Idi Amin - Facts & Summary - HISTORY.com A+E Networks Introduction In 1971, General Idi Amin overthrew the elected government of Milton Obote and declared himself president of Uganda, launching a ruthless eight-year regime in which an estimated 300,000 civilians were massacred. His expulsion of all Indian and Pakistani citizens in 1972—along with increasing military expenditures—brought about the country’s economic decline, the impact of which lasted decades. In 1979 his reign of terror came to an end as Ugandan exiles and Tanzanians took control of the capital of Kampala, forcing Amin to flee. Never brought to justice for his heinous crimes, Amin lived out the remainder of his life in Saudi Arabia. ‹ › Google Idi Amin: Early Life and Military Career Idi Amin Dada was born c. 1925 in Koboko, in northwestern Uganda, to a Kakwa father and Lugbara mother, who separated shortly afterwards.

In 1946, after receiving only a rudimentary education, Amin joined the King’s African Rifles (KAR), a regiment of the British colonial army, and quickly rose through the ranks. He was deployed to Somalia in 1949 to fight the Shifta rebels and later fought with the British during the suppression of the Mau Mau Rebellion in Kenya (1952-56). In 1959 he attained the rank of effendi—the highest position for a black African soldier within the KAR—and, by 1966, he had been appointed commander of the armed forces. Did You Know? During his time in the army, Amin became the light heavyweight boxing champion of Uganda, a title he held for nine years between 1951 and 1960. Amin Commandeers Control of Uganda’s Government After more than 70 years under British rule, Uganda gained its independence on October 9, 1962, and Milton Obote became the nation’s first prime minister. By 1964, Obote had forged an alliance with Amin, who helped expand the size and power of the Ugandan Army.

In February 1966, following accusations that the pair was responsible for smuggling gold and ivory from Congo that were subsequently traded for arms, Obote suspended the constitution and proclaimed himself executive president. Shortly thereafter, Obote sent Amin to dethrone King Mutesa II, also known as “King Freddie,” who ruled the powerful kingdom of Buganda in south-central Uganda. A few years and two failed—but unidentified—assassination attempts later, Obote began to question Amin’s loyalty and ordered his arrest while en route to Singapore for a Commonwealth Heads of Government Conference. During his absence, Amin took the offensive and staged a coup on January 25, 1971, seizing control of the government and forcing Obote into exile. Amin’s Regime of Terror Once in power, Amin began mass executions upon the Acholi and Lango, Christian tribes that had been loyal to Obote and therefore perceived as a threat. He also began terrorizing the general public through the various internal security forces he organized, such as the State Research Bureau (SRB) and Public Safety Unity (PSU), whose main purpose was to eliminate those who opposed his regime.

In 1972, Amin expelled Uganda’s Asian population, which numbered between 50,000 and 70,000, resulting in a collapse of the economy as manufacturing, agriculture and commerce came to a screeching halt without the appropriate resources to support them. When the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) hijacked an Air France flight from Israel to Paris on June 27, 1976, Idi Amin welcomed the terrorists and supplied them with troops and weapons, but was humiliated when Israeli commandos subsequently rescued the hostages in a surprise raid on the Entebbe airport. In the aftermath, Amin ordered the execution of several airport personnel, hundreds of Kenyans whom were believed to have conspired with Israel and an elderly British hostage who had previously been escorted to a nearby hospital. Throughout his oppressive rule, Amin was estimated to have been responsible for the deaths of roughly 300,000 civilians. Amin Loses Control and Enters Exile Over time, the number of Amin’s intimate allies dwindled and formerly loyal troops began to mutiny.

When some fled across the border into Tanzania, Amin accused Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere of instigating the unrest and retaliated by annexing the Kagera Salient, a strip of territory north of the Kagera River, in November 1978. Two weeks later, Nyerere mobilized a counter-offensive to recapture the land, and drove the Ugandan Army out with the help of Ugandan exiles. The battle raged into Uganda, and on April 11, 1979, Amin was forced to flee when Kampala was captured. Although he originally sought refuge in Libya, he later moved to Saudi Arabia, where he lived comfortably until his death of multiple organ failure in 2003.

Tags Idi Amin - Biography - IMDb Biography Showing all 35 items Jump to: Overview (4) | Mini Bio (1) | Spouse (5) | Trade Mark (3) | Trivia (19) | Personal Quotes (3) Overview (4) 6' 4" (1.93 m) Mini Bio (1) Idi Amin Dada Oumee was born in the rural village of Koboko, Uganda, in 1923, a member of the Kakwa tribe. Raised in the isolated farming country of northwestern Uganda, Amin received a scant education which left him functionally illiterate. During the Second World War, at the age of 18, he enlisted in the British Army in the East African Rifles and fought in Burma against the Japanese. At the end of the war Amin joined the British 4th Ugandan Battalion. After distinguishing himself in the fight against Kenya's Mau Maus between 1953 and 1957, Amin was promoted to sergeant major and admitted to an officer training program. Despite his lack of formal education, he proved to be one of Uganda's most able military commanders.

In 1964, two years after Uganda was granted independence from Great Britian, Amin was appointed deputy chief of the nation's army and air force with the rank of colonel. When Amin's friend, Dr. Milton Obote, seized power in Uganda in February 1966, he placed Amin as his right-hand man in full command of the armed forces, promoting him to major general in 1968. By 1970 a rift had developed between the two men, both wanting more power. On January 25, 1971, Amin overthrew Obote in a military coup, forcing him into exile. Amin then declared himself president and general, and a year later promoted himself to field marshal. Amin's victory over the authoritarian Obote regime was initially greeted with widespread support. However, that soon turned to hatred and fear when Amin began solidifying his absolute control over the nation.

