Timeline: UN Secretary-Generals - Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Trygve Lie, Norway Ban Ki-moon, Korea (2007 – Present) Ban Ki-moon 's tenure has featured a new emphasis on climate change policy, efforts to mitigate the surging prices of both energy and food in the developing world, and an inherited portfolio of issues including nuclear nonproliferation negotiations with Iran and continued efforts to solidify the United Nations' role in Sudan's Darfur conflict. Prior to serving as secretary-general, Ban was South Korea's Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade. He joined the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1970, and served in a variety of diplomatic roles inside and outside of Korea during the next twenty-five years, including posts at embassies in the United States, Austria, and India. In 2001, Ban started work at the United Nations as chief of staff to Han Seung-soo, the president of the General Assembly. Ban returned to Korea after his term and served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade from 2004 until 2006. He has been actively involved in issues relating to inter-Korean relations.

In September of 2005, he helped bring about a landmark agreement aimed at promoting peace and stability between North and South Korea through Six-Party Talks . Since becoming Secretary-General, Ban has spoken out on several issues including the North Korean and Iranian nuclear threats, the humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region, and administrative reform of UN operations. Share Email Kofi Annan, Ghana (1997-2006) Kofi Annan began his career as a budget officer with the World Health Organization (WHO) and rose through the ranks to become UN under-secretary-general at a time of record increases in peacekeeping operations. In 1995 he was appointed the secretary-general's special representative to the former Yugoslavia. Since his election in 1997, Annan's goals as secretary-general have included implementing management and budget reforms, addressing ever-growing costs and demands for UN peacekeeping operations, and better meeting the needs of poorer nations. Under his leadership, the United Nations executed contemporary platforms aimed at sustainable development in Africa and the utilization of global capitalism to benefit socioeconomic needs. His "Millennium Report" advocates initiatives to eradicate poverty, combat HIV/AIDS, and protect the environment.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Egypt (1992-1996) Boutros-Ghali served one term as secretary-general, suspending his candidacy for a second term after conflicts with U.S. foreign-policy leaders. He has an extensive international relations background as a scholar, diplomat, and jurist. Boutros-Ghali's term in office was marked by increased operating costs and ineffective peacekeeping efforts that proved burdensome to the UN. Unsuccessful U.S. participation in Somali peacekeeping operations, inability to curb fighting in Bosnia and Croatia, and subsequent reluctance from the international community to act against genocide in Rwanda, all precipitated U.S. support to transition the leadership position of secretary-general. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Peru (1982-1991) Before assuming office, Perez de Cuellar was Peru's ambassador to Switzerland, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Venezuela; served as his nation's permanent representative to the United Nations; and represented Peru on the Security Council, even serving as the Council's president. In 1979, he was appointed under-secretary-general for special political affairs.

While in office, the UN leader oversaw negotiations for the release of American hostages in Lebanon, facilitated the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, negotiated the ceasefire ending the Iran-Iraq War, and developed the 1991 UN-backed peace pact in Cambodia. Kurt Waldheim, Austria (1971-1982) Before he was elected secretary-general, Waldheim was the permanent representative of Austria to the United Nations. During his two-term leadership of the UN, Waldheim participated in the Paris International Conference on Vietnam and presided over the first phase of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. Five years after his second term ended, Waldheim was elected President of Austria, a post he held until 1992; however, during the campaign his service in the German Army came to light. Though he declared no personal involvement, Waldheim was implicated in Nazi atrocities in the Balkans during World War II and was subsequently barred from entering the United States by the Justice Department. U Thant, Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) (1961-1971) U Thant served as acting secretary-general after Dag Hammarskjöld's death.

Just over a year later, the General Assembly voted unanimously to make him secretary-general. At the time of his appointment, U Thant was the permanent representative of Burma to the United Nations, and had previously chaired the UN Congo Conciliation Commission and the Committee on a UN Capital Development Fund. Under his leadership, the United Nations facilitated the end of the Cuban missile crisis and allayed civil war in the Congo. Dag Hammarskjöld, Sweden (1953-1961) Dag Hammarskjöld was unanimously elected to two terms as secretary-general and served until September 18, 1961, when he died in a plane crash en route to a peace mission in the Congo. Mr. Hammarskjöld's most significant contributions to the United Nations' mission include promotion of Armistice Agreements between Israel and the Arab States; the 1956 establishment of the UN Emergency Force (UNEF); and multiple visits to countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Americas, and the Middle East to acquaint himself with officials of member governments and problems in specific areas.

Trygve Lie, Norway (1946-1952) Prior to his election as the first secretary-general of the United Nations, Lie led the Norwegian delegation to the UN Conference on International Organization in San Francisco, April 1945; chaired Commission III, which drafted the Security Council provisions of the UN charter; and in 1946 he led the Norwegian delegation to the UN General Assembly in London. While in office, Lie supported UN intervention in the Korean War and the foundation of Israel and Indonesia. He also advocated UN recognition of People's Republic of China upon the exile of the Nationalist government. Highlights From 2015–2016 Learn more about CFR’s mission and its work over the past year in the 2016 Annual Report . The Annual Report spotlights new initiatives, high-profile events, and authoritative scholarship from CFR experts, and includes a message from CFR President Richard N. Haass. Read and download » The Chronicle The Fall 2016 issue of CFR's member newsletter, the Chronicle, is a guide to CFR's most important news since August 2016, and includes announcements about new programs, partnerships, fellows, meetings, publications, and members.

