Don't Call Hong Kong's Protests an 'Umbrella Revolution' - The Atlantic The Atlantic Don't Call Hong Kong's Protests an 'Umbrella Revolution' How the language of revolt hides demonstrators' true goals Tyrone Siu/Reuters Print Text Size Rewind to September 22. I’m at a students’ rally marking the beginning of a five-day class strike at the Chinese University of Hong Kong to protest limits Beijing has imposed on the city’s ability to elect its chief executive. The class strike is being led by the Hong Kong Federation of Students, and also at the rally are representatives of another group, Occupy Central With Love and Peace, which last year started discussing a sit-in in Hong Kong’s business district . Occupy Central leader Chan Kin-man tells me he has already set his sights on the post-Occupy democratic movement, and discusses a social-media strategy aimed at achieving universal suffrage. It’s clear that the movement’s long-running battle for democracy will continue well after the dust of Occupy has settled. The original plan is to host a “democracy banquet”—the codename for a civil-disobedience campaign comprising students and other activists—in Central on October 1.

Chan and his fellow organizers expect that more than 10,000 people will stage sit-ins on the roads, their arms linked in solidarity. They also expect that by October 3, police will start breaking up the human chain and send the demonstrators to detention centers. The activists have vowed to face jail rather than resist arrest. The point, says Chan, a sociology professor at Chinese University, is simply to pressure Beijing to fulfill the promise it made after the British handed sovereignty over the city back to the Chinese in 1997—to allow true democracy in Hong Kong. Related Story The Americans Who Inspired Hong Kong's Protesters Fast-forward to today, when the protests appear to be settling into the long-term struggle Chan envisioned. The events that unfolded after those class boycotts have caught everyone by surprise, shocking the city, Communist Party leaders, and the world—as well as the student movement and Occupy organizers themselves. The initial plan started to fall apart on September 26, when a clash between students and police at the end of their strike triggered a mass protest outside the government’s headquarters, a 10-minute walk from Central.

On the morning of September 28, Benny Tai, another Occupy leader, declared that the sit-in at Central would start early. What happened thereafter was an unscripted pro-democracy movement. But it was anything but an “umbrella revolution,” as the Western media have now dubbed the protests. Most local media outlets, such as the South China Morning Post, have avoided the term, continuing to refer to the protests as “Occupy Central,” the “Occupy Central conflict,” or even the “political reform storm.” When local media have referred to the umbrella—which became the default icon of the Occupy movement internationally after demonstrators used umbrellas as defense against police’s pepper spray—they have referred not to an “umbrella revolution,” but to an “umbrella movement” or “umbrella democracy movement.” The key leaders and supporters of Occupy have similarly refrained from likening the protests to a revolution. Joshua Wong, leader of Scholarism, a high-school students’ group that has played a key role in the democracy movement, said at an October 4 rally: “We are not seeking revolution.

We just want democracy.” Lester Shum, the deputy head of the Hong Kong Federation of Students, said: “This is not a color revolution”—the term widely applied to movements that led to the overthrow of three governments in the former Soviet Union in the early 2000s. A group of academics has issued a separate statement insisting that the protests are not a revolution. Beijing has adopted the term “revolution” to paint the protesters as extreme. This attempt to remove the label “revolution” from Hong Kong’s pro-democracy protests is deliberate, and came after China’s official media gave its early verdict on the demonstrations. In one of a series of editorials carried soon after the Occupy protests began, China’s official People’s Daily warned that “any intention among a small number of people to hold a color revolution on the mainland through Hong Kong would be a daydream,” even while Chen Zuoer, formerly a top official in the Chinese government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, explicitly called the Occupy Central protests a “Hong Kong version of color revolution.” Indeed, where the notion of the protests as a revolution has taken hold in Hong Kong itself, it has mostly been in pro-Beijing, pro-establishment circles.

For example Cheung Chi-kong, a close advisor to Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing Chief Executive CY Leung, has cited the spread of the protests beyond Central to the busy tourist shopping districts of Mongkok and Causeway as evidence that the movement is verging on revolution. The Chinese-language Sing Tao Daily News said in an editorial: “They demand the downfall of Leung Chun-ying. It is close to an attempt to overthrow the regime. There are already signs of color revolution.” Beijing has adopted the term “revolution” to paint the protesters as extreme, and Western media in their haste to brand the movement have embraced the same term. But the idea of revolution had never even occurred to many ordinary citizens of Hong Kong. Nor did the protesters have any intention of toppling the government as a whole, or remaking Hong Kong’s relationship with China, when they chanted the slogan “Leung Chun-ying step down.” These calls for his downfall were instead a response to a specific incident, and emerged only after police ordered the use of tear gas to break up a crowd of protesters on September 28. Despite his unpopularity, Leung was not a target of the Occupy movement when it began.

Even after the tear-gassing incident, Leung’s office and the government headquarters were not on the list of sites to be blockaded until Leung rejected a list of the students’ demands, including an apology from the Chinese National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), China’s highest governing power, for limits it placed on direct elections in Hong Kong, and Leung’s resignation. Some student leaders have since revised their demands to focus less on Leung’s resignation than on negotiations about political reform. They are aware of the danger of rubbing Beijing’s most sensitive nerve through talk of revolution. The protest leaders, and Hong Kong’s people more generally, seem resigned to the reality that independence is not a real option for the city. Like it or not, the “one country, two systems” setup—under which Hong Kong’s government is highly autonomous except in defense and foreign relations—is still the best possible option. Importantly, the Basic Law, the post-1997 constitution under which Hong Kong is governed, says that the territory’s chief executive and all members of the legislature should ultimately be elected through universal suffrage. It does not specify a timetable.

