James Monroe - U.S. Presidents - HISTORY.com Google Early Years James Monroe was born on April 28, 1758, in Westmoreland County, Virginia , to Spence Monroe (1727-74), a farmer and carpenter, and Elizabeth Jones Monroe (1730-74). In 1774, at age 16, Monroe entered the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia. He cut his college studies short in 1776 to join the Continental Army and fight for independence from Great Britain in the American Revolutionary War (1775-83). Did You Know? Monrovia, the capital of the West African country Liberia, is named after James Monroe. As president, Monroe supported the work of the American Colonization Society to create a home for freed African slaves in Liberia. During the war, Monroe saw action in battles in New York , New Jersey and Pennsylvania .

He was wounded at the Battle of Trenton, New Jersey, in 1776, and was with General George Washington (1732-99) and his troops at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, during the difficult winter of 1777 to 1778. During his time with the army, Monroe became acquainted with Thomas Jefferson , then the governor of Virginia. In 1780, Monroe began studying law under Jefferson, who would become his political mentor and friend. (Over a decade later, in 1793, Monroe bought a farm, named Highland, located next to Monticello , Jefferson’s Charlottesville, Virginia, estate.) The Virginia Politician Following his military service, Monroe embarked on a career in politics. In 1782, he became a delegate in the Virginia Assembly and the following year was chosen as a Virginia representative to the Congress of the Confederation, America’s governing body from 1781 to 1789. In 1786, Monroe married Elizabeth Kortright (1768-1830), the teenage daughter of a New York merchant. The couple had two daughters and a son who died as an infant.

While in Congress, Monroe supported the efforts of fellow Virginia politician (and the future fourth U.S. president) James Madison (1751-1836) to create a new U.S. constitution. However, once written, Monroe felt the document gave too much power to the government and did not sufficiently protect individual rights. Despite Monroe’s opposition, the Constitution was ratified in 1789, and in 1790 he took a seat in the U.S. Senate, representing Virginia. As a senator, Monroe sided with Madison, then a U.S. congressman, and Jefferson, then the U.S. secretary of state, both of whom were against greater federal control at the cost of state and individual rights. In 1792, Monroe joined forces with the two men to found the Democratic-Republican Party, which opposed Alexander Hamilton (1755-1804) and the Federalists who were fighting for increased federal power. A Leader at Home and Abroad In 1794, President George Washington (1732-99) appointed Monroe as minister to France, in an effort to help improve relations with that nation.

At the time, France and Great Britain were at war. Monroe had some initial success in strengthening Franco-American ties; however, relations soured with the November 1794 signing of the controversial Jay’s Treaty, an agreement between the U.S. and Britain that regulated commerce and navigation. Monroe, who was critical of the treaty, was released from his post by Washington in 1796. Monroe resumed his political career in 1799, when he became governor of Virginia. He held this office for three years until President Thomas Jefferson requested that Monroe return to France to help negotiate the purchase of the port of New Orleans . In France, Monroe learned that French leader Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) wanted to sell the entire Louisiana Territory (the land extending between the Mississippi River and Rocky Mountains and the Gulf of Mexico to present-day Canada), not only New Orleans, for $15 million. Monroe and the U.S. minister to France, Robert R. Livingston, did not have time to gain presidential approval for such a large purchase. Instead, they approved and signed the Louisiana Purchase agreement themselves in 1803 and effectively doubled the size of the United States.

Monroe, who garnered acclaim for the Louisiana Purchase, then became the minister to Great Britain and drafted a treaty that would help strengthen the bonds between Britain and the U.S. Jefferson, however, did not approve the treaty because it did not stem Britain’s practice of capturing American sailors for its own navy. Monroe was upset by Jefferson’s actions and his friendship with both Jefferson and his secretary of state, Madison, soured. In 1808, still angry about how his treaty was handled by Jefferson and Madison, Monroe ran for president against Madison. He lost. However, the ill feelings between the two men did not last. In 1811, Madison asked Monroe, who was once again governor of Virginia, to be his secretary of state. Monroe agreed, and proved to be a strong asset to Madison as America battled Britain in the War of 1812 . During his tenure as secretary of state, which lasted until March 1817, Monroe also served as secretary of war from 1814 to 1815. The previous holder of that post, John Armstrong, was forced to resign following the burning of Washington, D.C. , by the British in August 1814.

