Leonid Kravchuk - The Full Wiki The Full Wiki More info on Leonid Kravchuk Wikis Note: Many of our articles have direct quotes from sources you can cite, within the Wikipedia article! This article doesn't yet, but we're working on it! See more info or our list of citable articles . Related top topics From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Leonid Kravchuk July 23, 1990 – December 5, 1991 Preceded by May 15, 1990 – December 5, 1991 October 18, 1994 – May 25, 2006 Born Official inauguration was on August 22, 1992. 2 Mykola Plaviuk , the 4th President of Ukrainian People's Republic in exile terminated his authority on August 22, 1992 when he formally ceded his authority to Kravchuk.

3 From July 23, 1990 to August 24, 1991, the office was known as the "Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR." Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk ( Ukrainian : Леонід Макарович Кравчук) (born January 10, 1934) is a Ukrainian politician, the first President of Ukraine serving from December 5, 1991 until his resignation on July 19, 1994, a former Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada and People's Deputy of Ukraine serving in the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) faction. After a political crisis involving the President and the Prime Minister, Kravchuk resigned from the Presidency, but ran for a second term as President in 1994 . He was defeated by his former Prime Minister , Leonid Kuchma , who served as President for two terms.

After his presidency, he was active in Ukrainian politics, serving as a People's Deputy of Ukraine in the Verkhovna Rada and the leader of Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) 's parliamentary group (from 2002 to 2006). He is currently politically inactive. [4] Leonid Kravchuk is the author of books dealing with his career and Politics of Ukraine (some of them were translated into English ). Kravchuk is married to Antonina Mykhailivna, has a son Alexander and three grandchildren – Andrey, Maria and Ylena Kravchuk, Andrey's daughter. Biography Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk was born in 1934 in the village of Velykyi Zhytyn (Żytyń Wielki) at the time Aleksandrija gmina, Rowno powiat in Poland. The village became part of Rivne Oblast in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after World War II when he was a child. He joined the Communist Party of Ukraine in 1958 and rose through the ranks of the party and its agitprop department.

He became a member of the Ukrainian Politburo in 1989 and the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada in 1990. With the weakening of the central power in the USSR, Kravchuk became the effective leader of the republic. He left the Soviet Communist Party ( CPSU ) in August 1991 and began to support the Ukrainian independence movement. He officially declared his support for Ukrainian independence after the August 1991 Soviet coup attempt . Later that year, he was elected the first President of Ukraine after Ukraine's first presidential elections . Political portrait Leonid Kravchuk's political creed is avoiding conflicts and straightforward declaration of his position. He is widely considered to be cunning, diplomatic, and cautious. He describes himself as a man who refuses to take an umbrella because he hopes to "slip between the raindrops." Such diplomacy helped Kravchuk to retain and strengthen his power over Ukraine during the transition from Soviet rule to independence. He was third in command in Ukraine's CPSU leadership before the fall of Soviet Union even though he didn't belong to the ruling Dnipropetrovsk group.

He avoided inflexible positions towards democratic changes and was a compromise figure for both party conservatives and reformists . After becoming president of independent Ukraine, Kravchuk successfully attempted to achieve and strengthen formal sovereignty of the country and develop its relations with the West. He withstood the enormous pressure from Russia and refused to retain the common armed forces and currency inside the Commonwealth of Independent States . Another of his stands has been refusal of nuclear weapons based on Ukrainian territory. Kravchuk's economic policy is often criticized. He failed to avoid corruption in the privatization of country's industry and promote effective financial decisions. Ukrainian annual inflation rates from 1992 to 1994 reached thousands of percents. Millions of loans given by the semi-government banks defaulted. This led to delays of many years in salaries for industry workers, teachers etc. The collapse of the Black Sea Steamship Company became the saddest symbol of the Kravchuk era. This global merchant fleet, the largest in the world (based mostly in Odessa ), was covertly sold out to foreign companies, mostly for fake debts. Hundreds of sailors who hadn't received their salaries were trapped for years on board their vessels throughout the world.

Kravchuk's own son was later accused of taking part in this fraud . Shocked by these developments and also by growing tensions with Russia, the voters of industrial and predominantly Russian -speaking southeastern Ukraine supported Kravchuk's main rival, Leonid Kuchma , in the 1994 presidential elections. Kuchma won under the slogans of fighting corruption, reconstruction of the economy, and further integration with Russia. Kravchuk's reliance on bureaucratic pressure, support of pro-Western nationalists , and media bias did not serve him well. Soon after his defeat in 1994, Leonid Kravchuk joined the powerful business and political group known as Kiev Holding or the Dynamo Group. This group, led by oligarchs Viktor Medvedchuk and Hryhoriy Surkis , is formally organized as the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) . Despite its formal centrist/ social-democratic slogans, the party is widely associated with big business, organized crime ,[citation needed] corruption , and media bias in favor of President Leonid Kuchma .

In 2004, Hryhoriy Surkis was banned from visiting the United States , due to his alleged involvement in irregularities during the Ukrainian presidential election, 2004 . The group also took a strongly pro-Russian and anti-Western stand. Analysts say that TV channels and other media controlled by the group have started a sharp anti-U.S./anti- NATO campaign. Kravchuk has been highly criticized for remaining one of the leaders of SDPU(o), specializing in negotiations and public relations , despite his declared pro-democratic and patriotic position. During the 2004 presidential elections Kravchuk actively supported the candidacy of Viktor Yanukovych [2] and was a member of the Yanukovych team that negotiated with the opposition in the aftermath of that disputed election. [3] In November 2004 he told the media that he was afraid that the resulting crisis would cause the disintegration of the country, intensifying movements for certain regions of Ukraine to join other countries. On September 25, 2009 Kravchuk declared during the interview with the newspaper Den that he left the Social-Democratic Party (United) and became unaffiliated again.

