Which Country Shares the Most Borders? What country is bordered by the greatest number of other countries? The Answer: China and Russia each share a common border with 14 other countries. According to the CIA, the countries and length of their borders are: China: Afghanistan 76 km; Bhutan 470 km; India 3,380 km; Kazakhstan 1,533 km; North Korea 1,416 km; Kyrgyzstan 858 km; Laos 423 km; Mongolia 4,673 km; Myanmar (Burma) 2,185 km; Nepal 1,236 km; Pakistan 523 km; Russia 3,645 km; Tajikistan 414 km; and Vietnam 1,281 km.

Russia: Azerbaijan 284 km; Belarus 959 km; China 3,645 km; Estonia 294 km; Finland 1,313 km; Georgia 723 km; Kazakhstan 6,846 km; North Korea 19 km; Latvia 217 km; Lithuania 227 km; Mongolia 3,441 km; Norway 167 km; Poland 206 km; and Ukraine 1,576 km. (Note: Lithuania and Poland only border Kaliningrad, a Russian section separated from the rest of the country.) Brazil is next, sharing a border with ten countries, including: Argentina 1,224 km; Bolivia 3,400 km; Colombia 1,643 km; French Guiana 673 km; Guyana 1,119 km; Paraguay 1,290 km; Peru 1,560 km; Suriname 597 km; Uruguay 985 km; and Venezuela 2,200 km. The Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo each share borders with nine countries.

To learn more about any of the countries mentioned in this answer be sure to check out our Countries of the World page or the Infoplease Atlas . —The Editors Countries Bordering The Most Other Countries - WorldAtlas.com World Facts Countries Bordering The Most Other Countries Of the countries bordering the most other countries in the world today, China has the most neighbors of all. Yurts and semi-nomadic livestock herders along the 2,906-mile-long Mongolian-Chinese border, China's longest among the 14 neighbors it borders. International borders are often more political than cultural, as people and there customs usually seem to find a way across them, whether legally or illegally. Some of the borders in the world allow for an ease of access between proximate nations, while others are characterized by fences, patrols, and the threat of death or imprisonment for those who disobey their bounds. Below we have listed the countries in the world bordering the most others, each of which have at least 8 neighbors. For our purposes, we have listed Macau and Hong Kong as separate countries bordering China. 11. Zambia (8 neighbors) Zambia is a small, land-locked country located in southern Africa.

Covering a total area of around 752,615 square kilometers, the country is roughly equivalent to the size of the U.S. state of Texas. Zambia has a total of 5,664 kilometers of land boundaries, sharing its borders with 8 African nations. Namely, these are the Democratic Republic of the Congo for 1,930 kilometers, Angola for 1,110 kilometers, Malawi for 837 kilometers, Mozambique for 419 kilometers, Tanzania for 338 kilometers, Namibia for 233 kilometers, Zimbabwe for 797 kilometers, and Botswana for less than 1 kilometers (0.62 miles). Though the population of Zambia is comprised of 7 main and 75 minor tribes, there has also been a large influx of refugees from the neighboring countries of Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo in recent years. 10. Turkey (8 neighbors) Turkey shares a unique location in the world map, having a land area of 756,816 square kilometers in Western Asia (Anatolia) and a land area of 23,764 square kilometers in Southeastern Europe (Thrace).

The country shares its boundaries with a large number of European and Asian countries. It is bounded on the north by the Black Sea, northeast by Armenia and Georgia, on the east by Azerbaijan and Iran, west and southwest by the Mediterranean Sea, on the southeast by Iran and Syria, and northwest by Greece and Bulgaria. Throughout its history, the critical location of Turkey has acted as a bridge of exchange of thoughts and culture between the European World and the Asian civilizations, rendering the country a rich hub of culture and trade activities. Presently, however, Turkey is facing a tough situation offered by the influence of the ethnic and sectarian strife creating havoc in its neighboring countries of Iraq and Syria. 9. Tanzania (8 neighbors) The East African country of Tanzania is bordered by 8 neighboring countries including Kenya and Uganda to the north, Mozambique to the south, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo to the west. The Indian Ocean lies towards the south of this country and Mt. Kilimanjaro towards the northeast. The country maintains amicable and friendly relations with its neighbors and often helps them in settling disputes in a peaceful manner.

In September of 1999, Tanzania signed the East African Cooperation Treaty with Uganda and Kenya to encourage economic and regional cooperation among the countries. Tanzania, in partnership with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has also played an active role hosting refugees from its neighboring countries, particularly Burundi, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Mozambique. 8. Serbia (8 neighbors) Serbia, a country on Southeastern Europe’s Balkan Peninsula, is a landlocked country bordered by 8 neighboring countries. It shares its borders to the north with Hungary, to the east with Bulgaria and Romania, to the south with Macedonia, and to the west with Montenegro, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbia enjoys relatively good relations with its neighbors. However, border disputes concerning the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina along the Drina River continue to be an issue. 7. Austria (8 neighbors) Austria is a small Alpine mountainous landlocked country located in south-central Europe. In the north, Austria shares its borders with the Czech Republic and in the north-east, it is bounded by Slovakia. The eastern boundaries of the Alpine nation is shared with Hungary.