Citing a host of concerns, uppermost among them national security, Beijing has insisted that candidates clear a high bar to ensure that Hong Kong’s chief executive “loves China, loves Hong Kong,” and will not harm the interests of the nation. Many Hong Kongers are adamant that Beijing’s fears are unfounded, arguing that they are smart enough not to elect a chief executive who would confront the central government. They want a fair electoral system that gives them real choices on the ballot. Freedom of choice, they insist, is an integral part of the values of freewheeling, capitalist Hong Kong—not to mention the law that governs it. Protesters’ demands that the NPCSC withdraw its August 31 ruling on universal suffrage may well look revolutionary from Beijing’s perspective, but the protesters are hardly demanding an overthrow of the city’s political system. Though Hong Kongers are singing Les Misérables, their aims are not the same as those of Victor Hugo's Parisians.

Below the pedestrian bridge connecting Hong Kong’s government headquarters to a transit station, I saw a banner emblazoned with the words “Do you hear the people sing?”—a reference to the theme song of Les Misérables, the musical based on Victor Hugo’s epic about post-revolutionary France. Occupy Central’s organizers have embraced the song and have said they are trying to get Beijing to listen. But Hong Kongers are not the same as the Parisians who fought to seize power from their rulers in the 18th and 19th centuries. They are clamoring for the right to elect their leaders. No more. No less. The Chinese Communist Party’s leaders seem to view the pro-democracy protests as an act of defiance, if not rebellion. By branding them as a revolt, they are anxious to send a clear warning to Hong Kong’s people: Don’t play with fire. But calling Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement a revolution risks misreading the nature of the protests. Worse, the language of revolution obscures the real democratic aspirations of Hong Kong’s people, prolonging political restlessness in the city and exacerbating the perennial strains in mainland-Hong Kong relations.

The Umbrella Revolution | Learn Inspire Fight Excel Learn Inspire Fight Excel by Mikavelli The Umbrella Revolution: How Hong Kong defends itself against itself against its own government. No looting, no burglaries, no fires, no stepping on grass, and no unfinished homework. And how do we plan to win? With love, peace and good morals. The Umbrella Revolution of Hong Kong, 2014. Hong Kong’s passionate and unrelenting fight for democracy has begun to set an example for the world in regards to how protests can be fought . If the police force are able to exercise their rationale and let the conscience be their guide, rather than blindly follow inflexible orders, then Hong Kong stands a chance at winning with a ribbon. And an umbrella . This all started as a peaceful protest, where students, leaders and activists have gotten together to fight for democracy by way of Scholarism . This is the new-wave education which Hong Kong has been undergoing for the last few years, and in terms of social sciences, one could almost call this Hong Kong’s Enlightenment Period .

After years of social suppression, Hong Kong education has finally liberated the minds of its People, and in turn, the People are merely asking for a shot at keeping this newly adopted and evidently welcomed mentality. The fact that the greatest percentage of supporters are university students, it stands to reason that Hong Kong’s education is, actually showing progress intellectually, socially and philosophically. All of these are key fundamentals to Humanism , and although Hong Kong may be decades late in adopting this mindset, this Revolution is an event that HAS to take place. The French had theirs, as did the Russians. The Civil Rights movement was no different, and this is one of the fastest (not the fastest) spreading revolutions in the last century. Thanks to technology and a set of demographics that work to our advantage, we’ve managed to start a revolution that has been featured as international headlines for three consecutive days and counting. This has aroused global awareness and highly appreciated support from 40 cities and 15 countries. We thank Britain for voicing their concern and extend our gratitude to Chemring for looking into the matter. However, we fear that if Britain no longer distributes the gas to Hong Kong, the city will resort to using gas manufactured in China, which could be lethal.

Alas, we sincerely hope that people are clear on the fact that we are fighting for democracy and protesting police brutality. Contrary to what Ishaan Tharoor states in his report, Hong Kong is not focused on protesting the arrest of student activist Joshua Wong, who was released the next day. Citizen’s concern and understanding towards the cops despite their brutality over the past few days. The Environmental Protection Department stacks up bottles for recycling. The fact that recycling can still be a concern for the city shows how smoothly and successfully this protest is going. Well done, Hong Kong. Translation: A Cop with a Conscience In attempt to regain the city’s trust, cops whose vision is aligned with ours are openly showing their support. Benny Tai from Occupy Central breaks down for the city. We are crying to be heard. Hong Kong adopts the tune from Les Misérables “ Do You Hear The People Sing ?” as the anthem for democracy by changing the lyrics into Cantonese so as to complement the situation. In the mean time, the streets remain quiet at 11 AM on China’s National Day, October 1st.

Many are hoping for the radical irony of Hong Kong Independence Day landing National Day, but until I can physically be present, I will continue to contribute to the protest by translating posts from the Chinese news and posting it onto the unfiltered English live feed here. For the live feed of official (with sources) unfiltered news, please follow this one. Stay strong Hong Kong. The Future of the Umbrella Revolution | Jacobin The Future of the Umbrella Revolution What’s next for Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement? by Michelle Chen Pasu Au Yeung / Flickr Hong Kong, a city better known as a financial center than a political hotspot, has erupted in recent weeks. In a movement dubbed the “Umbrella Revolution,” thousands of protesters are demanding “universal suffrage,” or the right to select the city’s chief executive free of Beijing’s meddling. Local authorities, backed by China’s central government, have responded to the demonstrations and occupations by cracking down . Tensions are especially high in the areas still occupied by demonstrators, with both Hong Kong authorities and some residents complaining of their presence. Recent talks between the government and protesters have broken down, and Beijing and local officials have apparently hardened their stance against electoral reform.

