School Sports - OVERVIEW, ROLE IN STUDENT'S SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT - Education, Youth, Athletes, and Schools - StateUniversity.com ROLE IN STUDENT'S SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Sharon Shields Elizabeth Gilbert OVERVIEW School sports refer to athletic programs in the context of the school setting. They refer most often to interschool competition at the middle/junior high school and high school levels in the United States. Interschool programs at the elementary level vary among communities. School sports also include intramural competition, but such programs are very rare. In the mid-1990s, intramural sports involved only about 450,000 middle, junior, and senior high school students, or 3 percent of the high school–aged population. Purposes of School Sports The objective of school sports is the enrichment of the high school experiences of students within the context of the educational mission of schools. As such, school sports should be educational and contribute to the overall education of all students, not athletes only.

Other objectives of school sports logically follow from the educational mission: citizenship, sportsmanship, fair play, teamwork, respect, and health and welfare of all students not only during the school years but continuing into adulthood. Origins of School Sports Two major forces were involved in the development of interscholastic sports in the United States: the school program, specifically physical education, and students. The initial focus was almost exclusively on boys. Within the school program, Luther Gulick established the New York Public Schools Athletic League (PSAL) in 1903, and similar leagues were organized in 177 cities by 1915. The purpose was to encourage a healthy, strong body and mind through competitive exercises. The PSAL initially conducted "class athletics" in grades five through eight at specific times each year, not interschool competition as it is known today. Class athletics included seasonal track and field events (fall, standing long jump; winter, chinning the bar; spring, running sprints). PSALs also emphasized swimming, popular sports of the times (baseball, football, basketball), and several minor games. Interscholastic high school sports for boys had their origins in student organizations in the 1880s.

They were motivated in part by intercollegiate sports, especially football, baseball, and track and field. Activities of sports clubs attracted the attention of administrators and faculty, who had major reservations about the time and energy devoted to sports and effects on the schools, including the small number of boys involved, quality of coaching (clubs often hired their own coaches), unsportsmanlike conduct, use of "ringers" (nonstudents, professionals), outof-town travel, length of schedule, interference with school work, lack of carry-over value, injury (especially in football), and emphasis on winning, among others. Although the welfare of high school athletes was a major issue, more important, perhaps, was concern of faculty and administrators for the reputations of the schools and the perceived need for adult control. These factors contributed to the formation of state high school athletic associations, such as those in Michigan (started in 1895) and Indiana (1903). State associations in Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Wisconsin formed the Midwest Federation of State High School Athletic Associations in 1921, which became the National Federation of State High School Athletic Associations in 1923.

The name was subsequently changed to the National Federation of State High School Associations in the 1970s when the fine arts were established as a program area. Two important factors in the acceptance, or perhaps tolerance, of interscholastic sports by administrators and faculty were the scholastic performance of boys and school retention. Boys did not do as well as girls in school, dropped out more often than girls did, and were commonly behind in grade level. Between 1890 and 1920, the majority of public school students (56%–58%) and graduates (61%–65%) were girls. Child labor and compulsory schooling laws, which were passed early in the twentieth century, contributed to increased school attendance. A related factor was the emergence of progressive education and how it addressed the needs and problems of boys in a coeducational setting. The percentage of women teachers in high schools increased (65% in 1920), and an important role was attributed to interscholastic sports in meeting the needs of boys in this context.

Educators "sought to instill a more masculine tone and temper in the schools, in part by co-opting the informal interscholastic athletics that the boys themselves had created" (Tyack and Hansot, p. 166). Interscholastic sports spread rapidly from the 1930s through the 1950s, at a time when the medical and physical education communities were opposed to competitive sports for elementary and junior high, and occasionally high school, students. Sport opportunities for females also increased, but school sports were largely the domain of males. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, which was implemented in 1975, increased sport opportunities for girls. Participation The estimated number of participants in high school sports from 1971 to 2000 is illustrated in Figure 1. While the number of students enrolled in high school declined from the late 1970s to 1990, the number of athletes was rather stable after a slight decrease, 3.3 to 3.5 million males and 1.7 to 1.9 million females.

Since 1990, numbers of high school students and athletes increased, but the increase in athletes was somewhat less in males (3.4 to 3.9 million) than in females (1.9 to 2.7 million). The larger increase in females reflected implementation of Title IX legislation and increased interest in sports for girls. As a percentage of total students in grades nine through twelve, the number of male athletes was, with few exceptions, rather stable between 24 percent and 26 percent from 1971 to 2000 (see Figure2). The percentage of female athletes increased from 2 percent in 1971 to 10 percent in 1975 and then more gradually from 12 percent in 1978 to 18 percent in 1999–2000. As a percentage of male athletes, the number of female athletes increased from 8 percent in 1971 to 53 percent in 1980 and then more gradually to 69 percent in 1999–2000.