He explained this based on the fact that his former party decided to join the election bloc of left and central left political forces to run for the 2010 presidential elections . He also was indignant due to the fact that the political council of the party decided to accomplish that behind the closed doors in non-democratic order. He called the block as the artificial union without any perspectives. [5] [6] Kravchuk endorsed Yulia Tymoshenko during the 2010 presidential elections campaign. [1] During the 2010 election campaign he accused incumbent President Viktor Yushchenko of having "turned into Yanukovych's aide. He has actually turned into an also-ran. His task is to slander Yulia Tymoshenko every day and prevent her from winning [the presidential elections]". [7] Kravchuk explained his shift in support from Yanukovych to Tymoshenko was caused because he felt Yanukovych "turned his back" on all the issues Kravchuk wanted him to address as president: the Ukrainian language , culture and the Holodomor .

Only the dead or the stupid do not change their views, he stated in December 2009 when he also voiced the opinion that voting for Yanukovych in the second round of the 2010 elections will indicate one’s anti-Ukrainian position. [8] References Widgets Magazine Pro-EU Protests Erupt in Ukraine (177) 0 11 0 0 Ukrainian opposition leaders on Wednesday rejected talks proposed by the government in a bid to resolve the current political crisis. KIEV, December 11 (RIA Novosti) – Ukrainian opposition leaders on Wednesday rejected talks proposed by the government in a bid to resolve the current political crisis. Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and his three predecessors – Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko – decided earlier this week to hold a national round table involving representatives from both the authorities and the opposition to seek compromises in the current political standoff.

“There will be no round tables with them [the government], only immediate resignation of Yanukovych and his allies!” said jailed former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, a longstanding foe of the current president whom he just barely defeated in the 2010 vote. She also requested the “global democratic community” to impose financial and visa sanctions on the country’s incumbent leadership. Similar demands were voiced by another opposition leader, Oleh Tyahnybok, who heads the nationalist Svoboda party. “The opposition’s demands remain unchanged: the government must resign, and all those guilty of beating up peaceful protestors must be brought to justice. The political leadership must undergo a complete overhaul,” he said. Later in the day, Yanukovych invited all political, public and spiritual leaders to join the round table without any preconditions. “Personally, I’m ready to take part in such a round table. For the sake of reaching a compromise, I call on the opposition to stop rejecting [the talks], to withdraw from a path of confrontations and ultimatums,” he said. Tymoshenko was sentenced to seven years in prison in 2011 for exceeding her authority by signing a 2009 gas deal with Russia.

Her release was an EU precondition for Kiev to be able to sign the free-trade and association agreements with the EU. But laws to enable her to leave for medical treatment in Germany were thrown out by Ukraine’s parliament shortly before the planned signing of the deals. The government’s announcement late last month that it would postpone the signing of the agreements in favor of strengthening ties with Moscow triggered ongoing street protests in Kiev and other Ukrainian cities. Ukraine crisis: Yanukovych ready to resume EU talks - BBC News BBC News Ukraine crisis: Yanukovych ready to resume EU talks 10 December 2013 Close share panel Media captionSteve Rosenberg reports from the protest camps. President Viktor Yanukovych of Ukraine has said government officials could visit Brussels this week to resume talks on the EU association agreement. By withdrawing just before the agreement was due to be signed last month, Mr Yanukovych sparked huge street protests by the opposition. Meanwhile, EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton was cheered by crowds on a visit to Kiev's main protest site. Police in the city have moved to break the blockade of government buildings. Several people were hurt overnight as riot police advanced on protesters, dismantling a number of barricades in the centre of the capital.

But no action was taken against the main opposition camp on Independence Square, where several thousand protesters remained on Tuesday, huddling around braziers to keep warm. On Sunday, hundreds of thousands of protesters turned out in Kiev, demanding the resignation of the government within 48 hours. Image caption President Yanukovych (centre) discussed the crisis with his three predecessors as leader of Ukraine. Image caption Catherine Ashton (centre) was cheered by protesters at the Maidan, who chanted: "Thank you! Europe!" Image caption Riot police are guarding government buildings in Kiev to keep away demonstrators. Image caption Protesters remain camped out in the snow, warming themselves around wood fires. Scuffles President Yanukovych said a working group led by a deputy prime minister would "probably" go to Brussels on Wednesday to resume work with the European Commission on the association agreement. Timeline of events Reverberations in Vietnam However, Mr Yanukovych appears to have again stressed the need to strengthen economic ties with Russia, which strongly opposes the EU agreement. "We cannot talk about the future without talking about restoring trade relations with Russia," he added, quoted by Reuters news agency.

Mr Yanukovych discussed the crisis at a televised round table on Tuesday with his three predecessors as president of Ukraine - Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko. No representatives of the main opposition or street demonstrators were present. The president said he had asked the prosecutor general to ensure the release of some protesters detained last month - those who had not committed grave crimes and who had children or families. Scuffles These are the largest street protests since the Orange Revolution in 2004. On each of the last three Sundays, crowds estimated at 100,000 or more have flooded central Kiev. On Monday, phalanxes of riot police, their helmets caked in snow, moved to clear Kiev's government district of protesters, tearing down barricades leading to the presidency, cabinet offices and parliament. Scuffles broke out and, while there were no immediate official reports of injuries, members of Svoboda said several people had been hurt. Two police officers were also reportedly injured. The unrest in Kiev and other parts of Ukraine escalated after police used violence against protesters on 30 November.