Read it now. Now Available: Foreign Policy Begins at Home The biggest threat to America's security and prosperity comes not from abroad but from within, writes CFR President Richard N. Haass in his provocative new book. More New Foreign Affairs eBook: Tiananmen and After The Race for the Next U.N. Secretary General | Stratfor The Race for the Next U.N. Secretary General Text Size By Dick Roche in cooperation with EurActiv Dick Roche is a former Irish Minister for European Affairs and former Minister for the Environment. He served two terms as Vice President of the Alliance of Democrats for Europe (ALDE) Party, led the Irish delegation to the Convention on the Future of Europe and was the first Irish citizen to be awarded a U.N. Human Rights Fellowship. Later this year the ninth Secretary General of the U.N. will be appointed. Historically, the Secretary-General has been selected based on an informal system of 'regional rotation'.

Under this rotation system three Secretaries General have come from the 'Western Europen group' of member states (Trygvie Lie, Dag Hammarskjold and Kurt Waldheim), two each from the 'African group' (Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan), two from Asia (U Thant and Ban Ki-moon) and one from Latin America and the Caribbean (Javier Perez de Cuellar). No Secretary General from Eastern Europe has been appointed to date and most remarkably of all the U.N. has never appointed a woman Secretary General. In July 1997 the General Assembly adopted Resolution 51/241 which is aimed at 'strengthening of the United Nations system.” The resolution provided that the process of selecting the Secretary General “shall be more transparent” – it could hardly be more opaque. It confirmed the system of 'regional rotation' and added “and shall also be given to gender equality”. The appointment of Ban Ki-moon's successor will be the test of whether the commitment to gender equality is anything more than words. The clear stand out candidate at this point in the race for the top U.N. post is Irina Bokova current Director General of UNESCO.

Ms Bokova who is from Bulgaria fulfils the 'regional rotation' requirement but more importantly she is a woman with a solid CV. Her life experience spans the bridge between east and west. She received her early training in the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, and later at the University of Maryland and at Harvard. Following stints at the Bulgarian foreign ministry and the Bulgarian U.N. mission in New York, Bokova entered the world elected politics and was elected to the first post Communist Bulgarian Parliament on the Socialist Party ticket in 1989. After a spell as deputy foreign minister with responsibility for coordinating Bulgaria's relations with the European Union she was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs ad interim in November 1996 and in that position led her country's bid to join the European Union. At the time not everybody in Bulgaria was enthusiastic for EU membership, her determination to take Bulgaria into the European Union demonstrated considerable political courage.

Bokova's election as Director General of the U.N.'s largest agency, UNESCO, in 2009 when she became the first woman and the first Eastern European to head the U.N.'s largest agency and her re-election as DG in 2013 demonstrate a striking capacity to garner support from across the 190-plus membership of the United Nations. Baring some unforeseen event Bokova seems well placed to repeat this performance in the race for UN Secretary General. She has the energy, the experience and the necessary contacts across the 'U.N. electorate'. Most importantly perhaps she is in the best possible position to overcome the biggest hurdle that all candidates for the top U.N. post face – winning the support of all of the members of the U.N. Security Council. Under the appointment procedures all five members of the Security Council hold the right of veto a candidate for Secretary General. Ms Bokova is well equipped to negotiate that hurdle. Over the years, she has established good relations with all the power blocs, has managed to avoid 'ruffling feathers' and has demonstrated a commendable capacity to navigate a course through sometimes stormy waters.

One area where Bokova has demonstrated capacity to navigate complex political minefields has been in her handling of very thorny issues that arise from the rich heritage of the Middle East. Her handling of the controversy that cropped up around the issue of the classification of the Western Wall in Jerusalem provides a classic example. Bokova exhibited particularly adroit diplomatic skills in preventing UNESCO being dragged into political controversy. Her sensitive handling of the issue was recognised by the Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein. Her role in resolving a controversy about the staging a Historical Exhibition of the Jewish People and the Holy Land which was staged in U.N. headquarters won wide scale praise. Oddly, given her strengths and the very considerable kudos that the appointment of U.N. Secretary General could bring to Bulgaria, a country that does not always get the best press, Bokova's strongest competition to date came from another potential Bulgarian candidate, Kristalina Georgieva EU Commission Vice President for Budget who also 'threw her cap in the ring'. With two candidates from the same small country in the running for the U.N. job there was, all too predictably, a attempt to mount a negative media campaign against Bokova, the 'front runner.

Pressure was aimed at persuading Prime Minister Boyko Borissov urging that he drop the Bokova nomination. There was also some rather squalid media briefing. Some commentators suggested that Bokova would either be replaced or pull out under pressure: neither happened!. Far from damaging Bokova, the campaign to unseat her as Bulgaria's candidate probably played to her advantage. She dealt with the campaign with great dignity and demonstrated that the quiet UNESCO DG had the necessary 'steel' in her character to withstand abuse – an important personal attribute for the top position in the U.N. At the moment there are six other candidates in the field, two women Vesna Pusić, Croatia and Natalia Gherman, Moldova and four men , Srgjan Kerim, a former foreign minister Macedonia, Danilo Türk, a former President of Slovenia, Igor Lukšić, the incumbent foreign minister of Montenegro, and António Guterres, former Prime Minister of Portugal. While these candidates bring with them a considerable range of personal qualities and political experience none of them 'tick the boxes' quite as well as Bokova does. There is one other factor that tilts the scales on Bokova's side – her mother country.