Austria also shares its borders with Slovenia in the south, Italy in the south-west, Switzerland and Liechtenstein in the west and Germany in the north-west. The geographical location of Austria places it in an extremely crucial center point in the European Union. It is the center of European traffic between the eastern and western countries as well as the northern and southern countries of Europe. As such, Austria’s neighbors, all members of the European Union, maintain healthy ties with the country, allowing free exchange of capital, goods and people between the neighbors. 6. Metropolitan France (8 neighbors) France has a roughly hexagonal outline and lies towards the western end of the Eurasian landmass. The country is bordered on the northeast by Luxembourg and Belgium and on the east by Italy, Germany and Switzerland. The French boundary towards the south is shared with the countries of Spain and Andorra and to the north lies England. In Europe, France is a major country which has played a leading role in the European and world history since the Medieval times. The main allies of the country are Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, who also happen to be among the neighbors of France.

France and its neighbors, all being members of the European Union, maintain friendly relations with each other, allowing for the free exchange of goods, capital, and people. 5. Germany (9 neighbors) Germany shares its borders with 9 neighboring countries. On the extreme north Germany is bounded by Denmark. To the west of Germany lies Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium and to the south-west lies France The entire southern boundary of Germany is shared with Austria and Switzerland. The south-east border of Germany is shared with the Czech Republic and the easternmost frontier adjoins Poland. Germany maintains amicable relations with its neighbors who are all members of the European Union and also developed nations themselves. Thus exchange of people, goods, services and capital between these countries is allowed freely, leading to the overall economic development of Germany and its neighbors. 4. DR Congo (9 neighbors) The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is the second largest country in Africa and is landlocked on all sides except for the 25 mile coastline shared with the Atlantic Ocean. To the north of this country lies the Central African Republic, Republic of the Congo, and Sudan, to the east, DR Congo is bounded by Burundi, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda.

Zambia lies to the southeast of the country and Angola to the south-west. DR Congo is currently in the grip of a civil war which has drawn military forces from its Ugandan, Rwandan, and Burundian neighbors who are helping fuel the rebel movement, thus spoiling the relations between DR Congo and these countries. Various insurgency groups are also taking advantage of the political imbalance in the country to infiltrate DR Congo and use it as a base to attack the neighboring countries. 3. Brazil (10 neighbors) Brazil shares its borders with 10 other South American countries. Namely, these are Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Venezuela, Uruguay, French Guyana, Paraguay, Guyana, Peru, and Suriname. Among these countries, Brazil shares the strongest, most powerful, and yet complex, relationship with its neighbor Argentina. Even though there were initial periods of muted disputes between the two countries, the relationship was not completely adversarial at any point of time. A high volume of trade and population migration between these two countries has also generated closer ties between these two countries. Brazil also shares strong bonds with Paraguay and provides sea access to the landlocked nation via its own port. 2.

Russia (14 neighbors) With a series of borders running 20,241 kilometers in total, Russia has the second longest set of land borders among the world’s countries. The country shares its borders with 14 separate, neighboring, sovereign countries. To the south, Russia shares its borders with North Korea, Mongolia and China, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan. Russian borders in the southwest and west are shared with the Ukraine, Estonia, Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Norway, and Finland. Russia has extremely complex relationships with its neighboring states. In 2014, Russia founded the Eurasian Economic Union with the neighboring states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Armenia in order to encourage economic development within and between each of the participating countries. Russia’s attempt to restore influence in the former Soviet space and attempts to economically punish neighbors who are establishing ties with E.U., is exerting some strains on the country’s relations with her neighbors. 1. China (16 neighbors) The second largest country in the world by land area, the People’s Republic of China shares its international borders with 14 sovereign states and 2 special territories.

The country is bordered by North Korea and Russia in the northeast and Mongolia on the north. Bordering China to the south are countries of the Indian subcontinent, including India, Bhutan, and Nepal. Vietnam, Laos, and Myanmar lie to the southeast of China, and Pakistan to its southwest. The western borders of China are shared with the countries of Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. Besides these 14 countries, China also shares a 3-kilometer-long border with Macau, a Portuguese territory until 1999, as well as a 30-kilometer-long border with the former British territory of Hong Kong. Today, Hong Kong and Macau are autonomous, Special Administrative Regions of China. With land borders totaling 22,117 kilometers, the country has the longest system of land borders in the world. This page was last modified on March 10, 2016. On WorldAtlas.com Paraguay - History History Paraguay Table of Contents PARAGUAY WAS ONE of the first countries in South America to achieve independence. Its history since the arrival of the Spaniards in 1537 evokes images of tremendous sacrifice and suffering amid lush surroundings.

Because of its small population and poverty, however, its weight among the nations of the modern world is small. At the time of the Spanish conquest in the mid1500s , Paraguay was the second most important of the Spanish dominions in South America after Peru. But its preeminence as a colony did not last because it produced no gold or silver. In the long run, however, the country's lack of precious ores proved to be a blessing because it allowed Paraguay to escape the horrors of slavery that prevailed in the mines of Peru and Mexico. The Spanish conquest and settlement proceeded more humanely in Paraguay than elsewhere in Spanish America. The country's basic characteristics were determined during the first few decades of European rule and reinforced under the Republic of Paraguay after independence in 1811. The country has a largely egalitarian social structure. Its relatively homogeneous population of mestizos follows Spanish culture and religion but speaks the Indian language, Guaran�, at home. It also has a tradition of authoritarian rule and a concomitant lack of democratic institutions.

