Cyprus - a divided island Cyprus - a divided island "Excited voices roared across the walls of the other courtyards ... War! Ecevit had ordered Turkish troops into Cyprus to protect the rights of Turkish Cypriot citizens, who were being oppressed by the Greeks. At least that was the 'truth' as seen by the Turkish journalists." -- Midnight Express, Billy Hayes On the 20th of July 1974 Turkey invaded Cyprus. On the 18th of November 1983 the North was unilaterally declared as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus . A state that no other country with the exception of Turkey recognises. Cyprus today is a divided island. A Green Line divides the island. On the Turkish side razor wire, minefields, watch-towers every few hundred metres. A scene reminiscent of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain dividing East and West Germany. Famagusta is a ghost town. Many refugees , both Turkish and Greek Cypriots fled to the South. An estimated 40-50,000 Turkish troops illegally occupy Northern Cyprus.

Possibly as many as 100,000 Turkish settlers, many against their will, have moved into Northern Cyprus. Stories of atrocities filter across the border. Reports filter out of systematic and widespread plunder and destruction of Greek archaeological sites. It takes two to tango. In the early 1970's Turkey was looking for an excuse to invade. A handful of Greek Cypriots gave Turkey that excuse. Spurred on by a fascist military junta in Greece they mounted an abortive coup against the legitimate government of Cyprus. With genuine fears for the Turkish Cypriot minority Turkey initially had the tacit approval of the International Community. In the first invasion (20 July 1974) Turkey secured an area around Kyrenia. In defiance of a UN Security Council resolution to withdraw its forces, Turkey mounted a second invasion on the 14th of August 1974. Within two days, Turkey had captured more than a third of the territory of Cyprus. The fascist junta in Greece has long given way to a democratic regime, the Turkish occupying forces remain in place. Turkey occupies 37% of the island's land.

165,000 people fled from the North of the island, not only Greek Cypriots but also Turkish Cypriots. 45,000 Turkish Cypriots were 'helped' to flee to the North by attacks by out-of-control Greek Cypriot paramilitary units and attacks by Turkish Cypriot terror units. More than 200,000 people became refugees in their own land. A tiny handful of Greek Cypriots remain in the North , determined not to be driven from their homes. Many of those that remain are elderly and in their 60s, 70s and 80s. A steady stream of Turkish Cypriots has continued to leave the North to live abroad. They find that their cosmopolitan world view is increasingly at odds with the repressive regime back home. Denktash has called these migrants 'traitors', conveniently forgetting that it is his repressive regime that is driving these people to leave their own country. A Turkish Cypriot opponent of Denktash described occupied Cyprus as 'a prison in the sun'.

He was one of many Turkish Cypriot critics of Denktash, who is seen by many Turkish Cypriots as nothing more than a puppet of Ankara. Tourists who visit occupied Northern Cyprus describe on their return to freedom a holiday spent in a Police State - soldiers and police everywhere, watching every movement. Turkey is a repressive, brutal, Islamic regime, on a par with Indonesia, Iran or Iraq. Repression against its own people is well documented. Repression of lawyers, writers, intellectuals, students, trade union officials, human rights campaigners, minority groups within Turkey, especially Christian, Armenian, Greek and Kurdish minorities. Human rights groups who monitor the level of abuse and attempt to collect evidence find themselves in turn subjected to harassment and abuse. Human rights offices are closed or threatened with closure. Officials are threatened and intimidated. On Tuesday 12 May 1998, Akin Birdal, head of the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD) was gunned down at his office in Ankara. Early May 1998 a sit-down protest by the Mothers of the Disappeared was attacked by the police and those present arrested. Even this small, low key demonstration has proved more than the repressive regime can stomach.

The protests are now banned. To a hushed committee room in the House of Lords, two young lawyers gave a chilling account of their attendance as independent, international observers at a political trial in Turkey's State Security Court, April/May 1998. The court was ringed by troops and tanks, within, the accused were faced by armed soldiers. Those on trial were executive members of HADEP, a political party. Their 'crime' to was speak on behalf of the Kurds. To the same meeting, chaired by the eminent Lord Hylton (Moses Room, 2 June 1998), speaker after speaker highlighted the atrocities, wide scale abuses of human rights that were taking place in Turkey, the breaches of international agreements. Calls were made for international sanctions against Turkey. To coincide with the meeting, a damning report, documenting the widespread atrocities in Turkish occupied Kurdistan was launched. During 1996 a group of EU parliamentarians produced a damning report of Human Rights violations in Turkey and Northern Cyprus, and the lack of fundamental democratic rights. The UK Parliamentary Group produced an equally damning report on human rights abuses and the lack of democracy.