The “Era of Good Feelings” In 1816, Monroe ran for president again, as a Democratic-Republican, and this time handily defeated Federalist candidate Rufus King (1755-1827). When he was sworn into office on March 4, 1817, Monroe became the first U.S. president to have his ceremony outdoors and give his inaugural address to the public. The new president and his family could not take up immediate residence in the White House , because it had been destroyed by the British in 1814. Instead, they lived in a home on I Street in Washington, until the rebuilt White House was ready for occupancy in 1818. Monroe’s presidency ushered in what was known as the “Era of Good Feelings.” The U.S. had a new sense of confidence from its various victories during the War of 1812 and was growing quickly and offering new opportunities to its citizens. Additionally, fighting between the Democratic-Republicans and Federalists was finally beginning to ebb. One issue Monroe had to contend with during his first term in office was deteriorating relations with Spain. Conflicts arose between the U.S.

military in Georgia and pirates and Native Americans in the Spanish-held territory of Florida . In 1819, Monroe was able to successfully address the problem by negotiating for the purchase of Florida for $5 million, further expanding U.S. territories. With all the expansion came significant money troubles. Speculators were borrowing large sums of money to purchase land to sell to settlers and banks were leveraging assets they did not have in order to loan the money. This, along with diminished trade between the U.S. and Europe, led to a four-year economic downturn, known as the Panic of 1819. Slavery was also becoming a contentious issue during Monroe’s presidency. The North had banned slavery, but the Southern states still supported it. In 1818, Missouri wanted to join the Union; the North wanted it to be declared a free state while the South wanted it to be a slave state. Finally, an agreement was made allowing Missouri to join the Union as a slave state and Maine to join as a free state. The Missouri Compromise soon followed, outlawing slavery in the Louisiana Territory above the parallel 36°30′ north, excluding the state of Missouri.

Although Monroe did not think Congress had the constitutional authority to impose such conditions on Missouri’s admission to the Union, he signed the Missouri Compromise in 1820 in an effort to avoid civil war. A Second Term and the Monroe Doctrine In 1820, though the U.S. economy was suffering, Monroe ran unopposed and was elected to a second term as president. During this term, he wanted to exert the growing power of the U.S. in the world arena and make a statement of support for free governments in the Americas. Monroe was helped greatly with foreign policy by his secretary of state, John Quincy Adams (1767-1848). With Adams’ assistance, Monroe addressed Congress in 1823 with what became known as his Monroe Doctrine , which in part developed out of his concern that European powers would want to re-establish Spanish control of South America. In this address, Monroe declared an end to European colonization in the Western Hemisphere and forbid European countries from intervening in the American continents, including any U.S. territories and Central and South America. The Monroe Doctrine formally established a special relationship between the United States and Central and South America, and the U.S.

would use this opportunity to invest in Latin America and assist with military intervention when necessary. In turn, Monroe promised that the U.S. would not interfere with European territories or any wars among them. The Monroe Doctrine was well received and became an important tool in later disputes over American territory. In addition, Monroe continued to lead the U.S. in expanding westward across the continent. He helped build transportation infrastructure and laid the foundation for America to become a world power. Five states entered the Union during Monroe’s time in office: Mississippi (1817), Illinois (1818), Alabama (1819), Maine (1820) and Missouri (1821). Later Years In 1825, Monroe left office and retired to Virginia, where he helped preside over a new state constitution in 1829. After his wife died in 1830, Monroe moved in with his daughter in New York City , where he died on July 4, 1831, at age 73. His passing came exactly five years after the deaths of fellow presidents Thomas Jefferson and John Adams (1735-1826).