Finally, Paraguay suffers from a paranoiainducing isolation, originally because of its location in a wilderness populated by hostile Indians, and later because of its location between powerful neighbors--Brazil and Argentina. Partly because of its remoteness, Paraguay never had a very large European population. The colony's first governor urged Spanish men to take Indian wives to help them take their minds off returning to Spain, solve the problem of the scarcity of European women, and encourage peaceful relations between the tiny, vulnerable, European colony and its numerous Indian neighbors. Neither Spaniard nor Indian needed any prodding, however, as mixed unions predominated from the start. The Paraguayan republic's first dictator, Jos� Gaspar Rodr�guez de Francia, a criollo who distrusted his own criollo upper class, strengthened this pattern of marrying Indians. Francia forced the elite to marry Indian women, confiscated their lands, and broke their power. The disastrous 1865-70 War of the Triple Alliance, which ended with the death of Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano L�pez, further strengthened the mestizo composition of society.

At the end of the war, only 28,000 Spanish males were alive, down from 220,000. Spanish women who wanted to marry had no choice but to accept mestizo suitors. Dictatorship is to Paraguay what constitutional democracy is to Scandinavia or Britain: it is the norm. Paraguay, a country where power has usually been centered on one man, has a history of domination by authoritarian personalities. Paraguay's authoritarianism derives from Spanish attitudes, isolation amid hostile neighbors, and political inexperience and naivet� among a population that has historically proved willing to abdicate its political rights and responsibilities. Nearly 300 years of Spanish rule rendered many Paraguayans poor, uneducated, unaware of the outside world, and lacking in experience with democracy. Furthermore, the people were nearly always under the threat of attack either from Indians or from raiders from Brazil. Indeed, its three neighbors--Brazil, Argentina, and Bolivia--each went to war with Paraguay at least once since 1810.

Francia, named "dictator for life" in 1816 by a largely uneducated nation grateful for his diplomatic and administrative expertise, set the tone by founding a despotic police state that lasted until his death in 1840. His goal was to keep the country independent at all costs. He succeeded by founding the world's first system of state socialism, sealing off the country's borders, and pouring all available resources into defense. Paraguay was the only major country in Spanish America to undergo a major social revolution as a direct result of independence. Father and son dictators Carlos Antonio L�pez and Francisco Solano L�pez succeeded Francia from 1841 to 1862 and 1862 to 1870, respectively. After the 1865-70 war, military officers began to replace civilians as politicians but this fact represented no change in the country's pattern of dictatorial rule. Paraguay's stability diminished after 1904 when the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal--PL) ruled the nation. Paraguay had traded stable dictatorships for unstable ones.

Between 1904 and 1954, Paraguay had thirty-one presidents, most of whom were removed from office by force. During the particularly unstable period between 1910 and 1912, seven presidents entered and left office. As political instability grew, so did the importance of the military in politics. Still, military rule did not predominate. Only four of eight presidents who finished their terms were military men. A 1954 coup ushered in the Stronato, the period of rule of Alfredo Stroessner Mattiauda, who remained in power in late 1988. Few imagined in the 1950s that Stroessner's term of office would become the longest in Paraguay's history. Stroessner effectively combined political skill, hard work, and repression to gain complete control of the National Republican Association-Colorado Party (Asociaci�n Nacional Republicana-Partido Colorado) and eliminate regime opponents. By the early 1960s, all other political parties were either legitimating the political system by participating in fraudulent elections or were effectively isolated.

Although Stroessner clearly represented continuity with Paraguay's authoritarian past, he also dragged the country out of its isolation. A mammoth hydroelectric project at Itaip� on the Rio Paran� shattered Paraguay's seclusion forever by injecting billions of dollars into the economy. The project put money into the pockets of previously penniless campesinos and contributed to the emergence of the middle class. Many observers believed that economic growth unleashed demands for democratic reform in Paraguay, and, as the 1980s began, the Stroessner regime seemed increasingly under attack from its critics. Introduction On the night of February 2, 1989, the streets of Asunci�n became a battleground as forces loyal to First Corps commander Major General Andr�s Rodr�guez staged a coup d'�tat against the government of President Alfredo Stroessner Mattiauda. Tank units of the First Cavalry Division left their �u Guaz� barracks and bombarded the headquarters of the armed forces general staff, the police, and the Presidential Escort Regiment. Elements of the air force's composite squadron also reportedly joined the rebels and carried out aerial attacks.

After several hours of heavy fighting, Stroessner surrendered and offered his "irrevocable resignation from the post of president of the Republic of Paraguay and from the post of commander in chief of its armed forces"--positions that he had held since 1954. Typically for Paraguay, the coup was not a bloodless affair; estimates of the number killed ranged from Rodr�guez's claim of 27 to Western observers' assertions of up to 300. During the fighting, the First Cavalry Division seized one of Asunci�n's radio stations and broadcast an appeal by Rodr�guez to the people of Paraguay. The military had left its barracks, the general asserted, "to defend the dignity and honor of the armed forces, for the total and complete unification of the Colorado Party (Asociaci�n Nacional Republicana-Partido Colorado) in government, for the initiation of democratization in Paraguay, for respect for human rights, and for respect for our Christian, apostolic, Roman Catholic religion." In fact, the coup was actually a struggle for political control of a post-Stroessner Paraguay.