While Bulgaria does not always get the 'best press,' the Bulgarian people have a tradition of ethnic tolerance, a tradition that has survived the toughest historic tests. During the dark days of World War II the Bulgarian people led by their monarch and church prevented the wholesale deportation of Bulgaria's Jews. During the Yugoslav wars Bulgaria provided a home of many ethnicities and was a pillar of stability in the region. And in the context of the current refugee crisis the Bulgarian people, although directly impacted have shown sympathy for people displaced by war and terror and the Bulgarian government has strongly favoured a common European solution. In a divided world where a tragic level of intolerance is on the rise, Bulgarian roots are an asset in the U.N. race. There is one issue that could disadvantage Bokova: oddly this is a self-imposed constraint. Reportedly Ms. Bokova has decided that because her current term of office expires at the end of 2016, she will not 'go on the campaign trail' for the U.N. post. Her motivation in this is beyond reproach - she wants to avoid compromising her current office in any way.

As other candidates, and would be candidates, will openly campaign – expect to see the names of other candidates 'popping up' in the entourages of heads of state and government. The 'non-campaign strategy while commendable might need to be reviewed. There is an expression in Ireland “a quiet curate never becomes a Parish Priest” which has application beyond Ireland's shores. It has application in the U.N. race too. Timetable According to the U.N. rules of procedure, the Security Council will recommend a candidate for appointment to the General Assembly. The issue will then be “discussed and decided at a private meeting” and the new Secretary General will be appointed by the General Assembly “upon the recommendation of the Security Council,” traditionally through a General Assembly resolution. There is no formal appointment timetable, however General Assembly resolution 51/241 provides that “the Secretary General should be appointed as early as possible, preferably no later than one month before the date on which the term of the incumbent expires.” Realistically the name of the successor of Ban Ki-moon will be known, well before the end of the year, maybe even by summer.

This time it is imperative that the glass ceiling in the United Nations is breached and that the name of a woman emerges from the still opaque process for selecting the world's top diplomat. The name Irina Bokova comes with all of the necessary attributes for the post. Former Secretaries-General | United Nations Secretary-General Photos Former Secretaries-General Under the Charter, the Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. Mr.

Guterres' predecessors as Secretary-General were: Ban Ki-moon (Korea) who served from January 2007 to December 2016; Kofi Annan (Ghana) who held office from January 1997 to December 2006; Boutros Boutros-Ghali (Egypt), who held office from January 1992 to December 1996; Javier Pèrez de Cuèllar (Peru), who served from January 1982 to December 1991; Kurt Waldheim (Austria), who held office from January 1972 to December 1981; U Thant (Burma, now Myanmar), who served from November 1961, when he was appointed acting Secretary-General (he was formally appointed Secretary-General in November 1962) to December 1971; Dag Hammarskjöld (Sweden), who served from April 1953 until his death in a plane crash in Africa in September 1961; and Trygve Lie (Norway), who held office from February 1946 to his resignation in November 19

52.

U.N. Lesson Plan 3 (of 4) U.N. quote-of-the-day by Javier P�rez de Cu�llar TRANSPARENCY Objectives for lesson 3 DISCUSSION Have the students tell what they have learned about the United Nations. Have their beliefs been challenged, or upheld? TRANSPARENCY The Secretaries General of the United Nations Organization POSTER The United Nations (Secretariat, Sec. Council, Gen. Ass.) LECTURE Over the last 50 years, the United Nations has had 6 Secretaries General. As said before, the Secretary serves the other organs of the U.N. and carries out programs and policies approved by the General Assembly and the Security Council. The Secretary General is selected by the Security Council from a list of nominees submitted by the General Assembly. The Secretary general serves a five year term, and may request more. The S.G. may serve as many terms as the Security Council allows. LECTURE The first Secretary General was Trygve Lie or Norway, he served from 1946 to 1953. This man essentially founded the post and set the tone it would take for many years. Among his most notable attempts was trying to have the U.N.

control the atomic programs around the world so that no nation would be capable of building an atomic device again. The U.S.S.R. agreed to this, the U.S. did not. LECTURE The second Secretary General was Dag Hammarskjold. He was from Sweden and served from 1953 to 1961. Hammarskjold was killed in 1961 in a plane crash in Africa while he was trying to mediate a settlement to a separatist movement in what is now Zaire. Hammarskjold developed many more powers of the Secretary General than were provided under the U.N. charter. He traveled extensively mediating disputes. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize posthumously in 1961 for his contributions to world peace. LECTURE U Thant of Burma was the U.N.�s third Secretary General. He served from 1961 to 1971. He was headmaster of a high school in Burma until he entered the foreign service. After Burma gained independence from Britain, U Thant served as the government�s press director and Minister of Information. Thant was Burma�s representative to the U.N.

before being elected to serve the remainder of Hammarskjold�s term. U Thant was elected to another term and resigned his position in December of 1971 because of personal health problems. He died in 1974. LECTURE Kurt Waldheim was the fourth U.N. Secretary. He came from Austria and served from 1972 to 1981. He was elected to two terms of office. Waldheim was the first Secretary to request a third term of office, but he withdrew himself from nomination after China vetoed his nomination during 16 rounds of ballot casting. Waldheim went on to serve as President of Austria. LECTURE Javier Perez de Cuellar for the fifth U.N. Secretary General and was from Peru. He served from 1982 to 1991. De Cuellar was the only Secretary General to ever himself serve as a U.N. Peacekeeper, which he did in Cyprus in 1975 and 1977. He was selected to serve as Secretary General as a compromise candidate, one everyone could agree on (or rather not disagree on).

