Women get the vote - UK Parliament Women get the vote Women and the Lords Women get the vote During 1916-1917, the House of Commons Speaker, James William Lowther, chaired a conference on electoral reform which recommended limited women's suffrage. Influential consideration Only 58% of the adult male population was eligible to vote before 1918. An influential consideration, in addition to the suffrage movement and the growth of the Labour Party, was the fact that only men who had been resident in the country for 12 months prior to a general election were entitled to vote. This effectively disenfranchised a large number of troops who had been serving overseas in the war. With a general election imminent, politicians were persuaded to extend the vote to all men and some women at long last. Representation of the People Act 1918 In 1918 the Representation of the People Act was passed which allowed women over the age of 30 who met a property qualification to vote. Although 8.5 million women met this criteria, it only represented 40 per cent of the total population of women in the UK.

The same act abolished property and other restrictions for men, and extended the vote to all men over the age of 21. Additionally, men in the armed forces could vote from the age of 19. The electorate increased from eight to 21 million, but there was still huge inequality between women and men. Equal Franchise Act 1928 It was not until the Equal Franchise Act of 1928 that women over 21 were able to vote and women finally achieved the same voting rights as men. This act increased the number of women eligible to vote to 15 million. BBC - Higher Bitesize History - Major changes : Revision, Page2 Next Reforms after 1867 In 1867 the electoral system put in place by the 1832 Reform Act remained intact, but it had come under increasing pressure throughout the 1840s and 1850s from the reformist movements. In 1866, all voters had to be male adults over 21 years of age and the right to vote was still based upon a property qualification.

By the early 1860s around 1.43 million could vote out of a total population of 30 million. Furthermore, the lack of secret ballots resulted in open voting. This meant that voters could be offered bribes or be subject to intimidation in order to vote a certain way. The system still did not give equal representation to the various parts of the United Kingdom. Areas such as Scotland still found themselves with fewer MPs and less of a say in Parliament that many other smaller areas of the UK. Obviously, the parliamentary system was not that of a democracy. Between the 1867 Reform Act and the 1928 Representation of the People Act, democratic reform grew at a faster pace than at any other time. 1867 Parliamentary Reform Act In 1867 the Conservative government introduced the Parliamentary Reform Act which increased the electorate to almost 2.5 million. The Conservative leader, Benjamin Disraeli, persuaded his supporters that the English working man would make limited demands on politicians - keep him housed, fed and clothed and he would vote Conservative for ever. This gamble ("The Leap in the Dark") gave most skilled working class men in the towns the vote.

However, the Act did not alter the balance of political power in Britain. The middle classes still dominated the electorate, both in the towns and in the boroughs. The electorate remained as before in both the boroughs and the counties, namely the middle classes. The most important change was the granting of the vote to occupiers in the boroughs (people who rented properties rather than owning them) and as a result the electorate in some of the newer towns in England and Scotland increased dramatically. 1872 Ballot Act In 1872 the government introduced the Ballot Act which attempted to deal with the problem of electoral malpractice by allowing secret ballots. However, this attempt by Gladstone's government to stop bribery, corruption and intimidation in elections was insufficient although these practices did decline. In areas where there were a lot of voters, the secret ballot certainly made a difference. Also, this Act ensured that voting came to be seen more as a political act rather than as social occasion, the hustings (public meetings where candidates for election met members of the constituents) having been replaced by the polling booth.

1883 The Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act of 1883 The Ballot Act had failed to remove bribery from the voting process and, as a result, the 1880 election led to the government setting up a Royal Commission to investigate electoral practices. This led to the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act of 1883 which established what a candidate could spend on election expenses and what the money could be spent on. Allegations of illegal acts during elections did decline significantly after this Act was passed and average election expenditure of candidates also fell significantly. Although corruption declined it did not completely die out. 1884 Parliamentary Reform Act By the 1880s it was widely recognised that voters in counties deserved the same political rights as those in the boroughs and this led to the 1884 Parliamentary Reform Act. This Act created a uniform franchise in both county and borough and applied to the United Kingdom as a whole. However, plural voting was permitted (whereby a man could have more than one vote in certain circumstances). Nevertheless, this Act enfranchised a significant number of voters and approximately two in three men now had the vote, almost 18% of the total population.