Reported participation in high school sports in the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) is consistent with trends in Figure 2. Weighted percentages of youth reporting participation in high school sports only in 1997 were 24.0 percent for males and 23.9 percent for females (see Table 1). Relatively more white males and females reported participating in school sports only than Hispanic and black males and females, and relatively more Hispanic students reported participating in school sports than black students. The YRBS also included nonschool sports. More males than females reported participation in both school and nonschool sports and the ethnic difference between black and white males was reversed. Participation in both school and nonschool sports is an issue among state high school associations, largely in terms of the time demands on youth as well as increasing demands and pressures from nonschool sport organizations for year-round participation in a single sport. Corresponding estimates for other countries are not available. Intramural and to a lesser extent interschool sports competition are offered in some countries, but highly developed interscholastic sports programs as in the United States are not available. Most sports are organized in the context of specific clubs independent of the schools.

Popular Sports The ten most popular sports for boys and girls based on numbers of schools offering the sports in 1999–2000 are summarized in Table 2. Data for 1989–1990 are included for comparison. The most popular sport offerings have changed little. Competitive spirit squads replaced indoor track and field for girls. Soccer showed the largest gains over ten years, 99 percent in girls and 42 percent in boys. The same pattern was apparent for golf, 75 percent in girls and 26 percent in boys. With the exception of football FIGURE 1 (down 5%), all sports showed an increase in offerings over ten years. Corresponding statistics for the ten most popular sports for boys and girls based on numbers of participants are summarized in Table 3. Football had the largest number of participants among boys, followed by basketball. Over the ten year interval, the number of participants in the top ten sports for boys increased and several sports changed rank. Baseball and wrestling declined, while track and field and soccer gained. The number of boys participating in soccer increased by about 50 percent in ten years.

Other sports for boys that showed significant gains were golf (35%), outdoor track and field (18%) and cross country (17%). Among girls, the number of participants in competitive spirit squads replaced golf in the top ten. The ranking of the top four sports (basketball, track and field, volleyball, and softball) did not change, while soccer moved to fifth. The number of participants in soccer increased by 142 percent, followed by fast pitch softball (67%), swimming and diving (63%), and cross country (47%). Overall and within the same or similar sports, relative increases in female participants were greater than corresponding increases in males. FIGURE 2 Issues in School Sports Although interscholastic sport program are popular, they are not without problems. Some are inherent to sports (such as injuries), whereas others span a range of issues. Safety and injuries. Concern for the health and welfare of high school athletes is a primary objective of interscholastic programs. Nevertheless, risk of injury is inherent to sports.

Comparison of injury rates for five sports in males (baseball, basketball, football, soccer, wrestling) and five sports in females (basketball, field hockey, soccer, softball, volleyball) during the 1995–1997 school years indicated the following trends (see Table 4). Football had the highest and baseball the lowest injury rates among the five sports for boys, whereas soccer had the highest and volleyball the lowest rates of injuries among the five sports for girls. Except for volleyball, injury rates were higher during games than practices in both genders. Sprains and strains, general trauma (including contusions), and fractures accounted for most of the injuries. About 90 percent of all reported injuries were new. Estimated injury rates (per 100 athletes) in similar or the same sports were higher in girls than in boys for softball/baseball and soccer, but virtually identical for basketball. Rates of knee injuries were higher in female basketball and soccer players compared to male athletes in these sports, but only slightly more common in softball than in baseball players.

Knee injuries required surgery more often in females than in males, and anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) surgery was especially more common in female basketball and soccer players than in male participants in these sports. The higher incidence of ACL injuries in adolescent and adult female athletes is well documented, and the issue of predisposing factors is an area of current study. Among inherent risks in sport is the risk of death. Although deaths in sport are rare at young ages, they receive considerable media attention. Estimated rates for nontraumatic sport deaths in high school and college athletes thirteen to twenty-three years of age are less than one per 100,000 participants per year, but the ratio of males to females is about ten to one. Rates are higher among college than high school male athletes. Nontraumatic deaths in sport are due primarily to cardiovascular causes, but several noncardiovascular causes are also involved, including hyperthermia, electrocution due to lightning, and complications of asthma. These are preventable conditions. Corresponding data for traumatic deaths in high school athletes are less than one per 100,000 participants. Carry-over.