Within months after assuming office this large man (standing 6'4" and weighing 280 pounds) ordered the murder of over 5,000 members of the rival Acholi and Langi tribes which Obote and his supporters came from, beginning a reign of terror in Uganda from 1971 to 1979 in which at least 350,000 Ugandans were murdered by Amin and his secret police. In 1972 Amin, angered over foreign residents' control of Ugandan commerce, ordered the expulsion of 55,000 Asian workers and businessmen and seized their businesses and assets for himself and his supporters. Amin also stole $1.5 billion in US and British foreign aid money and squandered it on military weapons, tripling the size of Uganda's army. In 1975 he declared himself president for life and embarked on a campaign to humiliate British nationals, climaxing in the summer of that year when he forced four Englishmen to carry him around in an Organization of African Unity rally in a sedan chair.

Amin received some international attention in June-July of 1976 when he allowed Palestinian and East German terrorists to use Entebbe airport as a base to hold a group of hostages from a hijacked Air France airliner from Israel. In a daring midnight raid on July 4, 1976, Israeli commandos freed the hostages. Although Amin claimed he was trying to negotiate the hostages' release, there was irrefutable evidence that he was indeed cooperating with and supporting the hijackers. Although he converted to Islam, Amin was oppressive in his new religion and was a noted polygamist with at least five wives and 23 children. By 1977 Uganda's economy was in shambles with a failing infrastructure, and Amin began losing support almost everywhere. In an attempt to rally the Ugandan people for his support, Amin in the spring of 1978 ordered his army to invade neighboring Tanzania, occupying 400 square miles of the country, supposedly the beginning of his plan to conquer all of Africa for himself.

After a slow start, a force of 6,000 Ugandan rebels-in-exile, aided by a slowly mobilized 50,000-strong Tanzanian army, launched a counter-offensive against Amin's 70,000-strong army in December 1978. Amin's forces, demoralized and unwilling to fight any longer for their leader, rapidly collapsed. Although Col. Muammar Gadaffi of Libya sent troops and equipment to aid Amin's army, and the Palestine Liberation Organization sent some of its fighters, they were not sufficient to quell the popular uprising that ensued throughout Uganda and the approaching Tanzanian troops and Ugandan rebels. Amin's oppressive rule was brought to an end on April 11, 1979 when Tanzanian soldiers captured the Ugandan capital of Kampala, forcing Amin to flee into exile, taking most of his ill-gotten wealth and supporters with him. Amin first went to Libya and then to Saudi Arabia where he lived until his death in 2003.

- IMDb Mini Biography By: Matthew Patay Spouse (5) Genocide In Uganda - Idi Amin Genocide In Uganda References Idi Amin whose birth is guessed to be during the mid-1920s survived to 16 August 2003. He was the third official President of Uganda, from 1971 to 1979. Amin decided to join the British colonial regiment, the King's African Rifles in 1946 serving in Somalia and Kenya. He enjoyed a decent career with the British and then was eventually Amin was promoted to the rank of Major general in the post-colonial Ugandan Army. He became its Commander before seizing power in the military in January of 1971. It was in after that he deposed his former superior Milton Obote and took power for himself - He promoted himself to field marshal. He lived a lavish lifestyle while ignoring Uganda’s economic problems. Uganda’s history concerning Idi Amin’s reign 1967 - New constitution vests considerable power in the president. 1971 - Milton Obote toppled in coup led by Army chief Idi Amin.

1972 - Amin orders Asians who were not Ugandan citizens - around 60,000 people - to leave the country. 1972-73 - Uganda engages in border clashes with Tanzania. 1976 - Idi Amin declares himself president for life and claims parts of Kenya. 1978 - Uganda invades Tanzania with a view to annexing Kagera region. 1979 - Tanzania invades Uganda, unifying the various anti-Amin forces under the Uganda National Liberation Front and forcing Amin to flee the country; Yusufu Lule installed as president, but is quickly replaced by Godfrey Binaisa. 1980 - Binaisa overthrown by the army. Milton Obote becomes president after elections. Web Source 1 Idi Amin facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com articles about Idi Amin COPYRIGHT 2004 The Gale Group Inc. Idi Amin Dada As president of Uganda (1971-1979) Idi Amin Dada (born c. 1925) became notorious for massive violations of human rights, economic decline, and social disintegration.

Born between 1925 and 1927 in Koboko, West Nile Province, Idi Amin's father was a Kakwa. The Kakwa tribe exists in Uganda, Zaire (now Congo), and Sudan; some members of the tribe are associated with the Nubi, an uprooted population which emerged as a result of 19th century political upheavals. The Nubi (Nubians) are urbanized and individualistic, have a reputation for homicide and military careers, and are Muslims. Amin embraced Islam and attained a fourth grade education. Amin was brought up by his mother, who abandoned his father to move to Lugazi. The death of his stepfather soon after separation from his mother led to speculation that he must have been either poisoned or "bewitched" by her. Amin accompanied his mother and apparently acquired the militaristic qualifications prized by the British at that time: he was tall and strong, spoke the Kiswahili language, and lacked a good education, ensuring subservience. Enlisting in the army as a private in 1946, Amin impressed his superiors by being a good swimmer, rugby player, and boxer.

