Homepage Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft 3.1.2017 Compound eyes for industry and smartphone Fraunhofer researchers have developed a process enabling the production of a two millimeter flat camera. Similar to the eyes of insects, its lens is partitioned into 135 tiny facets. Following nature‘s model, the researchers have named their mini-camera concept facetVISION. At the CES technical trade fair in Las Vegas, they will be presenting it from January 5 to 8, 2017 ( LVCC Hall, South Hall 1, booth 20944). 3.1.2017 More efficient vaccine production Many vaccines contain viruses that are inactivated to prevent them from harming recipients. This is generally achieved by adding chemicals. Fraunhofer scientists are taking a different approach, using low-energy-electrons to irradiate the pathogens. The advantages of this new method are that it produces no toxic waste and provides a faster and less aggressive way of rendering pathogens inactive. 3.1.2017 To each driver the appropriate vehicle Bringing mobility into Germany’s transition to a new energy economy is a complex undertaking.

While carmakers are developing more economical com- bustion engines and alternative drive systems, research establishments and companies are working on making more efficient use of vehicles. A new data logger developed by Fraunhofer researchers simultaneously collects data from vehicles with combustion engines, electric drives, external sensors, and location data, and permits the development of new hybrid and electric vehicles. 3.1.2017 Milestone in graphene production For the first time, it has been possible to produce functional OLED electrodes from graphene. The process was developed by Fraunhofer researchers together with partners from industry and research. The OLEDs can, for example, be integrated into touch displays, and the miracle material graphene promises many other applications for the future. GEMEINSCHAFT AND GESELLSCHAFT. Gemeinschaft is a form of social integration based on personal ties; more a community than an association as in Gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft: Testing the Spatial and Communal Hypotheses JAMES A.

CHRISTENSON, University of Kentucky Abstract: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft often have been and still are equated with the rural-urban continuum and are employed to describe the "way of life" or the "moral basis" for rural/urban living. By employing common American values that seem to represent Gemeinschaftliche or Gesellschaftliche attributes, this article (1) explicates the value basis for the two concepts and (2) tests for the spatial (rural-urban) hypothesis and the communal (collectivistic-individualistic) hypothesis. In 1887 Toennies introduced the terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, which have "proved to be one of the discipline's most enduring and fruitful concepts for studying social change" ( Bender, 17). Gemeinschaft describes binding, primary interactional relationships based on sentiment; while Gesellschaft describes an interactional system characterized by self-interest, competition, and negotiated accommodation. Much of rural and urban sociological theory has looked to these concepts as "ideal types." Fischer (a) observes that, even in advanced industrial societies like the United States, different ways of life are ascribed to people in urban and rural areas.

While Toennies' concepts continue to be used to describe different ways of living, little empirical research has been generated to document this relationship. Kasarda and Janowitz point out that Toennies' concepts encompass general philosophical ideas and value conditions that describe more of a "reasoned moral position" than a plan "for empirical research" (329). Finding face between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft Marina Terkourafi, University of Illinois The terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft were introduced into sociology by Ferdinand T�nnies to describe two different types of social organization . A Gemeinschaft (often community in English) is characterized by a network of personal relationships, common values and ideals, and a strong sense of group belonging. Because in a Gemeinschaft individual existence is possible only within and via the group, self-regulation prevails and there is little need for external arbitration. By contrast, in a Gesellschaft (often society in English), relationships are contracted on the basis of rationality and a high degree of role differentiation, and rights and obligations are contractual. Rather than to scrutiny by a group of people, individuals are now subordinated to abstract authorities and impersonal institutions, whence regulation also proceeds.

T�nnies explicitly associated these two types of social organization with rural and urban lifestyles, considering the former to have historically preceded the latter (2001 [1887]: 19). Furthermore, he thought of the two as normal types, i.e. theoretical constructs that cannot be instantiated in pure form but only blended to various degrees in real life. The usefulness of these theoretical notions for linguistic analysis has been demonstrated in previous research (e.g., George 1990). In this chapter, I wish to explore the relationship between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft and face as this is instantiated in contemporary Greek society. The Work of Rural Professionals: Doing the Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft Gavotte - Mellow Muriel Abstract: This paper considers how rurality affects the work of professionals. Sociologists have paid little attention to possible rural-urban differences in work styles and no study exists which compares the rural experience of those in different professions. I review the literature describing the work of various rural professionals and examine interview data from rural clergy to see whether rural professionals differentiate their work from that of their urban peers.

The comparison across occupations reveals several common concerns, including the need to do similar work with fewer resources, the necessity of adapting protocols and codes of conduct to rural settings, and the challenge of dealing with dual relationships. I argue that conventional standards of professional behavior reflect an urban bias and that rural life problematizes the notion of professionalism. Those who work in rural places are caught trying to dance between the "tunes" of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft society. 'Gemeinschaft' skills versus 'gesellschaft' skills in social work education and practice. Applying T�nnies' dichotomy for a model of intercultural communication Author: KORNBECK Jacob ; Social work education Abstract: F. T�nnies's Gemeinschaft'/Gesellschaft' dichotomy is discussed as an analytical and explanatory framework for identifying individual social work education modules' relevance to immigration related and migration related problems in social work practice. It is claimed that 'Gemeinschaft' (community) skills are especially needed in these practice contexts, as opposed to the more scientific, legal or administrative Gesellschaft'(state, society) skills. Two empirical studies from Germany dealing with the necessary competencies for social workers advising immigrants are drawn upon.