1885 Redistribution of Seats Act This act gave growing towns the right to send more MPs to Parliament and a redistribution of 142 seats took place. This cut the old dominance of southern England and increased Scottish representation to 72. 1911 Parliament Act The 1911 Parliament Act reduced the power of the House of Lords and replaced their veto with the ability only to delay bills from the House of Commons for two years. The Lords could not now interfere with any 'Money Bills', this meaning that the Commons could make up its own mind about what money it raised through taxation. 1918 Representation of the People Act By 1918 there was a general feeling that the horrors of World War I had to be for something positive. As a consequence, in the same year the war ended, the Representation of the People Act gave the vote to all men over 21 and to all women over the age of 30 years. 1928 Representation of the People Act In 1928 women were finally given the franchise on the same terms as men.

Results Since 1969, both males and females who have reached the age of 18 years have the right to vote and there is even some debate today about whether this age should be lowered to 16 years. Since the essence of a democracy is that of a system of government which promotes and encourages political change from its citizens, issues such as electoral reform, human rights and the promotion of equality continue to be debated and acted upon today as part of our democratic political culture in Britain. Now try a Test Bite Page Citizenship Foundation: Issues Voting Timeline Lowering the voting age to 16: Timeline A glance at some of the key moments in the history of Parliament in England. Note: Throughout, Parliament refers to Parliament at Westminster. 13th Century From the 13th Century, two knights are elected from each county by the county courts. Soon after, they are joined by two representatives from the boroughs. This is not obligatory. As representation in Parliament is originally considered a burden rather than a blessing, not every local community is willing to pay for MPs to go to Westminster. This results in gross inequalities in different parts of the country.

1430 Owners of freehold land worth over 40 shillings a year can vote in county elections. 1542 Wales is now represented in Parliament. 1707 Scotland is now represented in Parliament. 1800 Ireland is now represented in Parliament. 1430 - 1832 Some monarchs extended the franchise in some boroughs, in attempts to influence the make-up of Parliament. However, the qualification to vote is often arbitrary. In some boroughs, every male head of a household is eligible to vote, while in others it is restricted to those that own property or pay local taxes. Around one in five adult men can vote. 1832 The Great Reform Act cleans up corruption in the voting system. Every man who pays more than £10 a year in rates or rent can now vote. However, this only applies to the boroughs. The 40-Shilling freehold (and a host of other possible qualifications) still applies in the counties. The Act raises the number of voters by 38 per cent. 720,784 can now vote, in a population of over 10,000,000 of voting age.

1867 The Second Reform Act extends the franchise. Although this enables over two and a half million men to vote, it only applies to the boroughs. People cannot vote if they claimed Poor Relief in the qualifying period. 1872 The secret ballot is introduced. Before this, the entire community would be watching to see how people voted on polling day. 1884 The Third Reform Act equalises voting restrictions between counties and boroughs. Over 50 per cent of adult men can now vote. Most British men over 21 may vote, if they have lived in the same place for a year. 1918, February The Representation of the People Act gives the vote to women over the age of 30. It also reduces the time that voters must live in the same place from one year to six months. 1918, 21 November A Bill is passed allowing women to be Members of Parliament. 1928 The Equal Franchise Act lowers the voting age for women to 21. 1969 The voting age for both men and women is lowered to 18. This takes effect from 1970.

1998, 1 July Dr Ashok Kumar introduces a Ten Minute Rule bill. The debate is about empowering local authorities to consult with young people about services designed for their benefit. 2001, 8 December Matthew Green MP introduces the bill Elections (Entitlement to Vote At Age 16) under the Ten Minute Rule. The bill is allocated a date for a second reading but runs out of parliamentary time. 2002,23 January Prime Minister Tony Blair tells Mps, 'I am not sure that we would always want 16-year-olds to do all the things they can do. I think that it [the voting age] should remain as it is'. 2002, 27 November Lord Lucus introduces the bill Voting Age (Reduction to 16) in the House of Lords. 2003, 9 January The bill Voting Age (Reduction to 16) has its second reading in the House of Lords. 2003, 27 February The Electoral Commission announces a review of the minimum age for voting and candidacy in UK public elections. 2003, Summer A consultation takes place as part of the Electoral Commission's review of the minimum voting age.

2004, 19 April The Electoral Commission submits its final report to the government. It recommends that the age at which someone can become an MP (the 'candidacy' age) is lowered to 18. However, it does not recommend lowering the voting age to 16, saying there is not enough public support for it. More… The 1918 Representation of the People Act - History Learning Site Home » The Role of British Women » The 1918 Representation of the People Act The 1918 Representation of the People Act Citation: C N Trueman "The 1918 Representation of the People Act" historylearningsite.co.uk. The History Learning Site, 17 Mar 2015. 16 Aug 2016. The 1918 Representation of the People Act The 1918 Representation of the People Act was the start of female suffrage in Great Britain. The bill was passed by an overwhelming majority in the House of Commons (385 for to 55 against) – an element of support that surprised the Suffragettes and other suffragist movements.

