1978-1979: Winter of discontent Home 1978-1979: Winter of discontent A short history of the of the widespread strike movement that occurred during the winter of 1978-1979 in Britain. The 'Winter of Discontent' marked the largest stoppage of labour since the 1926 General Strike . The factors that provoked the widespread stoppage of work by thousands of British workers in the winter of 1978-79 began with the Labour government of James Callaghan's attempt to enforce limits on pay rises to curb inflation. Inflation had reached a height of nearly 26.9% in August 1975. In the same year Harold Wilson's Labour government, wanting to avoid increasingly large levels of unemployment agreed a voluntary incomes policy with the TUC that would cap pay increases for workers at limits set by the government. The government announced a limit on wage rises of £6 per week for all workers earning under £8,500 a year on July 11 and the TUC general council soon voted in favour of the proposals.

Further limits on pay increases were proposed by the government through 1976 and in July of 1977 it was announced that free collective bargaining between employers and unions would be slowly phased back in. Wishing to avoid a "free-for-all" rush for pay increases by the unions, the government allowed the return of collective bargaining to happen only with the agreement of the unions to continue with wage increase limits agreed in 1976 and a promise not to reopen any increase agreements made from previous policy, which the TUC agreed to. Inflation had more than halved by 1978, however, the government continued its policy and in July 1978 introduced a new limit of 5% on wage increases. Surprising the TUC , who had expected the pay limits to end, the 5% policy was overwhelmingly rejected by the general council and the immediate return to free collective bargaining was pushed for. An announcement was made by James Callaghan in September that an expected general election was not to be called, instead it was chosen to hold it the following year to allow the economy to stabilise.

The spark that began the wave of industrial action that was to hit the UK in the following months was lit by the workers at Ford Motors. In September a pay increase was set by the company within the allotted 5% designated by the government and was wholeheartedly rejected by the workers. A strike began when 15,000 Ford workers walked off the job on September 22 and by September 26 had been joined by 57,000 others, leaving 23 Ford factories up and down the country empty. Still an 'unofficial' strike by early October, the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) , fearing the level of rank and file control over the day to day running of the strike, decided to support it on October 5. The workers' demands of a 25% pay increase and 35 hour week were made official and negotiations with Ford commenced. After several weeks the TGWU agreed on a 17% pay increase, the idea of a shortening of hours having been completely dropped, and urged the strikers to return to work on November 22, which they did.

When it became obvious in mid-November that Ford was going to offer a pay deal over the 5% limit, government- TUC negotiations commenced in order to be able to work out a concrete agreement on pay policy in an attempt to halt further strikes. A weak policy was worked out, but the vote became deadlocked at the TUC general council and was rejected. The government attempted to impose sanctions on Ford for breach of the pay policy soon after the deal had been struck with the union. Callaghan narrowly won a motion of confidence after the sanctions had been heavily amended in Parliament and accepted that they could not be imposed. This effectively made the government powerless to enforce the 5% limit of pay increase, leaving the door open for more strikes in private industry and later in the public sector. Next to take action were the lorry drivers. Following the initiative of BP and Esso tanker drivers who had begun to refuse to work overtime in support of a 40% pay increase, all TGWU drivers struck on January 3. Thousands of petrol stations were closed after the break down of distribution caused by the strike, and drivers picketed ports across the country as well as firms who still had lorries on the road.

Refineries were also picketed and tanker drivers who were still working notified strikers which refinery they were headed to so as flying pickets could get there first and turn the tankers back. After bringing supplies transported by road to a virtual standstill, and after just less than a month of strike action, the drivers accepted a pay deal just £1 less per week than the union had asked for. The weeks during and after the lorry drivers strike were marked largely by strike action being taken by public sector workers, determined to keep up with the wage increases of their counterparts in the private sector. A number of important strikes were launched, several of which still evoke images iconic of the struggle during the winter of 1978-79. January 22 saw a "Day of Action" held by public sector unions, following several strikes of railwaymen that had already begun. With 1.5 million workers out, the day marked the largest general stoppage of work in the UK since the General Strike of 1926 . Mass demonstrations were held in many cities, including London, Cardiff, Edinburgh and Belfast. About 140,000 people took part in the demonstration in London.

Schools and airports closed for lack of workers, and ambulance drivers struck, although in many areas continued to respond to 999 calls. Following January 22, many workers remained on strike indefinitely. Also to take action were members of the Royal College of Nursing, traditionally one of the least militant 'unions' in the country, who demanded a 25% pay increase. During the ambulance drivers strike in mid-January it was also reported that staff in 1,100 NHS hospitals were refusing to treat anything but emergencies. A strike of gravediggers who were members of the GMWU (now GMB ) occurred in Liverpool and and Tameside in late January. An event that is often recalled clearly from memories of the period, the strike prompted one local health official to confide in a journalist that burials at sea were being considered by the local authority if the strike became prolonged. After two weeks of strike action, the gravediggers accepted a 14% increase and returned to work. Another memorable strike occurring towards the end of the winter was that of the waste collection workers. With many collectors having remained out since January 22, local councils were running out of space for storing waste.