The crisis has highlighted divisions in Ukraine, with many in the east of the country more sympathetic to Russia, and opposing both closer links with the EU and the anti-government protests. However, a number of demonstrators have been insisting that the protests are not about "east versus west", but about a total "reboot" of what they describe as the current corrupt system. 'Serious risk' Baroness Ashton met Mr Yanukovych for three-and-a-half hours, her press service said, without giving details. She later visited the protest camp on Independence Square, which is widely known as the Maidan. "I make it clear that I come here in order to be of assistance. And to show to all the people that I meet, that we really do care about all the country. " She then held talks with Ukraine's main opposition leaders. Speaking before the visit to Maidan, Baroness Ashton voiced concern about a police raid on the headquarters of Ukraine's biggest opposition party, Fatherland. Computer servers were removed during the raid on the party led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who has been in prison since 2011 over a controversial gas contract with Russia.

"I follow with concern the reports that police forces forcibly entered the office of the biggest opposition party," Baroness Ashton said in a statement . In a speech to the European Parliament, the EU's enlargement commissioner, Stefan Fuele said the EU was ready to help Ukraine financially "including through topping up IMF loans with macro-financial assistance [and] stepping up the European Union's financial assistance programmes", but it was not clear whether this was an increase over previous offers. Mr Yanukovych has complained of the cost of upgrading Ukraine's economy to EU standards, saying 20bn euros (£16.7bn; $27.4) a year would be needed while the EU offered only a fraction of that sum. US Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland met leading opposition politicians and was due to have talks with President Viktor Yanukovych. Ms Nuland met Vitaly Klitschko, the heavyweight boxing champion who leads the Udar (Punch) party, as well as Arseniy Yatsenyuk, of Tymoshenko's Fatherland party, and Oleh Tyahnybok, of the far-right Svoboda party.

In Moscow earlier, the US diplomat expressed "deep concern" about events in Ukraine, stressing Washington's support for Ukrainians' "European choice". She "urged Russia to use its influence to press for peace, human dignity and a political solution", the US embassy in Moscow said in a statement . Yuliya Tymoshenko | prime minister of Ukraine | Britannica.com prime minister of Ukraine Alternative Titles: Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuliya Volodymyrivna Yuliya Tymoshenko Yuliya Tymoshenko, née Yuliya Volodymyrivna, Yuliya also spelled Yulia (born November 27, 1960, Dnipropetrovsk , Ukraine, U.S.S.R. [now in Ukraine]), Ukrainian businesswoman and politician, who served as prime minister of Ukraine (2005, 2007–10). Yuliya Tymoshenko, 2007. Sergei Chuzavkov/AP Tymoshenko’s family lineage has been reported variously as Ukrainian, Russian, Latvian, and Jewish.

She married Oleksandr Tymoshenko in 1979 and gave birth to a daughter the following year. She studied cybernetics at Dnipropetrovsk State University and in 1984 received a degree in economics. In 1995 Tymoshenko became president of United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU). The company imported gas from Russia, which could then be reexported to the West or sold internally. In return, UESU exported metals, pipes, and other goods to Russia. The business earned her the epithet of “the gas princess.” She amassed a fortune and was linked to other successful entrepreneurs , including Pavlo Lazarenko. She then moved smoothly into a political career, exploiting her business connections and natural beauty and eventually adopting what became her trademark “Ukrainian” braided hairstyle. She was first elected to the Ukrainian parliament in 1996 and in 1999 was appointed deputy prime minister for fuel and energy under Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko . Two years later, in early 2001, she was dismissed, arrested, and briefly jailed on corruption charges.

Tymoshenko always maintained that the charges were politically motivated, and they were later dropped. In November 2001 she founded the Bloc of Yuliya Tymoshenko (BYT; originally the National Rescue Forum) in opposition to Pres. Leonid Kuchma . Although Tymoshenko had previously been considered a strong candidate for the presidency, she formed an alliance with Yushchenko ’s Our Ukraine party and supported his bid for president in 2004. During the events of the Orange Revolution , Tymoshenko was a key figure, passionately denouncing Viktor Yanukovych ’s presidential election campaign and the alleged electoral fraud that resulted in Yanukovych’s victory being overturned. After Yushchenko was installed as president, he named her prime minister in January 2005. Her cabinet was dismissed nine months later, however, after fractious disputes with the head of the Security and Defense Council and her controversial attempts to reprivatize companies that had been sold at less than market value. The BYT formed the main opposition after the collapse of the pro-Western Orange coalition in the summer of 2006 and finished in second place in the 2007 parliamentary campaign.

On October 15, 2007, Our Ukraine–People’s Self-Defense and the BYT agreed to form a majority in the new parliament, and on December 18 Tymoshenko regained her position as prime minister. By this time the most recognizable figure in Ukraine, she campaigned for changes to the constitution that would transform the country into a parliamentary republic. Britannica Stories Scientists Ponder Menopause in Killer Whales By May 2008 Tymoshenko was engaged in a direct contest for power with President Yushchenko. The conflict over authority between the presidency and the parliament presaged a serious constitutional crisis. As the two former allies clashed over various issues—for instance, while the president maintained his pro-Western stance and focused on gaining membership in NATO , the prime minister was accused of being overly supportive of Russia—their governing coalition collapsed in September 2008. Tymoshenko remained in her post pending new parliamentary elections. David R. Marples Tymoshenko continued as prime minister after the parliamentary elections scheduled for December 2008 were canceled and a new coalition between Yushchenko’s and Tymoshenko’s parties was formed.