He won the Uganda heavyweight boxing championship in 1951, a title he held for nine years. He was promoted to corporal in 1949. Friendship with Obote During the 1950s Amin fought against the Mau Mau African freedom fighters, who were opposed to British colonialism in Kenya. Despite his ruthless record during the uprisings, he was promoted to sergeant in 1951, lance corporal in 1953, and sergeant-major and platoon commander in 1958. In 1959 he attended a course in Nakuru (Kenya) where he performed so well that he was awarded the sword of honor and promoted to effendi, a rank invented for outstanding African non-commissioned officers (NCOs). By 1961 Amin and Shaban Opolot became the first two Ugandan commissioned officers with the rank of lieutenant. In 1962 Amin participated in stopping cattle rustling between neighboring ethnic groups in Karamoja (Uganda) and Turkana (Kenya).

Because of atrocities he committed during these operations, British officials recommended to Apolo Milton Obote (Uganda's prime minister) that he be prosecuted. Obote instead reprimanded him, since it would have been unpolitical to prosecute one of the two African commissioned officers just before Uganda was to gain her independence from Britain on October 9, 1962. Thereafter Amin was promoted to captain in 1962 and major in 1963 and was selected to participate in the commanding officers' course at Wiltshire school of infantry in Britain in 1963. The need for pay increases and the removal of British officers led to an army mutiny in 1964. Amin was called upon to calm the soldiers. The resulting settlement from this crisis led to Amin's promotion to colonel and commanding officer of the First Battalion Uganda Rifles. The 1964 events catapulted the army into political prominence, something Amin fully understood, and he used the political process to gain favors from his superiors.

Amin's close association with Obote apparently began in 1965 when, in sympathy for the followers of Patrice Lumumba (the murdered prime minister of Congo), Obote asked Amin for help in establishing military training camps. Amin also brought coffee, ivory, and gold into Uganda from the Congo so that the rebels there could have money to pay for arms. The opponents of Obote, such as the Kabaka (king) of Buganda (one of Uganda's ancient precolonial kingdoms), wanted an investigation of the illegal entry of gold and ivory into Uganda. Obote appointed a face-saving commission of inquiry and promoted Amin to chief of staff in 1966 and to brigadier and major-general in 1967. An attack on the Kabaka's palace forced the king to flee to Britain, where he died in exile in 1969. Amin Seizes Control By 1968 the relationship between Obote and Amin went sour as the latter showed an interest in the young educated army officers and in creating paramilitary units. An attempted assassination on Obote in 1969 and Amin's suspicious behavior thereafter further widened the gap between the two men.

These divisions became even more evident when Amin gave unauthorized assistance to the rebels fighting against the Sudanese government. It is unclear in light of these conflicts why Obote promoted Amin in 1970 to become chief of general staff, a position which gave him access to every aspect of the armed forces. Amin overthrew Obote's government on January 25, 1971. Ugandans joyfully welcomed Amin. He was a towering charismatic figure and yet simple enough to shake hands with common people and participate in their traditional dances; he was charming, informal, and flexible: and because he married women from different ethnic groups, he was perceived as a nationalist. His popularity increased when he allowed the return of Kabaka's body for a royal burial, appointed a cabinet of technocrats, disbanded Obote's secret police, granted amnesty to political prisoners, and assured Ugandans that he would hand power back to the civilians. During this euphoric period, Amin's other personality began to emerge: ruthless, capricious, cunning, shrewd, and a consummate liar.

His "killer squads" systematically eliminated Obote's supporters and murdered two Americans (Nicholas Stroh and Robert Siedle) who were investigating massacres that had occurred at Mbarara barracks in Western Uganda. It was becoming clear that Amin's apparent friendliness, buffoonery, and clowning were but a mask to hide a terrible brutality. In 1972 he savagely attacked the Israelis and the British who previously had been his close foreign allies. The bone of contention was his inability to procure arms from these countries. Once Muammar Qaddafi of Libya agreed to help, Amin immediately expelled the Israelis and 50,000 Asians holding British passports. The sudden expulsion of Asian traders not only wrecked Uganda's once prosperous economy, it also earned Amin a negative international image. Between 1972 and 1979 Amin's overriding policy was to stay in power at any cost. Though outwardly looking brave, Amin was a coward. He was, for example, terrified in 1978 when a story circulated that a "talking tortoise" had predicted his downfall. He constantly changed body guards, travelling schedules and vehicles, and sleeping places.

His promiscuous life style enabled him to have several possible sleeping places. At one time he was married to four wives and had over 30 mistresses. He controlled the army through frequent reorganization. The powerful position of chief of defense staff was abolished and replaced by army, air, and paratroop commanders. Similarly, when he was out of the country he entrusted power to a defense council made up of several people, making it hard for opponents to plot against him. He also appeased his forces by lavishing on them free whisky, tape recorders, expensive cars, rapid promotions, and lucrative businesses previously owned by Asian traders. Trying to Stay in Power Amin used institutionalized violence or terror to eliminate his real and imaginary enemies. His success in using terror was partly due to divisions among Ugandans who on different occasions became his willing spies. The human cost of Amin's rule was devastating not only in terms of the loss of thousands of Ugandans, but also because of its dehumanizing effects. Human life became less important than wealth. The ritualistic and sadistic methods used in the various murders led to conclusions by reputable doctors that Amin's "mental ill-health" must account for what transpired.