In March 1998, the European Commission produced a report stating 'No substantial progress has been achieved as regards human rights and democratic reform', since their last report. These are but samples of many such reports on Turkey produced by Amnesty International , Human Rights Watch and other Human Rights groups. In 1996, and again in 1997 the House of Lords debated human rights abuses in Turkey. Both sessions were highly critical and carried some harrowing accounts of the abuses taking place. The instigator of both debates, Lord Avebury, is a banned person in Turkey on account of his tireless campaigning for the oppressed in both Turkey and occupied Cyprus. During the Gulf War two RAF aircrew were shot down in a bombing raid over Iraq. A few days later they were paraded on Iraqi TV badly beaten up and forced to 'confess' their actions. Whatever the thoughts of Saddam Hussein, his actions were counter-productive as it hardened the resolve of the world to rid itself of Hussein. During the 1996 rout of the Kurds by Saddam Hussein one of these airmen spoke out publicly against the West's policy of protecting the Kurds.

This was not because the airman had no sympathy towards the Kurds, far from it, his attack was on the hypocrisy of the West. One day British aircrews would be risking their lives to protect the Kurds from Iraqi incursions, the next day they would be asked to stand down to allow Turkey to carry out bombing raids against Kurdish villages. Raids using a military machine financed and built by the West. 14 May 1997, Turkey launched an invasion of northern Iraq. 20 May 1998, Turkey launched a second invasion. In the Summer of 1996 a couple of Greek Cypriots were killed during disturbances on the neutral Green Line dividing the illegally occupied North of Cyprus from the rest of Cyprus. In the first case demonstrators against the Turkish occupation strayed into the Turkish side. One of the demonstrators was beaten and bludgeoned to death. Yes, they were foolish to stray across the line but that in no way justifies the brutality of the response.

A few days later, at the funeral of the first victim and with tempers running high, a cousin of the victim ran across the neutral zone, shinned up a flag pole and attempted to tear down the Turkish flag (the flag of the hated oppressor and occupier). He was shot down in cold blood. A few days after the killings Turkish Foreign Secretary and ex-Prime Minister Tansu Ciller arrived on the scene. Demonstrating that she herself was no less a thug she remarked that anyone who touched the Turkish flag would be cut down. US papers and press reports late 1996 linked Tansu Ciller to organised crime and death squads. Members of the Turkish parliament have accused Tansu Ciller of having links and called on the State Prosecutor to investigate. The killings in the Summer were not the only tragedies to take place that year. In the Autumn a Cypriot, ironically a refugee from the occupied North, was out collecting snails. Foolishly he strayed into the neutral zone. He was shot dead . He was shot dead even though he had his hands in the air in an act of surrender. To make doubly sure several shots were fired into his body as he lay on the ground.

Digitally enhanced pictures of the killers have been posted on the Web in attempt to bring the killers to trial. In total four people were killed on the Green Line during 1996. Earlier in the year, a Greek Cypriot National Guardsman was killed on the Green Line. On Sunday 15 December 1996 UK Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind arrived in Cyprus on a two day visit. He was accompanied by special envoy Sir David Hanney. They put to the people of Cyprus a 10 Step Programme . Noticeable by its absence was any call for Turkey to withdraw, though Rifkind did refer to this in his statements. The 10 Steps refers to the setting up of a a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, with give and take on all sides and the need for confidence building between the two sides. Rifkind emphasised that he was acting for anyone other than the UK, conveniently forgetting that the UK was and still is a guarantor of Cyprus's independence. Putting to one side my own reservations on the plan, Rifkind is at the very least to be commended as the first British Foreign Secretary to visit Cyprus since the Turkish invasion with the sole intention of attempting to resolve the Cyprus problem.

Were Cyprus to agree to the 10 Steps it would be all give by Cyprus and all take by Turkey. In effect it would legitimise the occupation and partition of Cyprus. From discussions with the UK Foreign Office it is all too clear their lack of understanding of the situation in Cyprus. Their constant reference to the two communities is illustrative of this. It is questionable whether they have anyone on the ground who understands the situation. We are all hampered by the cultural baggage that we carry around with us. How we perceive a situation very much depends upon where we are coming from. The cultural baggage for anyone in the UK is Northern Ireland - two sharply divided communities, decades of hatred between the two communities, with no sign of that hatred diminishing, inflamed as it is by the bigots on both sides of the religious divide. This is not the situation in Cyprus. The two communities were, until recently, intermixed and lived happily side by side. In fact it is probably a misnomer to speak of two communities.