His first term was uneventful, but after winning a second term he mediated an end to the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war and helped to gain the release of Americans and other Western prisoners from Lebanon. He was offered a third term, but declined the invitation. LECTURE Boutros Boutros-Ghali is the current U.N. Secretary General and he is the sixth. He is from Egypt and has served since 1992. He is favored by many for a second term, although there are other favorites for the spot to lead the U.N. into the 21st century. Boutros-Ghali has been a journalist and a law professor in Egypt and played a major role in the Camp David talks that lead to Egypt-Israeli peace. He is fluent in four languages, and is a specialist on third world development. He played a major role in winning the release of current South African President Nelson Mandella in 1990. Boutros-Ghali is now faced with a U.N. crippled by lack of funds (mainly from member states like the U.S. not paying their dues).

An avid believer of �peace-in-our-time�, Boutros-Ghali has supported the use of Peacekeepers as peacemakers. QUESTION After hearing about all of the Secretaries General, what can you conclude about them as a whole? (Analysis) (a) service minded, dedicated to peace, expanded powers of Secretariat LECTURE Peacekeeping has traditionally been the U.N.�s major function. When it works, its great. When it doesn�t the results can be disastrous. As we learned yesterday, there are two prerequisites normally used before peacekeepers can be deployed: an agreement must already be in place or being negotiated and peacekeepers must be invited by all sides involved. What we�ve been seeing more of in recent years is what is called peacemaking. Its an ambitious concept that promises a lot but so far it hasn�t had many successes. Peacemaking is when peacekeepers are deployed into a situation where the two prerequisites are not met with the intent to impose a peace on conflicting sides that do not necessarily want the U.N. there at all.

QUESTION Boutros Boutros-Ghali : Wikis (The Full Wiki) The Full Wiki More info on Boutros Boutros-Ghali Wikis Note: Many of our articles have direct quotes from sources you can cite, within the Wikipedia article! This article doesn't yet, but we're working on it! See more info or our list of citable articles . Related top topics Top rankings for Boutros Boutros-Ghali 38th From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Boutros Boutros-Ghali 1 January 1992 – 31 December 1996 Preceded by Boutros Boutros-Ghali ( Arabic : بطرس بطرس غالي, Coptic : Ⲃⲟⲩⲧⲣⲟⲥ Ⲃⲟⲩⲧⲣⲟⲥ Ⲅⲁⲗⲏ) (born 14 November, 1922) is an Egyptian diplomat who was the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN) from January 1992 to December 1996.

Contents 8 References Academic career Boutros Boutros-Ghali was born in Cairo into a Coptic Christian family (Boutros being the Arabized form of Petros ). His grandfather Boutros Ghali had been Prime Minister of Egypt from 1908 until he was assassinated in 1910. Boutros-Ghali graduated from Cairo University in 1946, Ph.D. in international law from the University of Paris , and a diploma in international relations from the Sciences Po in 1949. In 1979, he was appointed Professor of International Law and International Relations at Cairo University, a position which he held until 1999. He became President of the Centre of Political and Strategic Studies in 1975 and President of the African Society of Political Studies in 1980. He was a Fulbright Research Scholar at Columbia University from 1954 to 1955, Director of the Centre of Research of the Hague Academy of International Law from 1963 to 1964, and Visiting Professor at the Faculty of Law at Paris University from 1967 to 1968.

He is also the Honorary Rector of the Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, a branch of Kyunghee University Seoul. Egyptian political career He had long been closely associated with the ruling clique in Egypt.[citation needed] His political career developed during the presidency of Anwar El Sadat . He was a member of the Central Committee of the Arab Socialist Union from 1974 to 1977. He served as Egypt's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from 1977 until early 1991. He then became Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs for several months before moving to the UN. As Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, he played a part in the peace agreements between President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin . [1] According to investigative journalist Linda Melvern , Boutros-Ghali approved a secret $26 million arms sale to the government of Rwanda in 1990 when he was Egyptian Foreign Minister, the weapons stockpiled by the Hutu regime as part of the fairly public, long-term preparations for the subsequent genocide . He was serving as UN Secretary-General when the killings occurred 4 years later.

[2] UN career Elected as secretary-general, the top post of the UN, in 1991, Boutros-Ghali's term in office remains controversial. In 1992, he submitted An Agenda for Peace , a suggestion for how the UN could respond to violent conflict. However, he was criticised for the UN's failure to act during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide , which officially left over 1 million people dead, and he appeared unable to muster support in the UN for intervention in the continuing Angolan Civil War . One of the hardest tasks during his term was dealing with the crisis of the Yugoslav wars after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia . His reputation became entangled in the larger controversies over the effectiveness of the UN and the role of the United States in the UN. For his detractors, primarily US Secretary of State Warren Christopher and U.N.

Ambassador Madeleine Albright , he came to symbolise the UN's alleged inaction in the face of humanitarian crises.[citation needed] Nomination for second term In 1996, ten Security Council members, led by African members Egypt, Guinea-Bissau and Botswana , sponsored a resolution backing Boutros-Ghali for a second five-year term, until the year 2001. However, the United States vetoed a second term for Boutros-Ghali. In addition to the United States, the United Kingdom , Poland , South Korea , and Italy did not sponsor the resolution, although the four nations voted in support of Boutros-Ghali after the US had firmly declared its intention to veto. Although not the first vetoed ( China vetoed the third term of Kurt Waldheim in 1981), Boutros-Ghali was the only UN secretary-general not to be elected to a second term in office. He was succeeded at the UN by Kofi Annan . Richard Clarke (US counter-terrorism czar), Michael Sheehan , and James Rubin participated in what they called " Operation Orient Express ".