In 1858, Monroe’s body was re-interred at the Hollywood Cemetery in his home state of Virginia. Access hundreds of hours of historical video, commercial free, with HISTORY Vault . Start your free trial today. Tags Milestones: 1945–1952 - Office of the Historian Milestones: 1945–1952 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), 1949 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was created in 1949 by the United States, Canada, and several Western European nations to provide collective security against the Soviet Union. Signing of the NATO Treaty NATO was the first peacetime military alliance the United States entered into outside of the Western Hemisphere. After the destruction of the Second World War, the nations of Europe struggled to rebuild their economies and ensure their security. The former required a massive influx of aid to help the war-torn landscapes re-establish industries and produce food, and the latter required assurances against a resurgent Germany or incursions from the Soviet Union. The United States viewed an economically strong, rearmed, and integrated Europe as vital to the prevention of communist expansion across the continent.

As a result, Secretary of State George Marshall proposed a program of large-scale economic aid to Europe. The resulting European Recovery Program, or Marshall Plan , not only facilitated European economic integration but promoted the idea of shared interests and cooperation between the United States and Europe. Soviet refusal either to participate in the Marshall Plan or to allow its satellite states in Eastern Europe to accept the economic assistance helped to reinforce the growing division between east and west in Europe. In 1947–1948, a series of events caused the nations of Western Europe to become concerned about their physical and political security and the United States to become more closely involved with European affairs. The ongoing civil war in Greece, along with tensions in Turkey, led President Harry S. Truman to assert that the United States would provide economic and military aid to both countries, as well as to any other nation struggling against an attempt at subjugation . A Soviet-sponsored coup in Czechoslovakia resulted in a communist government coming to power on the borders of Germany. Attention also focused on elections in Italy as the communist party had made significant gains among Italian voters. Furthermore, events in Germany also caused concern.

The occupation and governance of Germany after the war had long been disputed, and in mid-1948, Soviet premier Joseph Stalin chose to test Western resolve by implementing a blockade against West Berlin, which was then under joint U.S., British, and French control but surrounded by Soviet-controlled East Germany. This Berlin Crisis brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of conflict, although a massive airlift to resupply the city for the duration of the blockade helped to prevent an outright confrontation. These events caused U.S. officials to grow increasingly wary of the possibility that the countries of Western Europe might deal with their security concerns by negotiating with the Soviets. To counter this possible turn of events, the Truman Administration considered the possibility of forming a European-American alliance that would commit the United States to bolstering the security of Western Europe. Signing of the Brussels Treaty The Western European countries were willing to consider a collective security solution. In response to increasing tensions and security concerns, representatives of several countries of Western Europe gathered together to create a military alliance. Great Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg signed the Brussels Treaty in March, 1948.

Their treaty provided collective defense; if any one of these nations was attacked, the others were bound to help defend it. At the same time, the Truman Administration instituted a peacetime draft, increased military spending, and called upon the historically isolationist Republican Congress to consider a military alliance with Europe. In May of 1948, Republican Senator Arthur H. Vandenburg proposed a resolution suggesting that the President seek a security treaty with Western Europe that would adhere to the United Nations charter but exist outside of the Security Council where the Soviet Union held veto power. The Vandenburg Resolution passed, and negotiations began for the North Atlantic Treaty. In spite of general agreement on the concept behind the treaty, it took several months to work out the exact terms. The U.S. Congress had embraced the pursuit of the international alliance, but it remained concerned about the wording of the treaty. The nations of Western Europe wanted assurances that the United States would intervene automatically in the event of an attack, but under the U.S. Constitution the power to declare war rested with Congress. Negotiations worked toward finding language that would reassure the European states but not obligate the United States to act in a way that violated its own laws.