The danger then is that we fall into the trap of referring to the Greek side of the island and the Turkish side, when what we should refer to are Cypriots (Turkish and Greek) and a free Cyprus and an occupied Cyprus. If we don't get the semantics of the language straight then we are unlikely to move forward as we are failing to understand the situation. Prior to the Turkish invasion and occupation, there was not one part of the island that was predominately Turkish Cypriots and another part that was predominately Greek Cypriots. That is not to belittle the atrocities that have occurred between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, these should remain as part of the historical record if for no other reason than as a warning of what can occur when things go wrong. Nor should we overlook the need to establish constitutional rights for minorities and ensure that every citizen defends and upholds those rights. The situation in Cyprus is not that of two sharply divided communities, it is that of an independent country, part of whose territory is currently occupied by a repressive regime.

The Turkish Cypriots living in the North do not see the Turks as liberators as is so often claimed by Turkey, on the other hand we should not underestimate their fear and trepidation at re-integration with the rest of Cyprus with the knowledge of inter-ethnic atrocities still within living memory. The withdrawal of Turkish troops would require their replacement with Nato Bosnia style peace-keepers as part of the confidence building measures. Cypriots have patiently stood by, sometimes not so patiently when frustrations erupt into mad demonstrations, but on the whole they have been prepared to rely on the world seeing the justice of their case. The world has conveniently looked the other way. There are signs that this patience is wearing very thin and will soon be at an end. The rest of the world walks on by. Attempts to buy arms on the World market (tanks and missile systems) is not the answer. Apart from the downside of a slide from angry confrontation to armed conflict there is the very real possibility of Turkey mounting a pre-emptive strike before the missiles are in place. It should be made very clear to Turkey that a pre-emptive strike would result in very serious consequences for Turkey.

Cyprus has a thriving tourist industry, so once did Lebanon and Yugoslavia. Does Cyprus really want to be reduced to another Lebanon or Yugoslavia? The way forward is a propaganda offensive in the West and Russia against Turkey. Turkey is no friend of the West , neither is Turkey a friend of Russia. Turkey is active with Iran and Iraq in attempting to form an Islamic Common Market. It has been active in attempting to destabilise Russia's southern republics, within Russia it has provided military support to Chechan separatists. It has been meddling in the Balkans, in particular Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania. In the early hours of Wednesday 18 December 1996 BBC World Service reported a statement by the Turkish Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan of his intentions to establish a defence pact with Iran. If the will existed Turkey could be kicked out of Cyprus overnight. Cyprus has to be far more pro-active in putting its case to world opinion and in highlighting that in backing Turkey the world is backing the wrong horse. Cyprus has to emphasise that it is a Western democracy with a cosmopolitan world view and contrast that with Turkey and in particular highlight the lack of democracy and human rights abuses that are the norm for Turkey.

Post-Cold War offers an unparall Wall dividing island of Cyprus torn down but divisions still stand - Wikinews, the free news source Wall dividing island of Cyprus torn down but divisions still stand From Wikinews, the free news source you can write! Friday, March 9, 2007 Map of divided Cyprus . This street is cut by the Green Line in Nicosia . From the platform, tourists overlook the no man's land and the Turkish part of the island. On Thursday March 8, 2007 the government of the Southern Greek part of Cyprus used heavy machinery to allow its military to tear down the five-meter high concrete wall on the Green Line that divides the island. The wall has stood in the Cyprus capital of Nicosia for more than 40 years. It has been a constant reminder of the political situation of the Mediterranean island (given independence from Britain in 1960) that has suffered divisions since communal violence in 1963 that was only prevented by establishing a United Nations Peacekeeping Force there in 1964.

These divisions only deepened when Cyprus was invaded by Turkey’s military in mid-July 1974 after right-wing Greek Cypriots (backed by the military junta ruling Greece at the time) attempted a coup with the intent of joining the island to Greece. The result was a split between the internationally recognized Greek Cypriot government in the south and the Turkish Cypriot north (only recognized by Turkey ). The division at Nicosia has become a curiosity to tourists who look over it to see the buffer zone between the two factions (a no man’s land with abandoned homes and businesses where no civilians are allowed). The destruction of the wall also brought out curious Cypriots. Much international pressure had been brought to bear on both sides, and thawing of the relationship between the opposing Cypriots began in 2003 when the Turkish side eased restrictions on travel. Still in 2004 before joining the E.U. , Greek Cypriots rejected the UN reunification plan that called for a federation of two states.