Rubbish was piled high in Central London's Leicester Square after Westminster Council had allocated rubbish to be dumped there. The rubbish attracted rats and, rather indistinguishably, the conservative media, who used pictures of the Square in an attempt to discredit the strikers. Continuing its constant campaign throughout the winter criticising the strikers through the medium of the "breakdown of public convenience", the pictures of the piled rubbish presented itself as yet another front on which to attack the workers. The waste collectors strike ended on February 21, when the workers accepted an 11% increase and an extra £1 a week with possible increases in the future. The strikes, from the perspective of the TUC and the government, ended on February 14 after weeks of negotiation. A proposal was put to the TUC general council and agreed after several days, bringing an end to the winter long series of disputes. Due to the lack of control many unions had over their members by this time, many strikes did not end immediately after the agreement, testimony to the initiative exercised by many rank and file workers throughout the period who were willing and able to work and initiate strikes outside of their union's control.

Most had returned to work by the end of February after a total of 29,474,000 working days having been lost to strike action. The direct action help stem the tide of effective pay cuts by inflation eating up the value of their wages and won significant improvements for many tens of thousands of workers. Attachment The 10 worst British winters ever | The Independent Home News The 10 worst British winters ever Just how bad would things have to get for 2013 to be included among the very worst winters in our history? Sunday 17 November 2013 20:03 BST Click to follow The 10 worst British winters ever 1/10 10. The blizzards of 1933 1933 saw one of the worst blizzards to ever hit the British Isles. Some areas of the country saw 48 hours of continuous snowfall. GETTY IMAGES 2/10 9. The winter of 1952-53 In terms of loss of life the winter of 1952 was among the worst.

The great London smog of December 1952 occurred due to a combination of high levels of pollution and a period of high pressure. It is believed the smog may have accounted for as many as 12,000 lives. The year saw four weather related tragedies, including the smog, the storm surge of 1953, the famous Lymouth disaster and the sinking of the Empress Victoria during a storm. GETTY IMAGES 3/10 8.The winter of 1836 A tremendous blizzard and strong winds hit the whole of the south in 1836, leaving passengers stuck in trains. The Thames flooded and eight people were killed in an avalanche in Sussex. GETTY IMAGES 4/10 7. The winter of 1927-28 1927 saw a blizzard which began on Christmas Day in the Midlands and Wales and resulted in some of the heaviest snowfalls of the 20th Century in Britain. GETTY IMAGES 5/10 6.

The winter of 1978-79 Memorable as the winter of discontent for political reasons it was also the coldest winter since the famous 'big freeze' of 1962-63. A blizzard hit the south on New Year's Eve causing widespread disruption. 6/10 5. The winter of 1940 Only the freezing weather of 1963 was colder in modern times. The Thames froze for the first time since 1880 and Sheffield saw 4ft of snow. GETTY IMAGES 7/10 4. The winter of 1947 1947 saw harsh winter weather across much of northern Europe. Beginning on 21 January the UK saw several cold spells leading to large snow drifts. The weather problems were compounded by lack of fuel following the second world war. The cold spells continued until March which saw heavy snow. GETTY IMAGES 8/10 3. The winter of 1962-63 The worst British winter of modern times was an icy monster. Also known as the 'Big Freeze of 1963' it remains one of the coldest winters on record in the United Kingdom.

Only two winters in the UK have ever been colder. 1962-63 saw the coldest weather for two hundred years. At its height a 36-hour blizzard caused heavy drifting snow in most parts of the country. GETTY IMAGES 9/10 2. The winter of 1739-40 The winter of 1739-40 was one of the most severe in British history. As part of the so-called little ice age which lasted from 1350 to about 1850, it began with a severe frost that continued from Christmas Day, 1739, to February 17th, 1740. Temperatures dropped to -9C at one point. GETTY IMAGES 10/10 1. The winter of 1684 Okay, so it was a while ago. But the Great Frost of 1683–84 is still the worst frost recorded in England. During the bleak winter of 1684 the River Thames froze for two months solid, leading to London’s legendary Frost Fair being established.

Gambling, ice-skating and bear-baiting, all took place on the river which according to contemporary reports was covered in 11inch thick ice. The ground across parts of the UK was also frozen solid meaning no ploughing or planting of crops could take place. 1684 remains the coldest winter in the English instrumental record. GETTY IMAGES Britain is set to see the first low-level snow of the year this week as bitter arctic winds bring plummeting temperatures accompanied by rain, sleet and snow. Homes in northern Scotland will be the first battered by freezing temperatures as mercury plummets below the seasonal average, forecasters have warned. The icy weather is set to move south into The arrival of winter heralds the usual dire predictions of what the coming months might hold weather-wise. Some of the predictions are even suggesting that this winter could be among the worst that Britain has ever seen. 'The worst winter in decades set to hit Britain within days', declared one Sunday paper yesterday - above the subhead: 'Panicked Brits are stocking up ready for next week's predicted super-freeze.' Click here or on the above gallery to see our countdown of Britain's worst winters.

Meanwhile that bastion of conservative forecasting, the Met Office, has sought to play down concerns regarding an impending 'Snowmaggeddon', explaining calmly that a bit of snow at the end of November into December is not unusual. Yes, temperatures may be slightly lower than the seasonal average, but there's no indication that Britain is facing a particularly shivery winter ahead. All this raises the question of quite how bad things would have to get for Britain to really experience one of its worst winters ever. The answer, perhaps unsurprisingly, is extremely bad. In recent years Britain has seen its fair share of snow, but nothing to really compare with the awful winters of the past. Perhaps the last example of a really landmark awful winter was the December of 1978 and early months of 1979. Memorable as the winter of discontent for political reasons it was also the coldest winter since the famous 'big freeze' of 1962-63. The run up to 1978 had, rather like this year, been mild and dry in November - up until around the 24th of the month.