With most national funds devoted to the armed forces and to Amin's personal security, education, health, transport, food and cash-crop production, industrial and manufacturing sectors, and foreign investments were neglected. Despite his growing infamy, Amin was elected chairman of the prestigious Organization of African Unity (OAU) on July 28, 1975. Indeed, 1975 must have been a rewarding year for Amin, as his senior officers promoted him to field marshal. African countries also blocked in 1977 a United Nations resolution which would have condemned Amin for his gross violation of human rights. Through individuals and private companies in the West, Amin received torture equipment for his "killer squads," had his planes serviced and pilots trained, procured hard liquor for the army, and had his coffee sold. By the late 1970s Amin's luck was running out.

Coffee prices had plummeted from a high of $3.18 a pound to $1.28; the United States' stoppage of the purchase of Ugandan coffee in 1978 exacerbated the situation, and Arabs, who had generously donated funds, were concerned about Amin's failure to show how Uganda was being Islamized and why he was killing fellow Muslims. The deteriorating state of the economy made it difficult to import luxury consumer goods for the army. To divert attention from this internal crisis, Amin ordered an invasion of Tanzania in October 1978, allegedly because the latter planned to overthrow his government. The invaders were repelled. Tanzanians and exiled Ugandan soldiers then invaded Uganda and continued their pursuit of Amin until his government was overthrown on April 11, 1979. Amin fled to Libya, which had assisted throughout the years and during the war, but he later moved to Jidda, Saudi Arabia. Amin remained in Saudia Arabia until he was expelled in the early 1990s, when he relocated to Bahrain.

A continuing instability in Uganda attested to the enormous drain which Amin's policies had upon the political, economic, social, and cultural life of that country. Amin has been remembered best as the tyrant of Uganda who was responsible for a reign which was overwrought with mass killings and disarray. Further Reading Amin's fortune may be followed in: lain Grahame, Amin and Uganda: A Personal Memoir (London, 1980); David Gwyn, Idi Amin: Deathlight of Africa (1977); Henry Kyemba, State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin (1977); Judith Listowel, Amin (1973); David Martin, General Amin (London, 1974); Ali A. Mazrui, Soldiers and Kinsmen in Uganda (1975); and Thomas Medlady and Margaret Medlady, Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa (1977). □ Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. MLA The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.

Copyright The Columbia University Press Idi Amin (ē´dē amēn´), c.1925–2003, Ugandan army officer and dictator. From the small Kakwa ethnic group, he advanced in the Ugandan armed forces from private (1946) to major general (1968). In 1971 he seized control of the government, toppling the regime of Milton Obote . In power, Amin exhibited an unpredictable personality, often capricious and cruel yet displaying a modicum of shrewdness and cunning. His relatively brief regime was nonetheless vicious and corrupt; he brutally suppressed other ethnic groups and political enemies, killed what is believed to be nearly 300,000 (most innocent of any wrongdoing), tortured uncounted thousands more, and looted the nation's treasury. In 1972 he ordered the expulsion of Ugandans of Asian extraction, thrusting the nation into economic chaos. Tanzanian troops joined exiled Ugandan nationalists to invade Uganda in 1978, and Amin was driven into exile in Saudi Arabia the following year. See J. T.

Strate, Post-Military Coup Strategy in Uganda: Amin's Early Attempts to Consolidate Political Support in Africa (1973), H. Kyemba, A State of Blood (1977), D. Barnett and R. Wooding, Uganda Holocaust (1980), and P. A. Allen, Interesting Times: Life in Uganda under Idi Amin (2000); B. Schroeder, dir., General Idi Amin Dada (documentary film, 1976; video, 2002). Cite this article Idi Amin Biography (Political Leader) Birthplace: Koboko, Uganda Best known as: The dictator of Uganda, 1971-79 Idi Amin (also known as Idi Amin Dada) was the nutty, ruthless dictator of the African nation of Uganda during the 1970s. He started out as a soldier in the British colonial army in 1946 and became one of its first Ugandan commissioned officers. Idi Amin rose through the ranks and was eventually made the army's chief of staff under Uganda's first president, Milton Obote.

In 1971 Amin overthrew Obote and seized power. He became internationally famous in 1976 when he provided a safe haven for hostage-holding Palestinian hijackers, who were then attacked and killed at Entebbe by Israeli forces. In 1978 Amin's forces invaded neighboring Tanzania, but Tanzanian forces drove them back and invaded Uganda, forcing Amin to flee. Amin used brutal force against opponents during his reign, and it is estimated that he is responsible for at least 100,000 deaths (some estimates run as high as 500,000). After fleeing Uganda he settled in Saudi Arabia. He died there in 2003, apparently succumbing to a mixture of hypertension, kidney failure and other ailments.

Extra credit: Between 1951 and 1960, Idi Amin was Uganda’s heavyweight boxing champ… Idi Amin had near-celebrity status in the ’70s, partly because of his goofball antics — jumping into swimming pools in full uniform, for example… Most sources suggest that Idi Amin was born in 1925, though at his death Ugandan officials claimed that Amin was 80. Copyright © 1998-2017 by Who2?, LLC. All rights reserved. Combat Genocide Association | Uganda 1971-1985 Donate Uganda 1971-1985 From 1971 to 1985 two regimes rose to power in Uganda, one after the other. The first was Idi Amin’s regime, and the second was Milton Oboete’s second term of office. The Amin regime murdered approximately 100,000 people from the Acholi and Lango tribes, and the Oboete regime murdered roughly 500,000 of the Baganda people.