Then in December 2005 when the Turkish Cypriots created a footbridge for Turkey’s soldiers on the other side, the action drew protests from the Greek Cypriots voicing their security concerns. In January 2007 the Turkish Cypriots began dismantling the footbridge as a gesture of good faith. At first both Cypriot governments expressed hope of reunification when asked about the demolition. Tassos Papadopoulos , the president in the Greek south stated "Tonight we have demolished the checkpoint on our side.” He went on to call for the Turkish Cypriots to act, saying civilians will not be able to cross “if the troops are not withdrawn”. Rasit Pertev, chief adviser to Mehmet Ali Talat , the leader of Turkish Cyprus said: "This is extremely symbolic...

The dynamism created by this move will lead to the opening of the crossing." Still when the government of Turkey dismissed the move as merely a result of international pressure that did not signify anything, and refused to dismiss its troops in the area (it maintains 40,000 soldiers on the island), sheets of aluminum were put up as a barricade on the Greek Cypriot side early on the morning of March 9, 2007. Sources Cyprus country profile - BBC News BBC News Read more about sharing. Close share panel By legend the birthplace of the ancient Greek goddess of love Aphrodite, Cyprus's modern history has, in contrast, been dominated by enmity between its Greek and Turkish inhabitants. Cyprus has been divided since 1974 when Turkey invaded the north in response to a military coup on the island which was backed by the Athens government. The island was effectively partitioned with the northern third inhabited by Turkish Cypriots and the southern two-thirds by Greek Cypriots. United Nations troops patrol the "Green Line" dividing the two parts. Reunification talks have proceeded slowly.

Cyprus successfully diversified its largely agrarian economy into one based on services - including a large tourism sector - and light manufacturing. More recently it has also developed into an important financial hub, especially for investors from Russia and Eastern Europe. Area 9,251 sq km (3,572 sq miles) (combined) Major languages Greek, Turkish Life expectancy 78 years (men), 82 years (women) (UN) Currency euro; Turkish lira in the north UN, World Bank President: Nicos Anastasiades Image copyright Getty Images Conservative Democratic Rally candidate Nicos Anastasiades won the February 2013 run-off election by one of the biggest margins for many years, promising to do whatever was needed to secure a financial rescue package. He pledged to hammer out a quick deal with foreign lenders and bring Cyprus closer to Europe, in a shift from the policies of the outgoing Communist government that first sought aid from Russia before turning to the European Union. He quickly reached agreement with the UN and IMF on a 10bn-euro bank bailout, which was equally quickly amended to safeguard smaller bank accounts after parliament rejected the deal.

On the question of reunification with the separatist Turkish Cypriot north, President Anastasiades welcomed the election of pro-unity Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akinci in 2015 and immediately agreed to the resumption of hitherto stalled talks. Turkish Cypriot leader: Mustafa Akinci Image copyright Getty Images Mustafa Akinci, a social democrat, swept to victory in the Turkish Cypriot communal presidential election in 2015, promising to push harder for a peace deal in Cyprus. He beat the nationalist incumbent Dervis Eroglu. As long-serving mayor of the Turkish Cypriot municipality of North Nicosia between 1976 and 1990, Mr Akinci had pioneered cooperation with his southern counterpart on practical sanitation and heritage projects. This experience illuminates his later devotion to the cause of Cypriot reunification. He founded the Peace and Democracy Movement in 2003 in support of the UN's Annan Plan for a united Cyprus within the European Union, and also advocates a policy of greater independence from Turkey in policy matters. The Cypriot government welcomed his election. The status of Northern Cyprus as a separate entity is recognised only by Turkey.

