1946. But in 1953 came the Mansholt plan. This was about the system of levies on important products and the phasing out of tariffs and quotas which had previously been used by member countries of the EEC to protect their farmers. In 1972 Mansholt became president of the European Commission, succeeding Franco Maria Malfatti who was leaving Brussels to re-enter Italian politics.

He had been vice-president since the pioneering days of 1958. It was not so much his political experience or convictions that gave Mansholt strength - he was a socialist of the liberal kind. It was the force and evident uprightness of his character, his openness; all the Brussels cognoscenti of the day remarked on his tremendous presence. I know that my Labour colleagues and I agreed that he was the sort of person to whom one was afraid to say anything silly or even banal. He had vision of a strong modernised European agriculture with guaranteed prices in certain sectors. He also envisaged majority decisions within the community. Mansholt should not be blamed for all the distortions and surpluses which have subsequently come about. On 19 April 1972 he addressed the European Parliament as president of the Commission for the first time. He called for a guaranteed minimum income within the EEC. He also movingly advocated the removal of impediments to travel within it. He had just returned from the third United Nations conference on trade and development in Santiago. Discussing the future of the community, Mansholt said that a clear political statement would have to be given about a boost to regional policy in the developing world.

The community's citizens had a right to be able to appreciate its profound significance; borders at which papers had to be shown were just not part of this. Those who moved from one country to another to work must be able to exercise the ordinary rights of citizenship and should no longer be treated as foreign labour. This should be an important contribution to the community spirit. Mansholt welcomed as a good omen the narrowing of the margins of fluctuation of the community currencies. Monetary union could not be achieved without far-reaching economic co-operation and must be linked with social progress. It was central to what Mansholt was about that human beings must be placed at the very hub of the community's development. He was a real founding father and those of us who had the good fortune ever to meet him will revere Sicco Mansholt as one who symbolised our practical idealism. More about:

Question: In 1958, which German politician became the first President of the European Commission?
Answer: WALTER HALLSTEIN