Students are at the forefront of the movement, but unions have also played an important role. Long before the Umbrella Revolution, Hong Kong’s labor left has campaigned against the city’s massive economic inequality and the collusion between business and political elites to impose neoliberal expansion and marginalize labor. In response to the initial crackdowns against the activists, the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions ( HKCTU ) issued a call for mass strikes, declaring , “Workers must stand up against the unjust government and violent suppression. . . . To defend democracy and justice, we cannot let the students fight the suppression alone.” As the pro-democracy demonstrations and street clashes escalated, teachers and social workers unions turned out on the streets in support of the youth activists, signaling a deepening alliance between labor and other pro-democracy forces. Mung Siu Tat leads the HKCTU, an independent labor organization with 170,000 members. Mung recently spoke with Michelle Chen about the aspirations of the protesters, the role of labor in the movement, and the complexities of democratic organizing in a fiercely polarized political sphere. The interview has been edited for clarity. What’s happening with the protests now?

[On October 9] the government suddenly turned down negotiations with students. So the protesters are angry and disappointed with the government. The government is saying that the students union is still sticking to the position against the decision made by the Chinese government on Hong Kong’s universal suffrage in 2017, so they decided to close down the negotiations. The protesters are very angry with the reason given by the government. We think that is only an excuse to refuse to talk to the protesters. Therefore, we call on the Hong Kong citizens and workers to come again to attend the [the demonstrations] in Admiralty to show our demand and also our anger with the decision made by the government. We think that we have a common position on the protests. All of us attending this demonstration are demanding true democracy, true universal suffrage. Because we are very angry with the decision made by Chinese government saying that candidates in the chief executive election must be screened by the nominating committee, which is composed of a very small circle of people. We think that universal suffrage should protect our right to vote for the chief executive, and also protect our right to be nominated as candidates on an equal basis.

If the Chinese government screens out candidates, then Hong Kong citizens can only choose among the candidates which are appointed by the Chinese government. Then universal suffrage will be only a tool to repress people’s opinion. Of course, as we observe, there are people of many different backgrounds coming to this Occupy movement. For example, the trade unions, we have been fighting for regulation on working hours and universal retirement pensions . All of the fundamental workers rights are rejected by the undemocratic government and legislative council. We believe that workers’ rights and democratic rights cannot be separated. If you want to improve the working conditions, we have to fight for our democratic rights, we have to change the government from undemocratic to democratic government, which can really represent people’s opinion. How do we see the fears and frustrations about growing inequality under China playing out in the streets? We can see that in this demonstration, many, many young people are coming. The young people, even if they graduate from university, [all that] they can do is contract work, unstable work, or low-paid work. The situation is very different than ten to twenty years ago. So I think the students are fed up with the monopoly of the big enterprises in Hong Kong.

You know, in Hong Kong, the wealth gap is the biggest among the developed countries. The young people coming to these demonstrations insist on the slogan that the young people should have the right to reclaim their future. They believe that the future can be changed if we can get back their political power, especially from the small circle of people with the big enterprises in Hong Kong. Of course, some of the people are also coming out because they identify themselves as citizens of Hong Kong, more so than as Chinese in general. But from what we can see, the tendency is that the Chinese government, in cooperation with the Hong Kong government, wants to integrate Hong Kong as only one part of China. Many, many people are disappointed with this tendency. Therefore, they’re coming out to defend our core values, such as rule of law, human rights, and freedom of speech. We believe that it’s time to show our anger about integration into China, and also to show our desire to defend Hong Kong’s core values. Initially, it seemed at least from afar that Hong Kong had considerable political autonomy and relatively more rights than mainland China. What do you see as the presence of China’s central government in the day-to-day lives of Hong Kongers?

I think what we can see is the tendency of the Chinese government and the Hong Kong government to try to restrict the level of freedom that we enjoyed in the past in Hong Kong. For example, you can see the media is trying to do self-censorship under [pressure from] the political powers. Some of the programs discussing political issues were canceled by the broadcasting companies. Some of the social media, which is very popular among the young generation, are closing themselves down under pressure. We can see the police are also trying to repress the protests and demonstrations by prosecuting protesters much more frequently. So we are afraid of the tendency of the government to try to reduce freedom of speech and assembly in Hong Kong. The people feel that if we don’t have democracy as an institution, then what we enjoyed in the past, that freedom, will be eroded in the future. We think that the best guarantee of freedom is democracy. Have people become disillusioned with China, or have their views of China changed since the handover ? I think Hong Kong is going down the road of capitalism with more intensive exploitation under the collusion between the government and business sector. China, as we can see, is not socialist anymore.

They are developing [even greater] capitalism than the Western countries, without any protection for workers, without any human rights for the citizens. Therefore, the Chinese government is coming out to defend the existing political institutions within the small circle of the nominating committee. They are saying that the existing nominating committee should be composed of more business people because business people in Hong Kong contribute a lot, so they should have more representation in the committee to protect their rights. I think that this kind of idea could not exist even in capitalist countries. So what we can see is that there is no more difference between mainland China and the Hong Kong government in terms of going toward capitalism. The only difference is that Hong Kong government has developed into [a system that is] keeping the balance in favor of capitalism and big enterprise even more than before. So, more and more workers realize that they have to come out to fight for democracy if they want to achieve decent work in Hong Kong. There is no choice for us. There is no alternative to democracy. The movement has been showing signs of internal strain and conflict. What will become of that? I think the Occupy movement is now demanding true democracy. There is common ground among the participants.