Relying on a system of coercion and cooptation, Stroessner had brought remarkable political stability to a nation that experienced over twenty coups between 1870 and 1954. Stroessner's skillful use of the ruling Colorado Party as a dispenser of jobs and patronage was a major factor in achieving this stability. Political stability also resulted from twenty years of sustained economic growth. This was especially true during the 1970s, when construction of the Itaip� hydroelectric plant, completion of the road from Asunci�n to Puerto Presidente Stroessner and links to Brazilian Atlantic ports, land colonization along the Brazilian border, and increases in agricultural commodity prices combined to produce gross domestic product (GDP) growth of over 8 percent a year. By the mid-1980s, however, compelling signs pointed to the twilight of the Stronato, as the Stroessner era was called. Real GDP declined in 1982 and 1983 following the completion of most construction at Itaip� and the drop in commodity prices.

Foreign governments increasingly condemned and isolated the Stroessner regime for its repression of the political opposition and its reliance on electoral fraud. In addition, Stroessner turned seventy in 1982 and seemed to lose some of his legendary energy and capacity for hard work as he grew older. It was not surprising, therefore, that leaders of the Colorado Party began to jockey for position. In the mid-1980s, the party's thirty-five-member governing board, the National Committee (Junta de Gobierno), split into rival militant (militante) and traditionalist (tradicionalista) camps. The militants were led by four key members of Stroessner's inner circle: Sabino Augusto Montanaro, minister of interior; Ad�n Godoy Jim�nez, minister of public health and social welfare; Jos� Eugenio Jacquet, minister of justice and labor; and Mario Abdo Ben�tez, the president's private secretary. Each of these men had personally profited from the Stronato and felt much more loyalty to Stroessner personally than to the Colorado Party. These militants wanted as little change as possible in any future government.

Indeed, many militants promoted air force Lieutenant Colonel Gustavo Stroessner Mora as the ideal successor to his father. Juan Ram�n Chaves, the party's president since the early 1960s, headed the traditionalists. Unlike the militants, traditionalist leaders came from distinguished families who had dominated the Colorado Party prior to Stroessner. Although loyal collaborators throughout the Stronato, traditionalists also believed that continued reliance on repression would spell doom for the Colorado Party. Although the militant-traditionalist split had been brewing since the mid-1980s, it burst into public prominence with the party's National Convention in August 1987. Montanaro employed the police to deny traditionalists access to the convention hall, thus ensuring his election as party president and the elections of Abdo Ben�tez, Godoy, and Jacquet as the three vice presidents. Stroessner, who had largely remained above the fray, soon endorsed the militants' takeover of the party.

The militants continued their purge of the traditionalists over the next year, excluding them from the slate of Colorado Party congressional candidates for the February 1988 election, removing them from key positions within the government, and subjecting them to torrents of abuse in the national media. Although clearly in control, the militants stumbled badly in late 1988 by becoming embroiled in yet another controversy with the Roman Catholic Church. In the late 1980s, the church had emerged as Stroessner's most important critic. Its newspaper and radio station broadcast accounts of human rights abuses in Paraguay. The Catholic bishops also issued numerous pastorals condemning government corruption and calling for an end to political violence against regime opponents. The government frequently responded by harassing or deporting priests. In November 1988, however, the militants overstepped the bounds of propriety in the eyes of many Paraguayans by leveling a personal attack against An�bal Maricevich Fleitas, the bishop of Concepci�n and a persistent Stroessner critic.

Appearing at a Colorado Party rally, National Committee member Ram�n Aquino accused Maricevich of being a communist-follower and a drunkard, and dedicated a bottle of liquor in the name of "Maricewhiskey." Despite widespread outrage within Paraguay, the militant leadership strongly endorsed Aquino's right to free expression. Aquino soon escalated the conflict by accusing the clergy of being beholden to Cuban leader Fidel Castro Ruz and Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega Saavedra. In response, Ismael Rol�n Silvero, the archbishop of Asunci�n, issued a decree barring Aquino from taking an active part in any religious ceremony, a measure one step short of excommunication. The Aquino episode apparently convinced many among the Paraguayan elites that the militants were too crude and unsophisticated to be trusted with the reins of government. In addition to the Aquino affair, traditionalists benefited from the emergence of Luis Mar�a Arga�a as the de facto leader of the movement.

In August 1988, Arga�a, an urbane, highly respected politician, stepped down from his post as chief justice of the Supreme Court of Justice after completing a five-year term of office. Although Arga�a was a known supporter of traditionalism, many recalled his ambiguous stance at the August 1987 party convention and wondered if he was really prepared to challenge the militants. In speeches in December 1988 and January 1989, however, Arga�a dispelled those doubts as he lashed out at the "imposters" who had seized control of the Colorado Party. Accusing the Stroessner government of becoming a police state, Arga�a thundered that those who persecute defenseless women or beat priests could not be considered Colorados or even Paraguayans. In response, Aquino accused Arga�a of being a traitor with "blue," i.e. Liberal Party (Partido Liberal), blood. Arga�a's statements gave new vitality to a movement that had been stagnating under the control of the octogenarian Chaves.