Benefits of participation in interscholastic sports should presumably carry over to other aspects of life during adolescence. Data from the YRBS indicate associations between sports participation and positive health behaviors related to physical activity, diet, cigarette smoking, illegal drug use, and reduced sexual intercourse (females). Associations were strongest for white and less consistent for black and Hispanic high school students. Other data indicate positive associations between sports participation and educational (higher grades, lower drop-out rates) and social (leadership roles, self-assurance) behaviors. Data relating high school sports participation to adult behaviors are generally lacking. Consequences of sport injuries for health in adulthood also need study. Coaches and coach education. Qualifications for coaches vary among states and school districts. Many states and districts require coaches to have a teaching certificate, but there apparently is a lack of teachers with either an interest in coaching or the necessary credentials. As a result, an increasing number of coaches are not teachers and do not have faculty status. Nonteacher coaches are commonly required to complete a coach education program that includes principles of growth and development, coaching (theory, methods, psychology), and training (conditioning, nutrition); injury prevention, management and care; CPR and sports first aid; and risk management.

Available courses vary in depth of content and mode of delivery. Coach education is required for nonteachers in 35 states and the District of Columbia and for all coaches in 15 states, but is not required in 15 states. There is a lack of uniform standards for coaches education, although a comprehensive set has been recommended by the National Association for Sport and Physical Education. Professional coach education programs analogous to the systematic preparation and certification of teachers are not available in the United States. Programmatic issues. School sport programs are currently affected by a number of issues, including schools that focus on a single sport ("rogue schools," "factories"); emphasis on "nationally ranked programs," which implies national travel during the school year; recruiting, especially for summer basketball; increasing numbers of international students; and threats to amateurism. International students are often concentrated in rogue schools for basketball and reported ages are commonly questioned. The United States Olympic Committee (USOC) has already foregone the rules of amateurism, and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) may be moving in this direction. High school programs generally emphasize competition and program success rather than developing skills for the next level of athletic competition.

In contrast, many national sport governing bodies emphasize talent identification, development, and medals, and prefer that talented youth be passed along to a higher level of coaching and training than at the high school level. Talent identification programs in many sports are not consistent with objectives of school sports. College scholarships. Unrealistic expectations for sport success beyond high school plague many programs and college scholarships are a major issue. The probability of receiving a college athletic scholarship is small. Of approximately three million TABLE 1 eighth graders in 1988, only about 5 percent later reported participation in intercollegiate sports and only about 2 percent were in Division I schools. The number was further reduced when only those who received athletic financial aid was considered. Only 48 percent of all NCAA Division I athletes received athletic aid (scholarships) in 1992–1993. The lure of college scholarships, especially for basketball and football, has resulted in widespread scouting at the middle or junior high school levels and commercially sponsored prep school football combines analogous to the National Football League. In the context of competition with professional leagues, the NCAA is also discussing a mentoring program for elite athletes as young as 12 years, specifically for basketball.

One can question whose interests are best being served by such programs and their consistency with educational objectives of high school sports. Probability of success in sport beyond college is even more remote. Violence. Violence at sporting events involving participants, coaches, and spectators is increasingly reported. The violence reflects interactions among several factors, including overemphasis on winning, lack of administrative supervision, lack of respect for authority, inconsistent officiating, social inequities in schools, and perhaps parental and community overinvolvement. Violence is also routinely tolerated and sanctioned in several highly popular sports, specifically ice hockey and football, and occasionally basketball and soccer (e.g., "professional fouls"). Respect TABLE 2 for opponents and sport and sportsmanship need stronger emphasis if the educational objectives of sport are to be attained. Sport was allegedly a focus of attention in the violence that occurred in Littleton, Colorado, in the spring of 1999. The perpetrators of the violence allegedly identified athletes as targets and were described as being on the fringe of the high school social circles. These events raise important issues related to the preferential position and treatment of varsity athletes and the marginalization of some students by the social structure of high schools.

Varsity sport is exclusive and schools offer few, if any, opportunities for youth who are not sufficiently skilled or who lack the size required for some sports. Schools and communities often indulge in varsity athletes in major sports and rank them among the socially elite. Administrators and coaches often tolerate unacceptable behaviors of athletes (physical, verbal, and social bullying; criminal activities), giving athletes a different status compared to other students. "Trash talk" and the "in-your-face" demeanor of many sports, which are essentially forms of non-physical violence, are commonly treated by coaches, administrators, and commentators as a form of strategy or "sport smarts." Does such verbal abuse contribute to poor sportsmanship, lack of respect for opponents and the sport, and physical violence? The data are suggestive. Nonschool sports. Programs for talented young athletes (and by extension some coaches) to participate in a sport after the school season, but during the school year and in the summer, have expanded recently. High school eligibility can be compromised and young athletes face the risk of overtraining, injury, and exploitation. Some programs also compete directly with school sports. This is perhaps most apparent in elite youth soccer clubs that call for year-round training in the sport following the professional model.