The 1918 Representation of the People Act gave women of property over the age of 30 the right to vote – not all women, therefore, could vote – but it was a major start. Why did the House of Commons give such overwhelming support to the bill when just four years earlier it had been apparently so hostile to female suffrage? A general assumption is that the act was a ‘reward’ for the vital work done by women during World War One. Before the war, society had been suitably angered and horrified by the acts of the Suffragettes – arson, vandalism, attacking politicians, the Derby of 1913 etc. Parliament rationalised on the following: how could women be given such a right when they could not be trusted to act decently? During the war, Britain had experienced a potentially disastrous munitions shortage and this was only solved by the work done by women in munitions factories. Women had also driven buses, worked on surface jobs in coal mines etc. Vital work was also done on farms to keep Britain well stocked with food. This assumption has now been challenged as not being as accurate as was once thought.

Women in France did equally as important work in World War One but did not receive the right to vote after the war. Why? One of the reasons put forward for this is that there was no pre-war suffragist movement in France – and certainly not the militancy of the Suffragettes. An argument put forward for the inclusion of a female suffrage section in the 1918 Representation of the People Act is that the work of the Suffragettes and the suffragist movements pre-1914 had been important. While the Suffragettes had shocked society (both male and female), no-one was keen to return to the violence of pre-1914 Britain, a nation exhausted by war. Therefore, the role of the Suffragettes may have been far more important than was originally thought. Britain was shocked by the violence of the Russian Revolution – could it risk such social disorder here? If the Suffragettes re-started their campaign, where would it end? Could the government risk taking such a gamble? Many women who had done such valuable work during the war, had now by 1918 been made redundant or were being pressurised into returning to their old employment – invariably domestic work.

How could the government gamble that these women would not join the Suffragettes, thus strengthening their numbers and engage in violent activities (even more violent that pre-1914)? Once society went into a spiral of violence, how could it be contained? So why did the bill pass with such a huge majority? Did men in the House of Commons suddenly convert to the cause of the suffragist movement? Many MP’s did believe that some reform was inevitable and that by passing the female suffrage section of the 1918 Representation of the People Act, it would keep the suffragists happy but also delay more radical reform – such as full and equal voting rights for men and women. A general view was that such equality could be delayed by up to thirty years if the 1918 bill was passed with a limited female suffrage section in. The bill received support from the Conservative Party because their research had shown that in 142 constituencies, 98 supported women getting the right to vote and only 44 were against the principal. If this support was true over the whole of the country’s constituencies, then the party had to support female suffrage or potentially face the consequences at the general election.

While the suffragist movement welcomed the 1918 Representation of the People Act, it was, in fact, a remarkably conservative measure. Therefore, when the ‘small print’ was read, Conservative MP’s and those in other parties that opposed the issue of female suffrage, may well have seen the act as a success in that it could have gone a lot further. The act only enfranchised women over 30. Many of the women who had worked in the fields and in munition factories were under 30 and therefore did not get the right to vote. There was a belief among politicians that women over 30 were more able to understand the intricacies of politics and that they would be less likely to support radical ideas. It was also reckoned that women over thirty would be more likely to be married with children – also making them less likely to belong to radical movements with radical ideas. Ironically, those who had been the main supporters of the Suffragettes pre-1914 were also excluded. Educated middle-class women had gone into white-collar work after 1920 and many lived in rented property away from their parents as a sign of their independence.

Therefore they were not property owners and did not qualify to vote in general elections The bill passed the House of Lords with similar ease despite its reputation for being anti-female suffrage. Why? The prominent lord, Lord Curzon, was president of the National League for Opposing Women’s Suffrage. He was expected to lead the campaign in the Lords to defeat the female suffrage section in the 1918 Representation of the People Act. In fact, Curzon had made it plain that he did not want to have a clash with the Commons and he stated that he would not oppose the bill. Other members of the Lords seemed to lose heart over his decision not to act as their spokesman and the Lords voted for the bill by 134 votes for to 71 against. After being passed by both Commons and Lords, the bill only needed the Royal Ascent from George V. This it received as a failure to give it would have led to a huge constitutional crisis. It is also possible that advisors to George V made it clear that the bill only had a limited impact where female suffrage was concerned. The 1918 Representation of the People Act increased the electorate to about 21 million. 8.4 million were women.