MEDIA The Cypriot media mirror the island's political division, with the Turkish-controlled zone in the north operating its own press and broadcasters. Some 95% of Cypriots were online by 2015 and 70% on Facebook. Some key dates in the history of Cyprus: Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Tension between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots degenerated into violence not long after independence 1914 - Cyprus annexed by Britain, after more than 300 years of Ottoman rule. Britain had occupied the island in 1878, although it remained nominally under Ottoman sovereignty. 1955 - Greek Cypriots begin guerrilla war against British rule. The guerrilla movement, the National Organisation of Cypriot Combatants (EOKA), wants enosis (unification) with Greece. 1960 - Britain grants independence to Cyprus under a power-sharing constitution between Turkish and Greek Cypriots, holding intervention rights over the island along with Turkey and Greece. 1963 - President Makarios raises Turkish fears by proposing constitutional changes which would abrogate power-sharing arrangements. Inter-communal violence erupts.

Turkish side withdraws from power-sharing. 1974 - Military junta in Greece backs coup against Makarios, who escapes. Within days Turkish troops land in north. Coup collapses. Turkish forces occupy a third of the island. Greek and Turkish Cypriots flee in opposite directions. 1983 - Rauf Denktash declares the breakaway state of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which is recognised only by Turkey. 2003 - Turkish and Greek Cypriots cross island's dividing "green line" for first time in 30 years after Turkish Cypriot authorities ease border restrictions. 2004 - Cyprus joins the EU, but does so as a divided island. 2011 - Cyprus becomes entangled in the eurozone debt crisis. It secures a 10-billion-euro aid package to prevent its collapse and a possible exit from the euro zone.

Read full timeline Image copyright Getty Images Image caption The tourist area of Varosha in northern Cyprus was fenced off by after the invading Turkish army and many of its hotels are now abandoned ruins Divided Cyprus: Coming to Terms on an Imperfect Reality | Crisis Group Divided Cyprus: Coming to Terms on an Imperfect Reality Divided Cyprus: Coming to Terms on an Imperfect Reality Table of Contents Central Africa Horn of Africa Southern Africa West Africa Countries North East Asia South Asia South East Asia Countries Balkans Caucasus Eastern Europe Western Europe/Mediterranean Central Asia Countries 14 March 2014 Divided Cyprus: Coming to Terms on an Imperfect Reality To avoid another failed effort at federal reunification in the new round of Cyprus negotiations, all sides should break old taboos and discuss all possible options, including independence for Turkish Cypriots within the European Union. Turkey Executive Summary Talks have begun – yet again – on a settlement for divided Cyprus. To avoid another failed effort at a federation, new ideas are needed. The basic blockage is that Greek and Turkish Cypriots have separate lives, languages and infrastructure and fear a unified new administration would be more threatening than the peaceful status quo.

In debate and new backstage diplomacy, they and the international community should test a route to a different unity, including through giving Turkish Cypriots full independence and EU membership. Thinking outside the box may persuade the sides they prefer a federation, not least because the smaller Turkish Cypriot state would be so weak. But a realistic new approach could also be the best way to take advantage of Turkey’s new political will for a settlement, Greek Cypriots’ need for a dignified escape from economic trouble and Turkish Cypriots’ wish to be both in the EU and in charge of their own affairs. Related Content Divided Cyprus: Coming to Terms on an Imperfect Reality Legitimising Turkish Cypriot self-determination has been taboo outside the Turkish Cypriot entity and its backers in Turkey. The Greek Cypriot majority that took exclusive control of the internationally-recognised Republic of Cyprus in 1964 remains utterly opposed in public to formal partition. Its position is backed by UN Security Council resolutions and Cyprus’s network of allies, notably the EU, especially because of Turkey’s 1974 invasion and the subsequent physical separation of the communities.

Yet, in five rounds of mainly UN-facilitated negotiations over four decades, the sides have been unable to agree to reunify Cyprus according to the official parameters of a bizonal, bicommunal federation. Thousands of meetings in dozens of formats have resulted only in a glacial, incomplete normalisation of the de facto partition between the Greek Cypriot majority in the south and the Turkish Cypriots in the north. Officials involved in the fresh round of talks since February 2014 say they are aiming for the lightest federation yet imagined. The chief Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot negotiators have visited Ankara and Athens, opening an important new line of communication. But ill omens abound. Talks on just the opening statement dragged on for five months. Public scepticism is high. Suggested confidence-building measures, rarely achieved through negotiation anyway, have fallen flat. Natural gas discoveries south of the island are still minor and have done more to distract the sides than to unify them. Turkey and Greece, the outside powers with the greatest ability to help reach a deal, support the talks in principle, but their leaders have done little of the public diplomacy outreach that might make them likelier to succeed.