Although the militant-traditionalist battle dominated the headlines, the party's factions tacitly understood that the armed forces remained the ultimate arbiters of Paraguay's future. The armed forces, especially the senior officer corps, had benefited handsomely during the Stronato from involvement in a variety of legal and illegal businesses. Perhaps because they had so much to protect, however, many in the armed forces' upper echelon remained wary of the militants. In the late 1980s, observers felt that the army was particularly opposed to the idea of Stroessner's being succeeded by his son. Selection of an undistinguished air force officer as commander in chief would have challenged the army's status as the preeminent service and also might have necessitated the retirement of many senior officers. Both sides in the Colorado Party power struggle also knew that General Rodr�guez's views would be critical in determining the military's stance. At first glance, Rodr�guez seemed an unlikely obstacle in the militants' path.

As a young regimental commander in December 1955, Captain Rodr�guez defied his immediate superior and supported Stroessner's preemptive purge against the latter's chief rival at the time, Epifanio M�ndez Fleitas. In 1961 Stroessner selected his prot�g� Rodr�guez to head the powerful First Cavalry Division. In 1982 Stroessner reorganized the army into three corps and chose Rodr�guez to command the First--and most important-- Corps. As a result of this promotion, Rodr�guez had the best equipped units of the Paraguayan army at his disposal. The long-time professional bonds between Stroessner and Rodr�guez were also enhanced by the marriage of Stroessner's son Alfredo to Rodr�guez's daughter Marta. But Rodr�guez's long period of service on behalf of the Stronato had apparently whetted his appetite for the presidency. Rodr�guez also had close ties with many traditionalist leaders. Finally, Alfredo and Marta's marital problems and Alfredo's reported addiction to drugs and alcohol strained the relationship of the two generals.

Stroessner and the militants thus apparently decided that the success of their plan required the neutralization of Rodr�guez. On January 12, 1989, two weeks after the promotion of his son to the rank of colonel, Stroessner announced a major reassignment of military commanders. Major General Orlando Machuca Vargas, a key ally of Rodr�guez, lost his post as Second Corps commander. The commanders of the Fifth and Seventh Infantry Divisions were sacked and replaced by officers presumed loyal to Stroessner. Stroessner also rotated the commanders of the Third, Fourth, and Sixth Infantry Divisions. The day also saw the swearing in of Stroessner loyalist Brigadier General Alcibiades Ram�n Soto Valleau as the new commander of the air force. Stroessner apparently believed that these reassignments had eliminated Rodr�guez's ability to rally his fellow commanders and to stage a coup. Thus, the moment seemed propitious to strike directly against Rodr�guez.

Citing a purported run on the national currency, the guaran�, Stroessner issued a resolution on January 27, 1989, closing all currency exchange houses in Paraguay. This action dealt a serious financial blow to Rodr�guez, whose Cambios Guaran� was one of Asunci�n's largest currency traders. On January 30, 1989, Stroessner ordered the replacement of First Corps colonels Mauricio Bartolom� D�az Delmas and Regis An�bal Romero Espinola. Finally, on February 2, 1989, Stroessner summoned Rodr�guez and ordered him to give up his direct command of units and either accept the much less significant post of minister of national defense or retire. Rodr�guez refused and several hours later called out his forces. As it turned out, Stroessner's concerns over Rodr�guez's ambitions were not unwarranted. Two weeks after the coup, Edgar L.

Ynsfr�n--minister of interior from 1956 to 1966 and leader of the Movement for Colorado Integration (Movimiento del Integraci�n Colorado) faction that was affiliated with the traditionalists-- reported that coup preparations had been under way since late December 1988. According to Ynsfr�n, Rodr�guez ordered Chaves, Arga�a, and Ynsfr�n to go into hiding immediately prior to the coup. In addition, Ynsfr�n claimed that on January 31, 1989, Rodr�guez informed key personnel in the First Corps that he would not accept the replacements of Colonels D�az and Romero. Whether Stroessner was aware of any of this background remains unknown. In retrospect, Stroessner had overestimated the importance of the earlier command reassignments. The commanders of the Second Corps and Third Corps ignored Rodr�guez's appeal for help. But commanders of two of the three major components of the Second Corps--the Second and Fourth Infantry Divisions--and one of the three major units of the Third Corps--the Sixth Infantry Division-- pledged loyalty to Rodr�guez.

In addition, all of Rodr�guez's First Corps units--the First Cavalry Division, the First Infantry Division, and the Third Infantry Division--rebelled against Stroessner. Within a week after the coup, Rodr�guez promoted the commanders of the six rebellious divisions and purged the armed forces hierarchy of Stroessner loyalists. Hours after Stroessner's surrender, Rodr�guez assumed the presidency. Rodr�guez named a nine-member cabinet that had only one Stroessner holdover--the technocratic agriculture and livestock minister Hernando Bertoni Agr�n--and included General Machuca as interior minister, Arga�a as foreign minister, and Chaves as minister without portfolio. Rodr�guez also appointed Chaves and Arga�a as president and vice president, respectively, of the Council of State, a body that is primarily advisory in nature but that has the power to issue decrees during the legislature's recess.