Clarke wrote: Albright and I and a handful of others (Michael Sheehan, Jamie Rubin) had entered into a pact together in 1996 to oust Boutros-Ghali as Secretary General of the United Nations, a secret plan we had called Operation Orient Express, reflecting our hope that many nations would join us in doing in the UN head. In the end, the US had to do it alone (with its UN veto) and Sheehan and I had to prevent the President from giving in to pressure from world leaders and extending Boutros-Ghali's tenure, often by our racing to the Oval Office when we were alerted that a head of state was telephoning the President. In the end Clinton was impressed that we had managed not only to oust Boutros-Ghali but to have Kofi Annan selected to replace him.

(Clinton told Sheehan and me, 'Get me a crow, I should eat a crow , because I said you would never pull it off.') [3] Richard Holbrooke commented on the issue: The struggle over the U.N.'s role foreshadowed the American determination a year later to oppose Boutros-Ghali's quest for a second term as Secretary-General. More than any other issue, it was his performance on Bosnia that made us feel he did not deserve a second term - just as Kofi Annan 's strength on the bombing in August had already made him the private favourite of many American officials. Although the American campaign against Boutros-Ghali, in which all our key allies opposed us, was long and difficult - especially for Allbright , who bore heavy and unjust criticism for her role - the decision was correct, and may well have saved America's role in the United Nations. [4] Later life From 1997 to 2002 Boutros-Ghali was Secretary-General of La Francophonie , an organisation of French -speaking nations.

From 2003 to 2006, he served as the Chairman of the Board of the South Centre, [5] an intergovernmental research organisation of developing countries. He is currently President of the Curatorium Administrative Council at the Hague Academy of International Law . In 2003 Boutros-Ghali was appointed as The Director of the Egyptian National Council of Human Rights, a position he still holds. Since April 2007 Boutros-Ghali has supported the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly and was one of the initial signatories of the Campaign's appeal. In a message to the Campaign, he stressed the necessity to establish democratic participation of citizens at the global level. Film and television appearances Boutros-Ghali appears himself in the documentary film, "Back Door Channels: The Price of Peace." In his interviews with Director Harry Hunkele , Boutros-Ghali describes his role and that of former Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in bringing about the peace accord between Egypt and Israel in March 1979. [6] Boutros-Ghali was interviewed by the Ali G Show.

[7] Boutros-Ghali was the inspiration behind the comedic language in the BBC comedy The Fast Show . Specifically, the parody of Spanish state television (and also much Southern Mediterranean TV) - Chanel 9. The sketch always ended with the characters announcing "Boutros Boutros-Ghali" in place of "Goodbye" [8] In the sitcom Seinfeld, main character Jerry Seinfeld used the name "Boutros Boutros-Ghali" as an exclamation, usually having to do with a physical attraction to the opposite sex. In the animated comedy series King of the Hill, Dale Gribble, talking about global warming, said "That's code for UN commissars telling Americans what the temperature's going to be in our outdoors. I say let the world warm up. Let's see what Boutros Boutros Ghali Ghali (sic) has to say about that. We'll grow oranges in Alaska! In the sitcom Friends, Phoebe mentions Boutros Boutros-Ghali in "The One Where Ross and Rachel Take a Break Part 1" when she is trying to make conversation with her UN Diplomat date.

In the song "You're a Champion" by rock group the 2 Skinnee J's , Boutros-Ghali is referenced in the line, "we'll double up your pleasure, like Boutros-Boutros Ghali". Works As Secretary-General, Boutros-Ghali wrote An Agenda for Peace . Boutros-Ghali has published two memoirs: Egypt's road to Jerusalem (1997), about the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty Unvanquished: A U.S.-U.N. Saga (1999), about his time as Secretary-General at the UN Political offices ^ Clarke, Richard. Against All Enemies . p. 201. ^ Richard Holbrook , To End a War, p. 202 Up to date as of January 14, 2010 From Wikiquote Only stupid people don't change their minds. Boutros Boutros-Ghali CC (Arabic: بطرس بطرس غالي) (born 14 November 1922 ) is an Egyptian diplomat who was the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations from January 1992 to December 1996.

Sourced We have entered a time of global transition marked by uniquely contradictory trends. Regional and continental associations of States are evolving ways to deepen cooperation and ease some of the contentious characteristics of sovereign and nationalistic rivalries. National boundaries are blurred by advanced communications and global commerce, and by the decisions of States to yield some sovereign prerogatives to larger, common political associations. At the same time, however, fierce new assertions of nationalism and sovereignty spring up, and the cohesion of States is threatened by brutal ethnic, religious, social, cultural or linguistic strife. Social peace is challenged on the one hand by new assertions of discrimination and exclusion and, on the other, by acts of terrorism seeking to undermine evolution and change through democratic means. An Agenda for Peace : Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping (1992) - online text The concept of peace is easy to grasp; that of international security is more complex, for a pattern of contradictions has arisen here as well. As major nuclear Powers have begun to negotiate arms reduction agreements, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction threatens to increase and conventional arms continue to be amassed in many parts of the world.

As racism becomes recognized for the destructive force it is and as apartheid is being dismantled, new racial tensions are rising and finding expression in violence. Technological advances are altering the nature and the expectation of life all over the globe. The revolution in communications has united the world in awareness, in aspiration and in greater solidarity against injustice. But progress also brings new risks for stability: ecological damage, disruption of family and community life, greater intrusion into the lives and rights of individuals. An Agenda for Peace : Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping (1992) The lesson I learned in Cairo still applies. The only way to deal with bureaucrats is with stealth and sudden violence. Statement of 1993, as quoted in The Coming Plague : Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance (1995) by Laurie Garrett, p. 592, and in Preventive Diplomacy : Stopping Wars before they Start (1996) by Kevin M. Cahill, p. 254 Only stupid people don't change their minds.