The status quo has proved durable and peaceful and is constantly improving. Nobody has been killed on the Green Line dividing the island since 1996. The main day-to-day problem is not so much the division of the island, but the non-negotiated status of the de facto partition. In private, business leaders on both sides and diplomats on all sides appear increasingly interested in a new framework for discussion. Turkish Cypriots voted in 2010 for a leader who openly favours maximum independence for their community. Some Greek Cypriots are privately ready to consider this option, although anger at the injustices of the Turkish invasion and strong nationalist rhetoric still rule the public sphere. This report argues that the parties should informally consider the option of mutually agreed independence for the Turkish Cypriots within the EU. The feasibility of such an option depends on EU membership procedures that in this case would depend on the voluntary agreement of the Greek Cypriots, whose state is already a member, so has veto rights over a new candidate.

To win that voluntary agreement, Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots would have to offer much: to return long-occupied territory like the ghost beach resort near Famagusta; pull back all or almost all of Turkey’s occupation troops; give up the international guarantees that accompanied the island’s independence in 1960; offer guaranteed compensation within an overall deal on property that both sides still own in each other’s territory; drop demands for derogations from EU law that would block post-settlement Greek Cypriot property purchases in any future Turkish Cypriot state; and acknowledge full Greek Cypriot control of territorial waters south of the island that have proven natural gas deposits. The existing Republic of Cyprus and a new Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus side by side in the EU might provide much of what Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots actually want. There would be no federal government with cumbersome ethnic quotas that might anyway be struck down by the European Court of Human Rights. The prickly issue of the two thirds of north Cypriot properties owned by Greek Cypriots would become clearer and easier to resolve.

If independent, the Turkish Cypriot entity would probably be willing to place its own limits on new Turkish “settlers” from the mainland. Turkey and Turkish Cypriots would likely have a defence arrangement, as is possible within the EU. And with a Cyprus settlement, the path of Turkey’s own EU accession process would be open again. Without a settlement, the frictions of the non-negotiated partition will simply continue. Turkey’s EU relationship will stay blocked and the EU and NATO will remain unable to cooperate formally, due to diplomatic duelling between the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey, respectively members in only one of those organisations. Turkish Cypriots will live on in unjustified isolation. And Greek Cypriots will suffer a deeper economic depression, longer deprivation of property rights, costly obstacles in the way of natural gas development, diminishing leverage over Turkey and, perhaps worst of all, indefinite uncertainty.

Nicosia/Istanbul/Brussels, 14 March 2014 Cyprus Map / Geography of Cyprus / Map of Cyprus - Worldatlas.com Print this map Cyprus President Nicos Anastasiades announced march 18th 2014 that he is battling against eurozone demands that all Cyprus bank customers pay a one-time levy in return for a bailout. Mr Anastasiades said he shared people's unhappiness with the terms, whereby ALL BANK CUSTOMERS would pay a levy of 6.75% or 10% on their bank deposits. The EU and IMF have demanded the levy in return for a 10bn-euro ($13bn; £8.6bn) bank bailout. Mr Anastasiades said it was the worst crisis since Turkey invaded in 1974. The worst crisis is that politicians are in charge! Cyprus, a onetime Greek colony and the site of many military incursions over the centuries, is still today, an island in conflict between two opposing factions. It all began some 12,000 years ago, as archeologists have confirmed hunter-gatherer activity on the island, with some settled villages around 8200 BC.

The island was part of the Hittite empire, a late Bronze Age force from Turkey , until the arrival of Greek traders who started visiting Cyprus around 1400 BC. If you're familiar with Greek mythology, you'll know that Cyprus played a very important role as it was the legendary birthplace of Aphrodite and Adonis, and home to King Cinyras and Pygmalion. Until it became a part of the Byzantine Empire near 400 AD, Cyprus was part of the Assyria Empire, ruled briefly by Egypt , controlled by the Persians, then annexed by the Romans in 58 BC. As for Byzantine (or the Eastern Roman Empire) rule, it was an era of debilitating raids and wars that continued for hundreds of years. Many thousands were killed and many cities were destroyed, never to be rebuilt. Adding to the on-going intrigue of this much-coveted island, Richard I of England captured it during the Third Crusade (circa 1191) and used it as a supply base. He later sold it to the Knights Templar.