Running for president in the January 2010 election, Tymoshenko came in second place in the first round of voting, with about 25 percent of the vote. A runoff poll between Tymoshenko and the first-place contender , Yanukovych, was held on February 7. Although Tymoshenko garnered 45.47 percent of the runoff vote, Yanukovych received 48.95 percent and was declared the winner. Calling the results fraudulent, Tymoshenko refused to recognize Yanukovych’s victory. Nevertheless, Yanukovych was inaugurated as president on February 25, and the following week Tymoshenko’s government was felled by a vote of no confidence . Structures of Government: Fact or Fiction? Subsequent investigations into her prime ministership—notably into the 2009 deal she signed to purchase natural gas from Russia at allegedly inflated prices—resulted in Tymoshenko’s being charged with abuse of power. Her trial began in June 2011, and in October of that year she was sentenced to seven years in prison.

The trial was widely criticized both domestically, where it was viewed by some as an attempt by Yanukovych to discredit Tymoshenko, and abroad, where some contended that procedures were not in accordance with international standards. In November 2011 Tymoshenko faced new charges, including tax evasion and embezzlement , that dated from the 1990s. In February 2014, after three months of popular protest in Kiev and several days of bloody crackdowns by the government, an agreement was reached between Yanukovych and opposition leaders. On February 21 the parliament approved numerous measures related to the agreement, including a rollback to the 2004 constitution, thus limiting the powers of the president. It also decriminalized the statute under which Tymoshenko had been convicted, and she was released from prison the following day. She immediately traveled to Kiev, where she was warmly received by the protest camp in the city’s Maidan (Independence Square). After Yanukovych was impeached by the parliament and fled to Russia, Tymoshenko’s political ally, Oleksandr Turchynov, was appointed interim president.

Tymoshenko was an early favourite in the snap presidential race that was scheduled for May 2014, but popular support soon coalesced behind Ukrainian business leader Petro Poroshenko . In that contest, Tymoshenko finished a distant second, with Poroshenko capturing more than the 50 percent necessary to win the election in the first round. leonid kravchuk : definition of leonid kravchuk and synonyms of leonid kravchuk (English) Official inauguration was on August 22, 1992. 2 Mykola Plaviuk , the 4th President of Ukrainian People's Republic in exile terminated his authority on August 22, 1992 when he formally ceded his authority to Kravchuk.

3 From July 23, 1990 to August 24, 1991, the office was known as the "Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR." Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk ( Ukrainian : Леонід Макарович Кравчук; born January 10, 1934) is a Ukrainian politician, the first President of Ukraine serving from December 5, 1991 until his resignation on July 19, 1994, a former Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada and People's Deputy of Ukraine serving in the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) faction. After a political crisis involving the President and the Prime Minister, Kravchuk resigned from the Presidency, but ran for a second term as President in 1994 . He was defeated by his former Prime Minister , Leonid Kuchma , who served as President for two terms.

After his presidency, he was active in Ukrainian politics, serving as a People's Deputy of Ukraine in the Verkhovna Rada and the leader of Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) 's parliamentary group (from 2002 to 2006). He is currently politically inactive. [1] Contents 8 References Biography Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk was born in 1934 in the village of Velykyi Zhytyn (Żytyń Wielki) in a peasant family. At that time the village was located in Aleksandrija gmina, Rowno powiat in Poland. The village became part of Rivne Oblast in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after the Soviet invasion in 1939 when he was a child. His father served in Polish cavalry in 1930s, later he and his wife worked for the local osadniks (Polish colonists). During the World War II the father of Kravchuk perished on the front-lines. He joined the Communist Party of Ukraine in 1958 and rose through the ranks of the party and its agitprop department.

He became a member of the Ukrainian Politburo in 1989, and on 23 July 1990 was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada in effect becoming the head of state of the Ukrainian SSR and its most powerful politician. After the 19–21 August 1991 Soviet coup attempt Kravchuk resigned from the Communist Party, and on 24 August 1991 declared Ukraine independent from the USSR. By doing so he became the first head of state of newly independent Ukraine. Later that year, on 5 December 1991 he was elected to the new position of President of Ukraine after Ukraine's first presidential elections . Political portrait The neutrality of this section is disputed . Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved . (March 2009) Leonid Kravchuk's political creed is avoiding conflicts and straightforward declaration of his position. He is widely considered to be cunning, diplomatic, and cautious.

He describes himself as a man who refuses to take an umbrella because he hopes to "slip between the raindrops." (in interview by Yulia Lytvynenko at Poza ochi on Inter (Ukraine), 2009) Such diplomacy helped Kravchuk to retain and strengthen his power over Ukraine during the transition from Soviet rule to independence. He was third in command in Ukraine's CPSU leadership before the fall of Soviet Union even though he didn't belong to the ruling Dnipropetrovsk group. He avoided inflexible positions towards democratic changes and was a compromise figure for both party conservatives and reformists . After becoming president of independent Ukraine, Kravchuk successfully attempted to achieve and strengthen formal sovereignty of the country and develop its relations with the West. He withstood enormous pressure from Russia and refused to retain the common armed forces and currency inside the Commonwealth of Independent States . The status of the Russian Black Sea Fleet 's presence in Sevastopol and the Crimea was not resolved by a 20-year lease agreement until 1997, three years after Kravchuk left office. Another of his stands was the refusal of nuclear weapons based on Ukrainian territory.