Therefore the act gave women a 40% ‘stake’ in elections. About 22% of women 30 years of age and above were excluded from the right to vote as they were not property owners. These were women who were invariably working class. The tendency to think that many of the newly enfranchised women were conservative by nature and Conservative politically, seems to be true. Research on voting patterns in the 1920’s does indicate that women did tend to vote for the Conservatives. At the time the 1918 Representation of the People Act seemed a major victory for the suffragist movements. Millicent Fawcett called the enactment of the act the greatest moment in her life. A victory party was held by suffragist societies at the Queen’s Hall in March 1918. Having witnessed in one act a jump from 0 to 8.4 million in terms of the number of women who could vote, many did see the act as a victory. However, there were women who still saw the act as a betrayal as it still classed them as second class citizens to men.

The 1918 Representation of the People Act gave all men over the age of 21 the right to vote (and aged 19 if the men had been on active service in the armed forces). Therefore, politically women were still not the equal to men in Britain even after the 1918 act. Women achieved full equality regarding suffrage in 1928. The struggle for democracy The struggle for democracy Many of the freedoms and rights that we enjoy today were won through long struggles. Some individuals endured prison, even death, in their battle for the right to vote. The Franchise Act of 1928 gave men and women equal voting rights for the first time. Chartists, suffragists and suffragettes campaigned for this right. How did these groups represent themselves? How were they portrayed by others? How did they communicate their cause and gather support? How was change brought about? What methods did they use? What solutions did they propose or find? The Franchise Bill Show transcript This article is from The Times newspaper on the day that the Franchise Bill, later to be the Franchise Act of 1928, was published.

This Bill gave the vote to all women over the age of 21. There was little opposition to the bill in Parliament, and it became law on 2nd July 1928. Taken from: The Times Newspaper Date created: 12 March 1928 Copyright: By permission of the British Library Board Shelfmark: Newspaper Library Bill an act of parliament before it becomes law Franchise the right to vote Enfranchise give the right to vote Electorate the total number of people entitled to voteb Poor relief money for the poor given by the state Suffrage the right to vote Explore a new resource that looks at the campaigning techniques of the suffragists and suffragettes. Learn about Chartism, a political movemnt of the 1830s, set up to campaign for the reform of the British electoral system. Discover more about the women's struggle for democracy in the nineteenth century and the formation of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies. Learn about the more militant approach adopted by the suffragette movement and the foundation of the Women's Social and Political Union in 1903.

BBC - Higher Bitesize History - Democratic reform : Revision Democratic reform The Representation of People Act In June 1917 the House of Commons passed the Representation of People Act. The following year the Act was approved by the House of Lords and became law. All men over 21 now had the right to vote. Some women also got the vote: women over 30, and women over 21 who were householders (owned their house) or married to householders. Although the Act still excluded many women, the fact that it was passed serves as proof of a change in political opinion towards women. It wasn't until 1928 when this act was expanded to give all women over the age of 21 the right to vote. International pressure By the time America joined the war, some of the United States had given women the vote. Other countries, such as New Zealand, Australia, Finland and Denmark, along with most of Canada, had enfranchised women. The result was that it was increasingly difficult for Britain not to follow suit.

Britain would be embarrassed politically if the 'mother of democracy' was seen to be lagging behind other countries.In addition, Britain's war propaganda stressed the fact that the Allies were fighting for democracy and this implied universal suffrage. Domestic pressures War-related For more than 50 years before the war an all-male Parliament was reluctant to enfranchise women. By the end of the war, politicians had changed their minds. There were various reasons: There was a general need for franchise reform. Many men in the armed forces could not vote due to the residence qualifications. After serving their country during the horrors of WWI it was felt that these men should be entitled to vote. With the need for democratic reform generally acknowledged, the case for extending the franchise to women was made stronger. After all they had done for the war effort it seemed unfair to deny them greater political representation. The balance of political power changed during the period of the war. Power shifted from those politicians opposed to votes for women, like Asquith, to those more in favour, such as Lloyd George, Balfour and Bonar Law.