At the end of 12th century the King of Cyprus asked the Pope in Rome to establish the Catholic church in Cyprus in order to facilitate the conversion of the population who belonged to the Greek Orthodox Church. And then the powerful Venetians paid a lengthy visit, they snatched control of the island and formally annexed Cyprus into their growing empire in 1489. The Venetians fortified many cities and used Famagusta and Nicosia as important commercial hubs. During that time their main adversary - the Ottoman Empire - frequently attacked the island trying to seize control. It was during the Venetian era that two distinct societies emerged; one consisted mostly of Italian merchants and their families, while the other segment was comprised of Greek Cypriots - the majority of island population. At the height of its power the Ottoman Empire (Turks) controlled territory in southeastern Europe , southwestern Asia , and North Africa , and in 1570 (with an overwhelming force) brought Cyprus under its control. It was a brutal transition as in Nicosia alone, tens of thousands of locals were executed and all public buildings (and churches) were looted. The Catholic Church was eliminated but the Greek Orthodox Church was allowed to continue.

Turks began to arrive in great numbers and settled on the island. This migration caused two separate communities to form, one of mostly Greek Cypriots, and the other comprised of Turkish Muslims. By the middle of the 19th century the population was near 150,000, and of those, some 100,000 were Greek Cypriots. Unhappy with the repressive Turkish rule and the on-going poverty, a strong feeling of nationalism surfaced within the Greek population. In 1878, the Turkish Sultan ceded Cyprus to the British in exchange for guarantees that Britain would use the island as a base, and protect the Ottoman Empire from the Russians ; they agreed. The island consequently served Britain as a key military base along its crucial main route to India , which was Britain's most important colony of that time. In 1914, when Turkey entered World War I on the side of Germany , Britain offered Cyprus to Constantine I of Greece on condition that Greece join the war on the side of the British; Constantine declined.

Prev Page 1/2 Next Page See Also Cities Divided - An Overview of Examples in History Cities Divided Cities Divided Cities Divided Between Two Countries Domes of San Carlo al Corso Church and St. Peter's Basilica in the Vatican City. The Vatican City divides Rome, the capital city of Italy into two independent countries!. Sylvain Sonnet/Getty Images By Dimitar Zhelev, Contributing Writer Updated February 20, 2016. Political borders do not always follow natural boundaries such as rivers, mountains and seas. Sometimes they divide homogeneous ethnic groups and they can even divide settlements. There are many examples around the world where a single large urban area is found in two countries. In some cases, the political boundary existed before the settlement grew, with people choosing to build a city divided between two counties. On the other hand, there are examples of cities and towns which were divided due to some war or post war agreements. Divided Capitals The Vatican City has been an independent country in the center of Rome, the capital of the Italian Republic, since February 11, 1929 (due to the Lateran Treaty). That actually splits the ancient city of Rome into two capital cities of two modern countries.

There are no material boundaries that isolate each part; only politically within the core of Rome there are 0.44 sq km (109 acres) that are a different country. continue reading below our video What are the Seven Wonders of the World Therefore one city, Rome, is shared between two countries. Another example of a divided capital city is Nicosia in Cyprus . The so called Green Line has divided the city since the Turkish invasion of 1974. Even though there is no international recognition for Northern Cyprus* as an independent state, the northern part of the island and a portion of Nicosia are not politically controlled by the southern Republic of Cyprus. This actually makes the capital city fragmented. The case of Jerusalem is quite intriguing. From 1948 (when the State of Israel gained independence) to 1967 (the Six-Day War), parts of the city were controlled by the Kingdom of Jordan and then in 1967 the these parts were reunited with the Israeli parts. If in the future Palestine becomes an independent country with borders that include parts of the Jerusalem, this will be a third example of a divided capital city in the modern world.

Nowadays, there are some parts of Jerusalem within the Palestinian West Bank. Currently, the West Bank has an autonomous status within the borders of the State of Israel, so there is no real international division. Divided Cities in Europe Germany was the epicenter of many wars in 19th and 20th centuries. That is why this is a country with numerous disunited settlements. It seems that Poland and Germany are the countries that have the biggest number of divided cities. To name a few pairs: Guben (Ger) and Gubin (Pol), Görlitz (Ger) and Zgorzelec (Pol), Forst (Ger) and Zasieki (Pol), Frankfurt am Oder (Ger) and Słubice (Pol), Bad Muskau (Ger) and Łęknica (Pol), Küstrin-Kietz (Ger) and Kostrzyn nad Odrą (Pol). In addition, Germany 'shares' cities with some other neighbouring countries. The German Herzogenrath and the Dutch Kerkrade have been separated since the Vienna Congress of 1815. Laufenburg and Rheinfelfen are divided between Germany and Switzerland.