It was then that a cold north westerly weather pattern hit the UK, as the low pressure front progressed north the winds changed bringing a cold wind that brought with it snow showers and blizzards. As 1979 began the country was engulfed by blizzards and deep snow. Despite its massive impact on the UK the weather system of 1978-1979 still only wins a mid-table 6th place in our worst winters of all time list. If you want to see the rest click on the gallery above. Be warned though - you might want to put the kettle on first and stick your mittens on the radiator... Winter of Discontent | Wiki | Everipedia You can edit something on the page right now! Register today, it's fast and free. Winter of Discontent James Callaghan , the serving Prime Minister during the Winter of Discontent.

Winter of Discontent EN Wikipedia URL The Winter of Discontent refers to the winter of 1978–79 in the United Kingdom, during which there were widespread strikes by public sector trade unions demanding larger pay rises, following the ongoing pay caps of the Labour Party government led by James Callaghan against Trades Union Congress opposition to control inflation, during the coldest winter for 16 years. The strikes were a result of the Labour government's attempt to control inflation by a forced departure from their social contract with the unions by imposing rules on the public sector that pay rises be kept below 5%, to control inflation in itself and as an example to the private sector. However, some employees' unions conducted their negotiations within mutually agreed limits above this limit with employers. While the strikes were largely over by February 1979, the government's inability to contain the strikes earlier helped lead to Margaret Thatcher 's Conservative victory in the 1979 general election and legislation to restrict unions. Public sector employee strike actions included an unofficial strike by gravediggers working in Liverpool and Tameside , and strikes by refuse collectors.

Additionally, NHS ancillary workers formed picket lines to blockade hospital entrances with the result that many hospitals were reduced to taking emergency patients only. [2] The phrase "Winter of Discontent" is from the opening line of William Shakespeare 's Richard III : "Now is the winter of our discontent / Made glorious summer by this sun [or son] of York …", and was first applied to the events of the winter by Robin Chater, a writer at Incomes Data Report. It was subsequently used in a speech by James Callaghan and translated to define a crisis by tabloids – including The Sun . [3] [4] The weather turned very cold in the early months of 1979 with blizzards and deep snow, the coldest since 1962–63, rendering some jobs impossible, reducing retail spending and worsening the economy. [5] Background In 1969 Labour politician James Callaghan led a cabinet revolt which led to the abandonment of a proposed reform of trade union law outlined in a Barbara Castle white paper called In Place of Strife ; had Castle's white paper been implemented, most of the action during the Winter of Discontent would have been illegal.

The Labour governments of Harold Wilson and Callaghan continued a fight begun in 1972 against inflation upon election in February 1974. Inflation had peaked at 26.9% in the 12 months to August 1975, but while demonstrating to markets fiscal responsibility they wished to avoid large increases in unemployment. [6] As part of the campaign to bring down inflation, the government had agreed a ' social contract ' with the Trades Union Congress which allowed for a voluntary incomes policy in which the pay rises for workers were held down to limits set by the government. Previous governments had brought in incomes policies backed by Acts of Parliament , but the social contract agreed that this would not happen. [2] Phases I and II Phase I of the pay policy was announced on 11 July 1975 with a white paper entitled The Attack on Inflation. This proposed a limit on wage rises of £6 per week for all earning below £8,500 annually. The TUC General Council had accepted these proposals by 19 votes to 13.

On 5 May 1976 the TUC accepted a new policy for 1976 increases, beginning 1 August, of between £2.50 and £4 per week with further years outlined. At the Annual Congress on 8 September 1976 the TUC rejected a motion which called for a return to free collective bargaining (which meant no incomes policy at all) once Phase I expired on 1 August 1977. This new policy was Phase II of the incomes policy. Phase III On 15 July 1977 the Chancellor of the Exchequer Denis Healey announced Phase III of the incomes policy in which there was to be a phased return to free collective bargaining, without "a free-for-all." After prolonged negotiations, the TUC agreed to continue with the modest increases recommended for 1977-8 under Phase II limits and not to try to reopen pay agreements made under the previous policy, while the Government agreed not to intervene in pay negotiations. The Conservative Party criticised the power of the unions and lack of any stronger policy to cover the period from the Summer of 1978.

The inflation rate continued to fall through 1977 and by 1978 the annual rate fell below 10%. The 5% limit Having prepared for the imminent end of the incomes policy , global inflation supervened and was coming towards record levels during the 1978–82 period on 21 July 1978 Denis Healey introduced a new White Paper which set a guideline for pay rises of 5% in the year from 1 August. The TUC voted overwhelmingly on 26 July to reject the limit and insist on a return to free collective bargaining as they were promised. Unexpectedly, on 7 September, Prime Minister James Callaghan announced that he would not be calling a general election that autumn but seeking to go through the winter with continued pay restraint so that the economy would be in a better state in preparation for a spring election. The pay limit was officially termed 'Phase IV' but most referred to it as 'the 5% limit.' Although the government did not make the 5% limit a legal requirement, it decided to impose penalties on private and public government contractors who broke the limit.