Further, professional soccer teams in the United States (in contrast to other professional sports) have signed players still in high school, a practice that is common in soccer and other sports throughout the world. Students with disabilities. Most public schools practice inclusion of students with a disability in intramural and interscholastic sports programs according to the provisions of the Americans with TABLE 3 Disabilities Act (ADA) and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Disability accommodations depend upon the individual needs of the student. TABLE 4 ROLE IN STUDENT'S SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT The role of sport in society, and more particularly in schools, has been debated for many decades. There are divergent viewpoints on the value of sport, with proponents on one end of the continuum hailing sport as having the same goals and objectives as all of education and on the other end those who purport that sport is an entertainment enterprise that should be separated from education altogether. A Brief Historical Perspective The development of organized sports and games in the United States has had an interesting history. Early settlers in the United States brought some games with them, but there was a minimal amount of organized athletics in communities and none in the schools until near the middle of the nineteenth century.

Very little is known about the early history of sport development, but most authorities agree on the historical evolution of the major American sports that were developed in the eighteenth century. The first organized baseball team was founded in 1845, and the first college game was played between Amherst and Williams in 1859. The game of American football originated from soccer and rugby; the first game is claimed to have occurred in 1869 between Rutgers and Princeton. James Naismith created the game of basketball in 1891 to fill a need for play and sport during long winter months. Sports received mixed reviews, as the activities were usually conducted by citizens on a volunteer basis or by unsupervised high school and university students. By 1879 a need arose for systemization of sport and for a governing agent to oversee sports in the United States, which resulted in the formation of the Amateur Athletic Union in 1888. In 1906 the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) was founded as an outgrowth of meetings held by twenty-eight of the nation's colleges. The NCAA and AAU have remained powerful governance boards in regulating college and all other amateur sports in America.

As girls and women entered the sport arena, the formation of the National Association of Girls and Women in Sport in 1899 was instrumental in providing sound sport opportunities for all girls and women in a variety of sports at the elementary, high school, and collegiate levels. In 1971, with the impending passage of Title IX, representatives from 278 colleges and universities formed the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW), which governed women's intercollegiate sports until a takeover by the NCAA in 1981. The AIAW began to level the playing field for girls and women in sport. For the first time in American history, women's sports began to rival men's programs in the number of contests held, which increased the amount of publicity given to women's sports. When the NCAA took over as the governing body of women's intercollegiate athletics, it inherited a new era in women's participation. In 1971, only 31,000 women were engaged in varsity sports; a decade later there were 70,000, and the numbers have continued to escalate significantly.

In the United States, participation in organized sports has become a common rite of childhood. At the beginning of the twentieth century, agencies and schools provided sport opportunities as a means of providing wholesome leisure time activities for children and youth. Prior to 1954, most of these experiences occurred in Boys and Girls Clubs, Young Men's Christian Associations (YMCA), Young Women's Christian Associations (YWCA), Boy Scouts, and Girl Scouts. With the inception of Little League Baseball in 1954, sport for youth moved from social agencies and activities organized by youth themselves to adult-organized sport programs. In the early twenty-first century, schools have organized teams primarily for the "athletically elite," often to the exclusion of the majority of students. Opportunities for youth to engage in sport remain unequal across genders and social class. The debate continues as to the value of sport in education. Sport is ingrained in society as both an educational fixture and an entertainment enterprise. The argument continues as to whether or not sport holds valued benefits for its youth and young adult participants and therefore warrants a prominent place in the educational system. Benefits of Sports to a Child's Development A wide spectrum of outcomes has been attributed to modern-day sports and play.

Critics have condemned sport for fostering excessive violence, an overemphasis on competition and winning, and the exploitation of individuals. Sport proponents have extolled the value of sport as a contributor to health, personal fulfillment, and community integration. It is important to look at how sport has the potential for producing positive outcomes in educational and noneducational settings for children and youth. Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi has proposed a model for systematically assessing the potential positive outcomes of sports and the conditions necessary to produce them. The Csikszentmihalyi model is based on the premise that four main types of consequences are of importance when examining and/or evaluating any sport activity. Two of these consequences are present at the individual level: personal enjoyment and personal growth; and two are at the community level: social harmony/integration and social growth/change. In relation to this model, an ideal sport activity is one that contributes in significant ways to all four types of outcomes. Leonard Wankel and Philip Kreisel have identified five factors that should be present for a child or youth to experience the benefit of personal enjoyment in sport: personal accomplishment, excitement of the sport, improving one's sports skills, testing one's skills against others, and just performing the skills.