In the Baltic Sea region, the Estonian city of Narva is separated from the Russian Ivangorod. Estonia also shares the city of Valga with Latvia where it is known as Valka. The Scandinavian countries Sweden and Finland use the Torne River as a natural border. Near the river mouth the Swedish Haparanda is an immediate neighbour of the Finish Torneo. The 1843 Treaty of Maastricht framed the exact border between Belgium and the Netherlands and also determined the separation of a settlement into two parts: Baarle-Nassau (Dutch) and Baarle-Hertog (Belgian). The city of Kosovska Mitrovica became quite famous in recent years. The settlement was initially divided between the Serbs and the Albanians during the Kosovo war of 1999. After the self-declared independence of Kosovo , the Serbian part is a kind of enclave economically and politically connected to Republic of Serbia. World War I After the end of the World War I four empires (Ottoman Empire, German Empire, Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Russian Empire) in Europe collapsed forming several new independent countries.

Ethnic borders were not the primary deciding factors when the new borders were drawn on the political map. That is why numerous villages and towns in Europe were just divided between the freshly established countries. In Central Europe the Polish town Cieszyn and Czech town Český Těšín were divided in the 1920s after the end of the war. As another consequence of this process, the Slovak city Komarno and the Hungarian city Komárom also became politically separated though they had previously been one settlement in the past. The postwar treaties enabled the urban fragmentation between Czech Republic and Austria where in accordance to the Saint-Germain peace treaty of 1918, the city of Gmünd in Lower Austria was divided and the Czech portion was named České Velenice. Also divided as a result of these treaties were Bad Radkersburg (Austria) and Gornja Radgona (Slovenia). Divided Cities in the Middle East and Africa Outside of Europe there are also a few examples of divided cities. In the Middle East there are several examples.

In North Sinai, the city of Rafah has two sides: the eastern side is a part of the Palestinian autonomous region of Gaza and the western is known as Egyptian Rafah, a part of Egypt. On the Hasbani River between Israel and Lebanon the settlement Ghajar is politically divided. The Ottoman city of Resuleyn nowadays is split between Turkey (Ceylanpınar) and Syria (Ra's al-'Ayn). In East Africa the city of Moyale, divided between Ethiopia and Kenya, is the the most significant example of a trans-border settlement. Divided Cities in the United States The United States has two internationally 'shared' cities. Sault Ste. Marie in Michigan was separated from Sault Ste. Marie in Ontario in 1817 when the UK/US Boundary Commission finalized the procedure for dividing Michigan and Canada. El Paso del Norte was separated in two parts in 1848 as result of the Mexican-American War (Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo). The US modern city in Texas is known as El Paso and the Mexican one as Ciudad Juárez.

Within the United States there are also several examples of cross-border cities like Indiana's Union City and Ohio's Union City; Texarkana, found on the border of Texas and Texarkana, Arkansas;, and Bristol, Tennessee and Bristol, Virginia. There are also Kansas City, Kansas, and Kansas City, Missouri. Divided Cities In the Past Many cities were divided in the past but today they are reunited. Berlin was both in communist East Germany and capitalist West Germany. After the collapse of Nazi Germany in 1945, the country was split into four postwar sectors controlled by the US, the UK, the USSR and France. This division was replicated in the capital city Berlin. Once the Cold War began, the tension between the Soviet portion and the others arose. Initially, the boundary between the parts was not so difficult to cross, but when the number of runaways increased the communist government in the eastern part ordered a stronger form of protection. This was the birth of the notorious Berlin Wall , begun on August 13, 1961. The 155 km long barrier existed till November 1989, when it practically stopped functioning as a border and was broken down. Thus another divided capital city crumbled.

Beirut, the capital of Lebanon, had two independent parts during the Civil War of 1975-1990. The Lebanese Christians were controlling the eastern part and the Lebanese Muslims the western part. The cultural and economic center of the city at that time was a devastated, no-man's land district known as the Green Line Zone. More than 60,000 people died only in the first two years of the conflict. In addition to this, some parts of the city were besieged by either Syrian or Israeli troops. Beirut was reunited and recovered after the end of the bloody war, and today is one of the most prosperous cities in the Middle East. * Only Turkey recognises the independence of the self-proclaimed Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

Question: What country is divided between Greek and Turkish factions?
Answer: Cyprus