However, what kind of strategy, what kind of direction we should go, is still up to the participants to have discussions on. We have a common target to achieve. But we should have more space to discuss among the participants. I think that what the Occupy movement is trying exercise is not only fighting for democracy externally; it’s also exercising democracy internally, among the protesters, among the participants. What we can see is that the people are having discussions about their strategy, about their expectations for the future, with small group discussions on the roads. I think that is good. The style is totally different from before, you know. The traditional social movements we experienced in the past took directions from the upper to lower [level]. But now, the people prefer to have discussions at the grassroots, and we can then have more mobilization from the bottom to the upper level. I think that is the way we can mobilize more people to participate, and that is also the way we can make use of the energy and the creativity that people have. What would you do, if you do get free elections? How might you turn this movement into a long-term political program? If you win your current demands for reform, what will be the next steps?

The student unions are taking the leading role in the demonstrations. However, the student unions also understand that at this point, the Occupy movement is not only the student movement. It has become the movement of all the people in Hong Kong fighting for democracy. Therefore, the student unions have agreed to build up the alliances which are composed of students, pan-Democratic [pro-democracy] parties, civil organizations, and other human rights groups. We think that under the leadership of the people’s alliance, we can have a clearer direction and be more organized to continue our struggle. If you like this article, please subscribe or donate . 10.19.14 Michelle Chen is a contributor to the Nation, an editor at CultureStrike, and a student at the City University of New York Graduate Center. Featured The symbols of Hong Kong's 'Umbrella Revolution' - CNN.com By Tim Hume and Madison Park , CNN updated 10:00 PM EDT, Tue September 30, 2014 The umbrella has become the defining image of the protest movement, used to shield protesters from police tear gas, to shield them from the elements, to carry painted political slogans.

It's a powerful image of protection and passive resistance, says artist Kacey Wong. "It's a soft thing but it's also very hard in terms of our determination to win this battle." In daylight, umbrellas provide shade for pro-democracy activists. Students and activists rest on the street as they camp out in the main road in Hong Kong. Before the distinctive backdrop of Hong Kong's high-rise skyline, protesters suit up in goggles and plastic ponchos to protect themselves against the possible use of tear gas by authorities. Demonstrators were gassed by Hong Kong police on Sunday. Numbers are used as political shorthand by the protesters. "689" stands for Hong Kong chief executive CY Leung, referring to the number of votes he received to win office. This bus is emblazoned with messages to Leung -- its route number has been changed to "689," its destination reads "Hell." The rousing "Do you hear the people sing?" from the revolutionary-themed musical "Les Miserables" has been adopted as an anthem of the protesters. Power strips and phone chargers are shared to let protesters stay connected on mobile, the main way of keeping abreast of developments.

Photographed from above, the glowing screens of mobile phones held aloft by the sea of protesters' have created an enduring image of solidarity. Hong Kong chief executive CY Leung is the chief target of the protesters' anger. Chants for him to step down from the role regularly circulate among the protesters. Like the city in general, Hong Kong's protest sites are clean, orderly and well-run. Volunteers bring in supplies of food and drink to distribute freely, and keep the protest site clean by gathering rubbish in piles for recycling. Students erect barricades in the main protest area adjacent to the Hong Kong government buildings. HIDE CAPTION STORY HIGHLIGHTS The umbrella has emerged as the defining symbol of Hong Kong's democracy protests It became a symbol of passive resistance after they were used to shield against tear gas A distinct visual language has emerged, including numbered codewords, black t-shirts The protesters are highly organized and cooperative, sharing food, water, electricity supplies Hong Kong (CNN) -- Umbrellas, yellow ribbons, numbered codewords and tangles of phone cords: these are the distinctive sights of the dramatic protest unfolding beneath Hong Kong's spectacular skyline.

Here are some of the defining images to have emerged from the days of pro-democracy protest that have rocked the semi-autonomous Chinese territory, and the reasons behind them. The umbrella The key symbol of the protests that have upended Hong Kong is the humble umbrella. Since it was used to shield protesters from the tear gas and pepper spray deployed by police, the umbrella has become a ubiquitous sight on the frontlines, and given the movement its name. Protesters are bringing in umbrellas in bulk and distributing them for free, sleeping under their shelter and writing slogans on them. Bryan Druzin, an assistant professor of law at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, said the umbrella was not only functional but had "a certain emblematic resonance in that it's a symbol of passive resistance." "Hong Kong is a city that periodically takes refuge under umbrellas against seasonal typhoons that threaten the city. The turmoil is another storm Hong Kong is trying to weather," he said. Hong Kong artist Kacey Wong has been generating protest art by running a social media "competition" to create a lasting logo for "the Umbrella Revolution" (the prizes being "justice, democracy and freedom").

He said the way the umbrella was used brought an "enormous feeling of brotherhood." "Tank Man -- that was one guy standing in front of a tank," says Wong. "The umbrella represents people working with each other to form a defensive shield. If you see a piece of the shield ripped away by the police, it will be replaced by another." It was a strong image with an inherent contrast, he said. "It's a soft thing but it's also very hard in terms of our determination to win this battle." Yellow ribbons A pro-democracy activists shouts at police officers behind a fence with yellow ribbons tied to it by protesters at the entrance to the government headquarters in Hong Kong. Yellow ribbons are tied to barricade railings, pinned on shirts, and decorate social media profiles. Long an emblem of suffrage movements internationally -- particularly tied to women's suffrage -- they have been adopted by Hong Kong's protesters as a symbol of democratic aspiration. "Not everyone can be there on the front lines," says Wong. "The ribbon is a way to show your support." Black tees The student protesters are mostly dressed in black t-shirts.