It has been argued that the war allowed a number MPs who had been hostile to the idea of votes for women a convenient excuse to change their minds if they thought their position had become untenable. Women's war work was a convenient pretext for them to save face and alter their position in favour of women's suffrage. After the war, even Asquith expressed the view that women had "earned" the right to vote. Party politics There is also evidence to suggest that, in the pre-war period, the Liberal government had been pressurising prospective MPs to support women's suffrage. There had been meetings between the Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith, and representatives from suffrage organisations to discuss the matter. Asquith had even gone as far as replacing members of his government who were unsympathetic to the suffrage movement with those who were. This kind of negotiation had taken place many times previously, and nothing had come of them, but that is not to say these would have fizzled out too. Summary There are several reasons for the change in political opinion. Recognition for the role women played in the war effort was one good reason.

Likewise, it has been argued that the granting of the vote for women was the end result of the campaigns of the women's suffrage movement, after the delay caused by the war. Another view is that giving some women the vote was seen as a compromise to granting all women the vote. It is worth noting that had women been enfranchised based upon the same requirements as men, they would have been in the majority, due to the loss of men in the war. There is evidence to suggest that the Representation of People Act was passed to avoid a return to the violent protests of the suffragettes. After their contributions during the war it would have been embarrassing for the government to go back to arresting and imprisoning women who had done so much for the war effort. Key dates - UK Parliament Key dates Legislation provides for Welsh representatives in the House of Commons 1707 Acts of Union passed in the Parliaments of England and Scotland unite the two countries. Scotland allocated 45 seats in the House of Commons 1729 Bribery Act passed to address corruption in elections 1801 Act of Union joins Ireland and Great Britain.

Ireland allocated 100 seats in the House of Commons 1832 Representation of the People Act (the first Reform Act) extends vote to men meeting property qualification, reduces rotten boroughs and redistributes Parliamentary seats to better represent urban areas 1838 The People's Charter drawn up for the London Working Men's Association 1839 - First Chartist petition presented to House of Commons 1842 Second Chartist petition presented to House of Commons 1848 Third Chartist petition presented to House of Commons 1867 Representation of the People Act (the second Reform Act) extends vote to urban working men meeting property qualification 1872 Ballot Act introduces the secret ballot at elections 1883 Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act 1883 effectively ends serious corruption in British elections 1884 Representation of the People Act (the third Reform Act) addresses imbalance between men's votes in boroughs and counties 1885 Redistribution Act boundaries redrawn to produce equal electoral districts.

Single member seats become the norm 1918 Representation of the People Act extends vote to all men over 21 and most women over 30 1920 Government of Ireland Act 1920 and the Irish Free State Agreement Act 1922 creates the Irish Free State and reduces the number of seats for Irish constituencies at Westminster from 105 to 13 constituencies in Northern Ireland. 1928 Representation of the People Act extends vote to all women over 21 1944 House of Commons (Redistribution of Seats) Act established four permanent boundary commissions for the UK and a regular system for reviewing constituency boundaries. 1969 Representation of the People Act extends vote to men and women over 18 2008 Voting Age (Reduction) Bill - a Private Members' Bill - to reduce voting age to 16 and over. Bill does not become law. 1928 Equal Franchise Act 1928 Equal Franchise Act ▼ Primary Sources ▼ 1928 Equal Franchise Act After the passing of the Qualification of Women Act in 1918 the NUWSS and WSPU disbanded.

A new organisation called the National Union of Societies for Equal Citizenship was established. As well as advocating the same voting rights as men, the organisation also campaigned for equal pay, fairer divorce laws and an end to the discrimination against women in the professions. Women had their first opportunity to vote in a General Election in December, 1918. Several of the women involved in the suffrage campaign stood for Parliament. Only one, Constance Markiewicz , standing for Sinn Fein , was elected. However, as a member of Sinn Fein , she refused to take her seat in the House of Commons. Later that year, Nancy Astor became the first woman in England to become a MP when she won Sutton, Plymouth in a by-election. Other women were also elected over the next few years. This included Dorothy Jewson , Susan Lawrence , Margaret Winteringham , Katharine Stewart-Murray , Mabel Philipson , Vera Terrington and Margaret Bondfield . In 1919 Parliament passed the Sex Disqualification Removal Act which made it illegal to exclude women from jobs because of their sex. Women could now become solicitors, barristers and magistrates. Vera Terrington and Margaret Bondfield .