The traditionalist resurgence was solidified by the selection of Chaves, Arga�a, and Ynsfr�n as president, first vice president, and second vice president, respectively, of the Colorado Party, and the removal of all militants from the National Committee. Chaves also dissolved all party local committees (seccionales) and called for new party elections by March 19, 1989. The new government went to great lengths to insist that its actions were based on the Constitution of 1967. Because the previous president had "resigned," Rodr�guez's title actually was the constitutionally mandated one of provisional president. Rodr�guez's call for a new presidential election on May 1, 1989, was consistent with Article 179 of the Constitution, which requires such an election within ninety days upon the resignation of a president who has served fewer than two years of his term. (Stroessner had begun serving his eighth term as president in August 1988.) Again consistent with the Constitution, the winner of the May 1989 election would not serve a five-year term but only the unexpired portion of Stroessner's term.

Even Rodr�guez's decision on February 6, 1989, to dissolve the National Congress and to call for new elections in May--an action designed to purge the militants--was given a constitutional twist. Arga�a informed the media that Article 182 empowered the president to dissolve the legislature if the latter's actions distorted the balance of the three branches of government and adversely affected compliance with the Constitution. Arga�a also announced that the Council of State would exercise its constitutional prerogative to issue decrees during the legislature's absence. In his first three weeks in office, Rodr�guez contended that Paraguay had become a much more democratic and open country. Indeed, much that occurred during this period would have been inconceivable under Stroessner's rule. The government announced that all political parties except the Paraguayan Communist Party (Partido Comunista Paraguayo) could complete in the May 1989 elections.

This was an extraordinary turn of events for the parties comprising the National Accord (Acuerdo Nacional)--the Authentic Radical Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Radical Aut�ntico--PLRA), the Christian Democratic Party (Partido Dem�crata Cristiana), the Febrerista Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Febrerista-- PRF), and the Colorado Popular Movement (Movimiento Popular Colorado--Mopoco)--all of whose leaders had been repressed by Stroessner. Actually, Mopoco did not even have to plan for the elections because the traditionalists welcomed the movement back into the Colorado fold after thirty years in exile. The government not only authorized a National Accord rally on February 11 but also permitted it to broadcast live on television. For the first time in their history, Colorados opened their party headquarters to the opposition and warmly received an address by PLRA leader Domingo La�no. A few days after the coup, Humberto Rub�n's Radio �andut� was back on the air and the PRF's newspaper El Pueblo was publishing once again; the police had forced both to close in 1987.

The new minister of education and worship stated that teachers need not join the Colorado Party as a condition of employment. Even a rapprochement with the church was in evidence. Rodr�guez and Rol�n embraced at a special mass to honor those who had died in the coup. In its first public statement, the new Council of State invited Rol�n to reoccupy the seat on the council that was reserved under the Constitution for the archbishop of Asunci�n. Rol�n had boycotted council meetings for many years as a protest against Stroessner's repression of the church. Despite these remarkable developments, many observers remained skeptical concerning the flowering of democracy in Paraguay. From 1954 to 1987, traditionalists served as major collaborators of the Stronato. Positioned at all levels of government, traditionalists helped construct and institutionalize authoritarianism in Paraguay. For example, the Supreme Court rarely issued decisions at odds with the executive branch. Traditionalist legislators routinely enacted laws that served Stroessner's interest.

After the coup, traditionalist leaders contended that Stroessner was a great president for thirty-three years but became surrounded by a group of "irresponsible, voracious politicians" in 1987. Such a contention appeared at odds with the structures of authoritarianism that had been in place by the mid-1950s. Observers also questioned the traditionalist pledge to weed out corruption in government. Following the coup, police arrested over thirty members of Stroessner's government, including Abdo Ben�tez, Godoy, Aquino, Central Bank director C�sar Romeo Acosta, and Post Office director Modesto Esquivel. (Montanaro avoided arrest by fleeing to the Honduran embassy in Asunci�n, and Jacquet had the good fortune of being out of the country at the time of the coup.) Interior Minister Machuca announced that those arrested would be tried for corruption. Smuggling and corruption, however, did not begin in 1987 but were endemic throughout the Stronato, presumably to the benefit of many in the traditionalist camp. Many observers also contended that President Rodr�guez had been a major practitioner of smuggling and corruption over the past thirty years.

Critics charged that Rodr�guez had become a millionaire by smuggling cigarettes and whiskey into Paraguay. Rodr�guez's residence, a three-story palace reportedly modeled after Versailles, was one of the most sumptuous in Asunci�n. Rodr�guez's businesses, which were believed to include an air taxi service and a brewery in addition to his currency exchange house, reportedly benefited from the clout that the general exercised. The most serious allegations against Rodr�guez concerned his reported involvement with narcotics trafficking. In the early 1970s, Rodr�guez allegedly protected the heroin-smuggling operation of Auguste Ricord, who used Asunci�n as a transshipment point for narcotics sent from Marseilles to New York. In 1985 police seized forty-three kilograms of cocaine from an airplane allegedly flown by Rodr�guez's personal pilot. The new president denied these allegations and pledged to wage "a firm and intransigent struggle against drug trafficking." Less than a month after the coup, its real significance thus remained unclear. Certainly the new government was much more tolerant of opposition activities than was its predecessor. This tolerance created opportunities by allowing the opposition to organize openly for the first time.