Background: At the start of the 1950s the colonial British government began to lay the groundwork for leaving Uganda and establishing an independent government headed by the leaders of the Buganda tribe, who accounted for 2 million of the 6 million residents of Uganda. The Buganda were granted partial autonomy at an early stage. Additionally, the first general elections in Uganda were arranged so that the tribe’s DP party won a relative majority in the legislative council despite the fact that the rest of the tribes united into a single opposition party (UPC), which actually received a larger number of votes (416,000 votes for the DP as opposed to 495,000 for the UPC). In 1961 Benedicto Kiwanuka was chosen as the first Prime Minister at the Constitution Conference of 1961; however, Uganda maintained its status as a member of the British Commonwealth. A coalition of two parties won the pre-independence elections in 1963 and Milton Obote became Prime Minister. Uganda declared independence after the elections and joined the United Nations.

In these years of growth the main argument in the parliament was between supporters of the centralized state and supporters of a loose federation, which would grant greater powers to the local tribal kingdoms. Obote was a partner in a coalition which forced him to give special autonomous rights to the Buganda. This led to similar demands by representatives of the other tribes, despite the fact that Obote’s chief attempt was to strengthen the central government, allowing Uganda to exist as one autonomous unit at the expense of local interests, including those of the Buganda. Surprisingly, the first threat to the young country came from the army, not tribal divisions. In 1964 members of the military demanded quicker advancement and higher salaries. Following their kidnapping of the Defense Minister, Obote was forced to turn to British forces for help in order to restore peace and, after normalcy was returned, capitulated to the demands of the army. The role of the army in setting policy became increasingly central and, as part of an effort to strengthen the army’s loyalty to him, Obote began to promote Idi Amin, the Ugandan Deputy Chief of Staff.

In 1966, Prime Minister Milton Obote annulled the constitution, granted himself all governmental powers, and fired the President and Vice President. In September 1967, a new constitution defined Uganda as a republic, granted the President even more powers, and annulled the traditional monarchies. The government lost its stability, and on the 25th of January, 1971, a surprise attack by armed forces led by Idi Amin deposed Obote’s government. Amin declared himself President, dissolved the government, and changed the constitution to give him full control. Idi Amin’s rule and the murder of the Acholi and Lango: The murders started in the ranks of the army. In January 1972, Amin began to give orders to assemble and kill soldiers of the Acholi and Lango tribes. Obote was a member of the Lango, which in Amin’s view turned the entire tribe into his enemy. The Acholi made up the decisive majority of soldiers in the army, which also was seen by Amin as a threat to his rule. The highest ranking officers were killed first.

Then orders were given to gather all of the other members of the two tribes into various army barracks, where they were murdered – either by bombing the barracks, or by stabbing them one by one. The bodies were either disposed of in nearby rivers, or buried with the remnants of the barracks by bulldozers. After such massacres, Amin would occasionally report to his cabinet ministers of the “cleansings” being carried out by the army. Amin established three military units manned by southern Sudanese, Nubians, and members of his own tribe Kakwa, which were under his exclusive and direct command. These units established a reign of terror all across Uganda, and murdered members of the Ugandan elite: from ministers to judges to former government clerks. The message was clear: any opposition would be met by death. Idi Amin’s eight year rule was characterized by economic deterioration, social disintegration, and massive violations of human rights. The Acholi and Lango ethnic groups were the main victims of Amin’s oppression, since they had supported Obote and comprised a large part of the army.

In 1978 the International Commission of Jurists estimated that more than 100,000 Ugandans were murdered under Amin’s regime. Other agencies estimated the number to be as high as 300,000. In October 1978 Ugandan’s capital city Kampala was captured after a failed attempt by Amin’s army to invade Tanzanian territory. Amin managed to escape with what remained of his army. In 1980, after Amin’s exile and several temporary governments, Milton Obote was reelected as President of Uganda. Obote’s rule and the murder of the Buganda: A short time after the establishment of the new regime, Yoweri Museveni declared the establishment of the National Resistance Army, and began a guerilla war against Obote, now known as the “Bush War”. The war took place mainly in central and western Buganda, and in western areas of Ankole and Bunyoro. At the start of 1983 the government carried out mass expulsions from the Luweero Triangle, just north of Kampala, in order to prevent the strengthening of the guerrilla forces in the region.

750,000 people became refugees in camps ruled by the military (and exploited by the military). Civilians who lived in the area of the refugee camps were considered guerilla supporters, and were dealt with accordingly. Human skulls along roads in the region bore witness to the mass murders even years after the fall of Obote’s rule. The Western Nile region, Amin’s birthplace, also suffered many massacres. Both regions were plundered by the military. Everything was taken – food, resources, even doorposts. The hunger that followed killed many more. An Amnesty International report estimated that 500,000 people were killed under Obote’s rule from 1981 to 1985. In the four years of struggle between the Obote government and the uprising against it in the Eastern regions of the country, more people were killed than during the eight years of Amin’s rule. During that time the Ugandan army was composed mainly of members of the Acholi and Lango tribe, people who survived Amin’s genocide and went on to commit similar acts themselves in Southern Uganda.