A variety of other case study material is included to make the point that social workers need Gemeinschaft' skills more than has traditionally been assumed. Community and Society: (GEMEINSCHAFT AND GESELLSCHAFT) - Ferdinand Tonnies. T�nnies distinguished between two types of social groupings. Gemeinschaft, often translated as community. Community is a set of people (or agents in a more abstract sense) with some shared element. Also a community is a group of people or things that live in the same area. The substance of shared element varies widely, from a situation to interest to lives an  refers to groupings based on a feeling of togetherness. Gesellschaft  often translated as society. A society is a group of people that form a semi-closed (or semi-open) system, in which most social interaction are with other individuals belonging to the group. More abstractly, a society is a network of relationships between entities. A society is an interdep  on the other hand, refers to groups that are sustained by an instrumental goal. Gemeinschaft may by exemplified by a family or a neighbourhood; Gesellschaft by a joint-stock company or a state.

His distinction between social groupings is based on the assumption that there are only two basic forms of an actor's will, to approve of other men. (For T�nnies, such an approval is by no means self-evident, he is quite influenced by Thomas Hobbes' homo homini lupus.) Following his essential will (Wesenwille), an actor will see himself as a means to serve the goals of social grouping; very often it is an underlying, subconscious force. Groupings formed around an essential will are called a Gemeinschaft. The other will is the arbitrary will (K�rwille): An actor sees a social grouping as a means to further his individual goals; so it is purposive and future-oriented. Groupings around the latter are called Gesellschaft. Whereas the membership in a Gemeinschaft is self-fulfilling, a Gesellschaft is instrumental for its members. Theory of Community (Gemeinschaft) - a. nature of authority: fatherhood or paternity; authority of age, authority of force, and authority of wisdom/spirit b. key social groups/relations: kinship, neighborhood, friendship, relations of kin and individuals c.

real foundation of unity and possibility: blood relationships, physical proximity, intellectual proximity (great main laws) d. common state of mind (custom and belief) and VOLK: mutual possession and enjoyment (collective ownership and communal consumption),common goods, common evils; common friends, common enemies Theory of modern society (Gesellschaft) a. ens fictivum (artificial being): an artificial construction of the aggregate of human beings, isolation/separation, common values and fictions b. exchange, contract, money=power, bourgeois class society, speculative Utopia, zero-sum game, competition and coalition c. the form of the general will: convention or tradition? System of conventional rules, dependence on relations with state vs. church d. Gesellschaft as the final culmination of developed Gemeinschaft: general trade economy, industry, the world market, capitalists vs. noncapitalists, hierarchy of control. "Out of the Gemeinschaft: A Urban Community Transitions" - Graves, Erin.

Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA, New York, New York City Abstract: Toennies ([1887]1957) distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, roughly translated as? community? and society? respectively, has intrigued urbanists for nearly a century. Urban sociologists have found Gemeinschaft-like settlements in urban communities (Whyte, 1945, Gans, 1962, Wellman, 1979). Sociologists have assigned a variety of characterizations to these forms of social relations. Gemeinschaft, typified by a distinctive way of life, strong identification with the community, emotionalism and traditionalism, contrasts with Gesellschaft relations which are rational, individualistic and emotionally disengaged (Lyon, 1999). Yet a curious and unsatisfying theoretical gap lies between how a community transforms a Gemeinschaft community into a Gesellschaft association (Parsons, 1947). This paper demonstrates how the community Maverick Gardens typified the Gemeinschaft ideal and how it transformed into the current Maverick Landing which approaches the Gesellschaft type.

Moreover, I will point out that the mechanism governing the transition. From Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft: A Case Study of Student Transition from Elementary School to High School. Ahola-Sidaway, Janice A. Abstract: This paper examines the key differences between elementary school culture and high school culture as experienced by a group of Quebec youngsters making the transition from elementary school to high school. It presents a selective summary of a major research study that focused on the fundamental differences between elementary school student life and high school student life as experienced by a group of students in transition, and how these students adapted to these differences. Two theoretical perspectives provided the basis for the analysis: symbolic interactionism and Ferdinand Tonnies' distinction between "Gemeinschaft" (Community) and "Gesellschaft" (Association). Participant observation was used to record structural and interactional data related to student life at and around the time when the children at St. Francis Elementary School were reaching the end of the elementary school experience and entering high school. Two sets of questionnaires provided supplementary data. A descriptive account follows, first of the general characteristics of St.

Francis Elementary School and of Royalton High, and then of the fundamental differences between elementary school life and high school life as viewed by students in transition. The paper concludes with general reflections on the findings of the study with respect to the issue of school size, the differing socialization environments of elementary and high school, attitudes toward work, student relationships, and staff-student relationships. This is followed by a brief survey of future considerations for researchers and issues for policymakers, educators, and parents. - Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association (New Orleans, LA, April 5-9, 1988). Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft: Testing the Spatial and Communal Hypotheses JAMES A. CHRISTENSON, University of Kentucky Abstract: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft often have been and still are equated with the rural-urban continuum and are employed to describe the "way of life" or the "moral basis" for rural/urban living.