On why he sought a second 5 year term as Secretary General of the UN, having initially planned on serving only one, "The Change in the Administration's Position is a Mystery" Interview with The Washington Times (11 November 1996) I believe it will take time to find a solution to the problem. Thus we must have patience. On the Bosnian War , as quoted in Welcome to Sarajevo (1997) It would be some time before I fully realized that the United States sees little need for diplomacy; power is enough. Only the weak rely on diplomacy. This is why the weak are so deeply concerned with the democratic principle of the sovereign equality of states, as a means of providing some small measure of equality for that which is not equal in fact. Coming from a developing country, I was trained extensively in international law and diplomacy and mistakenly assumed that the great powers, especially the United States, also trained their representatives in diplomacy and accepted the value of it. But the Roman Empire had no need for diplomacy. Nor does the United States. Diplomacy is perceived by an imperial power as a waste of time and prestige and a sign of weakness. Unvanquished : A U.S. - U.N.

Saga (1999), p. 198 The days of dictatorship are over. ... We have come a long way. Millions of Egyptians and Iraqis have cast their votes at the ballot box. The Palestinians will follow suit. Quoted in "Boutros Boutros-Ghali: The world is his oyster" by Gamal Nkrumah in Al-Ahram weekly No. 777 (10 - 18 January 2006) While the broad principles of democracy are universal, the fact remains that their application varies considerably ... We are at the beginning of the road, at the very beginning. We still have a long way to go. Quoted in "Boutros Boutros-Ghali: The world is his oyster" by Gamal Nkrumah in Al-Ahram weekly No. 777 (10 - 18 January 2006) Cultural pluralism is as important as political and multi- party pluralism. Religious, linguistic and cultural pluralism are vitally important hallmarks of a true democracy. We are against cultural hegemony of any sort. Diversity is a mark of a healthy democracy.

Quoted in "Boutros Boutros-Ghali: The world is his oyster" by Gamal Nkrumah in Al-Ahram weekly No. 777 (10 - 18 January 2006) I will continue to work for the advancement of freedoms in Egypt and the Arab world until I drop dead. ... Education itself — which can and should play an important role in the apprenticeship of tolerance and respect for other people — sometimes encourages identitarian closure, or even extremist behaviour … It is therefore vital to ensure that education does not encourage rejection of other people or identitarian closure, but that on the contrary it encourages knowledge and respect for other cultures, other religions and other ways of being and living. Quoted in "Boutros Boutros-Ghali: The world is his oyster" by Gamal Nkrumah in Al-Ahram weekly No. 777 (10 - 18 January 2006) Quotes about Boutros-Ghali The situation also gave U.N. Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali a chance to start the U.N.'s disegagement from Bosnia, something he had long wanted to do.

After a few meetings with him, I concluded that this elegant and subtle Egyptian, whose Coptic family could trace its origins back over centuries, had disdain for the fractious and dirty peoples of the Balkans. Put bluntly, he never liked the place. In 1992, during his only visit to Sarajevo, he made the comment that shocked the journalists on the day I arrived in the beleaguered capital: "Bosnia is a rich man's war. I understand your frustration, but you have a situation here that is better than ten other places in the world. ... I can give you a list." He complained many times that Bosnia was eating up his budget, diverting him from other priorities, and threatening the whole U.N. system. "Bosnia has created a distortion in the work of the U.N.", he said just before Srebrenica . Sensing that our diplomatic efforts offered an opportunity to disengage, he informed the Security Council on September 18 that he would be ready to end the U.N. role in the former Yugoslavia, and allow all key aspects of implementation to be placed with others.

Two days later, he told Madeleine Albright that the Contact Group should create its own mechanism for implementation — thus volunteering to reduce the U.N.'s role at a critical moment. Ironically, his weakness simplified our task considerably. Richard Holbrooke , To End a War,pp. 174-175 The struggle over the U.N.'s role foreshadowed the American determination a year later to oppose Boutros-Ghali's quest for a second term as Secretary-General. More than any other issue, it was his performance on Bosnia that made us feel he did not deserve a second term — just as Kofi Annan 's strength on the bombing in August had already made him the private favorite of many American officials. Although the American campaign against Boutros-Ghali, in which all our key allies opposed us, was long and difficult — especially for Allbright , who bore heavy and unjust criticism for her role — the decision was correct, and may well have saved America's role in the United Nations. Richard Holbrooke , To End a War,p. 202 External links The English used in this article or section may not be easy for everybody to understand. You can help Wikipedia by making this page or section simpler.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali Boutros Boutros-Ghali ( Arabic : بطرس بطرس غالي, Coptic: Bουτρος Βουτρος-Γαλι) (born November 14 , 1922 ) is an Egyptian diplomat who was the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations from January 1992 to December 1996. Contents File:Boutros Boutros-Ghali in Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of the United Nations, at Davos in 1995 . He had long been closely associated with the ruling party in Egypt. His political career took off during the days of former president Anwar El-Sadat. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Arab Socialist Union (1974-77). He had served as Egypt's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from 1977 until early 1991. He then became Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs for several months before moving to the UN. As Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, he played a part in the peace agreements between Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin.