The National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies became the National Union of Societies for Equal Citizenship (NUSEC) in March 1919. Eleanor Rathbone succeeded Millicent Fawcett as president of the new body. Later that year Rathbone persuaded the organization to accept a six point reform programme. (1) Equal pay for equal work, involving an open field for women in industry and the professions. (2) An equal standard of sex morals as between men and women, involving a reform of the existing divorce law which condoned adultery by the husband, as well as reform of the laws dealing with solicitation and prostitution. (3) The introduction of legislation to provide pensions for civilian widows with dependent children. (4) The equalization of the franchise and the return to Parliament of women candidates pledged to the equality programme. (5) The legal recognition of mothers as equal guardians with fathers of their children. (6) The opening of the legal profession and the magistracy to women. The NUSEC had close links with the Labour Party and Ramsay McDonald and were bitterly disappointed when its 1924 minority government was unable to give the vote to women on the same basis as men.

However, MacDonald did appoint Margaret Bondfield as parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Labour. A bill was introduced in March 1928 to give women the vote on the same terms as men. There was little opposition in Parliament to the bill and it became law on 2nd July 1928. As a result, all women over the age of 21 could now vote in elections. Many of the women who had fought for this right were now dead including Elizabeth Garrett Anderson , Barbara Bodichon , Emily Davies , Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy , Constance Lytton and Emmeline Pankhurst . Millicent Fawcett , the leader of the NUWSS during the campaign for the vote, was still alive and had the pleasure of attending Parliament to see the vote take place. That night she wrote in her diary: "It is almost exactly 61 years ago since I heard John Stuart Mill introduce his suffrage amendment to the Reform Bill on May 20th, 1867.

So I have had extraordinary good luck in having seen the struggle from the beginning." (1) Margaret Rhondda , Time and Tide (14th May, 1920) That the group behind this paper is composed entirely of women has already been frequently commented on. It would be possible to lay too much stress upon the fact. The binding link between these people is not primarily their common sex. On the other hand, this fact is not, without its significance. Amongst those to whom the need we have spoken of is apparent today are a very large number of women. Women have newly come into the larger world, and are indeed themselves to some extent answerable for that loosening of party and sectarian ties which is so marked a feature of the present day. It is therefore natural that just now many of them should tend to be especially conscious of the need for an independent press, owing allegiance to no sect or party. The war was responsible for breaking down the barriers which kept each individual or group of individuals in a watertight compartment. The past five years have taught the importance of that wider view which sees the part in relation to the whole.

There is another need in our press of which the average person of today is conscious, but which must specially weigh with women - the lack of a paper which shall treat men and women as equally part of the great human family, working side by side ultimately for the same great objects by ways equally valuable, equally interesting; a paper which is in fact concerned neither specially with men nor specially with women, but with human beings. It must be admitted that the press of today, although with self-conscious, painstaking care it now inserts "and women" every time it chances to use the word "men" scarcely succeeds in attaining to such an ideal. (2) Editorial, Time and Tide (23rd May, 1922) On December 23rd, 1919, the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act passed into law, and for the past two years or more it has been gradually dawning upon women of all classes, ages and professions, that the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act does not remove sex disqualification. Let us examine this Act a little more closely. When it was passed it was presented by the Government as a Charter of Freedom.

Henceforth women were to enjoy equal opportunities, equal chances, equal rights with men. It was a reversal of the customs of the ages. It was, as Mr. Talbot pointed out last Friday, a revolutionary piece of legislation. Incidentally it was the carrying out of a pledge made by the Coalition to the women just before the previous General Election and signed by Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Bonar Law: 'It will be the duty of the new government to remove all existing inequalities in the law as between men and women.' Specifically, of course, the Act did not do a very great deal. It was quite short, consisting of four clauses only. The first clause dealt with the admission of women to the Civil Service, to which, for practical purposes, if not in theory, they had been admitted before; and to juries, which was a new departure. It also entitled women to become magistrates and to be admitted and enrolled as barristers or solicitors. The first sub-clause to clause I contracted out of the obligations of the Act to admit women on equal terms into the Civil Service by providing that all regulations dealing with this admission should be left to Orders in Council.

The second sub-clause to clause I gave power to a judge to order that a jury should be composed of men only or women only as the case might be, and that on application being made a woman might be exempted from serving in a case 'by nature of the evidence to be given or of the issues to be tried.' The second clause dealt with the qualifications necessary to entitle women to be admitted and enrolled as solicitors on the same terms as men. The third clause stated that nothing in the statutes or charter of any university should be deemed to preclude the authorities of such university from admitting women to its membership. It was as a result of this that in 1920 Oxford admitted women to full membership. The clause was, however, merely permissive, and Cambridge has elected not to act upon it. Women were already admitted to membership of every other university in the United Kingdom before this date. The fourth clause was simply the short title and repeal clause usual in Acts of Parliament. To sum up, what the Bill actually did was:- To admit women to jury service although not on the same terms as men. To allow women to become magistrates. To allow women to become barristers or solicitors.