Black has traditionally been worn at the city's annual protests to mark the Tiananmen massacre; Wong says they also represent "sorrow and darkness" regarding the use of force on peaceful demonstrators. Numbers The protest site reads like a telephone directory of numbers, emblazoned on notes and posters plastered around the streets: 689, 926, 8964. They also figure heavily in social media posts about the protests. The numbers are a form of shorthand common to Chinese political culture in Hong Kong and in mainland China, explains Wong. In the mainland, he says, due to censorship, "you have to speak in a curveball way. There's a lot of coded words they use because they cannot express it directly." Although no such censorship exists in Hong Kong, the same political shorthand is commonplace, said Druzin. Dates are often used: #926 refers to September 26, when the protests kicked off, #8964 to the date of the Tiananmen crackdown. Numbers are used as political shorthand by the protesters. Hong Kong chief executive C.Y. Leung, the main target of the protesters' ire, has his own code: 689.

It refers to the number of votes he received from Hong Kong's 1,200-strong election committee to rise to office as the territory's leader. "They use it to question his legitimacy because he was voted for by only 689 people in Hong Kong," said Wong. "They call him that to remind people he doesn't represent all of us -- there's 7 million of us here." Protesters devoted a bus in a blockaded area to Leung, plastering it with messages to the chief executive. Above the bus's windshield, the route number was changed to "689," the destination to "Hell." Supplies — Madison Park, 메디썬 박 (@MadisonCNN) September 29, 2014 The protest sites are notably orderly, well-organized and clean. Volunteers hand out free bottled water, snacks, towels and medicine. Bananas are dispensed, as are loaves of breads and saltine crackers. Demonstrators bring carts laden with grocery bags of supplies, which are dispensed for free to whoever needs them. Trash is sorted into three piles for recycling -- plastic, paper and garbage -- and volunteers patrol with plastic garbage bags to collect trash.

Humor and humility: Hong Kong's protest signs Homemade protection After Hong Kong protesters were tear gassed on Sunday, many improvised their own protection, using some of the materials circulated by the Occupy Wall Street movement. Solutions included wrapping exposed skin in Saran plastic wrap, or using swimming goggles and plastic ponchos. Charging stations Some people that live close to the protests are offering to let protesters charge their cell phones. They post signs with their contact numbers if people need to use their power supply. Volunteers have brought power strips and extra chargers so protesters can stay connected. Phones have played an invaluable role throughout the protests as information is shared through social media. FireChat Rumors that the cell phone network would be shut down sparked a massive rush in Hong Kong to download the FireChat messaging app. The app allows users to message each other without WiFi or cell data connection. The demand has been so great that Micha Benoliel, the CEO of the U.S. company Open Garden which developed the app, has come out to Hong Kong during the protests. The protesters are well organized and well prepared, said Benoliel.

"They knew that at some point the cellular networks would be shut down or just be overloaded by number of people in the same place, so they know that Firechat is a way to remain connected and communicate." With one caveat -- all conversations on FireChat are public because any user can join the messaging rooms. Phones have another use. Photographed from above, the glowing screens of mobile phones held aloft by the sea of protesters' have created an enduring image of solidarity. Candles are long out of vogue as phones are easy, convenient and a non-fire way of providing light in a massive night gathering. Photographed from above, the glowing screens of mobile phones held aloft by the sea of protesters' have created an enduring image of the demonstrators' solidarity. Effigies Hong Kong chief executive CY Leung has been the main target of the protesters' anger, with calls for him to resign circulating among the crowds. A gigantic, enlarged effigy of Leung's head, replete with fangs, has been a distinctive sight on the streets during the protests. Protesters chant in Cantonese, "Step down, step down!" when they see it.

Anthem The rousing anthem, "Do you hear the people sing" from the revolution-themed musical "Les Miserables," has been adopted by the protesters. The slogan is painted on a poster hanging from a prominent bridge and has been played by a string quartet on the streets. In the musical, the song is sung as Parisian revolutionaries prepare to rebel against the government. Part of complete coverage on Hong Kong protests How did Hong Kong's protests became the 'Umbrella Revolution'? - Telegraph Hong Kong How did Hong Kong's protests became the 'Umbrella Revolution'? The ubiquitous umbrella symbol of Hong Kong's protests emerged out of necessity - both due to the weather, and as a form of defence against police tactics Paul Zimmerman, a district councillor, raises a yellow umbrella as Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying (5th R) and other officials raise a toast to at a reception following a flag raising ceremony in Hong Kong Photo: BOBBY YIP/REUTERS By David Blair , Chief Foreign Correspondent 1:41PM BST 01 Oct 2014 Follow Every protest movement needs an easily recognisable symbol.

A decade ago in Ukraine, demonstrators began wearing orange ribbons; in Georgia, they carried red roses. When each movement succeeded in overthrowing corrupt leaders, these upheavals became known as the “Orange” and “Rose” Revolutions. So far, the protesters in Hong Kong seem no closer to achieving their goal of guaranteeing a free and fair election for their territory’s chief executive. Nor have they brought down a single public official. Yet they have already acquired the brand “Umbrella Revolutionaries”. Why umbrellas? Hong Kong’s weather is famously turbulent, but Autumn is actually the most pleasant time of the year. None the less, some demonstrators in Central have been carrying umbrellas simply to guard against the elements. But for the most part, these instruments have been used as flimsy shields against the worst excesses of the police. Last weekend, protesters were attacked with tear gas and pepper spray. Many hundreds of brightly coloured umbrellas turned out to be their only protection. The pictures of demonstrators beneath umbrellas went around the world - and social media did the rest. Sure enough, a new hashtag was instantly born: #UmbrellaRevolution.