He was one of few country leaders who agreed to surrender Ukraine's nuclear arsenal. During his leadership the government of Ukraine's economic policy was often criticized. He failed to avoid corruption in the privatization of the country's industry and promote effective financial decisions. Ukrainian annual inflation rates from 1992 to 1994 reached thousands of percents. Millions of loans given by the semi-government banks defaulted. This led to delays of many years in salaries for industry workers, teachers, etc. The collapse of the Black Sea Steamship Company became the saddest symbol of the Kravchuk era. This global merchant fleet, the largest in the world (based mostly in Odessa ), was covertly sold out to foreign companies, mostly for fake debts. Hundreds of sailors who had not received their salaries were trapped for years on board their vessels throughout the world. Kravchuk's own son was later accused of taking part in this fraud . Shocked by these developments and also by growing tensions with Russia, the voters of industrial and predominantly Russian -speaking southeastern Ukraine supported Kravchuk's main rival, Leonid Kuchma , in the 1994 presidential elections.

Kuchma won under the slogans of fighting corruption, reconstruction of the economy, and further integration with Russia. Kravchuk's reliance on bureaucratic pressure, support of pro-Western nationalists , and media bias did not serve him well. Soon after his defeat in 1994, Leonid Kravchuk joined the powerful business and political group known as Kiev Holding or the Dynamo Group. This group, led by oligarchs Viktor Medvedchuk and Hryhoriy Surkis , is formally organized as the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) . Despite its formal centrist/ social-democratic slogans, the party is widely associated with big business, organized crime ,[ citation needed ] corruption , and media bias in favor of former President Kuchma. In 2004, Surkis was banned from visiting the United States , due to his alleged involvement in irregularities during the Ukrainian presidential election, 2004 . The group also took a strongly pro-Russian and anti-Western stand. Analysts say that TV channels and other media controlled by the group have started a sharp anti-U.S./anti- NATO campaign.

Kravchuk has been highly criticized for remaining one of the leaders of SDPU(o), specializing in negotiations and public relations , despite his declared pro-democratic and patriotic position. During the 2004 presidential elections Kravchuk actively supported the candidacy of Viktor Yanukovych [2] and was a member of the Yanukovych team that negotiated with the opposition in the aftermath of that disputed election. [3] In November 2004 he told the media that he was afraid that the resulting crisis would cause the disintegration of the country, intensifying movements for certain regions of Ukraine to join other countries. On September 25, 2009, Kravchuk declared during an interview with the newspaper Den that he left the Social-Democratic Party (United) and became unaffiliated again. He explained this based on the fact that his former party decided to join the election bloc of left and central left political forces to run for the 2010 presidential elections . He also was indignant due to the fact that the political council of the party decided to accomplish that behind the closed doors in non-democratic order. He called the block as the artificial union without any perspectives.

[4] [5] Kravchuk endorsed Yulia Tymoshenko during the 2010 presidential elections campaign. [6] During the 2010 election campaign he accused incumbent President Viktor Yushchenko of having "turned into Yanukovych's aide. He has actually turned into an also-ran. His task is to slander Yulia Tymoshenko every day and prevent her from winning [the presidential elections]". [7] Kravchuk explained his shift in support from Yanukovych to Tymoshenko was caused because he felt Yanukovych "turned his back" on all the issues Kravchuk wanted him to address as president: the Ukrainian language , culture and the Holodomor . Only the dead or the stupid do not change their views, he stated in December 2009 when he also voiced the opinion that voting for Yanukovych in the second round of the 2010 elections will indicate one’s anti-Ukrainian position.

[8] Major issues of presidency Vitaliy Boiko - ambassador to Moldova Kostyantyn Masik - ambassador to Finland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden Administrative reform On February 25, 1992 the President of Ukraine, Leonid Kravchuk, issued the Presidential decree 98/92 About the changes in the system of central bodies of executive power of Ukraine. [10] Works Leonid Kravchuk is the author of books dealing with his career and Politics of Ukraine (some of them were translated into English ). Personal life Kravchuk is married to Antonina Mykhailivna Kravchuk Oleksandr Leonidovych Kravchuk (son), president of the State Company "Nafkom-Ahro" and the former FC Nafkom Brovary three grandchildren – Andrey, Maria and Ylena Kravchuk, Andrey's daughter. Although Kravchuk does not work for the Ukrainian state anymore he is still living in a state-owned dacha in Koncha-Zaspa .

[11] References Diane Francis: Kravchuk says Ukraine still fighting Western ignorance and Russian aggression | KyivPost Diane Francis: Kravchuk says Ukraine still fighting Western ignorance and Russian aggression By Diane Francis . Published July 5, 2015 at 9:06 am Then-Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, former Ukrainian presidents Leonid Kravchuk (L), Leonid Kuchma (2nd R) and Viktor Yushchenko (R) attend a round of talks with the leaders of the opposition on Dec. 13, 2013 in Kyiv, for the first time since mass protests broke out three weeks ago following Yanukovych's decision not to sign a pact with the European Union. Less than three months later, Yanukovych fled power on Feb. 22, 2014, triggering Russia's annexation of Crimea and war against the eastern Donbas. Photo by AFP My first trip to Ukraine was in early 1992, six months after independence was declared. During that visit, I interviewed many people but the highlight was my interview with Leonid Kravchuk, the country’s first president.