To grant power to Oxford and Cambridge to admit women to membership if they chose. (3) Editorial, Time and Tide (17th October, 1922) It is true that we have been most singularly fortunate in our first two women members. They have set a standard to which few could hope to attain. Nevertheless, even though we can scarcely hope that many future women M.P.'s will achieve so conspicuous a success as have the first two it is undoubtedly most desirable to add to their number. In the last Parliament Lady Astor and Mrs. Wintringham were doing the work often ordinary people. No human being can be expected to keep going indefinitely at such a pressure. We publish today the first of a series of three articles dealing in some detail with the chances of the prospective women candidates who have been adopted up to the present. It seems clear from a close scrutiny of the list of seats placed at their disposals that none of the Parties have been prepared to pay much more than lip service to the proposition that it is desirable to have women in Parliament. The Independent Liberals head the list so far as numbers are concerned, but even the Independent Liberals do not so far appear to have given their women candidates any safe seats.

Perhaps, however, there was some excuse for the 'Wee Frees,' seeing that they had not many safe seats to give. Few people who have closely followed the course of events in the last Parliament will be found to deny that there is need in the next for a greater representation of women. And this not only on the general grounds that it is desirable to have national political problems fully envisaged from every possible angle, but also and at the present time particularly because there are still today a certain number of subjects the importance of which tends to be underrated by many of the men in Parliament but is adequately appreciated by women. The value of Lady Astor and Mrs. Wintringham has lain not only in their contributions upon general political questions but also in the steady hard work they have put in over such matters as the Criminal Law Amendment Bill (whose passage was largely due to their efforts), the Equal Guardianship of Infants Bill, the Women Police question (that any Women Police at all have been retained in the London area is due almost entirely to them), and other matters of the kind. It has lain also in the fact that they could be trusted to understand the point of view of the professional and working woman.

(4) Editorial, Time and Tide (16th November, 1922) Up to the time of going to press only sixteen women parliamentary candidates have been officially endorsed by their respective parties. It seems certain that more women candidates will be adopted almost immediately, but in most cases these will only be asked to fight forlorn hopes. We much doubt the desirability of women candidates accepting the party leavings. In fact, what the parties are doing is to fling to any women who are prepared to accept them - and in most cases to pay the greater part of their own expenses - constituencies which the average male candidate refuses to touch knowing them to be 'duds.' When the women get defeated, as in these hopeless seats they can only expect to be, the parties who have thus used them are the first to turn round and say: 'There is no use putting up women candidates, they only get defeated.' We are of opinion that women of any standing should refuse to be made use of in this way, their defeat only does harm to the ultimate cause they desire to serve. It should be remembered that there is no generosity in offering a woman the chance of fighting a hopeless seat on condition that she pays her own expenses.

The party which does so is merely trying to get something for nothing by playing on the comparative innocence of women in the political game. WSPU Founded by Emmeline Pankhurst WSPU Founded by Emmeline Pankhurst WSPU Founded by Emmeline Pankhurst A Militant, British, Women's Suffrage Organization Tess Billington carries a banner inscribed with the suffragette slogan 'Votes For Women' during a demonstration in the Ladies Gallery in the House of Commons, London. (April 25th, 1906). (Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images) Share By Patricia Daniels, Contributing Writer As founder of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) in 1903, suffragist Emmeline Pankhurst brought militancy to the British suffrage movement in the early twentieth century. The WSPU became the most contentious of the suffragist groups of that era, with activities ranging from disruptive demonstrations to destruction of property through the use of arson and bombs. Pankhurst and her cohorts served repeated sentences in jail, where they staged hunger strikes.

The WSPU was active from 1903 to 1914, when England's involvement in World War I brought women's suffrage efforts to a halt. Pankhurst's Early Days as an Activist Emmeline Goulden Pankhurst was born in Manchester, England in 1858 to liberal-minded parents who supported both the antislavery and women's suffrage movements. Pankhurst attended her first suffrage meeting with her mother at the age of 14, becoming devoted to the cause of women's suffrage at an early age. Pankhurst found her soul mate in Richard Pankhurst, a radical Manchester attorney twice her age whom she married in 1879. continue reading below our video 10 Facts About the Titanic That You Don't Know Pankhurst shared his wife's determination to acquire the vote for women; he had even drafted an early version of a women's suffrage bill, which had been rejected by Parliament in 1870. The Pankhursts were active in several local suffrage organizations in Manchester. They moved to London in 1885 to enable Richard Pankhurst to run for Parliament.