Related Articles Occupy Central: A Quick Explainer on the Hong Kong Protests SHARE James Nachtwey for TIME Pro-democracy demonstration in Hong Kong, Sept. 3, 2014. New to this? Here's why tens of thousands of young people have come out on to the streets of China's most international city 1. Why the umbrellas? Hong Kong students are currently protesting for more political freedom and have been using umbrellas to protect themselves from police pepper spray. The umbrellas became a symbol of the movement and gave it its nickname, the Umbrella Revolution. Though protest leaders say their campaign is not a revolution but a civil-disobedience movement, the name Umbrella Revolution has stuck. 2. Who are the main players? The movement was initiated by a group called Occupy Central With Love & Peace, led by Hong Kong University law professor Benny Tai. Tai’s original agenda was to stage a sit-in on Oct. 1 in Central — the city’s financial district — but he decided to begin a few days earlier to capitalize on political momentum after several students were pepper-sprayed and arrested . That heavy-handed police action also spurred parallel sit-ins in Causeway Bay and across the water in Kowloon.

There are also student groups separate from Occupy Central but with very similar aims. The two main ones are Scholarism, led by a precocious 17-year-old, Joshua Wong, and the Hong Kong Federation of Students, led by Alex Chow, 24, and his deputy, Lester Shum. 3. So what do Hong Kong’s pro-democracy protesters want? The main demand is full democracy. Protesters want the right to nominate and directly elect the head of the Hong Kong government, known as the chief executive. China, which resumed sovereignty over Hong Kong after it stopped being a British colony in 1997, wants to screen who can stand for office. Beijing insists that candidates for the chief-executive position must be vetted by an electoral committee of tycoons, oligarchs and pro-Beijing figures. As a secondary demand, protesters want the current chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, to resign, which he has flatly refused to do. Leung is widely disliked because he is seen as prioritizing China’s interests over Hong Kong’s. He was also indirectly elected by an electoral college of just 1,200 voters, of which 689 voted for him.

He is mockingly referred to as “689” after this feeble tally. 4. Well, why doesn’t China just let Hong Kong have more freedom? The Communist Party insists on maintaining political control. It isn’t about to let China’s most international city — which is already highly porous — choose its own leader, in case an opponent of the Communist Party gets elected as chief executive and becomes an advertisement to the rest of China of the possibility of democratic change. At the same time, Beijing is aware that Hong Kong, because of its past as a British territory, is a special case. Hong Kong has an independent judiciary, common law, freedom of information and movement, a reasonably free press and so on. The Communist Party thinks this semiautonomy should be enough for Hong Kong, but a well-educated and well-traveled generation of young Hong Kongers wants more. They have always enjoyed Western-style freedoms and want the political enfranchisement that comes with it. They feel little in common with mainland Chinese and want Hong Kong to become politically autonomous — almost independent. These are the people at the forefront of the Umbrella Revolution. 5. Does everyone in Hong Kong support this movement? No.

Many, especially the older generation, are actively opposed to it because they are afraid of antagonizing China. They remember the bloody suppression of the Tiananmen uprising in Beijing in 1989, and point to the currently harsh political climate in China, and conclude that Hong Kong’s Umbrella Revolution is doomed. They argue that, by challenging the party, the students are only inviting Beijing to withdraw the freedoms that Hong Kong does have. The older generation is also more concerned about economic stability. It’s already hard enough to make a living in hyper-expensive Hong Kong, they say, without sit-ins bringing the city to a halt, and all in the name of a cause that has no hope of winning anyway. 6. What happens next? Nobody is really sure. But whether the current occupations end peacefully, with a student withdrawal, or violently, with riot police sent in, one thing is certain: Hong Kong’s democratic movement is only just getting started. It will come out of this with greater skills and experience and it will have groomed young leaders who know how to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and who know how to put across their cause in international media. For the party bosses in Beijing, that’s a big headache. Watch this space.

Umbrella Revolution: Hong Kong's Biggest Protests in Decades Challenge China on Political Freedom | Democracy Now! Umbrella Revolution: Hong Kong's Biggest Protests in Decades Challenge China on Political Freedom StorySeptember 30, 2014 Hong Kong-based journalist and blogger. He was tear-gassed over the weekend while covering the protests. Links Tom Grundy’s website Hong Kong is facing its biggest political unrest in decades as tens of thousands of protesters defy a police crackdown to demand greater freedom from China. The new round of protests began last week when thousands of college students launched a boycott to oppose China’s rejection of free elections in 2017. The protesters want an open vote, but China’s plan would only allow candidates approved by Beijing. After a three-day sit-in, police used tear gas and pepper spray to disperse the crowds. But that only fueled a public outcry which brought even more into the streets, with estimates reaching up to 200,000 people. Protest leaders have vowed to remain until the resignation of Hong Kong city leader, Leung Chun-ying, and a free vote for his successor.

Originally organized by the group "Occupy Central," the protests have been dubbed Umbrella Revolution, for the umbrellas protesters have used to hide from the tear gas. The police crackdown is the harshest since China retook control of Hong Kong in 1997 after 150 years of British rule. The crackdown is being felt in mainland China, where the government has blocked the mobile photo-sharing app Instagram and heavily censored references to Hong Kong on social media. We are joined from Hong Kong by journalist Tom Gundy, who has been covering the protests. TRANSCRIPT This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form. From Pacifica, this is Democracy Now! I was there when they started the first tear gas. We were harmless people. You see here we’re using umbrellas to come and protect themselves. AARON MATÉ: We begin in Hong Kong, which faces its biggest political unrest in decades. Tens of thousands of protesters are in the streets defying a police crackdown on their pro-democracy movement. This new round of protests began last week, when thousands of college students launched a boycott to oppose China’s rejection of free elections in 2017.