Ever since, and despite the country’s struggles, I have kept my affection for Ukraine and its people. Along with my Ukrainian friends, I have tried to help the country economically over the years by aiding business investment and reporting on its political situation. In 2004, I spent four weeks covering the Orange Revolution, and returned in June 2015 concerned that the country’s decades-long struggle with Russia and its operatives had entered the most dangerous phase ever, of destruction and open warfare. When I interviewed Kravchuk in 1992, every one was concerned about the region’s stability, the future of the Soviet Union’s nuclear stockpile and how Ukraine would protect itself from Moscow. The interview was lengthy and was forthcoming and optimistic. When the issue of nuclear weapons came up, and who was in charge, he explained that the weapons were divided amongst Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Russia and Byelorussia and there was a protocol that prevented an accidental nuclear war. To illustrate, he escorted me, my photographer and a translator-friend into his private office where two telephones sat – one red and one white. The red one connected him directly to the Kremlin and the white connected him to the leaders of the three other republics that housed nuclear weapons.

A nuclear attack was only possible, he said, if all four agreed upon it. That seemed tenuous at the time, but what happened following those tumultuous events has contributed to today’s violence by Russia and its operatives who have caused 6,200 deaths, 30,000 wounded, 1.3 million displaced persons and the loss of 9% of Ukraine’s territory. Last week, I asked Kravchuk for a follow-up interview – more than 20 years later after my first and a subsequent interview in 1993 — and he agreed. This is what he said. I began by asking him about his comment, in the press after the 2014 ousting of Victor Yanukovych, that he would pick up weapons to keep the Russians from taking over Ukraine. “I someone is in my house, I will be shooting back without a second thought,” he said metaphorically. “I have told my guards not to stand near me, if that ever happens, because I will be shooting in every direction and they may be in the way.” He then explained the depth of his feelings about what’s happening.

“I was given the country when it was part of the Soviet Union and worked toward independence. My life would be in vain if they take this land and that is why there is no alternative but to fight,” he said. Ukraine has been a “hostage” to Russia ever since independence, and has been “occupied” by the Russians, economically, investment wise and trade wise for a long time, he said. “They took away the best assets. They have occupied Ukraine step by step gradually then eventually at the top. It used to be they controlled only trade and the economy but then it became the political and military leadership.” The seizure of Crimea and incursion in the east is a “violation of all international documents signed by civilized societies. It is warfare in the Donbas. This is not a hybrid war, or a separatist movement, but this is true warfare,” he said. “They claim this is about Russian volunteers, but it’s a true military aggression by the Russian military. I’m amazed officials in Western countries cannot say that the Russians are waging a war against the Ukrainians.

The French president actually said he has not seen any Russian troops in Ukraine.” Kravchuk said there is little understanding in Europe or North America that Ukraine is unique and not a part of Greater Russia. “In 1991, I was in Davos [the World Economic Forum] at a roundtable and a European prime minister asked me how many people lived in Ukraine? I said 50 million and he told me I was wrong that it could only be 5 million. Imagine that. More recently, it’s obvious that leaders know very little about Ukraine and our history and this is a problem,” he said. “We must change awareness worldwide.” Leonid Kravchuk, Ukraine’s first president, and author Diane Francis. I asked Kravchuk about Ukraine’s decision to surrender its nuclear weapons and whether that condemned the country to Russian infiltration and takeover. He then told the behind-the-scenes story as to how that came about. “The U.S. has always cared about the Middle East, energy and terrorism,” he said. “So after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the U.S. pressured us to destroy our nuclear weapons and gave us $700 million to do so in 1994.” Was this a fatal mistake?

I asked. “Let me explain. We had 165 strategic missiles, 40 with solid fuel and the rest with liquid fuel that was extremely dangerous. All the warheads were produced in Russia and put on Ukrainian missiles, but by 1998 these warheads had to be replaced or they would possibly blow up,” he said. “We asked where we could get warheads to replace them and asked the Americans to help us. They refused and said cooperate with and work with the Russians, (Boris) Yeltsin. I objected and said I cannot work with the Russians and let them fool us and cheat on us.” Kravchuk then engaged in lengthy negotiations with President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore but the U.S. and Western Europe imposed systematic pressure on us. “They threatened us with sanctions, isolation and personal threats and Ukraine became a hostage. They promised protection,” he said. This led to the infamous 1994 Budapest Memorandum – signed by the U.S., UK, France, Russia and China – that clearly says signator countries will guarantee Ukraine’s territorial integrity. But the U.S. and the others have ignored Ukraine’s needs.

Another option was to join NATO right away to protect the country against future Russian aggressions, he said. “But NATO did not want Ukraine as a member and 23% of Ukrainians were against joining it in 1994. Of Ukraine’s 450 parliamentarians, 380 were Communist Party members and absolutely against NATO and considered the United States, the enemy of the Soviet Union.” Alone and disarmed, the Russians spent the next 20 years tightening their grip, gutting Ukraine’s military and Ukrainian leaders let them do so. “The exterior façade of our government is Ukrainian, but internally it was not Ukrainian. Ukraine was never involved. Russians were here running the secret service and organizing meetings against Ukraine,” he said. I asked him about a suggestion that Ukraine appeal under the Geneva Convention to be designated as an “occupied country” which will lead to a suspension of debts freeing up more money for defense and impose reparations on Russia for damage, displacement and deaths. This requires United Nations approval. “I am ready to agree and sign such an initiative as the first President of Ukraine.