Additionally, European contributions to collective security would require large-scale military assistance from the United States to help rebuild Western Europe’s defense capabilities. While the European nations argued for individual grants and aid, the United States wanted to make aid conditional on regional coordination. A third issue was the question of scope. The Brussels Treaty signatories preferred that membership in the alliance be restricted to the members of that treaty plus the United States. The U.S. negotiators felt there was more to be gained from enlarging the new treaty to include the countries of the North Atlantic, including Canada, Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Ireland, and Portugal. Together, these countries held territory that formed a bridge between the opposite shores of the Atlantic Ocean, which would facilitate military action if it became necessary. President Truman inspecting a tank produced under the Mutual Defense Assistance Program The result of these extensive negotiations was the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. In this agreement, the United States, Canada, Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, and the United Kingdom agreed to consider attack against one an attack against all, along with consultations about threats and defense matters.

This collective defense arrangement only formally applied to attacks against the signatories that occurred in Europe or North America; it did not include conflicts in colonial territories. After the treaty was signed, a number of the signatories made requests to the United States for military aid. Later in 1949, President Truman proposed a military assistance program, and the Mutual Defense Assistance Program passed the U.S. Congress in October, appropriating some $1.4 billion dollars for the purpose of building Western European defenses. Soon after the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the outbreak of the Korean War led the members to move quickly to integrate and coordinate their defense forces through a centralized headquarters. The North Korean attack on South Korea was widely viewed at the time to be an example of communist aggression directed by Moscow, so the United States bolstered its troop commitments to Europe to provide assurances against Soviet aggression on the European continent. In 1952, the members agreed to admit Greece and Turkey to NATO and added the Federal Republic of Germany in 1955. West German entry led the Soviet Union to retaliate with its own regional alliance, which took the form of the Warsaw Treaty Organization and included the Soviet satellite states of Eastern Europe as members.

The collective defense arrangements in NATO served to place the whole of Western Europe under the American “nuclear umbrella.” In the 1950s, one of the first military doctrines of NATO emerged in the form of “massive retaliation,” or the idea that if any member was attacked, the United States would respond with a large-scale nuclear attack. The threat of this form of response was meant to serve as a deterrent against Soviet aggression on the continent. Although formed in response to the exigencies of the developing Cold War, NATO has lasted beyond the end of that conflict, with membership even expanding to include some former Soviet states. It remains the largest peacetime military alliance in the world. From Neutrality to War: The United States and Europe, 1921–1941 | EDSITEment From Neutrality to War: The United States and Europe, 1921–1941 (4 Lessons) Tools The Unit Overview In the years after World War I Americans quickly reached the conclusion that their country's participation in that war had been a disastrous mistake, one which should never be repeated again.

During the 1920s and 1930s, therefore, they pursued a number of strategies aimed at preventing war. At first the major players in this effort were American peace societies, many of which were part of larger international movements. Their agenda called for large-scale disarmament and an international treaty to abolish war. Their efforts bore fruit, as 1922 saw the signing of a major agreement among the great powers to reduce their numbers of battleships. Six years later most of the world's nations signed the Kellogg-Briand Pact, in which the signatories pledged never again to go to war with one another. However, events in the early- to mid-1930s led many Americans to believe that such agreements were insufficient. After all, they did not deter Japan from occupying Manchuria in 1931, nor four years later did they stop the German government from authorizing a huge new arms buildup, or Italy from invading Ethiopia. The U.S. Congress responded by passing the Neutrality Acts, a series of laws banning arms sales and loans to countries at war, in the hope that this would remove any potential reason that the United States might have for entering a European conflict.

When in 1939 war did break out between Germany on the one hand, and Britain and France on the other, President Franklin D. Roosevelt dutifully invoked the Neutrality Acts. However, he believed that this was a fundamentally different war from World War I. Germany, he believed (and most Americans agreed with him) was in this case a clear aggressor. Roosevelt therefore sought to provide assistance for the Allies, while still keeping the United States out of the war. He began by asking Congress to amend the neutrality laws to allow arms sales to the Allies. Later on, after German forces overran France, the president asked Congress for a massive program of direct military aid to Great Britain—an initiative that Roosevelt dubbed "Lend-Lease." In both cases the legislature agreed to FDR's proposals, but only after intense debate. The question of how involved the United States should become in the European war deeply divided the country. On the one hand, Roosevelt and the so-called "internationalists" claimed that a program of aid to Great Britain and other countries fighting against Germany would make actual U.S. participation in the war unnecessary.