The Ford negotiations Although not an official guideline, the pay rise set by Ford of Britain was accepted throughout private industry as a benchmark for negotiations. Ford had enjoyed a good year, and could afford to offer a large pay rise to its workers. The company was, however, also a major government contractor. Ford's management therefore made a pay offer within the 5% guidelines. In response, 15,000 Ford workers, mostly from the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), began an unofficial strike on 22 September, which subsequently became an official TGWU action on 5 October. The number of participants grew to 57,000. During the strike, Vauxhall Motors employees accepted an 8.5% rise. After long negotiation in which they weighed the chances of suffering from government sanctions against the continued damage of the strike, Ford eventually revised their offer to 17% and decided to accept the sanctions; Ford workers accepted the rise on 22 November. Political difficulties As the Ford strike was starting, the Labour Party conference began at Blackpool .

Terry Duffy, the delegate from Liverpool Wavertree Constituency Labour Party and a supporter of the Militant group, moved a motion on 2 October which demanded "that the Government immediately cease intervening in wage negotiations". Despite a plea from Michael Foot not to put the motion to the vote, the resolution was carried by 4,017,000 to 1,924,000. The next day, the Prime Minister accepted the fact of defeat by saying "I think it was a lesson in democracy yesterday", but insisted that he would not let up on the fight against inflation. [7] Meanwhile, the government's situation in the House of Commons was increasingly difficult; through by-elections it had lost its majority of 3 in 1976 and had been forced to put together a pact with the Liberal Party in 1977 in order to keep winning votes on legislation; the pact lapsed in July 1978.

A decision to grant extra Parliamentary seats to Northern Ireland afforded temporary support from the Ulster Unionist Party , but the Unionists were clear that this support would be withdrawn immediately after the Bill to grant extra seats had been passed – it was through the Ulster Unionists agreeing to abstain that the government defeated a motion of no confidence by 312 to 300 on 9 November. Further negotiation at the TUC By the middle of November it was clear that Ford would offer an increase substantially over the 5% limit. The government subsequently entered into intense negotiations with the TUC, hoping to produce an agreement on pay policy that would prevent disputes and show political unity in the run-up to the general election. A limited and weak formula was eventually worked out and put to the General Council of the TUC on 14 November, but its General Council vote was tied 14–14, with the formula being rejected on the Chair's casting vote. One important personality on the TUC General Council had changed earlier in 1978 with Moss Evans replacing Jack Jones at the TGWU.

Evans proved a weak leader of his union, although it is doubtful whether Jones could have restrained the actions of some of the TGWU shop stewards. After Ford settled, the government announced on 28 November that sanctions would be imposed on Ford, along with 220 other companies, for breach of the pay policy. The announcement of actual sanctions produced an immediate protest from the Confederation of British Industry which announced that it would challenge their legality. The Conservatives put down a motion in the House of Commons to revoke the sanctions. A co-ordinated protest by left-wing Labour MPs over spending on defence forced the debate set for 7 December to be postponed; however on 13 December an anti-sanctions amendment was passed by 285 to 279. The substantive motion as amended was then passed by 285 to 283. James Callaghan put down a further motion of confidence for the next day, which the government won by 10 votes (300 to 290), but accepted that his government could not use sanctions. In effect this deprived the government of any means of enforcing the 5% limit on private industry.

Lorry drivers With the government having no way of enforcing its pay policy, unions which had not yet put in pay claims began to increase their aim. The first to take extreme action were lorry drivers, members of the TGWU. Large numbers of the lorry drivers worked on oil tankers, and drivers working for BP and Esso began an overtime ban in support of rises of up to 40% on 18 December. With supplies of oil being disrupted, the Cabinet Office prepared 'Operation Drumstick', by which the Army were put on standby to take over from the tanker drivers. However, the Operation would need the declaration of a state of emergency in order to allow conscription of the assets of the oil companies, and the government drew back from such a step. Before the situation developed into a crisis the oil companies settled on wage rises of around 15%. From 3 January 1979 an unofficial strike of all TGWU lorry drivers began. With petrol distribution held up, petrol stations closed across the country. The strikers also picketed the main ports. The strikes were made official on 11 January by the TGWU and 12 January by the United Road Transport Union.

With 80% of the nation's goods transported by road, essential supplies were put in danger as striking drivers picketed those firms that continued to work. While the oil tanker drivers were working, the main refineries were also targeted and the tanker drivers let the strikers know where they were going, allowing for flying pickets to turn them back at their destination. More than 1,000,000 UK workers were laid off temporarily during the disputes. A further plan was drawn up to call a state of emergency and safeguard essential supplies through the Army, regarding which the government warned the TGWU leadership, which resulted in the union accepting (12 January 1979) a list of emergency supplies which were officially exempt from action. In practice, what counted as an emergency was left up to local officials of the TGWU to determine, and practice across the country varied according to the views of the local shop stewards who established 'dispensation committees' to decide.

When strikers in Hull did not allow the correct mix of animal feed through to local farms, the farmers dropped the bodies of dead piglets and chickens outside the union offices; the union contended that the farmer had actually wrung the chicken's necks to kill them, and the piglets had been killed when the sow rolled over and crushed them. On 29 January, lorry drivers in the south west accepted a deal awarded by an Arbitration Panel of a rise of up to 20%, just £1 per week less than the union had been striking for; this settlement proved a model which was accepted throughout the country. 'Crisis? What crisis?' On 10 January, James Callaghan arrived back from a summit in Guadeloupe in the middle of the lorry drivers' strike. Having been tipped off that the press were present, his press secretary Tom McCaffrey advised him to say nothing and return immediately to work, but his political adviser Tom McNally thought that the image of Callaghan returning and declaring his intent to take control of the situation would be reassuring. Callaghan therefore decided to give a press conference at Heathrow Airport .