These factors are thought to contribute most to the enjoyment of sport. Personal growth includes a variety of physical and psychological factors. Physical health can be maintained and improved through sport participation by enhancing the cardiovascular system; improving blood pressure and cholesterol levels; increasing muscular strength; improving muscular endurance, flexibility, and bone density; and weight management. Because sports are a major type of activity in which children and youth are involved, it is considered a viable method of promoting good health. Lifetime sports, such as golf, tennis, swimming, and cycling, are especially beneficial in meeting nationally established health objectives. Early childhood participation in sport can minimize the emphasis on competition and focus on skill instruction. However, sports may not be a sufficient substitute for physical education programs in the schools. Quality physical education curriculums that have developmentally appropriate physical activities which provide the necessary foundations in motor skill, movement acquisition, and behavioral development can enable children and youth to become successful participants in organized sport. Numerous studies support the positive relationship that exists between psychological well-being and regular involvement in physical activity, especially in the areas of reduction of anxiety and depression. Conditions to maximize such outcomes are usually associated with individual preferences related to activity type; environmental factors; level of competition or intensity of activity; and individual versus group format.

Sport has also been shown to serve as a mechanism for the transmission of values, knowledge, and norms in creating social harmony. The specific values conveyed may be those of the dominant society, or they could be those of a subgroup. Therefore, sport could contribute to either differentiation and stratification or to integration into the overall society. Evidence indicates that different sports appeal to different social stratifications in the society and may reinforce cultural or societal differences. Sport also may serve to transmit general societal values, which leads many sport authorities to believe that sport has positive value for the participants in building character, discipline, a strong work ethic, and the ability to work in teams. The research literature supports the importance of de-emphasizing winning and competition and thereby moving young people into positive and enjoyable experiences. Unfortunately, the trend has been toward a more competitive, "win-oriented" framework, which has created increased aggression and violent behaviors among spectators and youth participants. This has led to many national forums at the high school, collegiate, and community levels to reassess the sport culture. Positive outcomes related to socialization and social integration are also dependent upon appropriate leadership, as well as the creation of a climate for this to occur within the sport experience.

Changes within sport and change in the general society have a symbiotic relationship–general societal changes affect sport, and changes in sport can also affect society. Conclusion Youth sports participation can have many benefits for the individual and for society. However, it is evident that sports can produce negative consequences if quality programs are not developed. Schools and communities can strive for the highest standards by educating and training coaches, deterring the professionalization of youth sports programs, and abiding by the guidelines established by national sport governing bodies, so that sports programs have optimal benefit for all youth, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, or ability. Children and Sport Children and Sport Sport involvement by children is an outgrowth of their natural tendency to play. Typically, younger children can spend hours in spontaneous forms of play with little import given to outcome. More formal, but loosely structured games such as Duck-Duck Goose, Leap-frog, and Pom-Pom Pull-away also occupy their time. These activities encourage inclusion, and little, if any, recognition or status is given by other children or adults to a participant because of his or her prowess. As children grow older these games become of less intrinsic interest, and sport activities tend to take their place.

At first this may entail the informal batting, kicking, running, throwing, and catching of balls with parents or friends that occurs in the backyards, playgrounds, and the side streets of America. But in time, children commonly become engaged in more formalized sports in which teams are organized, have coaches, conduct regular practices, and possess a prearranged competitive schedule. Here, competition among teams and individuals becomes more important, as does one's place in the athletic hierarchy. For some, early success may start a child on the path of elite sport whose goal is national and international competition, and often a professional career. For others, early failure and/or exclusion results in a child dropping out. While America seems totally enamoured with sports for children, we have learned over the years that sports programs for youth can have both positive and negative effects. In itself, sport is not universally good or bad, but how programs are operationalized can have a significant impact on children's psychological well-being, physical condition, and general interest in remaining engaged in physical activity. Critical to deriving positive outcomes in children's sport is the expertise and sensitivity of coaches, the pressures placed on children by parents, and the types of reinforcement and punishment given by peers to participants for their successes and failures.

Adult Control of Children's Sport How the transition from more play-like to more competitive physical activities occurs has changed over the years. Until the1950s children typically organized and ran their own activities in sandlots, parks and school yards, or participated under the aegis of social agencies such as YMCAs, or Boys and Girl�s Clubs. Adult involvement was minimal, and a game continued as long as interest existed or a player did not have to go home for dinner. As the seasons changed so did the sports in which children engaged. Baseball or softball was played during the spring and summer, football during the fall, and basketball and hockey in the winter. Since organization was minimal, teams were normally selected for a particular contest informally by �captains� who were acknowledged to be the best players in the group at the time. Uniforms were whatever kids wore to the playing site, rules took into account the unique aspects of the playing venue, and were enforced by general agreement. Disputes were adjudicated by debates and arguments.