By employing common American values that seem to represent Gemeinschaftliche or Gesellschaftliche attributes, this article (1) explicates the value basis for the two concepts and (2) tests for the spatial (rural-urban) hypothesis and the communal (collectivistic-individualistic) hypothesis. In 1887 Toennies introduced the terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, which have "proved to be one of the discipline's most enduring and fruitful concepts for studying social change " ( Bender, 17). Gemeinschaft describes binding, primary interactional relationships based on sentiment; while Gesellschaft describes an interactional system characterized by self-interest, competition, and negotiated accommodation. Much of rural and urban sociological theory has looked to these concepts as " ideal types ." Fischer (a) observes that, even in advanced industrial societies like the United States, different ways of life are ascribed to people in urban and rural areas. While Toennies' concepts continue to be used to describe different ways of living, little empirical research has been generated to document this relationship.

Kasarda and Janowitz point out that Toennies' concepts encompass general philosophical ideas and value conditions that describe more of a "reasoned moral position" than a plan "for empirical research". "Between 'American Gesellschaft' and 'Qu�b�cois Gemeinschaft': Constructing the Boundaries of the Canadian Multicultural Nation". - Winter, Elke. - Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Montreal Convention Center, Montreal, Quebec, Canada Abstract: The recent years have witnessed serious backlashes against multicultural policies throughout the Western world. In Canada, by contrast, multiculturalism has not only survived an international climate characterized by financial recession, fear of terrorism , and security concerns. It even evolved into social imaginary that deeply impacts Canadas self-understanding as a nation. In this paper, I examine how the idea of Canada as a multicultural nation is (re)produced through the construction of boundaries with American Gesellschaft (Society) on the one hand and Qu�b�cois Gemeinschaft (Community) on the other.

With the negative elements of these two social formations projected to the outside of Canadianness, multicultural nationhood is represented as the incarnation of a just balance between individual freedom and communal solidarity. In sum, Canadian multicultural nation-building is an example of how some great divides are created with the aim to bridge others. "In his first book, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (originally published in 1887), T�nnies presented his most famous and enduring contribution to social thought. The work is arguably the first systematic sociological account to sketch an evolution from ancient to modern society. Suggesting a transformation from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft, T�nnies argues that societies of the earlier form are organized around family, village, and town. The economy is largely agricultural and political life is local. Gesellschaft societies, on the other hand, are organized at the larger levels of metropolis and nation-state, while the economic system is based on trade and modern industry. Extending his sociological perspective to include a social psychology , T�nnies conceived of social formations as expressions of the human will.

He argued human volition to be either of the type of essential-will (Wesenwille), dominant in Gemeinschaft, or arbitrary-will (K�rwille), which characterizes Gesellschaft. Essential-will is defined as the human will which readily springs forth from a persons temper and character. The development of essential-will into arbitrary-will allows actors to choose among various means to fulfill certain ends. The crucial characteristic of arbitrary-will is the capacity to distinguish means from ends and to choose the most efficient means for any given end." - Mathieu Deflem, mathieudeflem.net. Gemeinschaft in Gesellschaft The Urban Experience: Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft - Urban Affairs Review. Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft: A sociological view of the decay of modern society. From Marcello Truzzi, Sociology: The Classic Statements. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971. Types of Real Community Life The exterior forms of community life as represented by natural will and Gemeinschaft were distinguished as house, village, and town. These are the lasting types of real and historical life. In a developed Gesellschaft, as in the earlier and middle stages, people live together in these different ways.

The town is the highest, viz., the most complex, form of social life. Town lives on within the city, elements of life in the Gemeinschaft, as the only real form of life, persist within the Gesellschaft, although lingering and decaying. On the other hand, the more general the condition of Gesellschaft becomes in the nation or a group of nations, the more this entire "country" or the entire "world" begins to resemble one large city. However, in the city and therefore where general conditions characteristic of the Gesellschaft prevail, only the upper strata, the rich and the cultured, are really active and alive. They set up the standards to which the lower strata have to conform. The city consists, for both groups (just as in the case of the "nation" and the "world"), of free persons who stand in contact with each other, exchange with each other and cooperate without any Gemeinschaft or will thereto developing among them except as such might develop sporadically or as a leftover from former conditions. The common town life remains within the Gemeinschaft of family and rural life; it is devoted to some agricultural pursuits but concerns itself especially with art and handicraft which evolve from these natural needs and habits.

City life, however, is sharply distinguished from that; these basis activities are used only as means and tools for the special purposes of the city. The city is typical of Gesellschaft in general. It is the essence not only of a national Gesellschaft, but contains representatives from a whole group of nations, i.e., of the world. In the metropolis, money and capital are unlimited and almighty. Counterpart of Gemeinschaft Family life is the general basis of life in the Gemeinschaft. It subsists in village and town life. Here original kinship and inherited status remain an essential, or at least the most important, condition of participating fully in common property and other rights. Strangers may be accepted and protected as serving-members or guests either temporarily or permanently. Thus, they can belong to the Gemeinschaft as objects, but not easily as agents and representatives of the Gemeinschaft. Wealth is, indeed, the only effective and original differentiating characteristic; whereas in Gemeinschaften property it is considered as participation in the common ownership and as a specific legal concept is entirely the consequence and result of freedom or ingenuity, either original or acquired.