To McNally's dismay Callaghan was jocular and referred to having had a swim in the Caribbean during the summit. He was then asked (by a reporter from the Evening Standard ) "What is your general approach, in view of the mounting chaos in the country at the moment?" and replied: Well, that's a judgment that you are making. I promise you that if you look at it from outside, and perhaps you're taking rather a parochial view at the moment, I don't think that other people in the world would share the view that there is mounting chaos. The next day's edition of The Sun featured the famous headline "Crisis? What crisis?" with a subheading "Rail, lorry, jobs chaos—and Jim blames Press", condemning Callaghan as being "out of touch" with British society. [2] Public sector employees 22 January 1979 was the biggest individual day of strike action since the General Strike of 1926, and many workers stayed out indefinitely afterwards. With many in the private sector having achieved substantial rises, the public sector unions became increasingly concerned to keep pace in terms of pay.

The government had already announced a slight weakening of the policy on 16 January, which gave the unions cause for hope that they might win and use free collective bargaining. Train drivers belonging to ASLEF and the National Union of Railwaymen had already begun a series of 24-hour strikes, and the Royal College of Nursing conference on 18 January decided to ask that the pay of nurses be increased to the same level in real terms as 1974, which would mean a 25% average rise. The public sector unions labelled the date the "Day of Action", in which they held a 24-hour strike and marched to demand a £60 per week minimum wage. With the succession of strikes having been called and then won, many groups of workers began to take unofficial action – often without the consent or support of the union leaderships. Ambulance drivers began to take strike action in mid-January, and in parts of the country (London, West Midlands, Cardiff , Glasgow and the west of Scotland) their action included refusing to attend 999 emergency calls. In these areas, the Army was drafted in to provide a skeleton service. Ancillary hospital staff also went on strike.

[2] On 30 January, the Secretary of State for Social Services David Ennals announced that 1,100 of 2,300 NHS hospitals were only treating emergencies, that practically no ambulance service was operating normally, and that the ancillary health service workers were deciding which cases merited treatment. The media reported with scorn that cancer patients were being prevented from getting essential treatment. Gravediggers' strike A notorious industrial action during the winter, and one which was later frequently referred to by Conservative politicians, was the strike by gravediggers, members of the GMWU in Liverpool and in Tameside near Manchester . Eighty gravediggers being on strike, Liverpool City Council hired a factory in Speke to store the corpses until they could be buried. The Department of Environment noted that there were 150 bodies stored at the factory at one point, with 25 more added every day. The reports of unburied bodies caused concern with the public. [8] On 1 February a persistent journalist asked the Medical Officer of Health for Liverpool, Dr Duncan Bolton, what would be done if the strike continued for months, Bolton speculated that burial at sea would be considered.

Although his response was hypothetical, in the circumstances it caused great alarm. Other alternatives were considered, including allowing the bereaved to dig their own funeral's graves, deploying troops, and engaging private contractors to inter the bodies. The main concerns were said to be aesthetic because bodies could be safely stored in heat-sealed bags for up to six weeks. [8] Bolton later reported being 'horrified' by the sensationalised reportage of the strike in the mass media. The gravediggers eventually settled for a 14% rise after a fortnight's strike. Waste collectors With many collectors having been on strike since 22 January, local authorities began to run out of space for storing waste and used local parks under their control. The Conservative controlled Westminster City Council used Leicester Square in the heart of London's West End for piles of rubbish and, as the Evening Standard reported, this attracted rats . On 21 February, a settlement of the local authority workers' dispute was agreed, whereby workers got an 11% rise, plus £1 per week, with the possibility of extra rises, should a pay comparability study recommend them.

Some left-wing local authorities, among them the London Borough of Camden , conceded the union demands in full (known as the 'Camden surplus') and then saw an investigation by the District Auditor , which eventually ruled it a breach of fiduciary duty and therefore illegal. Camden Borough councillors, among them Ken Livingstone , avoided surcharge . Livingstone was Leader of the Greater London Council at the time the decision not to impose a surcharge was made. International Monetary Fund Prior to the "Winter of Discontent", the Callaghan government had sought (in 1976) an International Monetary Fund loan of £2.3bn [9] to combat the rampant inflation at that time. Although the media reported this as a humiliation for a former imperial power working to rebuild its economy after World War II and the nadir of the post-war economic period, this in itself led to only a narrow lead for Margaret Thatcher 's party in October 1978 in opinion polls. [10] Political reaction and the end of the strikes Strikes by essential services dismayed many senior ministers in the Labour government who had been close to the trade union movement, who had thought it unlikely that trade unionists would take such action.

Among these was Prime Minister James Callaghan himself, who had built his political career on his connection to the trade unions, and had practically founded one, the Inland Revenue Staff Federation . The government was negotiating with the senior union leaders and on 11 February came to agreement on a proposal to be put to the TUC General Council. On 14 February the General Council agreed the concordat, published under the title 'The Economy, the Government, and Trade Union Responsibilities'. By this stage union executives had limited control over their members and strikes did not immediately cease, although they began to wind down from this point. In total in 1979, 29,474,000 working days were lost in industrial disputes, compared with 9,306,000 in 1978. Political impact In the summer before the Winter of Discontent, the minority Labour government's fortunes in the opinion polls had been improving and suggested that they could gain an overall majority in the event of a general election being held. However, on 7 September 1978, Callaghan announced that no general election would be held that year.