[1] UN career Elected to the top post of the UN in 1991 , Boutros-Ghali's term in office remains controversial. He was criticised for the UN's failure to act during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide , which officially left about 937,000 people dead, and he appeared unable to muster support in the UN for intervention in the continuing Angolan Civil War. One of the hardest periods for his office during his term was dealing with the crisis of the Yugoslav wars after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia . His reputation thus became entangled in the larger controversies over the effectiveness of the UN and the role of the United States in the UN. For his detractors, he came to symbolise the UN's alleged inaction in the face of humanitarian crises. Second term In 1996 , ten Security Council members, led by African members Egypt, Guinea-Bissau and Botswana , sponsored a resolution backing Boutros-Ghali for a second five-year term, until the year 2001 . However, the United States vetoed a second term for Boutros-Ghali.

In addition to the United States, the United Kingdom , Poland , South Korea , and Italy did not sponsor this resolution, although all four of those nations voted in support of Boutros-Ghali after the US had firmly declared its intention to veto. Although not the first vetoed ( China vetoed the third term of Kurt Waldheim in 1981 ), Boutros-Ghali was the first and only UN secretary-general not to be elected to a second term in office. He was succeeded at the UN by Kofi Annan . US counter-terrorism czar Richard Clarke, Michael Sheehan, and Jamie Rubin participated in what they called "Operation Orient Express." From page 201 of Clarke's book Against All Enemies: "Albright and I and a handful of others (Michael Sheehan, Jamie Rubin) had entered into a pact together in 1996 to oust Boutros-Ghali as Secretary General of the United Nations, a secret plan we had called Operation Orient Express, reflecting our hope that many nations would join us in doing in the UN head.

In the end, the US had to do it alone (with its UN veto) and Sheehan and I had to prevent the President from giving in to pressure from world leaders and extending Boutros-Ghali's tenure, often by our racing to the Oval Office when we were alerted that a head of state was telephoning the President. In the end Clinton was impressed that we had managed not only to oust Boutros-Ghali but to have Kofi Annan selected to replace him. (Clinton told Sheehan and me, 'Get me a crow, I should eat a crow, because I said you would never pull it off.')" Later life From 1997 to 2002 Boutros-Ghali was Secretary-General of La Francophonie, an organisation of French -speaking nations. From 2003 to 2006 , he served as the Chairman of the Board of the South Centre, [2] intergovernmental research organisation of developing countries. He is currently President of the Curatorium Administrative Council at the Hague Academy of International Law.

In 2003 Boutros-Ghali was appointed as The Director of the Egyptian National Council of Human Rights, he is still holding this position till today. Since April 2007 Boutros-Ghali has supported the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly and was one of the initial signatories of the Campaign's appeal. In a message to the Campaign, he stressed the necessity to establish democratic participation of citizens at the global level. Works Boutros-Ghali has published two memoirs: Egypt's road to Jerusalem ( 1997 ), about the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty. Unvanquished: A U.S.-U.N. Saga ( 1999 ), about his time as Secretary-General at the UN. Quotes "It would be some time before I fully realised that the United States sees little need for diplomacy. Power is enough. Only the weak rely on diplomacy… The Roman Empire had no need for diplomacy.

Nor does the United States." [3] [4] "The best way to deal with bureaucrats is with stealth and sudden violence." [5] Preceded by Boutros Boutros-Ghali - Metapedia Boutros Boutros-Ghali 1 January 1992 – 31 December 1996 Preceded by Coptic Christian Boutros Boutros-Ghali ( Arabic : بطرس بطرس غالي, Coptic : Bουτρος Βουτρος-Γαλι; born 14 November 1922) is an Egyptian politician and diplomat who was the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN) from January 1992 to December 1996. An academic and former Vice Foreign Minister of Egypt, Boutros Boutros-Ghali oversaw the UN at a time when it paid attention to several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan Genocide . Contents 9 External links Academic career Boutros Boutros-Ghali was born in Cairo into a Coptic Christian (Boutros being the Arabic version of the Greek word πέτρος (petros)).

[1] His grandfather Boutros Ghali had been Prime Minister of Egypt from 1908 until he was assassinated in 1910. Boutros-Ghali graduated from Cairo University in 1946. He received a Ph.D. in international law from the University of Paris and a diploma in international relations from the Sciences Po in 1949. In 1979, he was appointed Professor of International Law and International Relations at Cairo University, a position which he held until 1999. He became President of the Centre of Political and Strategic Studies in 1975 and President of the African Society of Political Studies in 1980. He was a Fulbright Research Scholar at Columbia University from 1954 to 1955, Director of the Centre of Research of the Hague Academy of International Law from 1963 to 1964, and Visiting Professor at the Faculty of Law at Paris University from 1967 to 1968. He is also the Honorary Rector of the Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, a branch of Kyunghee University Seoul.

Egyptian political career His political career developed during the presidency of Anwar El Sadat . He was a member of the Central Committee of the Arab Socialist Union from 1974 to 1977. He served as Egypt's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from 1977 until early 1991. He then became Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs for several months before moving to the UN. As Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, he played a part in the peace agreements between President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin . [2] According to investigative journalist Linda Melvern , Boutros-Ghali approved a secret $26 million arms sale to the government of Rwanda in 1990 when he was Egyptian Foreign Minister, the weapons stockpiled by the Hutu regime as part of the fairly public, long-term preparations for the subsequent genocide . He was serving as UN Secretary-General when the killings occurred 4 years later. [3] UN career Elected as secretary-general, the top post of the UN, in 1991, Boutros-Ghali's term in office remains controversial.