I think other prominent Ukrainians would agree to do this, but I think Russia would veto this on the Security Council and the General Assembly I have doubts about,” he said. “But the Rada should discuss this, then vote on it and if the President signs it the country should petition the United Nations,” he said. “I will help in such a process and I’m also preparing an all-Ukrainian referendum on entering NATO.” I asked him about Putin and his motives. “Putin’s policy is to conquer Ukraine and keep it a slave. He wants to restore the Greater Russian Empire, not the Soviet Union,” he said. This philosophy, he said, is no different than Hitler’s who wanted to incorporate all Germanic people under an expanded Third Reich empire. “Western Europe gave Hitler lands bit by bit. He swallowed these bits and decided to take everything. Now Europe doesn’t resist [Putin] in order to avert World War III. But Putin’s popularity in Russia is not because of his democratic reforms or economic prosperity. He’s popular because of his aggressiveness. It’s the only thing that supports his ratings. With 80% support, this is dangerous,” he said.

“Russia’s ideological brainwashing is better than techniques used by Goebbels around the world.” For instance, he blames Russian propaganda for spreading rumors that the thousands fighting in Ukraine’s volunteer battalions are neo-Nazis. “They are nationalists, not fascists. This is no Pravda, not true. It’s rubbish.” The interview over, we shake hands and pose for a photo. He says Ukrainians must never give up to keep their country and he never will. Found a spelling error? Let us know – highlight it and press Ctrl + Enter. University of Toronto censors book on corruption in Ukraine - YouTube University of Toronto censors book on corruption in Ukraine Want to watch this again later? Sign in to add this video to a playlist. Need to report the video? Sign in to report inappropriate content. The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Jul 3, 2015 Full remarks by Dr.

Taras Kuzio, Senior Research Associate, Canadian Institute for Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, on his publication "Ukraine: Democratization, Corruption & the New Russian Imperialism", University of Toronto, Canada, 2 July 2015. - Manuscript "Ukraine: Commisars into Oligarchs" censored by the University of Toronto Press under threat of litigation by lawyers representing Rinat Akhmetov - 1:05 Post Soviet history of Ukraine, collapse of Soviet Union, Soviet legacy in Ukraine - 1:35 Canada mid 19th century, USA late 18th century, India after British empire, Ukraine after USSR, orange revolution, Soviet legacy was more resiliant than thought - 2:45 Joseph Stalin, Prof.

Paul Magocsi - 3:07 Ukrainian dissidents, political parties, opposition parties, nationality policies in independent Ukraine, economy in Ukraine, oligarchs in Ukraine, foriegn policy, defence policy - 3:46 Disasterous presidency of Viktor Yushchenko was supposed to be break from Soviet past - 4:49 Socialization of Ukrainian elites: Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma, Viktor Yanukovych, Viktor Yushchenko, Serhiy Tyhipko, Yulia Tymoshenko, Oleksandr Turchynov, Brezhnev era, decline of Soviet ideology - 5:35 Ukraine's shadow economy, organized criminal groups, Stalin era - 6:16 Crimea, Odesa, Donetsk - 7:00 Canada inherited British rule, parliamentary system.

Not advisable, favourable to write about corruption in Ukraine in Canada or Great Britain - 7:43 Karen Dawisha, Vladimir Putin's links to crime and corruption in Russia, Cambridge University Press cancels book contract that exposes crime and corruption by Vladimir Putin Maria Zolkina Description: (By Olexiy Haran and Maria Zolkina) Different presidents have come to power in Ukraine under different foreign policy slogans, but none have been able to conduct a coherent foreign policy. Moreover, at one time or another, each of them—Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma, Viktor Yushchenko, and Viktor Yanukovych—have issued formal declarations that state that European integration is Ukraine’s strategic goal. However, the need to deal with Russian economic and informational warfare has created recurring challenges and stumbling blocks for Ukraine’s leaders (as well as voters). We witnessed this trend once again in the leadup to the European Union’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) Summit in Vilnius in November 2013, when Yanukovych declined to sign the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement (AA).

This caused massive pro-EU protests in Ukraine—the “Euromaidan,” named after the main square in Ukraine’s capital, the same place that had been the symbolic center of the 2004 Orange Revolution. A Legacy of Multi-Vector Diplomacy In the mid-1990s, former president Leonid Kuchma began a series of maneuvers to strengthen the Ukrainian state. He weakened separatist forces in Crimea, concluded a Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership with Russia, which finally recognized Ukraine’s borders, and even signed a NATO-Ukrainian Charter on a Distinctive Partnership in 1997. But while Kuchma navigated between Russia and the West through a policy of multi-vector diplomacy, he ultimately moved cautiously in one direction – toward the West. While distancing himself from Kravchuk, whose policies the more Russified eastern Ukraine judged too nationalist, Kuchma had to take into consideration the position of those who had voted for Kravchuk in Ukraine’s western and central regions. In June 1998, Kuchma issued a decree that approved of a “Strategy for Ukraine’s Integration into the EU,” through first “association” and eventually full membership.

Later, in 2003, the parliamentary faction of the Party of Regions (led by then-Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych) unanimously voted for a “Law on Fundamentals of National Security in Ukraine,” which clearly stated that Ukraine’s aim was to join NATO and the EU. This, however, could only take Kuchma so far. In the 2004 presidential elections, the Kuchma administration did everything possible to prevent Viktor Yushchenko from winning by presenting him as a radical nationalist who would “oppress” the Russian-speaking population. This stood in contrast to portrayals of candidate Yanukovych, who was positioned as “a great friend of Russia.“ One of the main reasons for Yushchenko’s success was that he used slogans that were common to the whole country and appealed to European values, social justice, rule of law, and the struggle with corruption. His emphasis on issues of social justice helped to overcome anti-Western stereotypes and the polarizing strategy of his opponents. In the end, however, the country emerged from the Orange Revolution extremely polarized.