The protesters want an open vote, but China’s plan would only allow candidates approved by Beijing. After a three-day sit-in, police used tear gas and pepper spray to disperse the crowds. But that only fueled a public outcry which brought even more into the streets, with estimates reaching up to 200,000 people. The mood turned festive on Monday, with the scene of a massive street party taking over key parts of the Central business district. The government claims it’s pulled back riot police and has urged protesters to leave. But on Monday, Hong Kong’s second top local official, Carrie Lam, rejected heeding the protesters’ demands. CARRIE LAM: I have to stress that it remains our most important objective to achieve universal suffrage in the selection of the chief executive in 2017, and we will work according to that objective. It would not be entirely realistic to expect us to reverse the whole decision of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee. AMY GOODMAN: Protest leaders have vowed to remain until the resignation of Hong Kong city leader, Leung Chun-ying, and a free vote for his successor.

Originally organized by the group "Occupy Central," the protests have been dubbed Umbrella Revolution, for the umbrellas protesters have used to protect themselves from the tear gas. The police crackdown is the harshest since China retook control of Hong Kong in 1997 after 150 years of British rule. Since then, Hong Kong has operated under different economic and political systems than mainland China as part of a policy known as "one country, two systems." The crackdown is being felt in mainland China, where the government has blocked the mobile photo-sharing app Instagram and heavily censored references to Hong Kong on social media. For more, we go to Hong Kong, where we’re joined by Tom Grundy. A journalist and blogger, he was tear-gassed over the weekend while covering the protests. Tom, why don’t you lay out the scene for us? Describe what happened, how people gathered this weekend, and what has happened since. TOM GRUNDY: Well, on Sunday morning, it seemed that the movement had lost some momentum.

Students were gathered around a closed-off area around government headquarters, but as the day progressed, people were watching scenes at home of them being pepper-sprayed and tear-gassed, and I think that motivated others to come onto the streets. And there were repeated clouds of tear gas filling the area down at Admiralty, the government building area. By the next day, it seemed that the police presence had almost disappeared, and then you began to see waves of protesters coming into three different areas of the city—Admiralty, the government area; Causeway Bay; and another shopping thoroughfare in Kowloon. And in the absence of any police now, there’s somewhat of a more jovial and festive atmosphere. Things are very peaceful. There was even a DJ in Kowloon last night and barbecues. Some buses have been caught up in these occupation zones, which have been barricaded by some of the protesters. The drivers have had to obviously abandon them. And they’ve been decorated with placards by some of the protesters. At the moment, there are tens, maybe hundreds, of thousands of demonstrators gathered in these three key areas.

Instead of goggles and face masks, now they’re generally donning black T-shirts, a mournful black, with yellow ribbons for universal suffrage. AARON MATÉ: And, Tom, can you explain what set off these protests? There are supposed to be elections in 2017. China then recently changed the rules to say that it must approve the candidates. And do these protests have the support of the broader public, or is that still in flux? TOM GRUNDY: Well, the joint agreement, the handover agreements between Britain and China, were put down about 30 years ago this month. And since then, there’s been a debate about universal suffrage, which China promised would be implemented in Hong Kong under "one country, two systems." But it seems that Beijing has constantly redefined or moved the goal posts, as Martin Lee, one of the democracy icons here in Hong Kong, said. So, I think there is a lot of frustration, and the Occupy movement here, Occupy Central, Central being the Central business district, has been discussed for more than a year and a half.

It seemed to be all but fizzling out this time last week, and there have been multiple pro-democracy protests over the years, but it seems that things began to come to a head with the student strikes over last week, people witnessing how they were treated. And now, that Occupy Central plan was brought forward to Sunday. It was originally going to be quite a modest sit-in in the Central business district starting tomorrow. So that began on Sunday. The students and the Occupy movement seemed to merge under this umbrella movement, Umbrella Revolution. And as we go into two public holidays now—it leaves just Friday before the weekend—it seems that the momentum will just continue. Every night, more and more protesters have come onto the streets. Hong Kongers are late to rise, late to bed, so the rhythm seems to be very similar every day, in that as people finish work and school, they pour out onto the streets. And it still seems that it’s being led by young people, but I imagine with it being National Day tomorrow, a public holiday, and another one Thursday, you’ll begin to see even more Hong Kongers expressing dissent.

AMY GOODMAN: Tom Grundy, can you give us a little history lesson, for those who are not so focused on Hong Kong and its relationship to China, the "one country, two systems" philosophy? Go back to Britain and what happened with the transfer, and then what exactly those people in Hong Kong who are protesting are calling for today. TOM GRUNDY: Yes, in 1984, it was negotiated between Britain and China that the territory would be handed over to Beijing, and it would be a special administrative region. So, the way of life, they said, of Hong Kongers would be maintained. It has its own monetary, immigration policies. There is no censorship. It is quite separate to the mainland in many ways. Since 1997, when the handover happened, people have felt that there has been a slow erosion of civil liberties. And although approval of Beijing was perhaps at an all-time high in 2008 during the Olympics, it has slowly declined to an all-time low now, and particularly under the current leadership here in Hong Kong of CY Leung.

It has come to a climax, I suppose, with these annual democracy protests, where people are asking Beijing to fulfill its promise within the "one country, two systems" agreement of "one person, one vote." At the end of August, the National People’s Congress in Beijing said that, in fact, the selection—an election committee of just over a thousand people would be selecting two or three candidates from which everyone could choose from. And Occupy Central said that as a protest of last resort, they would stage the sit-in you’re now seeing now all over the city. I think some people find Occupy Central quite controversial in its obviously illegal civil disobedience methods. They don’t have permission. You have to usually get prior permission to protest in Hong Kong. But certainly, many are sympathetic to the students and how they were treated by the police. And when surveys are done in Hong Kong, most people basically believe in having, you know, some degree of democracy here, as was promised in its 50 years of a autonomy agreement with Beijing.