Therefore, wealth, to the extent that this is possible, corresponds to the degree of freedom possessed. Even if all controls of the Gemeinschaft are eliminated, there are nevertheless controls in the Gesellschaft to which the free and independent individuals are subject. For Gesellschaft, convention takes to a large degree the place of the folkways, mores, and religion. The state, as the reason of Gesellschaft, should decide to destroy Gesellschaft or at least to reform or renew it. The success of such attempts is highly improbable. Public opinion, which brings the morality of Gesellschaft into rules and formulas and can rise above the state, has nevertheless decided tendencies to urge the state to use its irresistible power to force everyone to do what is useful and to leave undone what is damaging. The entire culture has been transformed into a civilization of state and Gesellschaft, and this transformation means the doom of culture itself if none of its scattered seeds remain alive and again bring forth the essence and idea of Gemeinschaft, thus secretly fostering a new culture amidst the decaying one. Copernicus.org - About us About us Lost Login? Welcome to Copernicus.org!

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The Federal Republic consists of 16 states : Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria (German: Bayern), Berlin, Brandenburg, Bremen, Hamburg, Hesse (German: Hessen), Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (German: Mecklenburg-Vorpommern), Lower Saxony (German: Niedersachsen), North Rhine-Westphalia (German: Nordrhein-Westfalen), Rhineland-Palatinate (German: Rheinland-Pfalz), Saarland, Saxony (German: Sachsen), Saxony-Anhalt (German: Sachsen-Anhalt), Schleswig-Holstein and Thuringia (German: Thüringen) with a total area of 357,022 sq kilometers. Each state has its own capital and the capital of the Germany is Berlin which is also the largest city in the largest city. population Germany has the biggest population among the European Union in an estimate size of 82,329,758. language German is the official and spoken language. currency Germany is member of European Union, it used European Dollars (EUR) as the national currency.

type of Law Germany law is based on civil law. germany company formation regulation All companies in Germany are regulated by the Commercial Code, there are different types of corporations available to choose. Germany has a high corporate income tax rate which is almost the highest in the world. The German tax system has undergone a comprehensive reform in the year 2001 and later in 2008. In 2009, the corporate federal tax is reduced from 25% to 15%, the municipal trade tax (also known as business tax) is around 14% to 17% and the solidarity tax which is 5.5% of the normal rate payable, the total of tax payable by a company is between 30% to 33% that is a significant changes than before at about 40%. The standard capital gain tax rate of a company is 15% where 95% of a capital gain from the sale of shares in a foreign or German company is exempt from tax when received by a company taxable in Germany.

The below are the forms of companies available in Germany: Sole Trader Civil-Code Company (GbR) (Gesellschaft bürgerlichen Rechts) Branch of a Foreign Company (Zweigniederlassung) Hybrid structures may also exist between these structures (GmbH & Co. KG). General Partnership (OHG) (Offene Handelsgesellschaft) Partners have unlimited liability on debts and obligations on the business and partners relations and business operations are guided by the agreement. Limited Commercial Partnership (KG) At least one partner has a limited liability up to the amount of its investments in the partnership and one partner has unlimited liability. Limited Liability Company (GmbH) (Gessellschaft mit beschrankter Haftung) This is the most common form of company in Germany with simple structure designed for private company only. The minimum capital required for a GmbH is EUR25,000.00. A GmbH company can start with EUR1.00 share capital, with a special start-up category of GmbH, called a Haftungsbeschränkte Unternehmengesellschaft (HG) or Limited Liability Entrepreneurial Company, for a period, while the GmbH share capital is raised.

Stock Corporation (AG) (Aktiengesellschaft) This is a limited liability corporate form for major public companies which is subject to heavy regulation as a listed company.

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For area like offshore company setup, accounting, offshore investment and company structuring etc, users of the site are advised to take appropriate professional advice before committing to involvement. All materials on this site are under ©corpworlddirect.com 2010. Ferdinand Tonnies - Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft From Marcello Truzzi, Sociology: The Classic Statements.New York: Oxford University Press, 1971, pp. 145-154. FERDINAND TONNIES On Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft Reprinted from Community and Society: Gemeinschaft undGesellschaft by Ferdinand Tonnies, translated and edited byCharles P. Loomis, pp. 223-231. Copyright 1957, The Michigan StateUniversity Press. The German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies (1855-1936) was a majorcontributor to theory and field studies in sociology. [1] He is bestremembered for his distinction between two basic types of socialgroups.