When neither team would yield, decisions were made by flipping a coin or �choosing odds and evens.� Equipment was supplied by players, and when necessary, jury-rigged to serve a particular function such as jackets being used for bases, trash cans for hockey goals, and cracks in the pavement as the foul line in basketball. As pointed out by Tye and Romano (1997) this type of organization was conducive to kids developing leadership skills, as well as making it possible for them to experiment with playing different sports, trying different positions, and experimenting with different techniques. However, since the mid 1950s youth sports began to be increasingly controlled by adults. With the advent of Little League in 1954 (Hale, 1956) formal sports programs have attracted an ever increasing number of children. Today we have thousands of youngsters engaged in Pop Warner football, YBL basketball (i.e., YMCA), soccer leagues, hockey programs, age group swimming, and gymnastics� schools. In a recent series of articles Tye (Tye, 1997) portrays a picture in which adults have virtually taken over all aspects of kids� sports.

Consequently, we are seeing children starting in formal programs earlier, practicing more intensely, participating in fewer sports, and adhering more closely to what might be construed as a professional model in which winning and achievement becomes more important than the quality of experience. Tye gives the example of 12 year old Joseph Lorenzetti who started playing hockey at 3 1/2 and �� now trains 300 days a year, attends seven hockey camps, and travels 4,500 miles a year to compete, while his parents spend $6000 a year on equipment, ice time, and hotels� (p. A1). While Joseph is not the typical child sport participant, it is evident that there are many more kids like him than a quarter of a century ago (Bigelow et al., 2001), and those that are not as �professionalized� still participate on formal teams, with competitive schedules, regular practices, and adult coaches. Interestingly, according to Halpern ( Halpern, 2003 ) the change from child centered to adult centered children's sport is a consequence of parental fears.

He asserts that even during the 1960s and 1970s informal sports could be found in the school yards and playgrounds of America. However, sometime during this period parents began to feel apprehensive about their kids safety in these places, and opted for having their children join programs in which adults were in supervisory roles. As well, with the advent of Title IX in 1972, girls started to become increasingly involved with competitive sports programs in larger numbers and typically followed the physical education model held by females in which teachers organized and oversaw activities. While the motivation for a paradigm shift from a more child to a more adult centered youth sport model is understandable, it has transformed the nature of children�s activities from less formalized, play-like endeavors to ones which often rival the highly competitive athletic programs found in high schools, colleges and professional leagues. The impact of this change is difficult to decipher, but some observers have identified a number of issues which need to be addressed. For example.

Devereux (1978) argues that children's games serve the important functions of providing a means for children to experiment with a variety of roles, learn important principles of effective behavior, and gain experience expressing a variety of emotions in a socially appropriate manner. He sees this happening best when children are self-motivated and engage in less-formal sports programs. Devereux argues that in more typical adult controlled setting that have become typical in youth sports: �the pupils are patients and the teacher is the active agent. The principles which are to be learned are explained, perhaps even demonstrated, by the teacher, rather than being discovered by the children themselves. Learning is defined as work, which implies that children, left to follow their own motivations and interests freely, would rather be doing something else. The pacing of activities is rigidly controlled by the teacher, the school schedules, or the tyranny of the lesson plan. And the evaluative feedback, coming from the teacher rather than from the materials themselves, is often delayed, irrelevant, and peculiarly invidious (p. 118).

In contrast he views the self-organized and self-paced games of children as ideal for providing opportunities for not only developing important social behaviors, but for developing an internalized sense of morality (Piaget, 1932) which is necessary for developing and enforcing rules that are necessary for maintaining order, a sense of fairness, and player acceptance. In addition Devereux points out that when peer social interactions determine how games are played, rather than when adults direct children by virtue of their authoritarian power, children "learn to conceive of social relationships as being patterned on relevant, universalistic principles in which people must get along in common subjection to general rules" (p. 120). Seemingly, this train of thought emphasizes the importance of children being actively engaged in organizing and regulating their own games if they are to truly develop an understanding of social interactions and their roles as leaders and followers. This is not to say that adult directed programs are without merit, as they probably do a better job of teaching children technical skills, and how to move through the athletic pyramid, than more self-directed programs .

But to paraphrase Devereux, we must not only be concerned with what the player is doing to the ball, but what the ball is doing to the player! On the other hand Martens (1978) takes a more moderate position in suggesting that both unorganized and organized sports programs have a place in the world of children. He is unconvinced that a return to the "good old days" would necessarily lead youth to spend more time in active leisure pursuits. As well, he argues that a critical factor in organized sports programs is the quality of leadership exhibited by adults. Winning need not be the only or most important goal. Instead, strong, competent coaches can help each child master the activity, have fun, and feel like an important part of the group. As with most other issues pertaining to sport there are no simple answers here. As observers it is clear that whether or not children's programs are self-organized or adult regulated the major outcomes that we seek should entail such things as participant enjoyment, skill development, physical fitness improvement, and positive social interactions. These are the foundations for developing the motivation for children to stay involved in physical activity throughout their lives.