Callaghan's failure to call an election would ultimately prove to be a costly mistake for his government. [10] The strikes appeared to have a profound effect on voting intention. According to Gallup , Labour had a lead of 5% over the Conservatives in November 1978, which turned to a Conservative lead of 7.5% in January 1979, and of 20% in February. On 1 March, referendums on devolution to Scotland and Wales were held. That in Wales went strongly against devolution; that in Scotland produced a small majority in favour which did not reach the threshold set by Parliament of 40% of the electorate. The government's decision not to press ahead with devolution immediately led the Scottish National Party to withdraw support from the government and on 28 March in a motion of no confidence the government lost by one vote , precipitating a general election . Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher had already outlined her proposals for restricting trade union power in a party political broadcast on 17 January in the middle of the lorry drivers' strike. During the election campaign the Conservative Party made extensive use of the disruption caused during the strike.

One broadcast on 23 April began with the Sun's headline "Crisis? What Crisis?" being shown and read out by an increasingly desperate voiceover interspersed with film footage of piles of rubbish, closed factories, picketed hospitals and locked graveyards. The scale of the Conservatives' victory in the general election has often been ascribed to the effect of the strikes, as well as their Labour Isn't Working campaign, and the party used film of the events of the winter in election campaigns for years to come. Following Mrs Thatcher's election win, she brought the post-war consensus to an end and made drastic changes to trade union laws (most notably the regulation that unions had to hold a ballot among members before calling strikes) and as a result strikes were at their lowest level for 30 years by the time of the 1983 general election , which the Tories won by a landslide. [11] Indeed, this shift to the right in British politics led to the formation of a new consensus, which dominated politics through to the present day; both the Conservative and Labour Parties favoured lowering government spending, lowering taxation, an end to new council housing, and to accentuate the changes privatising industries and services that previously had been publicly owned.

This shift was cemented in place by New Labour , which won the 1997 General Election . See New Right . Three-Day Week , the Conservative government's reaction to the coal miners ' work-to-rule and strikes in 1974, that had a similarly disastrous impact on the government's popularity and led to the period of Labour Government in the intervening years until 1979. "Conservative Party Election Broadcast (1983)" Alec Kitson, Executive Officer of the TGWU, sent this Telex to branch officers to warn them to allow emergency supplies through. BBC - History - British History in depth: Thatcherism and the End of the Post-War Consensus Thatcherism and the End of the Post-War Consensus By Dennis Kavanagh What was the post-war political consensus and why did Thatcherism represent its final demise? On this page Print this page Consensus Britain emerged from the 1939-1945 war triumphant, but economically exhausted. It was one of the top three superpowers, although in reality a distant third behind the United States and the Soviet Union.

Nonetheless, its political system and the British state had been vindicated by success in war, and over the next few years Britain emerged as a model social democracy, combining planning and collectivism with civil liberties. The 1945 Labour government was largely responsible for what is called the 'post-war consensus'. However, some of the key elements can trace their origins to the war-time coalition government and the influence of Liberals like William Beveridge and the economist John Maynard Keynes. There was a belief that government could play a positive role in promoting greater equality through social engineering. The major features of domestic politics included: 1. Governments accepted a commitment to maintain full employment by Keynesian techniques of economic management. Ministers would use their levers, such as cutting taxes and boosting state spending, to increase the level of economic activity. 2. Acceptance and some encouragement of the role of the trade unions. In contrast to the pre-war years, governments recognised and consulted them regularly on workplace relations and economic policy. The unions’ access to government was increased partly by full employment and partly by governments turning, post-1961, to income policies as a way of curbing inflation. 3.

The mixed economy, with a large role for state ownership of the utilities (such as gas, electricity, coal, rail, etc) and intervention and planning in the economy. 4. The welfare state. The object of the national insurance system and the National Health Service was to provide an adequate income and free health when a family’s income was hit by, for example, sickness, old age, unemployment or death of the main breadwinner. The services were provided out of general taxation, or insurance, and represented social citizenship. 5. There was a belief that government could play a positive role in promoting greater equality through social engineering, for example, by progressive taxation, redistributive welfare spending, comprehensive schooling and regional policies. Abroad, the parties agreed on: the transition of the empire to the British Commonwealth, an association of independent states; British membership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato); nuclear weapons, (regarded as a mark of being a major power); and, on balance, that Britain should join the European Community. These policies were pursued by both Labour and Conservative governments, the latter because they thought it was necessary to gain working class support to win general elections and gain the consent of the major interest groups.

Consensus is not an ideal term because it may be read as suggesting that there were no differences between the parties. In fact, the above ideas and policies were often challenged by the left of the Labour party and by the free market or right wing of the Conservatives. But much of the political elite – the media, civil service and the leaderships of the parties, particularly when they were in government - shared many of these ideas. Top Economic decline Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1971 © During the 1960s and 1970s, the main parties competed to reverse Britain’s relative economic decline. There was a growing awareness that the economic league tables showed that Britain was at the wrong end for figures regarding strikes, productivity, inflation, economic growth and rising living standards. Virtually all European countries, except for Britain, had so-called 'economic miracles'. Britain was often described as the 'sick man of Europe'. The targets for blame included: failure to invest in new plant and machinery; restrictive working practices and outdated attitudes on the shop floor ('us and them'); amateurish management; loss of markets; and rise of competition. It seemed that the UK was ungovernable and that no government had an answer to inflation.