[2] Tonnies argued that there are two basic forms of humanwill: the essential will, which is the underlying, organic, orinstinctive driving force; and arbitrary will, which is deliberative,purposive, and future (goal) oriented. Groups that form aroundessential will, in which membership is self-fulfilling, Tonniescalled Gemeinschaft (often translated as community). Groups inwhich membership was sustained by some instrumental goal or definiteend he termed Gesellschaft (often translated as society).Gemeinschaft was exemplified by the family or neighborhood;Gesellschaft, by the city or the state. [3] Bibliographical Notes 1. Tonnies' major work, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft(first published in 1887), is available in English translation(edited and translated by Charles P. Loomis) as Community andSociety (1957). It is also available in an earlier edition, whichalso contained some of Tonnies' later essays, as FundamentalConcepts of Sociology (1940).

Tonnies ten other books, of whichthe major work dealing with sociology is his 1931 Einfuhrung indie Soziologie (An Introduction to Sociology), plus mostof his essays, still await English translations. A full bibliographyof Tonnies' work can be found in: American Journal ofSociology, 42 ( 1937), 100-101. 2. Brief critiques of Tonnies' works include: Louis Wirth, "TheSociology of Ferdinand Tonnies," American Journal ofSociology, 32 (1927), 412-422; and Rudolf Heberle, "TheSociological System of Ferdinand Tonnies: 'Community' and 'Society',"in Harry Elmer Barnes (ed.), An Introduction to the History ofSociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948),pp.227-248. 3. Modern applications of Tonnies' typology can be found in:Linton C. Freeman and Robert F.

Winch, "Societal Complexity: AnEmpirical Test of a Typology of Societies," American Journal ofSociology 62 (1957), 461-466; and Charles P. Loomis and Cohn C.McKinney "Systematic Differences between Latin-American Communitiesof Family Farms and Large Estates," American Journal ofSociology, 61 (1956), 404-412. 1. Order--Law--Mores There is a contrast between a social order which--being based uponconsensus of wills--rests on harmony and is developed and ennobled byfolkways, mores, and religion, and an order which--being based upon aunion of rational wills--rests on convention and agreement, issafeguarded by political legislation, and finds its ideologicaljustification in public opinion. There is, further, in the first instance a common and bindingsystem of positive law, of enforcible norms regulating theinterrelation of wills. It has its roots in family life and is basedon land ownership. Its forms are in the main determined by the codeof the folkways and mores.

Religion consecrates and glorifies theseforms of the divine will, i.e., as interpreted by the will of wiseand ruling men. This system of norms is in direct contrast to asimilar positive law which upholds the separate identity of theindividual rational wills in all their interrelations andentanglements. The latter derives from the conventional order oftrade and similar relations but attains validity and binding forceonly through the sovereign will and power of the state. Thus, itbecomes one of the most important instruments of policy; it sustains,impedes, or furthers social trends; it is defended or contestedpublicly by doctrines and opinions and thus is changed, becoming morestrict or more lenient. There is, further, the dual concept of morality as a purely idealor mental system of norms for community life. In the first case, itis mainly an expression and organ of religious beliefs and forces, bynecessity intertwined with the conditions and realities of familyspirit and the folkways and mores. In the second case, it is entirelya product and instrument of public opinion, which encompasses allrelations arising out of contractual sociableness, contacts, andpolitical intentions.

Order is natural law, law as such = positive law, mores = ideallaw. Law as the meaning of what may or ought to be, of what isordained or permitted, constitutes an object of social will. Even thenatural law, in order to attain validity and reality, has to berecognized as positive and binding. But it is positive in a moregeneral or less definite way. It is general in comparison withspecial laws. It is simple compared to complex and developed law. 2. Dissolution The substance of the body social and the social will consists ofconcord, folkways, mores, and religion, the manifold forms of whichdevelop under favorable conditions during its lifetime. Thus, eachindividual receives his share from this common center, which ismanifest in his own sphere, i.e., in his sentiment, in his mind andheart, and in his conscience as well as in his environment, hispossessions, and his activities. This is also true of each group.

Itis in this center that the individual's strength is rooted, and hisrights derive, in the last instance, from the one original law which,in its divine and natural character, encompasses and sustains him,just as it made him and will carry him away. But under certainconditions and in some relationships, man appears as a free agent(person) in his self-determined activities and has to be conceived ofas an independent person. The substance of the common spirit hasbecome so weak or the link connecting him with the others worn sothin that it has to be excluded from consideration. In contrast tothe family and co-operative relationship, this is true of allrelations among separate individuals where there is no commonunderstanding, and no time-honored custom or belief creates a commonbond. This means war and the unrestricted freedom of all to destroyand subjugate one another, or, being aware of possible greateradvantage, to conclude agreements and foster new ties. To the extentthat such a relationship exists between closed groups or communitiesor between their individuals or between members and nonmembers of acommunity, it does not come within the scope of this study.

In thisconnection we see a community organization and social conditions inwhich the individuals remain in isolation and veiled hostility towardeach other so that only fear of clever retaliation restrains themfrom attacking one another, and, therefore, even peaceful andneighborly relations are in reality based upon a warlike situation.This is, according to our concepts, the condition ofGesellschaft-like civilization, in which peace and commerce aremaintained through conventions and the underlying mutual fear. Thestate protects this civilization through legislation and politics. Toa certain extent science and public opinion, attempting to conceiveit as necessary and eternal, glorify it as progress towardperfection. But it is in the organization and order of the Gemeinschaft thatfolk life and folk culture persist. The state, which represents andembodies Gesellschaft, is opposed to these in veiled hatred andcontempt, the more so the further the state has moved away from andbecome estranged from these forms of community life. Thus, also inthe social and historical life of mankind there is partly closeinterrelation, partly juxtaposition and opposition of natural andrational will. 3.