On the other side stood those who were called "isolationists," who believed that the president's policies were making it increasingly likely that the country would end up in another disastrous foreign war. This debate was still raging when Japanese aircraft attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. At this point it was clear that, like it or not, the United States would be a full participant in the Second World War. Guiding Questions How did Americans' disillusionment with World War I help to shape U.S. foreign policy during the 1920s? Did the neutrality laws of the 1930s represent an effective U.S. response to world affairs? How did the American conception of "neutrality" change during the first fifteen months of World War II in Europe? Was this change a positive or a negative development? Which side offered the better approach to U.S. foreign relations—the "internationalists" or the "isolationists"? Learning Objectives List the main reasons for the growth of antiwar sentiment after World War I. Identify the U.S. foreign policy initiatives of the 1920s that aimed toward the prevention of war.

Assess the strengths and weaknesses of the Five-Power Treaty and the Kellogg-Briand Pact as means of preventing war. Explain the "Merchants of Death" thesis and how it shaped the U.S. approach to neutrality. List the main terms of the neutrality laws passed during the 1930s. Identify the major events of European history between 1935 and 1941, and how they shaped the debate over U.S. neutrality. Assess the overall effectiveness of U.S. neutrality policy during this period. Explain Roosevelt's concept of neutrality in the context of the European war. Articulate how Roosevelt sought to revise the neutrality laws in line with this understanding. Explain the arguments both for and against Roosevelt's decision in late 1940 to extend military aid to Great Britain. Articulate the main arguments used in 1941 for and against greater U.S. involvement in the European war. List the Roosevelt administration's major foreign policy initiatives regarding the war in Europe, and explain the significance of each.

Assess the strengths and weaknesses of the "internationalist" and "isolationist" positions, and advance an argument as to which was the better approach. Identify on a blank map the locations of the major events in Europe from 1935 to 1941. Preparation Instructions Review the lesson plans in the unit. Locate and bookmark suggested materials and links from EDSITEment-reviewed websites used in these lessons. Download and print out selected documents and duplicate copies as necessary for student viewing. Alternatively, excerpted versions of these documents are available as part of the downloadable PDFs. Download the Text Documents for the lessons, available as PDFs. These files contain excerpted versions of the documents used in all each lesson, as well as questions for students to answer. Print out and make an appropriate number of copies of the handouts you plan to use in class. Finally, familiarize yourself with the interactive timeline "America on the Sidelines: The United States and World Affairs, 1931-1941" that accompanies this lesson.

This timeline will, through text and maps, guide students through the major events in Europe from 1933 to 1941, and will ask students for each event to identify (choosing from among a menu of options) how the United States responded to it. Analyzing primary sources If your students lack experience in dealing with primary sources, you might use one or more preliminary exercises to help them develop these skills. The Learning Page at the American Memory Project of the Library of Congress includes a set of such activities. Another useful resource is the Digital Classroom of the National Archives, which features a set of Document Analysis Worksheets . The Lessons EUROPA - The Founding Fathers of the EU Europa ECAS Login Create an ECAS account The Founding Fathers of the EU Konrad Adenauer | Joseph Bech | Johan Willem Beyen | Winston Churchill | Alcide De Gasperi | Walter Hallstein | Sicco Mansholt | Jean Monnet | Robert Schuman | Paul-Henri Spaak | Altiero Spinelli The following visionary leaders inspired the creation of the European Union we live in today. Without their energy and motivation we would not be living in the sphere of peace and stability that we take for granted.