It’s unclear, when that expires in 2047, whether Hong Kong will look more like the mainland or the mainland will look more like Hong Kong, but there is a freedom of protest in Hong Kong, and they’re certainly expressing it now. AARON MATÉ: Tom, Hong Kong has a poverty rate of 20 percent, but also a surging number of millionaires and billionaires. How does inequality fit into these protests? TOM GRUNDY: Yeah, Hong Kong has actually the widest rich-poor gap in the developed world. The Economist had it tops on their crony capitalism index. Corporations actually get votes here. It’s the freest economy in the world, the capital of capitalism, if you will. But that poverty gap is visible on the streets every day. You have the highest concentration of millionaires and Mercedes Benz, you know, in Asia, but at the same time you have elderly people picking up boxes in the streets to recycle and people living in cage homes or subdivided flats, which are tiny boxes which they pay quite a premium for, actually. There has been some criticism that the Occupy and pro-democracy movement over the years have failed to identify with these social issues and link them to democracy.

Some people feel, perhaps, that the Occupy movement is a little high-headed with its constitutional reform kind of language. But I think it is true that if people are properly represented, then they may get, you know, obviously more of a say in some of the lack of social welfare, for instance, in Hong Kong and that ever-increasing poverty gap. AMY GOODMAN: Fearing we’ll lose the satellite, let me just ask you about the crackdown on social media and the overall police response. TOM GRUNDY: Yeah, police came under quite a lot of criticism for how they acted with pepper spray at close range, with tear gas on Sunday. The police themselves have been asked by the commissioner to remain unified. They’ve disappeared seemingly completely from the streets today and yesterday. They were in full riot gear on Sunday. But, you know, Hong Kong is a city of protests. There are over a thousand a year. It is how people express themselves politically, because they don’t have a voice at the ballot box. So it was very unusual. The police are renowned for being very professional in Hong Kong, and we haven’t seen clouds of tear gas like this on the streets since some unrest during the 2005 WTO protests.

So, you know, I think it really shocked Hong Kongers. Everyone was changing, I suppose, their images on social media to yellow ribbons, showing solidarity with the protesters. And as you see now, there are tens, perhaps hundreds, of thousands sitting down in the streets in these three key areas all over Hong Kong. And more seemed to be arriving just as I was leaving the area. AMY GOODMAN: Is it a rejection of Chinese rule, Tom, or a modification of how China is ruling Hong Kong, that they’re calling for? TOM GRUNDY: I’m sorry, could you repeat the question? AMY GOODMAN: Is it a rejection of Chinese rule or a modification of how China is ruling Hong Kong that the protesters are calling for? TOM GRUNDY: Some people feel that what has happened is somewhat of a modification in itself. People are not anti-China. People are Chinese. It is part of China. But what the protesters are calling for is for Hong Kong’s leader, CY Leung, to step down. He’s deeply unpopular. Approval ratings are at an all-time low now. And they want the constitutional reform package to be revised, so that people have more of a say in who they get to vote for.

At the moment, for instance, the functional constituencies system, which is quite complicated, gives corporations thousands of votes which would normally go to people. For instance, the metro system, the MTR, gets tens of thousands of votes, and it’s actually partly owned by the government, so you have an absurd system whereby the government is voting for itself. And the chamber, the Legislative Council here, is dominated by pro-Beijing figures. I think China fears that if more pro-democracy politicians are allowed into the Legislative Council, they will somehow declare independence or something like that, but I think that’s unfounded. China is also concerned about its own situations in places like Tibet and Xinjiang and, you know, how these protests might spread. They are very much in the greatest tradition of civil disobedience. The organizers have been citing Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King. And it really is a textbook example in how people are helping each other. There are boxes and boxes of supplies. People could probably hang around for days. People are giving out free meals, sharing food, actually putting signs onto closed businesses and abandoned cars, which are caught between barricades, apologizing for the inconvenience.

They are possibly the politest protesters in the world, and I am not sure where else you would see such scenes. AMY GOODMAN: Do you think these protests could possibly spread, for example, to Beijing? TOM GRUNDY: It’s hard to tell. People often utter Tiananmen Square 1989 in the same breath as what is happening here. I don’t think there will be similar scenes in Hong Kong, but perhaps China is concerned about similar scenes emerging in the mainland. And that’s why you’ve have seen the greatest yet social media censorship efforts by Beijing and its complete blackout. But I was told today that young people in the mainland, they’re certainly aware of what’s going on. As to what will happen next, there are a couple of public holidays. I imagine this will just continue until the government makes more of a concession or CY Leung steps down. I think it’s not beyond feasibility, in that in 2003 you had almost a million people on the streets here, and they managed to oust the first leader of Hong Kong, Tung Chee-hwa. So, we could see a repeat of that. These protests are certainly broader. So, we’ll see what happens tomorrow.

AMY GOODMAN: Tom Grundy, we want to thank you for being with us, Hong Kong-based journalist. He was tear-gassed, like so many other protesters were, over the weekend while covering these protests in Hong Kong. He tweets at @TomGrundy . This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. When we come back, we’ll look at the new vice president of Afghanistan. Stay with us. The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License . Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us. Next story from this daily show

Question: Where did the 2014 Umbrella Revolution happen?
Answer: Hong Kong