The People (Volkstum) and the State (Staatstum) In the same way as the individual natural will evolves into purethinking and rational will, which tends to dissolve and subjugate itspredecessors, the original collective forms of Gemeinschaft havedeveloped into Gesellschaft and the rational will of theGesellschaft. In the course of history, folk culture has given riseto the civilization of the state. The main features of this process can be described in thefollowing way. The anonymous mass of the people is the original anddominating power which creates the houses, the villages, and thetowns of the country. From it, too, spring the powerful andself-determined individuals of many different kinds: princes, feudallords, knights, as well as priests, artists, scholars. As long astheir economic condition is determined by the people as a whole, alltheir social control is conditioned by the will and power of thepeople. Their union on a national scale, which alone could make themdominant as a group, is dependent on economic conditions.

And theirreal and essential control is economic control, which before them andwith them and partly against them the merchants attain by harnessingthe labor force of the nation. Such economic control is achieved inmany forms, the highest of which is planned capitalist production orlarge-scale industry. It is through the merchants that the technicalconditions for the national union of independent individuals and forcapitalistic production are created. This merchant class is bynature, and mostly also by origin, international as well as nationaland urban, i.e., it belongs to Gesellschaft, not Gemeinschaft. Laterall social groups and dignitaries and, at least in tendency, thewhole people acquire the characteristics of the Gesellschaft. Men change their temperaments with the place and conditions oftheir daily life, which becomes hasty and changeable through restlessstriving. Simultaneously, along with this revolution in the socialorder, there takes place a gradual change of the law, in meaning aswell as in form. The contract as such becomes the basis of the entiresystem, and rational will of Gesellschaft, formed by its interests,combines with authoritative will of the state to create, maintain andchange the legal system.

According to this conception, the law canand may completely change the Gesellschaft in line with its owndiscrimination and purpose; changes which, however, will be in theinterest of the Gesellschaft, making for usefulness and efficiency.The state frees itself more and more from the traditions and customsof the past and the belief in their importance. Thus, the forms oflaw change from a product of the folkways and mores and the law ofcustom into a purely legalistic law, a product of policy. The stateand its departments and the individuals are the only remainingagents, instead of numerous and manifold fellowships, communities,and commonwealths which have grown up organically. The characters ofthe people, which were influenced and determined by these previouslyexisting institutions, undergo new changes in adaptation to new andarbitrary legal constructions. These earlier institutions lose thefirm hold which folkways, mores, and the conviction of theirinfallibility gave to them. Finally, as a consequence of these changes and in turn reactingupon them, a complete reversal of intellectual life takes place.While originally rooted entirely in the imagination, it now becomesdependent upon thinking.

Previously, all was centered around thebelief in invisible beings, spirits and gods; now it is focalized onthe insight into visible nature. Religion, which is rooted in folklife or at least closely related to it, must cede supremacy toscience, which derives from and corresponds to consciousness. Suchconsciousness is a product of leaning and culture and, therefore,remote from the people. Religion has an immediate contact and ismoral in its nature because it is most deeply related to thephysical-spiritual link which connects the generations of men.Science receives its moral meaning only from an observation of thelaws of social life, which leads it to derive rules for an arbitraryand reasonable order of social organization. The intellectualattitude of the individual becomes gradually less and less influencedby religion and more and more influenced by science. Utilizing theresearch findings accumulated by the preceding industriousgeneration, we shall investigate the tremendous contrasts which theopposite poles of this dichotomy and these fluctuations entail. Forthis presentation, however, the following few remarks may suffice tooutline the underlying principles. 4.

Types of Real Community Life The exterior forms of community life as represented by naturalwill and Gemeinschaft were distinguished as house, village, and town.These are the lasting types of real and historical life. In adeveloped Gesellschaft, as in the earlier and middle stages, peoplelive together in these different ways. The town is the highest, viz.,the most complex, form of social life. Its local character, in commonwith that of the village, contrasts with the family character of thehouse. Both village and town retain many characteristics of thefamily; the village retains more, the town less. Only when the towndevelops into the city are these characteristics almost entirelylost. Individuals or families are separate identities, and theircommon locale is only an accidental or deliberately chosen place inwhich to live. But as the town lives on within the city, elements oflife in the Gemeinschaft, as the only real form of life, persistwithin the Gesellschaft, although lingering and decaying. On theother hand, the more general the condition of Gesellschaft becomes inthe nation or a group of nations, the more this entire "country" orthe entire "world" begins to resemble one large city.

However, in thecity and therefore where general conditions characteristic of theGesellschaft prevail, only the upper strata, the rich and thecultured, are really active and alive. They set up the standards towhich the lower strata have to conform. These lower classes conformpartly to supersede the others, partly in imitation of them in orderto attain for themselves social power and independence. The cityconsists, for both groups (just as in the case of the "nation" andthe "world"), of free persons who stand in contact with each other,exchange with each other and cooperate without any Gemeinschaft orwill thereto developing among them except as such might developsporadically or as a leftover from former conditions. On thecontrary, these numerous external contacts, contracts, andcontractual relations only cover up as many inner hostilities andantagonistic interests. This is especially true of the antagonismbetween the rich or the so-called cultured class and the poor or theservant class, which try to obstruct and destroy each other. It isthis contrast which, according to Plato, gives the "city" its dualcharacter and makes it divide in itself.