Rodr�guez's determination to project a democratic image also limited his ability to employ Stroessner's repressive tactics. But serious questions remained. The Colorado Party's organizational muscle was such that it was expected to win the May election handily, even without relying on electoral fraud. But if the opposition somehow won, many believed that the Colorados would not surrender power. Observers awaited future developments to determine if the coup was a breakthrough for democracy or the consolidation of authoritarian rule. Custom Search Paraguay Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Fact Sheet September 7, 2016 More information about Paraguay is available on the Paraguay Page and from other Department of State publications and other sources listed at the end of this fact sheet. U.S.-PARAGUAY RELATIONS The United States established diplomatic relations with Paraguay in 1861, approximately fifty years after Paraguay declared independence from Spain. Post-independence, Paraguay experienced a mix of coups, civil war, and dictatorships, with a more recent transition to civilian leadership and democratic elections. The United States supports the consolidation of Paraguay's democracy and continued economic reform—the cornerstones of cooperation among countries in the hemisphere.

The United States-Paraguay partnership is founded upon a long history of cooperation, strong common interests, an important bilateral trade relationship, and mutual respect between our governments and people. Paraguay is a partner in hemispheric initiatives to improve counter-narcotics cooperation, protect intellectual property rights, combat money laundering, trafficking in persons, and other illicit cross-border activities. Paraguay has taken significant steps to combat illegal activity in the tri-border area it shares with Argentina and Brazil. It also participates in antiterrorism programs and fora with its neighbors and the United States. The United States looks to Paraguay, which has tropical forest and riverine resources, to engage in hemispheric efforts to ensure sustainable development. U.S. Assistance to Paraguay The U.S. Government aids the Government of Paraguay in stemming corruption, creating jobs, reducing rural poverty, and countering international criminal organizations operating in the country. A particular emphasis is placed on supporting vulnerable groups such as women, girls, indigenous peoples, and youth. U.S. assistance is aimed at improving the stability and security of Paraguay by strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, increasing economic opportunities, encouraging a more efficient business environment, and institutionalizing democratic reforms.

Bilateral Economic Relations Paraguay has a small but rapidly growing open economy with a strong macroeconomic position and the potential for continued growth over the next decade. Major drivers of economic growth in Paraguay are the agriculture, retail, and construction sectors. There is a large subsistence sector and a large underground re-export sector, including the import of goods from Asia and the United States for re-export to neighboring countries. U.S.-Paraguay goods trade was $1.7 billion in 2015. U.S. exports to Paraguay include machinery, oil, toys and sports equipment, and vehicles. U.S. imports from Paraguay include sugar, oil seeds, gold, wood, and products of animal origin. The United States is one of the largest foreign investors in Paraguay. More than a dozen U.S. multinational firms have subsidiaries in Paraguay, including firms in the computer, agro-industrial, telecom, banking, and other service industries. Some 75 U.S. businesses have agents or representatives in Paraguay. Paraguay and the United States discuss investment and trade priorities at the Joint Council on Trade and Investment, a bilateral mechanism to advance common investment and trade objectives.

Paraguay's Membership in International Organizations Paraguay and the United States belong to a number of the same international organizations, including the United Nations, Organization of American States, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and the World Trade Organization. Both countries also share a partnership through 100,000 Strong in the Americas, which seeks to increase the amount of US students studying across the Western Hemisphere to 100,000.Our delegations cooperate on human rights in international fora such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Council. Bilateral Representation The U.S. Ambassador to Paraguay is Leslie Bassett . Other principal embassy officials are listed in the Department's Key Officer’s List . Paraguay maintains an embassy in the United States at 2400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-483-6960). More information about Paraguay is available from the Department of State and other sources, some of which are listed here: Paraguay | history - geography | Britannica.com Country Data Overview (PDF) Paraguay, landlocked country in south-central South America .

Paraguay’s recent history has been characterized by turbulence and authoritarian rule. It was involved in two of the three major wars on the continent—the War of the Triple Alliance (1864/65–70), against Argentina , Brazil , and Uruguay , and the Chaco War (1932–35), against Bolivia. Moreover, a civil war in 1947 and the long dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner (1954–89) left a deep legacy of fear and self-censorship among Paraguayans, who began to overcome those impediments only in the early 21st century. Since 1989 the democratization process has been rocky, and Paraguay has experienced bouts of instability in its military, the assassination of a vice president in 1999, and the indictment of former presidents Juan Carlos Wasmosy (1993–98) and Luis González Macchi (1999–2003) on corruption charges.