From resistance fighters to lawyers, the founding fathers were a diverse group of people who held the same ideals: a peaceful, united and prosperous Europe. Beyond the founding fathers described below, many others have worked tirelessly towards and inspired the European project. This section on the founding fathers is therefore a work in progress. Konrad Adenauer a pragmatic democrat and tireless unifier The first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, who stood at the head of the newly-formed state from 1949-63, changed the face of post-war German and European history more than any other individual. A cornerstone of Adenauer's foreign policy was reconciliation with France. Together with French President Charles de Gaulle a historic turning point was achieved: in 1963 the one-time arch-enemies Germany and France signed a treaty of friendship, which became one of the milestones on the road to European integration.

Transcript Konrad Adenauer, speaking on 2 July 1966 in Metz If we succeed in creating an organisation that allows the French to see everything that goes on in steel manufacturing and coal mining in Germany – and if, in turn, the Germans can see what's happening in these fields in France – then this system of mutual control is the ideal way to pursue a policy based on trust. Konrad Adenauer spricht am 2. Juli 1966 in Metz Wenn es uns gelingt, eine Organisation zu schaffen, die den Franzosen gestattet, alles das zu sehen, was auf dem Gebiete der Fabrikation von Stahl und der Förderung von Kohle in Deutschland vor sich geht und, wenn umgekehrt, die Deutschen sehen, was in Frankreich vor sich geht, dann ist diese gegenseitige Kontrolle das beste Mittel, um eine Politik zu treiben, die sich auf Vertrauen gründet.

Joseph Bech how a small country can play a crucial role in European integration Joseph Bech was the Luxembourgish politician that helped set up the European Coal and Steel Community in the early 1950s and a leading architect behind European integration in the later 1950s. It was a joint memorandum from the Benelux countries that led to the convening of the Messina Conference in June 1955, paving the way for the European Economic Community. Transcript Joseph Bech, speaking in Strasbourg in 1968 Why did we really launch the European project after the Second World War? Because we thought it imperative to build a new Europe, one in which France and Germany could be reconciled. And we find that at least in this area – which was a key area, since peace in Europe depends on it – we created the idea of a united Europe, the embodiment of the struggle for a united Europe. Joseph Bech parle en 1968 à Strasbourg Pourquoi est-ce qu’en réalité nous avons voulu faire l’Europe au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ?

Nous pensions qu’il fallait absolument créer une Europe nouvelle afin de permettre, dans ce cadre nouveau, de réconcilier la France et l’Allemagne. Et constatons que tout au moins dans ce domaine qui était un domaine essentiel, puisque c’est la paix en Europe qui en dépend, nous avons fait l’idée européenne ou l’un des motifs, l’un des objectifs de la lutte pour l’Europe unie a été atteint. Johan Willem Beyen a plan for a common market The international banker, businessman and politician Johan Willem Beyen was a Dutch politician who, with his 'Beyen Plan', breathed new life into the process of European integration in the mid-1950s. Beyen is one of the lesser-known members of the group of Founding Fathers of the EU. Amongst the people who knew him he was admired for his charm, international orientation and social ease. Transcript Winston Churchill speaking on 19 September 1946 in Zurich …we must re-create the European family in a regional structure called, it may be, the United States of Europe, and the first practical step will be to form a Council of Europe.

If at first all the States of Europe are not willing or able to join the union we must nevertheless proceed to assemble and combine those who will and those who can. Alcide De Gasperi an inspired mediator for democracy and freedom in Europe From 1945 to 1953, in his roles as Italian Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister, Alcide De Gasperi forged the path of the country’s destiny in the post-war years. Time and time again he promoted initiatives aimed at the fusion of Western Europe, working on the realisation of the Marshall Plan and creating close economic ties with other European countries, in particular France. Transcript Alcide De Gasperi, speaking on 12 January 1951 in Strasbourg If we do no more than create common administrations – without going as far as creating a higher, central authority that embodies, crystallises and nurtures national political authority, shaping it into a higher form – then the risk is that European institutions will seem bereft of warmth or higher ideals, when set aside the vitalities of nation states. They might even come to be perceived as an oppressive and needless straitjacket, like their precursors in the Holy Roman Empire during its decline.