To the extent that a child feels marginalized by peers and organizers, regardless of whether they are children or adults, he or she will probably seek out other activities. While stories of adult coaches devaluing a child's contribution to the success of a team are legend, we also are familiar with children being selected last by "captains" in spontaneously organized and directed youth games. Seemingly, the message that a child receives in both situations is the same. While Devereux's points are well taken, we are now living in a different age in which adult organized sports for children have become a major theme in childhood culture. Nonetheless, as coaching education programs evolve we can do a better job in training adults to recognize and reinforce the sorts of things for which Devereux argues. For instance, there is no reason why coaches can not help children to understand the nature of rules, ethical behavior, and sportsmanship. As well, coaches can reinforce all sorts of behaviors that are not necessarily directed toward contest outcomes. Rewarding effort, being on time for practices, supporting teammates, and respecting officials are only a few of the things upon which coaches might focus. Of great importance, especially early in a child's sporting experience, is making it fun.

Here, coaches can fulfill an important role in understanding that children thrive on play, and that focusing only on winning typically diminishes the enjoyment experienced. Indeed, for both boys and girls the most important reasons given by them for participating in sports are developing skills, having fun, becoming physically fit, and being challenged (Gill, Gross, and Huddleston, 1983). Clearly, such a profile of objectives would require coaches to think expansively, going beyond the simple objective of winning championships. Evidence also exists that youth coaches also can benefit from training programs which focus on learning, practicing, and monitoring behaviors which do and do not promote such objectives. In a unique research program Smith and Smoll over a 20 year period (Smith and Smoll, 1997) has been particularly noteworthy as it attempted to examine positive and negative factors in youth sports that contribute to children�s� continued participation and enhanced self-perceptions, or decreased interest and dropping-out. A major concern in these studies has been the impact of a coach�s behavior on their athletes. Specifically, Smith, Smoll and colleagues developed a coaching assessment tool known as the Coaching Behavior Assessment System (I.

e., CBAS) which articulated coaching behaviors into 12 smaller descriptive components (Smith, Smoll and Hunt, 1977). Eight of the 12 categories are considered reactions by the coach to something a player has done (e. g., reinforcement, punishment, technical instruction), while four items were classified as spontaneous, and include such things as giving general encouragement, or general instructions. Not surprisingly, studies have revealed that coaches who are more reinforcing, and focus on developing technical skills in their players tend to be viewed more positively by their athletes who are also more motivated to remain associated with the activity (Smoll, Smith, Barnett, and Everett, 1993). As well, it has been found that children with lower self-esteem are most affected by interacting with coaches who are supportive and who focus on technical instruction. In generalizing across such studies Figler and Whitaker (1991, p.115) make the important observation that merely identifying general educational and social objectives in youth sports is insufficient to bring them about. Coaches must be trained to operationalize behaviors that lead to specific outcomes, and this normally requires understanding how their behaviors affect the kids with which they interact.

On a final note, the issue of the appropriateness of a competitive vs a social emphasis in children's sports programs must also take into account the level of the physical and psychological maturity of a participant. Although we seem to be in an age in which it is politically correct to devalue competitive achievement in sports programs for children (e. g., Tutko & Bruns, 1976) there are those who advocate the importance of such competitive experiences in preparing children for a competitive world (e.g., Ford, 1974; Michener, 1976). Seemingly, both sides of the debate are correct if they can precisely target the population to which they refer. The term children is rather broad when used in this discussion, and can apply to persons 5 years of age, as well as those who are 15 or 16. Surely, their would be few adults who advocate a professional model of sport in which attention, playing time, and awards are based on competitive achievement in programs for children in the early elementary grades. During this period kids are experimenting with activities and social relationships, and generally have little experience in competitive situations.

This is an important period during which they are in search of developing an identity (Erickson, 1963). For adults to limit this exploratory period by relegating children to higher and lower positions of status and allocating rewards by virtue of their early attempts at a novel sport would seem counterproductive in promoting those things that a child seeks at this early time: fun, social engagement, and developing feelings of self-worth. As advocated by many, this early period should be characterized by maximizing playing time for all participants, instructing on proper technique and strategy, and reinforcing participant behavior which reflect ethical and moral values which we ultimately desire in older participants. On the other hand there is surely a time when competitive achievement is important to a youngster. Our culture promotes hard work, developing skill, and being successful. For observers to act as if a model that is appropriate for younger children is also appropriate for adolescents makes little sense when one examines the importance of athletic prowess in adolescent culture (e.g., see Coleman, 1961; Eitzen, 1976).