Britain appeared to be the weak link in the international liberal capitalist economic system, plagued by high inflation, low growth and irresponsible trade union power. Governments of both parties turned to incomes policies as an answer to inflation. They tried to agree a 'norm' for annual wage rises with the unions. This was always difficult for the unions, for their purpose is collective bargaining. This policy managed to keep prices down for a time, but collapsed when powerful groups broke the 'norm'. They failed dramatically with the Edward Heath government in 1973-1974 and again with the Labour government in 1979. Measures to boost economic activity and reduce unemployment sucked in extra imports, thereby worsening the trade balance, and seemed to lead to unacceptable rises in inflation. The financial markets’ loss of confidence meant a sharp slide in the value of sterling, which in turn led to the International Monetary Fund's 'rescue' in 1976. The IMF granted a loan to the British government in return for spending cuts and continued anti-inflation policies. That this happened at a time of high unemployment seemed to signal the end of the era of following Keynesian economic policies.

The 'Winter of Discontent' in 1979 was a key event. The rash of strikes in crucial public services against the Labour government’s income policies seemed to show that the country was ungovernable and that no government had an answer to inflation. It destroyed the government’s reputation for prudent economic management and its ability to gain the cooperation of the unions. Just as the Heath government had come to grief following the miners’ damaging strike against its incomes policy and subsequently lost the February 1974 general election, so the Labour government lost office in 1979 on pretty similar grounds. There were two responses to this failure. From the right, the new ideas of economists Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman - advocating monetarism, a greater scope for markets and limited government - won out over the ideas of the left for more state ownership and protection of industry following a withdrawal from the European Community. Top Thatcherism Margaret Thatcher at the Conservative conference in 1982 © Much of so-called Thatcherism actually evolved as circumstances allowed, and was helped by the failures of the opposition. For example, privatisation, a flagship policy, was not mentioned in the 1979 manifesto.

At the 1983 general election, in spite of unemployment doubling to some three million, the government won a landslide victory thanks in large part to Labour’s divisions and its left-wing policies. Thatcher's government insisted that it could no longer be a universal provider. It is interesting to consider the fate in the 1980s of the five features of the post-war consensus outlined previously. 1. Trade unions now operated in a tighter legal framework, including: the requirement for pre-strike ballots; the end of the 'closed shop' (union membership as a precondition of employment in a specific industry); and making unions liable for damages incurred in illegal strikes. They were hardly consulted by the government and their influence waned in part because of the abandonment of income policies and rising unemployment. 2. The spread of privatisation of the major utilities altered the balance of the mixed economy. Gas, electricity, telephony, British Airways and later British Rail were all privatised. There was also a huge sale to tenants of council housing. 3. The government abandoned its commitment to full employment, stating this was the responsibility of employers and employees, and accorded priority instead to keeping inflation low. 4. Welfare state benefits were increasingly subject to means-testing.

5. Government insisted that it could no longer be a universal provider. More should be left to the market, the voluntary sector and self-help. Top Thatcher's mandate Striking miners clash with police in Wooley, Yorkshire, 1984 © There was no great endorsement of Thatcherism in 1979. As late as October 1978, Labour was still ahead in some opinion polls, but the 'Winter of Discontent' turned the public against Labour and the unions. The election was more of a rejection of Labour than an endorsement of Thatcherism. The recapture of the Falkland Islands from Argentina in 1982 was important for the success of the Thatcher project. It coincided with an improvement in the public standing of the government and of Thatcher herself. The victory seemed to vindicate her claims in domestic politics that she could provide strong leadership and stand up for the nation. The war rhetoric could now be turned against the enemies within - particularly the trade unions. There are academic disputes about the extent to which military success boosted Conservative chances in the 1983 election. There were signs of a revival in the polls and greater economic optimism even before the capture. But what if the Falklands had been lost?

Would the government have survived? Labour could not exploit dissatisfaction, because it was seen as weak and divided. Thatcher was respected but not liked by the British public. For all the talk of sweeping election successes, government only gained an average of 42% of the vote at general elections. But the peculiarities of the British electoral system and the split of the non-Conservative vote between the Labour and Liberal-Alliance parties meant that the government was able to win over 60% of seats in the House of Commons. Surveys showed limited support for many of Thatcher’s values. Professor Ivor Crewe’s 'The Crusade that Failed' noted the lack of support for Thatcher’s policies on 'tax-and-spend' and replacing the dependency culture with an enterprise culture. And there was greater approval for a more equal society and for social and collective provision of welfare as against Thatcher's vision of people looking after themselves. But Labour could not exploit this dissatisfaction, because it was not trusted on the economy or defence and was widely seen as weak and divided. Top Labour conversion Successive heavy general election defeats gradually convinced Labour to accept much of the new settlement.