Alcide De Gasperi parle le 12 janvier 1951 à Strasbourg Si nous ne bâtissons que des administrations communes sans qu'il y ait une volonté politique supérieure vérifiée par un organisme central, dans lesquels les volontés nationales se rencontrent, se précisent et se réchauffent dans une synthèse supérieure, nous risquons que cette activité européenne, comparée aux vitalités nationales particulières, paraisse sans chaleur, sans vie idéale. Il pourrait même apparaître à certain moment un harnachement superflu et peut être oppressif, tel que le Saint-Empire Romain apparu à certaine période de son déclin. Walter Hallstein a diplomatic force propelling swift European integration Walter Hallstein was the first President of the European Commission from 1958 to 1967, a committed European and a decisive proponent of European integration. As President of the European Commission, Hallstein worked towards a rapid realisation of the Common Market. His energetic enthusiasm and powers of persuasion furthered the cause of integration even beyond the period of his presidency.

During his mandate, the integration advanced significantly. Transcript Walter Hallstein speaking on 2 March 1953 in Strasbourg What propels us is known well enough – there is an indestructible sense of European identity. Only with a strong, united Europe can Europeans – and the world – really thrive. A splintered Europe will become the Balkans of the world, a standing invitation to others to interfere in our affairs. If we are to be heard, we must speak with one voice. And to that end, we would be best advised not to over-dramatise the occasional focus on individual balancing measures, or accumulations of them. Walter Hallstein spricht am 2. März 1953 in Straßburg Was uns vorwärts treibt, ist zur Genüge bekannt: Es gibt ein unzerstörbares europäisches Selbstgefühl. Nur mit einem starken, einigen Europa können die Europäer - und kann die Welt - wirklich gedeihen. Ein zersplittertes Europa wird zum Balkan der Welt werden und zur ständigen Einladung an andere, sich in seine Angelegenheiten einzumischen.

Es muss mit einer Stimme sprechen, um gehört zu werden. Nichts ist darum unangebrachter, als die von Zeit zu Zeit eintretende Konzentration auf einzelne Ausgleichsvorgänge oder ihre gelegentliche Kumulierung zu dramatisieren. Sicco Mansholt farmer, resistance fighter and a true European Sicco Mansholt was a farmer, a member of the Dutch resistance during the Second World War, a national politician and the first European Commissioner responsible for Agriculture. Mansholt's ideas laid the basis for the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union, one of the most prominent policies since its founding days. Having witnessed the horrors of the Dutch famine at the end of the Second World War, Mansholt was convinced that Europe needed to become self-sufficient and that a stable supply of affordable food should be guaranteed for all. Transcript Sicco Mansholt – 10 December 1968, Brussels The Commission has just explained to the Council of Ministers its views on what needs to happen in Europe's agricultural sector over the next 10 years.

It informed the Council that first a memorandum will be submitted regarding how agriculture is structured, in the broadest sense of the term. The measures involved are so far-reaching, not just financially but also structurally, that the Commission feels a memorandum is appropriate. Sicco Mansholt in gesprek op 10 december 1968 in Brussel De Commissie heeft dus zojuist aan de ministerraad een uiteenzetting gegeven van wat zij meent dat in de komende 10 jaar moet gebeuren in de Europese landbouw. Zij heeft dus meegedeeld dat er in de 1ste plaats een memorandum zal worden overgelegd ten aanzien van de agrarische structuur in de ruimste zin van het woord. Het zijn zulke ingrijpende maatregelen, niet alleen financieel diep ingrijpend maar ook structureel diep ingrijpend, dat zij meent dat de vorm van een memorandum de juiste is. Jean Monnet the unifying force behind the birth of the European Union The French political and economic adviser Jean Monnet dedicated himself to the cause of European integration.