In this age range to say that winning is unimportant, that everyone's contribution is equivalent, and that all participants should be given equal playing time regardless of their ability does not mesh with the reality of how sports are structured in America. Given that programs should emphasize different things for individuals in different age ranges presents several significant dilemmas. First is the problem of transitioning from an instructional-education framework where winning is de-emphasized to one in which personal and team achievement is important, and winning takes on much greater importance. While no exact age or grade level can precisely locate this period, it probably occurs somewhere in the 12-14 age range, and during the 8th and 9th grades. For many children, parents, and coaches, this is a particularly difficult time since most sports programs for younger children instill the educational, human developmental, and participatory philosophy of sport, and then all of a sudden emphasis shifts toward a more competitive model. In the writer's view, the transitional period is further exacerbated by coaches continuing to advocate the philosophy of youth programs, but behaving more in accordance with the professionalized competitive model.

Typically, more skillful players have little problem with the disparity between program philosophy and a coaches behavior since he or she gets more playing time that in previous years, and greater attention from the coach and spectators. However, this is often at the expense of players who become more marginalized and are confused by the disparity between their previous sports status and the lack of reinforcement they begin to experience. For the first time a "pecking order" has been established, and it is dependent on the perceived contribution that the individual makes to the team success, calibrated in terms of winning and losing. Parents of these kids also have difficulty with this transition, and often make the situation even more difficult for their child by verbalizing their disaffection for the coach, the program, and the more favored players. In the final analysis, it is difficult to place anyone at blame for this change in emphasis that occurs. We live in a competitive society, and sport simply reflects other major institutions in which individuals are tested against one another. As aptly stated by psychiatrist Stephen Ward (1978, p. 77) Why delude a child into the belief that success can be achieved by merely presenting himself as an aspiring candidate for the rewards of life?

Will his first employer have as gentle a regard as did his Little League manager for the possible psychic trauma that might be done by firing him? Perhaps, the angst that exists for so many at this age could be greatly reduced if coaches and program administrators would be clearer and more forthright regarding the essence of their programs? Instead of suggesting that the beginning high school program is simply more of the same, it should be conveyed that a shift in emphasis has occurred and that is the reason that individual achievement is more highly valued. A second issue directly related to this change in program philosophy concerns how sports and physical activity can be promoted to adolescents while at the same time structurally and philosophically removing most participatory opportunities. Indeed, today we have a plethora of evidence which suggest that involvement in a variety of physical activity settings can meaningfully impact quality of life, yet a recent report by the Surgeon general found that approximately half of persons in the age range of 12-21 are not vigorously active, and that there is a sharp decline during the adolescent years ( U. S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1996 ).

Seemingly, this should be no surprise since all but the most accomplished athletes in this age group are provided the opportunities, resources, and encouragement within schools to continue. The issue here then becomes one of providing opportunities for both adolescents who wish to engage in traditional competitive athletic programs, and for those who wish simply to engage in programs which encourage participation by persons of all shapes, sizes, and skill levels. If it is true that involvement in physical activity programs promotes physical, psychological, and social well-being, then community resources should not be delimited to programs that provide opportunities to a few outstanding athletes. Either resources should be increased to support all that wish to engage, or those that are allocated should be expended to provide opportunities for individuals having different capabilities and interests. This may seem like a significant break with tradition, but it is difficult to justify why athletic programs in schools should be designated only for the elite performers. Is it not the case that in virtually all subjects offered in modern day high schools multiple levels of a course are offered. Typically there are honors classes for the best students, mid-level courses for the average students, and lower-level courses for students having greater difficulties acquiring knowledge in an area.

On the other hand, we are less willing to do the same when it comes to physical activity programs, and then seem surprised when data informs us that the large number of potential participants are inactive, and have "dropped-out." Seemingly, we would have many more high school drop-out if schools only offered honors programs across the curriculum! Current Participation Rates A recent review of youth sports in America has identified five different types of sports programs currently offered (Seefeldt and Ewing, 1997). These differ in terms of skill level, time commitment required of participants, financial costs to athletes, competitive emphasis, and coaching expertise available. Furthermore, one might categorize these as ��agency-sponsored programs, club sports, recreational, intramurals and interscholastics. Of these five categories, three are community-based and two are conducted within the schools� (PFSRD, 1997, p. 2). Data for participation rates in each category taken from the Center for Education Statistics and compiled in the PFSRD (1997, p. 2) report is shown in Table 1. As seen, the largest percentage of children are engaged in non-school programs (agency sponsored programs and recreational programs).

This is noteworthy because sport has been closely affiliated with physical education in the schools, yet most children participate in programs which are not formally overseen by the educational establishment. Consequently, program philosophies and practices regarding such things as the importance of winning, attention to skill development, allocation of playing time, teaching of so called "life skills", training of coaches, and extent to which opportunities are provided for children with special needs may vary considerably. It is also conveyed that non-school programs are the fastest growing categories in youth sports [1] . Considering, the financial pressures facing public school systems, with the reduction or elimination of physical education and sports programs, one might anticipate that this trend will continue.

Question: What name is given to the programme of baseball and softball competitions organised for people aged 5 to 18 in the USA?
Answer: Little League