Idi Amin Biography - life, story, school, mother, book, information, born, tall, time Idi Amin Biography Koboko, West Nile Province, Uganda Ugandan president As president of Uganda from 1971 to 1979, Idi Amin (c. 1925–) became well known for his terrible violations of human rights, for causing the collapse of the country's economy, and for causing social disorganization. Amin is remembered best as the tyrant of Uganda who was responsible for a reign filled with mass killings and disorder. Early life Idi Amin Dada was born sometime between 1925 and 1927 in Koboko, West Nile Province, in Uganda. His father was a Kakwa, a tribe that exists in Uganda, Zaire (now Congo), and Sudan. As a boy, Amin spent much time tending goats and working in the fields. He embraced Islam and attained a fourth-grade education. He was brought up by his mother, who abandoned his father to move to Lugazi, Uganda. As Amin grew he matched the qualifications for military service desired by the British at that time. He was tall and strong.

He spoke the Kiswahili language. He also lacked a good education, which implied that he would take orders well. Joining the army as a private in 1946, Amin impressed his superiors by being a good swimmer, rugby player, and boxer. He won the Uganda heavyweight boxing championship in 1951, a title he held for nine years. He was promoted to corporal in 1949. Friendship with Obote During the 1950s Amin fought against the Mau Mau African freedom fighters, who were opposed to British rule in Kenya. Despite his cruel record during the uprisings, he was promoted to sergeant in 1951, lance corporal in 1953, and sergeant-major and platoon commander in 1958. By 1961 Amin had become one of the first two Ugandan officers with the rank of lieutenant. In 1962 Amin helped stop cattle rustling, or stealing, between neighboring ethnic groups in Karamoja, Uganda, and Turkana, Kenya.

Because of the brutal acts he committed during these operations, British officials recommended to Apolo Milton Obote (1924–), Uganda's prime minister, that he be brought to trial as a criminal. Obote instead publicly criticized him, deciding it would have been politically unwise to put on trial one of the two African officers just before Uganda was to gain independence from Britain on October 9, 1962. Thereafter Amin was promoted to captain in 1962 and major in 1963. He was selected to participate in the commanding officers' course at Wiltshire school of infantry in Britain in 1963. In 1964 he was made a colonel. Amin's close association with Obote apparently began in 1965. Obote sympathized with the followers of the murdered prime minister of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba (1925–1961). Obote asked Amin for help in establishing military training camps. Amin also brought coffee, ivory, and gold into Uganda from the Congo so that the rebels there could have money to pay for arms.

The opponents of Obote wanted an investigation into the illegal entry of gold and ivory into Uganda. Obote appointed a committee to look into the issue. He promoted Amin to chief of staff in 1966, and to brigadier and major-general in 1967. Amin seizes control By 1968 the relationship between Obote and Amin had gone sour. An attempted assassination of Obote in 1969, and Amin's suspicious behavior thereafter, further widened the gap between the two men. It is unclear why Obote promoted Amin in 1970 to become chief of general staff, a position that gave him access to every aspect of the armed forces. Amin overthrew Obote's government on January 25, 1971. Ugandans joyfully welcomed Amin. He was a larger-than-life figure and yet simple enough to shake hands with common people and participate in their traditional dances. He was charming, informal, and flexible. Amin was thought to be a nationalist (a person who supports his or her country above all else).

His popularity increased when he got rid of Obote's secret police, freed political prisoners, and told Ugandans that he would hand power back to the people. During this period, Amin's other personality began to emerge: that of a merciless, unpredictable, cunning liar. His "killer squads" murdered Obote's supporters and two Americans who were investigating massacres (large-scale killings). It was becoming clear that Amin's seeming friendliness and clowning were only a mask to hide his brutality. In 1972 he savagely attacked the Israelis and the British, with whom he had been friendly. He did not like that these countries would not sell him weapons. Once Mu'ammar al-Qaddafi (1942–) of Libya agreed to help, Amin immediately threw Israelis and fifty thousand Asians out of Uganda. Uganda's economy was wrecked because Asian traders were suddenly forced to leave. The action also earned Amin a poor international image. Between 1972 and 1979 Amin's policy was to stay in power at any cost. Though he seemed brave, Amin was a coward.

He was, for example, terrified in 1978 when a story circulated that a "talking tortoise" had predicted Idi Amin. AP/Wide World Photos . his downfall. He constantly changed bodyguards, traveling schedules and vehicles, and sleeping places. He controlled the army through frequent reorganization. He also kept his army happy by giving them tape recorders, expensive cars, rapid promotions, and businesses that had been owned by Asian traders. Trying to stay in power Amin used violence and terror to eliminate his real and imaginary enemies. The human cost of Amin's rule was huge—not only in terms of the loss of thousands of Ugandans, but also because of its dehumanizing (making people feel less than human) effects. Human life had become less important than wealth. Most government funds were devoted to the armed forces and to Amin's safety. Health, transport, production of food and cash crops (easily marketable crops), industrial and manufacturing sectors, and foreign investments were neglected. Despite his growing poor reputation, Amin was elected chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), an organization of African nations, on July 28, 1975.