The Yushchenko Era: Good Slogans, Mixed Results For many years, Brussels refused to recognize Ukraine as a potential member of the EU. The most positive signal it sent to Kyiv was right after the Orange Revolution in January 2005, when the European Parliament passed a resolution on the results of Ukraine’s election, which proposed: “…giving a clear European perspective for the country and responding to the demonstrated aspirations of the vast majority of the Ukrainian people, possibly leading ultimately to the country’s accession to the EU.” [emphasis by authors] It also recalled: “…the provisions of Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union, which state that EU membership is an option for all European countries that satisfy the relevant conditions and obligations; looks forward to a sustained transition process in Ukraine that would bring the country towards this objective, and commits itself to assisting and supporting Ukraine in this process.” Even these formulations, however, were not developed in the subsequent EU-Ukraine Action Plan for 2005-2007, which had been prepared when Kuchma was still in power and many analysts in Brussels believed Yanukovych would succeed him.

Under President Yushchenko, Kyiv emphasized that its aim was to join the World Trade Organization, the EU, and NATO. It tried to prod the EU into action by abolishing visas to EU citizens. But Brussels, preoccupied with the French and Dutch vetos of the EU constitution, was not ready to send positive signals to Ukraine. After fifteen years of negotiations, Ukraine finally joined the WTO in 2008; the opposition Party of Regions, under Yanukovych’s leadership, joined all parliamentary factions with the exception of the Communists in voting to ratify Ukraine’s membership. Yushchenko also opened the way for negotiations on Ukraine’s AA with the EU, to include the establishment of a deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA). His government also began negotiations to cancel visas for short-term visits of Ukrainians to the EU. At the same time, contrary to his conduct in the 2004 campaign, Yushchenko divided society in the 2010 presidential campaign by spoiling relations with the Kremlin, openly supporting NATO membership, and glorifying anti-Soviet partisans from the World War II-era Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.

As a result, Yushchenko narrowed his already shrinking base and finished with just five percent of the vote. For his part, Yanukovych campaigned not only on the disappointment caused by the performance of the Orange government but also on alleged Western passivity, arguing that “if the EU does not want us, let us look to Russia.” He also exploited anti-Western sentiment. Thanks to the electoral rhetoric on both sides, Ukraine lapsed back into a polarized state. Yanukovych, the AA, and Ukraine’s New Authoritarianism Paradoxically, Brussels accelerated negotiations on an AA and visa-free regime only after the Orange forces lost the 2010 presidential election and Yanukovych began backsliding from democracy (including changing the constitution and using “politically selective justice,” as the EU formulated it, against his political opponents, chief among them former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko). Brussels and Washington decided to engage the democratically-elected Yanukovych in political dialogue. After the “Orange chaos,” the West seemed happy that Ukraine was speaking with one voice and that its relations with Russia had improved. However, the West overlooked the nature of Yanukovych’s leadership.

Only at the end of 2010 did the European Parliament express its first serious concerns about his authoritarian tendencies. In July 2010, Yanukovych broke, to a certain extent, with Ukrainian foreign policy tradition. The Ukrainian parliament adopted a new law on the fundamentals of Ukraine’s foreign and domestic policy that excluded integration with NATO and established a policy of “non-alignment” aimed at appeasing the Kremlin. At the same time, the law emphasized that EU membership was still a priority. If successful, Yanukovych’s foreign policy could thus evolve from its initial pro-Russian overtures into a new version of Kuchma’s multi-vector policy. Despite Yanukovych’s authoritarian leanings, the EU ultimately decided not to repeat the situation that occurred under Kuchma, when isolation from the West pushed the president back toward Russia. Ukrainian civil society and even Tymoshenko herself supported this position. After some hesitation, the EU decided to initial the AA in March 2012 but again wavered for almost a year. Finally, at the February 2013 EU-Ukraine summit, Brussels mentioned the possibility of signing an AA with Ukraine later in the year.

However, Yanukovych took domestic political steps contrary to Brussels’ expectations and continued to maneuver between the EU and Russia. [1] The window of opportunity for signing the AA with the EU began to narrow. In August 2013, Russian economic and psychological pressure on Ukraine, which included a temporary halt to all Ukrainian imports, appeared to push Brussels and Yanukovych toward each other. Directed by the presidential office, the Party of Regions began voting in September and October alongside the opposition to pass a set of so-called “Euro-integration laws” that were necessary for signing the AA. It also sought to convince the public of the advantages of EU integration. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy At first blush, Yanukovych’s new multi-vectorism is arguably supported by Ukrainians’ ambivalent geopolitical orientations: different polls have shown that the Ukrainian people tend to say “yes” to both the EU and the Customs Union with Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. This ambivalence has helped Yanukovych use relations with the EU as a counterweight against Russia and vice-versa. Nonetheless, Yanukovych’s tack toward Europe also had a popular justification.

According to a May 2013 poll by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation (DIF) and the Razumkov Center, when given a choice, 42 percent of respondents favored entering the EU while 31 percent favored entering the Customs Union (see Table 1). Table 1.

Question: Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma, Viktor Yanukovych, Viktor Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko were political figures in which country?
Answer: Ukraine