In 2008 Paraguay’s Colorado Party, the longest continuously ruling political party in the world, lost power for the first time since 1947, though it returned to power in 2013. The national capital is Asunción . Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Paraguay River near Asunción, Paraguay. Hubertus Kanus/Superstock Paraguay has a more-homogeneous population than most other countries in South America; most Paraguayans are of European and Guaraní ancestry. The Guaraní culture is strongly represented through folk art and festivals, and Guaraní was designated an official language of Paraguay in the country’s 1992 constitution. Paraguayans are intensely nationalistic and are proud to converse in Guaraní, which acts as a strong marker of their identity. That indigenous language is much more widely spoken in Paraguay than is Spanish, which is unique in Latin America. Related People Francisco Solano López Rivers play an extremely important role in the economic life of Paraguay.

Indeed, the name of the country is said to derive from the Guaraní word meaning “river that gives birth to the sea.” Rivers provide access to the Atlantic Ocean and serve as sites for the hydroelectric power plants that have made Paraguay one of the world’s largest exporters of hydropower. The country is also a major world producer of soybeans, and Paraguayans in parts of the fertile eastern border region have achieved relatively high standards of living based on modern diversified agricultural production. The growth of cooperative farms throughout Paraguay has increased the quality of life for many farmers who previously had depended on small-scale farms dedicated to the cultivation of a single crop. Nevertheless, the issue of land reform has remained unresolved since the 1880s and has given rise to extreme levels of inequality since the 1990s. Page 1 of 11 Paraguay - Student Encyclopedia (Ages 11 and up) Located in the interior of southern South America, Paraguay is one of the smaller countries of the continent, with an area of 157,048 square miles (406,752 square kilometers). Its population is about 3.9 million.

Argentina on the south and west, Brazil on the east, and Bolivia on the west and north surround the country. The Argentina boundary is entirely of rivers, with the Parana, Paraguay, and Pilcomayo half encircling the country. The Paraguay River cuts the country into two parts and in its upper course forms much of the eastern boundary with Brazil. West of the river is the Gran Chaco, with 60 percent of Paraguay’s territory and less than 5 percent of its population. Article Contributors Paraguay - Rivers Rivers Paraguay Table of Contents Rivers have greatly influenced the character of the country. The R�o Paraguay and R�o Paran� and their tributaries define most of the country's borders, provide all its drainage, and serve as transportation routes. Most of the larger towns of the interior, as well as Asunci�n, are river ports. The R�o Paraguay has a total course of 2,600 kilometers, 2,300 of which are navigable and 1,200 of which either border on or pass through Paraguay.

The head of navigation is located in Brazil, and during most years vessels with twenty-one-meter drafts can reach Concepci�n without difficulty. Medium-sized ocean vessels can sometimes reach Asunci�n, but the twisting course and shifting sandbars can make this transit difficult. Although sluggish and shallow, the river sometimes overflows its low banks, forming temporary swamps and flooding villages. River islands, meander scars, and oxbow (U-shaped) lakes attest to frequent changes in course. The major tributaries entering the R�o Paraguay from the Parane�a region--such as the R�o Apa, R�o Aquidab�n, and R�o Tebicuary--descend rapidly from their sources in the Paran� Plateau to the lower lands; there they broaden and become sluggish as they meander westward. After heavy rains these rivers sometimes inundate nearby lowlands. About 4,700 kilometers long, the R�o Paran� is the second major river in the country.

From Salto del Guair�, where the river enters Paraguay, the R�o Paran� flows 800 kilometers to its juncture with the R�o Paraguay and then continues southward to the R�o de la Plata Estuary at Buenos Aires, Argentina. In general, the R�o Paran� is navigable by large ships only up to Encarnaci�n but smaller boats may go somewhat farther. In summer months the river is deep enough to permit vessels with drafts of up to three meters to reach Salto del Guair�, but seasonal and other occasional conditions severely limit the river's navigational value. On the upper course, sudden floods may raise the water level by as much as five meters in twenty-four hours; west of Encarnaci�n, however, the rocks of the riverbed sometimes come within one meter of the surface during winter and effectively sever communication between the upper river and Buenos Aires. The rivers flowing eastward across the Parane�a region as tributaries of the R�o Paran� are shorter, faster-flowing, and narrower than the tributaries of the R�o Paraguay.

Sixteen of these rivers and numerous smaller streams enter the R�o Paran� above Encarnaci�n. Paraguay's third largest river, the R�o Pilcomayo, flows into the R�o Paraguay near Asunci�n after demarcating the entire border between the Chaco region and Argentina. During most of its course, the river is sluggish and marshy, although small craft can navigate its lower reaches. When the R�o Pilcomayo overflows its low banks, it feeds the Estero Pati�o. Drainage in the Chaco region is generally poor because of the flatness of the land and the small number of important streams. In many parts of the region, the water table is only a meter beneath the surface of the ground, and there are numerous small ponds and seasonal marshes. As a consequence of the poor drainage, most of the water is too salty for drinking or irrigation.

Because of the seasonal overflow of the numerous westwardflowing streams, the lowland areas of the Parane�a region also experience poor drainage conditions, particularly in the �eembuc� Plain in the southwest, where an almost impervious clay subsurface prevents the absorption of excess surface water into the aquifer. About 30 percent of the Parane�a region is flooded from time to time, creating extensive areas of seasonal marshlands. Permanent bogs are found only near the largest geographic depressions, however. Custom Search

Question: With which country does Paraguay have its longest land border?
Answer: ARGENTINA