In 1992, he submitted An Agenda for Peace , a suggestion for how the UN could respond to violent conflict. However, he was criticised for the UN's failure to act during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide , which officially left over 1 million people dead, and he appeared unable to muster support in the UN for intervention in the continuing Angolan Civil War . One of the hardest tasks during his term was dealing with the crisis of the Yugoslav wars after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia . His reputation became entangled in the larger controversies over the effectiveness of the UN and the role of the United States in the UN. Nomination for second term In 1996, ten Security Council members, led by African members Egypt, Guinea-Bissau and Botswana , sponsored a resolution backing Boutros-Ghali for a second five-year term, until the year 2001. However, the United States vetoed a second term for Boutros-Ghali. In addition to the United States, the United Kingdom , Poland , South Korea , and Italy did not sponsor the resolution, but the last four nations voted in support of Boutros-Ghali after the US had firmly declared its intention to veto.

Although not the first vetoed candidate ( China vetoed the third term of Kurt Waldheim in 1981), Boutros-Ghali was the only UN secretary-general not to be elected to a second term in office. He was succeeded at the UN by Kofi Annan . Richard Clarke (US counter-terrorism czar), Michael Sheehan , and James Rubin participated in what they called " Operation Orient Express ". Clarke wrote: Albright and I and a handful of others (Michael Sheehan, Jamie Rubin) had entered into a pact together in 1996 to oust Boutros-Ghali as Secretary General of the United Nations, a secret plan we had called Operation Orient Express, reflecting our hope that many nations would join us in doing in the UN head. In the end, the US had to do it alone (with its UN veto) and Sheehan and I had to prevent the President from giving in to pressure from world leaders and extending Boutros-Ghali's tenure, often by our racing to the Oval Office when we were alerted that a head of state was telephoning the President.

In the end Clinton was impressed that we had managed not only to oust Boutros-Ghali but to have Kofi Annan selected to replace him. (Clinton told Sheehan and me, 'Get me a crow, I should eat a crow , because I said you would never pull it off.') [4] Richard Holbrooke wrote that the US was opposed to Boutros-Ghali because of the latter's reluctance on approving NATO bombing in Bosnia (something that Kofi Annan supported). He notes that US opposition to the Secretary General was opposed by all its allies. [5] Stanley Meisler , biographer of Kofi Annan , writes that Boutros Ghali's reluctance in bombing the Serbs in Bosnia stemmed from French and British opposition to the tactic, as both countries had provided most of the UN peacekeepers and feared that the Serbs would retaliate against their soldiers. Meisler instead suggests that Clinton sought to veto Boutros Ghali's second term to increase his own popularity, as Senator Bob Dole , who was running against Clinton in 1996, had gotten a few votes by repeatedly denouncing Boutros-Ghali vehemently.

[6] Later life From 1997 to 2002 Boutros-Ghali was Secretary-General of La Francophonie , an organization of French -speaking nations. From 2003 to 2006, he served as the Chairman of the Board of the South Centre , [7] an intergovernmental research organization of developing countries. He is currently President of the Curatorium Administrative Council at the Hague Academy of International Law . In 2003 Boutros-Ghali was appointed as The Director of the Egyptian National Council of Human Rights, a position he still holds. Since April 2007 Boutros-Ghali has supported the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly and was one of the initial signatories of the Campaign's appeal. In a message to the Campaign, he stressed the necessity to establish democratic participation of citizens at the global level. [8] Since 2009 he also participates as jury member for the Conflict Prevention Prize [9] awarded every year by the Fondation Chirac . Film and television appearances Boutros-Ghali appears as himself in the documentary film, Back Door Channels: The Price of Peace .

In his interviews with Director Harry Hunkele , Boutros-Ghali describes his role and that of former Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in bringing about the peace accord between Egypt and Israel in March 1979. [10] Boutros-Ghali was the inspiration behind the comedic language in the BBC comedy The Fast Show . Specifically, the parody of Greek state television (and also much Southern Mediterranean TV) – Chanel 9. The sketch always ended with the characters announcing "Boutros Boutros-Ghali" in place of "Goodbye". [11] Boutros-Ghali was interviewed by Ali G , a character of British comedian Sacha Baron Cohen . [12] The interview appeared on the "War" episode of Da Ali G Show . [13] . Works Trygve Lie synonyms, Trygve Lie antonyms - FreeThesaurus.com Trygve Lie synonyms, Trygve Lie antonyms - FreeThesaurus.com Related to Trygve Lie: Kurt Waldheim , U Thant noun Norwegian diplomat who was the first Secretary General of the United Nations (1896-1968) Synonyms Want to thank TFD for its existence?

Tell a friend about us , add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster's page for free fun content . Link to this page: Write what you mean clearly and correctly. References in periodicals archive ? 2010); see also Memorandum, Trygve Lie, supra note 1, at 6 (stating that member governments must be "able and willing to carry out the obligations of membership," which "can be carried out only by governments which in fact possess the power to do so"); infra Part III. Towards a declaratory school of government recognition The very first Secretary-General, Trygve Lie of Norway, tried to assume a political role and got his wrist slapped. What difference can a UN Secretary-General make?--Address to the students of Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou Nov. 12, 2008 Ki-moon's seven predecessors, all men, were Trygve Lie of Norway, Dag Hammarskjold of Sweden, U Thant of Burma, Kurt Waldheim of Austria, Javier Perez de Cuellar of Peru, Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt, and Kofi Annan of Ghana whose term of office ended at the beginning of this year.

Question: Kurt Waldheim, U Thant, Trygvie Lie and Boutros Boutros Ghali have all held which post?
Answer: Secretary General of the United Nations