He was the inspiration behind the 'Schuman Plan', which foresaw the merger of west European heavy industry. Monnet was from the Cognac region of France. When he left school at 16 he travelled internationally as a cognac dealer, later also as a banker. During both world wars he held high-level positions relating to the coordination of industrial production in France and the United Kingdom. Transcript Jean Monnet, speaking in Strasbourg in 1951 The decisions by this first European body – the High Authority – are implemented in our 6 countries as if they were one. This is one of the critical changes made under this venture, and at the same time, a test of its success. This first common market, the first supranational institutions – Europe is beginning to unite! Jean Monnet parle en 1951 à Strasbourg Les décisions de ce premier exécutif européen qu’est la Haute Autorité, sont exécutées dans nos six pays comme s'ils n’en faisaient qu'un. C'est là une des transformations essentielles que réalise notre entreprise et le test de sa réussite.

Ce premier marché commun, ces premières institutions supranationales, c'est l'Europe qui commence à s'unir. Robert Schuman the architect of the European integration project The statesman Robert Schuman, a qualified lawyer and French foreign minister between 1948 and 1952, is regarded as one of the founding fathers of European unity. In cooperation with Jean Monnet he drew up the internationally renowned Schuman Plan, which he published on 9 May 1950, the date now regarded as the birth of the European Union. He proposed joint control of coal and steel production, the most important materials for the armaments industry. The basic idea was that whoever did not have control over coal and steel production would not be able to fight a war. Transcript Robert Schuman makes his declaration on 9 May 1950 in Paris In championing the cause of a united Europe for over 20 years, France's main goal has always been to secure peace. Europe did not unite – and so we had war. And now European integration will not happen overnight, nor in a single guise. It will be built through concrete achievements, that first create solidarity on the ground.

To this end, the French government intends to place the entire Franco-German production of coal and steel under a common High Authority. Robert Schuman donne sa déclaration le 9 mai 1950 à Paris En se faisant depuis plus de 20 ans le champion d'une Europe unie, la France a toujours eu pour objet essentiel de servir la paix. L'Europe n'a pas été faite, nous avons eu la guerre. L'Europe ne se fera pas d'un coup, ni dans une construction d'ensemble. Elle se fera par des réalisations concrètes, créant d'abord une solidarité de fait. Le gouvernement français propose de placer l'ensemble de la production franco-allemande de charbon et d'acier sous une haute autorité commune. Paul-Henri Spaak a European visionary and talented persuader 'A European statesman' – Belgian Paul-Henri Spaak's long political career fully merits this title. Spaak was a leading figure in formulating the content of the Treaty of Rome.

At the 'Messina Conference' in 1955, the six participating governments appointed him president of the working committee that prepared the Treaty. Transcript Paul-Henri Spaak, speaking in Strasbourg on 11 December 1951 in Paris ... some may be barely aware of the relevance and usefulness of this venture – but for a number of us, the task before us is of the utmost import and urgency. I admire those who can stay calm, given the present state of Europe. The temptation is there to be terribly unforgiving, if our hand were not stayed so much by the parliamentary process ... but then look at the period we've just lived through! Paul-Henri Spaak parle le 11 décembre 1951 à Paris …alors que certains sont à peine touchés par l'intérêt et l'utilité de notre besogne, pour un certain nombre d'entre nous ce que nous aurions à faire ici c'est une chose vitale et d'une urgente nécessité. J'admire ceux qui peuvent rester calme dans l'état actuel de l'Europe.

On pourrait être terriblement cruel si nous n'étions pas forcé d'être aussi parlementaire.., mais tout de même retournez-vous un peu sur les années qui viennent de s'écouler! Altiero Spinelli an unrelenting federalist The Italian politician Altiero Spinelli was one of the fathers of the European Union. He was the leading figure behind the European Parliament's proposal for a Treaty on a federal European Union - the so-called 'Spinelli Plan'. This was adopted in 1984 by an overwhelming majority in the Parliament and provided an important inspiration for the strengthening of the EU Treaties in the 1980s and '90s.

Question: Which was the first European country to be led by a president?
Answer: France