From outright repudiation of the policies at the 1983 general election, Labour steadily came to accept successive tranches of Thatcher's policies. Labour accepted the need to prioritise economic stability and encourage private enterprise. Some of these policies, including sales of cheap shares in privatising utilities, cutting direct taxes, and trade union reforms, were widely popular. Globalisation also meant that there were international pressures for national governments to pursue ‘prudent’ economic policies. Labour gradually accepted the need to prioritise economic stability, low inflation and borrowing, and encourage private enterprise. In addition, de-industrialisation and the decline of the working class and trade union membership meant that Labour’s traditional electoral base was being eroded. Gaining the support of an increasingly middle class electorate was crucial for electoral victory as Britain underwent demographic and economic change. Top Legacy The first 'New' Labour Prime Minister, Tony Blair © Despite British membership of the European Community, Britain's relationship with the US remains dominant. Forced to choose between the two, the first 'New' Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, followed Thatcher in allying Britain with the US, particularly around the issue of going to war.

And Thatcher may have actually helped 'New' Labour (the name given by Blair to his resurgent party to distinguish it from the discredited policies associated with 'old', weak, divided Labour) by weakening some of the more electorally unpopular interests Labour was associated with. John Major, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown are arguably 'Sons of Thatcher'. In terms of political style, Thatcher made the case for a strong premiership. Blair and his successor Gordon Brown have both sought to equip the prime minister's office to intervene more directly in the departments of government, and as a result the institution of the cabinet has continued its long-term decline. England (which missed out on devolution) is also more centralised. Local government has continued its post-1945 decline. Since its election victory in 1997, Labour has continued to cap local expenditure and allows local government to raise only 30% of its own funding. In the provision of public services, there are even more constraints on local autonomy via targets and reviews. For this reason, the journalist Simon Jenkins claims John Major, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown are ‘Sons of Thatcher’.

But the Thatcher era also meant a massive under-investment in infrastructure, particularly railways, roads, schools and universities. Inequality increased. The winners included much of the corporate sector and the City, and the losers, much of the public sector and manufacturing. Top A new consensus? The Labour and Conservative parties continue to differ over the role of the state, particularly regarding spending, legislating and regulating, and society, particularly regarding the roles of families and voluntary groups. An economist from Mars would conclude that the same government had been in charge throughout the second half of the 1990s. But the convergence of many policies between the parties has occurred in two stages. Firstly Labour accepted the Thatcher settlement. This encompassed: making the control of inflation a priority, but not having income policies; giving a greater role to markets, including privatisation; flexible labour markets, but with a place for the minimum wage and the 'social chapter' (part of the 1991 Maastricht Treaty on European Union relating to workers' rights and other social issues); lower direct rates of tax; means-testing for some welfare benefits; and not restoring the up-rating of old age pensions and wage rises.

The result has been, to quote The Times' political commentator Peter Riddell, that an economist from Mars 'would conclude that the same government had been in charge throughout the second half of the 1990s'. Secondly the Conservatives accepted the Blair settlement. This has involved: accepting the government’s planned public spending totals, notably for health and education; Bank of England independence; and many of Labour's constitutional reforms. In effect, the two main parties have accepted a neo-liberal model of policy as a means of coping with the constraints and opportunities of globalisation.

Both also accept the need for reform of public services and for greater value for money if taxpayers are likely to be resistant to increasing the share of the national income much above 40% devoted to public spending Top Conclusion Tony Blair's successor as prime minister, Gordon Brown © Some of the major social changes over the past 50 years include the loss of empire and of world power status, a weaker sense of collective British identity (devolution as both cause and consequence), an increase in immigration, first from the newer Commonwealth countries and now from new EU states, and the growth of multiculturalism and changes in the balance of the population ( the decline of manual work, the increase in the number of women in the workforce and rising numbers of the elderly) Despite rising living standards and greater opportunity for many, society has become more 'broken'. There has been a shift from the 'old' politics of parties and elections as reflected in falling membership and turnout. This may be a consequence of the decline in ideological divisions between the main parties, but there is still public interest in political issues. Prominent recent examples have been the mass demonstrations against the Iraq war and in defence of the countryside.

Society has also become more individualistic, as seen in the passion for home ownership and in Blair’s emphasis on choice in the public services. Britain's one-size-fits-all, post-1945 pubic services are seen to be less responsive to consumers. There remains a north-south (more accurately, London and the south east versus the rest) divide in terms of economic wealth and opportunity. London has gained greatly from the globalising economy, while the north remains heavily dependent on public spending for jobs and economic activity. And despite rising living standards and greater opportunity for many, society has become more 'broken' and an 'underclass' has emerged. Indicators of these trends are divorce, which has increased twentyfold, the prison population, which has increased sevenfold, and the fact that Britain has more births outside marriage and teenage mothers than any other European country. Thatcherism and British Politics: The End of Consensus?

by Dennis Kavanagh (Oxford University Press, 1987) The Blair Effect 2001-2005 by A Seldon and D Kavanagh eds (Cambridge University Press, 2001) The Road to 1945 by P Addison (Pimlico, 2nd ed 1975) Consensus. A Debate Too Far by A Seldon (in Parliamentary Affairs, 1994 2440 words 30/11) Top About the author Dennis Kavanagh is emeritus professor of politics at Liverpool University. Before joining Liverpool in 1996 he was professor of politics at Nottingham University. He has written or edited more than 30 books, most recently 'The British General Election of 2005' with David Butler.

Question: The modern British period of history called "The Winter of Discontent" began when?
Answer: 1978