This itself, according toour concept, constitutes the city, but the same contrast is alsomanifest in every large-scale relationship between capital and labor.The common town life remains within the Gemeinschaft of family andrural life; it is devoted to some agricultural pursuits but concernsitself especially with art and handicraft which evolve from thesenatural needs and habits. City life, however, is sharplydistinguished from that; these basis activities are used only asmeans and tools for the special purposes of the city. The city is typical of Gesellschaft in general. It is essentiallya commercial town and, in so far as commerce dominates its productivelabor, a factory town. Its wealth is capital wealth which, in theform of trade, usury, or industrial capital, is used and multiplies.Capital is the means for the appropriation of products of labor orfor the exploitation of workers. The city is also the center ofscience and culture, which always go hand in hand with commerce andindustry. Here the arts must make a living; they are exploited in acapitalistic way. Thoughts spread and change with astonishingrapidity. Speeches and books through mass distribution become stimuliof far-reaching importance.

The city is to be distinguished from the national capital, which,as residence of the court or center of government, manifests thefeatures of the city in many respects although its population andother conditions have not yet reached that level. In the synthesis ofcity and capital, the highest form of this kind is achieved: themetropolis. It is the essence not only of a national Gesellschaft,but contains representatives from a whole group of nations, i.e., ofthe world. In the metropolis, money and capital are unlimited andalmighty. It is able to produce and supply goods and science for theentire earth as well as laws and public opinion for all nations. Itrepresents the world market and world traffic; in it world industriesare concentrated. Its newspapers are world papers, its people comefrom all corners of the earth, being curious and hungry for money andpleasure. 5. Counterpart of Gemeinschaft Family life is the general basis of life in the Gemeinschaft. Itsubsists in village and town life.

The village community and the townthemselves can be considered as large families, the various clans andhouses representing the elementary organisms of its body; guilds,corporations, and offices, the tissues and organs of the town. Hereoriginal kinship and inherited status remain an essential, or atleast the most important, condition of participating fully in commonproperty and other rights. Strangers may be accepted and protected asserving-members or guests either temporarily or permanently. Thus,they can belong to the Gemeinschaft as objects, but not easily asagents and representatives of the Gemeinschaft. Children are, duringminority, dependent members of the family, but according to Romancustom they are called free because it is anticipated that underpossible and normal conditions they will certainly be masters, theirown heirs. This is true neither of guests nor of servants, either inthe house or in the community. But honored guests can approach theposition of children. If they are adopted or civic rights are grantedto them, they fully acquire this position with the right to inherit.Servants can be esteemed or treated as guests or even, because of thevalue of their functions, take part as members in the activities ofthe group.

It also happens sometimes that they become natural orappointed heirs. In reality there are many gradations, lower orhigher, which are not exactly met by legal formulas. All theserelationships can, under special circumstances, be transformed intomerely interested and dissolvable interchange between independentcontracting parties. In the city such change, at least with regard toall relations of servitude, is only natural and becomes more and morewidespread with its development. The difference between natives andstrangers becomes irrelevant. Everyone is what he is, through hispersonal freedom, through his wealth and his contracts. He is aservant only in so far as he has granted certain services to someoneelse, master in so far as he receives such services. Wealth is,indeed, the only effective and original differentiatingcharacteristic; whereas in Gemeinschaften property it is consideredas participation in the common ownership and as a specific legalconcept is entirely the consequence and result of freedom oringenuity, either original or acquired. Therefore, wealth, to theextent that this is possible, corresponds to the degree of freedompossessed. In the city as well as in the capital, and especially in themetropolis family life is decaying.

The more and the longer theirinfluence prevails the more the residuals of family life acquire apurely accidental character. For there are only few who will confinetheir energies within such a narrow circle; all are attracted outsideby business, interests, and pleasures, and thus separated from oneanother. The great and mighty, feeling free and independent, havealways felt a strong inclination to break through the barriers of thefolkways and mores. They know that they can do as they please. Theyhave the power to bring about changes in their favor, and this ispositive proof of individual arbitrary power. The mechanism of money,under usual conditions and if working under high pressure, is meansto overcome all resistance, to obtain everything wanted and desired,to eliminate all dangers and to cure all evil. This does not holdalways. Even if all controls of the Gemeinschaft are eliminated,there are nevertheless controls in the Gesellschaft to which the freeand independent individuals are subject. For Gesellschaft (in thenarrower sense), convention takes to a large degree the place of thefolkways, mores, and religion. It forbids much as detrimental to thecommon interest which the folkways, mores, and religion had condemnedas evil in and of itself.