In 1977 African countries blocked a United Nations resolution that would have condemned Amin for his gross violation of human rights. By the late 1970s Amin's luck was running out. The economy was getting worse. Arabs were concerned about Amin's failure to show how Uganda was becoming an Islamic nation but also concerned about his killing of fellow Muslims. It was becoming difficult for Amin to import luxury goods for his army. To distract attention from the country's internal crises, Amin ordered an invasion of Tanzania in October 1978, supposedly because the latter planned to overthrow his government. Amin's army was forced back. Tanzanians and exiled Ugandan soldiers then invaded Uganda and continued their pursuit of Amin until his government was overthrown on April 11, 1979. Amin fled to Libya, but he later moved to Jidda, Saudi Arabia. There he spends his time reciting the Koran (the holy book of Islam), reading books, playing an accordion, swimming, fishing, and watching television—especially sports programs and news channels. He follows events in his homeland closely.

For More Information How did Idi Amin Dada lead a successful coup in 1971? (Part 2, by William Miles) | PublisHistory Blog How did Idi Amin Dada lead a successful coup in 1971? (Part 2, by William Miles) 0 The second strand I wish to analyse is that of the conditions in Uganda prior to the coup itself. For a successful coup, there must be discontent amongst the people of the nation and a desire for change. “Surtaxes have left the common man of this country poorer than ever before. Here are some of the taxes which the common man has to bear: development tax, graduated tax, sales tax, social security fund tax. The big men escape these taxes or pass them on to the common man.

The prices which the common man gets for his crops like cotton and coffee have not gone up and sometimes they have gone down; whereas the cost of food and education have always gone up” This quote is from the radio broadcast delivered immediately after the coup had taken place and reflected the people’s discontent but the situation in Uganda was a complex one and I am going to use Obote’s address to the national assembly on the 20th April, 1970 to aid me in analysing it. In this speech, Obote highlighted the key problem present in Uganda in the lead up to the coup, stating “We are all aware of the heavy incidence of job seeking in towns. This is partly a phenomenon which comes from development” . This condition is key to understanding the problems which affected Ugandans at the time. Obote was indeed correct that there was rising unemployment in Uganda.. This had been as a result of the increasing education in the country, a policy adopted enthusiastically by Obote.

As Listowel shows, 28% of the budget was devoted to education which had resulted in an increased number of children receiving it; primary education rose from 435,000 in 1962 to 636,000 in 1969, secondary school education from 9,500 to 42,000 and university students from 1,500 to 3,400 . However, although this was a sign of increased development in the nation, it was achieved too quickly for employers who didn’t have enough openings in urban areas to accommodate the sudden increase in size of the labour force. Education “not only led to congested urban areas, with thousands of unemployed hands, but also increased both social and physical mobility, resulting in intense competition for jobs, promotions, appointments and scholarships” . Unsurprisingly, this bred discontent as many young educated Ugandans were left in limbo, unable to find work in the towns but at the same time alienated from the traditional agricultural way of life. Simultaneously, the revenue received by Ugandan farmers had been reducing due to falling prices of the main cash crops of Uganda, cotton and coffee.

Obote tried to argue differently in his speech; “coffee production has more than doubled and cotton production has gone up more than 50%. The solid work done by the Uganda farmers in these two crops and in food production has since expanded” . The evidence, however, is against him. Gukiina in ‘Uganda: A case study in African Political Development’ highlights this decline, stating “Coffee fell in price from 21 cents per pound in 1955 to 11 cents per pound in the early 60s and as low as 4 cents per pound in 1968. This happened at a time when prices generally had been increasing” . Obote was responsible for the general higher prices because, aware that he required the support of the army to stay in power, he invested heavily in it; “he had to increase their salaries as a means of keeping them satisfied and loyal to his government, hence a defence budget of $17,025,000 in 1966, which is 10.2% of the national budget and nearly as large as the combined defence budgets of Kenya and Tanzania” .

This increased expenditure meant higher taxes which resulted in higher prices of sugar, salt, rice, meat, medicine and clothing whilst farmers became poorer through falling coffee and cotton prices. Such a situation would inevitably breed resentment, something Gukiina emphasises when he says “The peasantry remained unhappy with the national government and Obote because the coffee and cotton prices had been on a gradual decline since independence” . However, this is not the whole story. Whilst admitting unemployment, Obote sought justification by claiming general success achieved in Uganda since independence, saying in his address “One of the most popular and leading labels often put on developing countries by their detractors is that the Governments of such countries are unable to deliver the goods. That label, certainly does not apply in the case of this Government ” and in a speech on the 31st December 1969 “the last ten years have been years of unqualified success and unprecedented development” .

There was truth in this as shown by the education stats above and, as Listowel states, the fact that “by 1969 eighty percent of the civil service was manned by Africans; all agricultural production and distribution, including various marketing boards, were in African hands; forty-five percent of the retail trade belonged to Africans, and they had begun to play a part in commerce and industry” . Further, as Gukiina highlights, under Obote “medical services have more than tripled…the GNP was increasing at a rate of 10 to 12% per year compared to less than 4% before independence” . However, what Obote failed to recognise in is address was the seriousness of the failings which Uganda experienced since independence. The rising unemployment and falling crop prices affected the Ugandan peasantry and therefore the majority of Ugandans. For them, conditions had deteriorated under Obote. They had been promised a better way of life but their President had failed to deliver.