Although he lost, they stayed in London for four years, during which time they formed the Women's Franchise League. The League disbanded due to internal conflicts and the Pankhursts returned to Manchester in 1892. The Birth of the WSPU Pankhurst suffered the sudden loss of her husband to a perforated ulcer in 1898, becoming a widow at the age of 40. Left with debts and four children to support (her son Francis had died in 1888), Pankhurst took a job as a registrar in Manchester. Employed in a working-class district, she witnessed many instances of gender discrimination—which only strengthened her resolve to obtain equal rights for women. In October 1903, Pankhurst founded the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), holding the weekly meetings in her Manchester home. Limiting its membership to women only, the suffrage group sought the involvement of working-class women. Pankhurst's daughters Christabel and Sylvia helped their mother to manage the organization, as well as to give speeches at rallies. The group published its own newspaper, naming it Suffragette after the derogatory nickname given to suffragists by the press.

Early supporters of the WSPU included many working-class women, such as mill-worker Annie Kenny and seamstress Hannah Mitchell, both of whom became prominent public speakers for the organization. The WSPU adopted the slogan "Votes For Women" and selected green, white, and purple as their official colors, symbolizing respectively, hope, purity, and dignity. The slogan and tricolor banner (worn by members as a sash across their blouses) became a common sight at rallies and demonstrations throughout England. Gaining Strength In May 1904, WSPU members crowded the House of Commons to hear discussion on the women's suffrage bill, having been assured in advance by the Labor Party that that the bill (drafted years earlier by Richard Pankhurst) would be brought up for debate. Instead, members of Parliament (MPs) staged a "talk-out," a strategy intended to run down the clock, so that there would be no time left for discussion of the suffrage bill. Infuriated, members of the Union decided they must use more drastic measures.

Since demonstrations and rallies were not producing results, although they did help to increase the membership of the WSPU, the Union adopted a new strategy — heckling politicians during speeches. During one such incident in October 1905, Pankhurst's daughter Christabel and fellow WSPU member Annie Kenny were arrested and sent to jail for a week. Many more arrests of women protesters—nearly a thousand—would follow before the struggle for the vote was over. In June 1908, the WSPU held the largest-ever political demonstration in London's history. Hundreds of thousands rallied in Hyde Park as suffragist speakers read resolutions calling for the women's vote. The government accepted the resolutions, but refused to act upon them. The WSPU Gets Radical The WSPU employed increasingly militant tactics over the next several years. Emmeline Pankhurst organized a window-smashing campaign throughout London's commercial districts in March 1912. At the designated hour, 400 women took hammers and began smashing windows simultaneously. Pankhurst, who had broken windows at the prime minister's residence, went to jail along with many of her accomplices.

Hundreds of women, including Pankhurst, went on hunger strikes during their numerous imprisonments. Prison officials resorted to violent force-feedings of the women, some of whom actually died from the procedure. Newspaper accounts of such mistreatment helped to generate sympathy for the suffragists. In response to the outcry, Parliament passed the Temporary Discharge for Ill-Health Act (known informally as the "Cat and Mouse Act"), which allowed the fasting women to be released just long enough to recover, only to be rearrested. The Union added destruction of property to its growing arsenal of weapons in its battle for the vote. Women vandalized golf courses, railroad cars, and government offices. Some went so far as to set buildings on fire and plant bombs in mailboxes. In 1913, one Union member, Emily Davidson, attracted negative publicity by throwing herself in front of the king's horse during a race at Epsom. She died days later, having never regained consciousness. World War I Intervenes In 1914, Britain's involvement in World War I effectively brought about the end of the WSPU and the suffrage movement in general.

Pankhurst believed in serving her country in a time of war and declared a truce with the British government. In return, all imprisoned suffragists were released from jail. Women proved themselves capable of performing traditional men's jobs while the men were off at war and seemed to have earned more respect as a result. By 1916, the fight for the vote was over. Parliament passed the Representation of the People Act, granting the vote to all women over 30. The vote was granted to all women over 21 years of age in 1928, only weeks after the death of Emmeline Pankhurst.

Question: In what year did the Representation of the People Act give the vote to all women over 21?
Answer: 1928