The will of the state plays the same role through law courts andpolice, although within narrower limits. The laws of the state applyequally to everyone; only children and lunatics are not heldresponsible to them. Convention maintains at least the appearance ofmorality; it is still related to the folkways, mores, and religiousand aesthetic feeling, although this feeling tends to becomearbitrary and formal. The state is hardly directly concerned withmorality. It has only to suppress and punish hostile actions whichare detrimental to the common weal or seemingly dangerous for itselfand society. For as the state has to administer the common weal, itmust be able to define this as it pleases. In the end it willprobably realize that no increase in knowledge and culture alone willmake people kinder, less egotistic, and more content and that deadfolkways, mores, and religions cannot be revived by coercion andteaching. The state will then arrive at the conclusion that in orderto create moral forces and moral beings it must prepare the groundand fulfill the necessary conditions, or at least it must eliminatecounteracting forces. The state, as the reason of Gesellschaft,should decide to destroy Gesellschaft or at least to reform or renewit.

The success of such attempts is highly improbable. 6. The Real State Public opinion, which brings the morality of Gesellschaft intorules and formulas and can rise above the state, has neverthelessdecided tendencies to urge the state to use its irresistible power toforce everyone to do what is useful and to leave undone what isdamaging. Extension of the penal code and the police power seems theright means to curb the evil impulses of the masses. Public opinionpasses easily from the demand for freedom (for the upper classes) tothat of despotism (against the lower classes). The makeshift,convention, has but little influence over the masses. In theirstriving for pleasure and entertainment they are limited only by thescarcity of the means which the capitalists furnish them as price fortheir labor, which condition is as general as it is natural in aworld where the interests of the capitalists and merchantsanticipated all possible needs and in mutual competition incite tothe most varied expenditures of money. Only through fear of discoveryand punishments that is, through fear of the state, is a special andlarge group, which encompasses far more people than the professionalcriminals, restrained in its desire to obtain the key to allnecessary and unnecessary pleasures. The state is their enemy.

Thestate, to them, is an alien and unfriendly power; although seeminglyauthorized by them and embodying their own will, it is neverthelessopposed to all their needs and desires, protecting property whichthey do not possess, forcing them into military service for a countrywhich offers them hearth and altar only in the form of a heated roomon the upper floor or gives them, for native soil, city streets wherethey may stare at the glitter and luxury in lighted windows foreverbeyond their reach! Their own life is nothing but a constantalternative between work and leisure, which are both distorted intofactory routine and the low pleasure of the saloons. City life andGesellschaft down the common people to decay and death; in vain theystruggle to attain power through their own multitude, and it seems tothem that they can use their power only for a revolution if they wantto free themselves from their fate. The masses become conscious ofthis social position through the education in schools and throughnewspapers. They proceed from class consciousness to class struggle.This class struggle may destroy society and the state which is itspurpose to reform.

The entire culture has been transformed into acivilization of state and Gesellschaft, and this transformation meansthe doom of culture itself if none of its scattered seeds remainalive and again bring forth the essence and idea of Gemeinschaft,thus secretly fostering a new culture amidst the decaying one. Home previous Feature projects next Mali: 'We have achieved a lot' 12.01.2017 – Jürgen Koch, GIZ Country Director in Mali, talks about the challenges of working in the field. Many projects are being successfully implemented despite the tense security situation. GIZ in Germany is climate neutral 10.01.2017 – For the first time, the greenhouse gas emissions of the company’s operations in Germany have been offset through a GIZ self-initiated climate change mitigation project. Jordan: Refugees are learning to be plumbers 04.01.2017 – Hundreds of thousands of Syrians have fled to Jordan. A report from the magazine akzente describes how they are finding new prospects. Christmas dishes around the world 22.12.2016 – Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Ghana and Ukraine ...

GIZ employees living and working around the world report on traditional Christmas dishes. International - Facts &amp; Figures | Max Planck Society International Every year the Max Planck Society submits a report on its annual activities and commenced or planned undertakings. As stated in the statues, the Senate adopts the annual report and presents it to the General Meeting International - Facts & Figures Facts & Figures International cooperations Max Planck institutes operate as a worldwide network based on international cooperations and projects. The Max Planck institutes are involved in more than 4,500 projects with more than 5,000 international partners in 120 countries. International cooperations promote scientific performance and productivity; they create a scientific added value, and in many research fields make it possible to actually achieve a critical mass.

(Reference year: 2015) Foreign personnel in the Max Planck Society 32.3 per cent of the staff (22,000) is from abroad 33.9 per cent of the Max Planck directors are foreign citizens post docs are the most international with a foreign contingent of 71.7 per cent 53,6 per cent of the doctoral students come from abroad (Reference date: January 1, 2016) Junior and visiting scientists in the Max Planck Society Approximately 15,200 junior and visiting scientists worked in the Max Planck Society over different periods in 2015. This group includes: student and scientific assistants, holders of scholarships for bachelor degrees, doctoral students, post-doctoral students, research grantees and visiting scientists. 55 per cent were foreign citizens. They are not only a valuable addition for the scientific work undertaken at the institutes, they also make it possible to build an international network. For the post docs, junior and visiting scientists themselves, a period spent at a Max Planck institute is invariably a valuable step in individual qualification and career development – a win-win situation for both sides.

(Reference year: 2015)

Question: In Germany a gessellschaft is a?
Answer: Company