The main problem for Obote was that the peasantry did not understand the complexity of economic trade and felt that if crop prices were falling then Obote must have been to blame; “The peasantry did not understand the economic world and merely saw Obote as the one who fixes the price whilst 100% of US exports amounting to $5.62 million was paid by profits of coffee and cotton. The farmers came to view Obote as corrupt and responsible for the low coffee and cotton prices” . Therefore, although Obote did make deserved claims to the successes of his government, he failed to recognisee the extent of the unrest and this unrest built as conditions worsened and offered Amin a population keen on an alternative government. “Dr Obote was bound to remain in the eyes of most Ugandans, a ruthless, cold, morally corrupt power grabber. All possibilities considered, Obote was destined to hold on to power for as long as the police and the army were prepared to enforce his authority” . In other words, he had lost the support of the people. The third and final strand I will analyse is how Obote alienated the Buganda tribe and added to the resentment towards his government.

For this, I will refer to a series of newspaper articles from the Times, reporting the events of the Battle of Mengo Hill on May 24th 1966, the climax of a growing tension between the Buganda, Uganda’s largest tribe, and Obote. As one of the articles explains, “The tension has gripped Uganda since Frederick Mutesa was deposed in February from the office of President of Uganda by Dr.Milton Obote” . This was indeed the case. When Uganda gained its independence, Obote came to power only through an alliance with the Buganda. The Buganda, as Ibingira says in his book ‘The Forging of An African Nation”, had “concession granted to the Kingdom of Buganda in respect to certain legislative powers which the Lukiiko was to exercise independently of the Uganda Parliament…the Government have no constitutional power to determine the fate of the royal throne” . It was through this U.P.C/K.Y partnership that Uganda emerged as an independent nation. However, to understand the mindset of the people it is important to understand where the root of their beliefs lay. The Buganda believed that these concessions were theirs of right and not something which could be taken away.

This is highlighted by Gukiina who recalls a speech given by Apolo Nsibambi, a lecturer in political science, who said “Buganda felt that since Buganda as a whole was never conquered by the British and that since the British were freely invited by the Buganda to protect them, the Buganda retained their natural sovereignty and that they had the right to renounce British protection at anytime and regain the responsibility of protecting the nation of Buganda” . The attack of Mengo Hill was a clear removal of the Bugandan people’s rights, rights they believed to be sacrosanct. And which were promised at the time of independence. One article highlights the reaction when it states “Tribal leaders are shocked and angry at the merciless attack on the Ruler’s palace by Government troops, in which it is believed that more than 1,000 people died” . However, this attack was only the beginning of Obote’s war against the Buganda. On 8th September 1967 a new constitution was adopted confirming the abolition of the Kingdoms, dividing Buganda into four districts with the same status as those elsewhere in Uganda and considerably tightening the central government’s control over the districts, removing their autonomy.

Gukiina writes “To the masses in other kingdoms, the downfall of the Kabaka did not mean a downfall of an enemy but a downfall of a great symbol of traditional rule. Since Obote could dethrone a King so powerful as was the Kabaka of Buganda, then the masses reasoned, their own leaders were in real danger from Obote” . His actions not only invoked fear from other tribes but also anger from the Bugandans. After the attack on Mengo Hill, the Bugandan people were encouraged to wage civil war on the government; “Buganda chiefs and political leaders were today urging two million ardent supporters of the Kabaka to civil war against President Obote and his central Government. Leaflets were scattered throughout Buganda telling the people to enforce the Kabaka’s ultimatum to Dr.Obote that the central Government must move from Buganda soil by May 30th” . This was a clear separation of the tribe from the Ugandan government, something which worsened throughout the following years as Obote continued to tighten his control on them, culminating in Obote being shot outside the national convention of the UPC at Christmas in 1969. Although he survived, the message was clear.

He had lost the support of the Bugandan tribe, providing an alternative leader with a large support base in the centre of the nation, a concept that Listowel supports when she writes “The mishandling of the Buganda made it certain that any well-organised coup effort would have the automatic support of the heartland of Uganda” . Although only touching the tip of an iceberg, through the factors we have analysed we can see how Uganda was primed for a new lease of life. The people wanted change and they needed a powerful personality to bring about these changes. When these two requirements coincided, the success of the coup d’etat was without doubt.

In this essay, I have ignored other factors surrounding Amin’s rise to power such as the argument made in Martin’s book that the critical factor which turned the tide against Obote was the involvement of at least 500 Southern Sudanese Anyanya guerillas and the fact that, at the time of seizing power, Amin had the support of Britain, as seen in newspaper articles from the Spectator “If a choice is to be made between quiet military men and noisy civil dictators then I prefer, in Africa at least, the military” or the New Statesman “So far as Britain is concerned, Amin will undoubtedly be easier to deal with than the abrasive Obote” for I just don’t have the space to analyse it all. However, the three factors I have chosen are, I believe, the integral ones to his rise to power for without the character of the man himself and the desire for change within the people, a coup would never have been successful. As it was, when Amin gave his first speech, he did so knowing he was addressing a nation in support of change.

Obote had managed to turn the people against him and his government, be it through his severe oppression of the Bugandan people and his removal of their traditional rights of self rule by actions such as on the 26th February 1966 suspending the 1962 Constitution or his inability to provide for the Ugandan peasantry the better way of life they had been promised at independence. Therefore, a man like Amin, physically strong, politically powerful, and supported by the people had been provided an opportunity through which a successful coup could be led, and on the 24th January 1971, he did just that. Bibliography Primary Sources: • Obote, Milton, Communication from the Chair of the National Assembly on 20th April, 1970, ‘The Common Man’s Charter (Uganda, 1970) • Schroeder, Barbet, General Idi Amin Dada – Autoportrait (Les Films du Losange, 1974) Websites:

Question: Who did Idi Amin depose in 1971?
Answer: Milton Obote