Case: Edward Prigg, Plaintiff in Error, v. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Defendant in Error
Abbreviation: Prigg v. Pennsylvania
Decision Date: 1842-01
Docket Number: 
Citation: 16 Pet. 539
Volume: 41
Reporter: United States Reports
Court: Supreme Court of the United States
Jurisdiction: United States
Parties: Edward Prigg, Plaintiff in Error, v. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Defendant in Error.
Judges: 
Pages: 539–674

Head Matter:
Edward Prigg, Plaintiff in Error, v. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Defendant in Error.
A writ of error to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, brought under .the tyventyfifth section of the judiciary act of 118?, to revise the judgment of that Court, on a case involving the construction of the Constitution and laws of the United States.'
Edward Prigg, a citizen of the state of Maryland, was indicted, for kidnapping," in the Court of Oyer and Terminer of York county, Pennsylvania, for. having forcibly' taken and carried away, from that county, to the state of Maryland,*^ negro woman, named Margaret Morgan, with the design and intention of her being held, sold, and disposed of as a slave for life, contrary to a statute of Pennsylvania, passed on the twenty-sixth day of March, 1836. Edward Prigg pleaded not guilty, and the jury found a special .verdict, on which judgment was rendered for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The case was removed to the Supreme Court of the state, and the judgment of the' Court of Oyer and Términer was, pro forma, affirmed: and the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States; the constitutionality of-- the law, under which the indictment was found, being denied by the counsel of the state of Maryland; which state had undertaken the defence for Edward Prigg, ■ and prosecuted the writ of error. The cause was brought to the Supreme Court, with the sanction of both the states of Maryland and Pennsylvania, with -a view to have the questions in the case settled. .Margaret Morgan was the slave for life, under the’ laws of Maryland, of Margaret Ashmore, a citizen of that state. In' 1832 she escaped and fled from the state, into-Pennsylvania. Edward Prigg, having been . duly appointed the agent and attorney of Margaret Ashmore, and having obtained a warrant from a justice of the peace of York county, caused Margaret Morgan to be taken, as a fugitive from labour, by a,constable of the state of Pennsylvania, before the magistrate, who refused, to take cognisance of the ease: and thereupon Edward Prigg carried her and her children into Maryland, and delivered them to Margaret Ashmore. The children were born in Pennsylvania; one of them, more than a year after Margaret Morgan had fled and escaped -from Maryland.
By. the first section of the act of Assembly of Pennsylvania of 25th March, 1826, it is provided, that if any person shall by force and violence take and carry away, or shall by fraud or false pretence attempt to take, carry away, or seduce any negro or -mulatto from any part of'the commonwealth, with a design or intention of selling and disposing of, or keeping or detaining such negro or mulatto as a slave or servant for life, or for any other term whatsoever, such, person, and all persons aiding and abetting him, shall, on conviction thereof, be -deemed guilty of a felony, and shall forfeit and pay a sum not less than five hundred nor more than three thousand dollars, and shall be sentenced to undergo a servitude for any term or terms - of years, not less than.seven years, ñor exceeding twenty-pne years; and shall be confined and kept at' hard iabour, dec. , Other provisions are contained in the act; and it was passed in 1826, as declared in its title, to aid in carrying into effect -the Constitution and laws of the United States, relating to.fugitives' from labour; and on the application to the legislature, by commissioners from the, jtate of Maryland, with a view to meet the supposed wishes of the state of Maryland on the subject of fugitive slaves; but it hád failed to produce the good effects intended.
By the Court:
It will, probably, be found, when we look to the character of the Constitution of the United States itself, the objects which it seeks to attain, the powers which it confers, the duties which it enjoins, and the rights which it secures; as well as to the known historical fact that many of its provisions were matters of compromise of opposing interests and opinions; that no uniform rule of interpretation can be applied, which may not allow; even if it does not positively demand, many modifications in its actual application to particular clauses." Perhaps the safest rule of interpretation, after all, will be found to be to look to the nature and objects of the particular powers, duties, and rights, with all the light and aids of contemporary history; and to give to the words of each just such operation and force, consistent with their legitimate meaning, as may fairly'secure and attain the ends proposed.
It is historically well known, that the object of the clause in the Constitution of the • United States, relating to persons owing service and labour in one state escaping into other states, was to secure to the citizens of the slaveholding states the complete right and title of ownership in their slaves, as property, in every state in the Union, into which they might escape from the state where they were held in servitude. The full recognition of this right and title, was indispensable to the security of this species of property in all the slaveholding states; and indeed was so vital to the preservation of their domestic interests and institutions, that it cannot be doubted that it constituted a fundamental article, without the adoption of which the Union could not have been formed. Its true design was to guard against the doctrines and principles prevailing in the non-slaveholding states, by preventing them from inter-meddling with or obstructing or abolishing the rights of the owners of slaves.
By the general law of nations, no nation is bound to recognise the state of slavery as to foreign slaves within its territorial dominions, when it is opposed to its own policy and institutions, in favour of the subjects of other nations where slavery is recognised. If it does it. it is as a matter of comity, and hot as a matter of international right. The state, of slavery is deemed to be a mere municipal regulation; founded upon, and limited to the range of the territorial laws.
The clause in the. Constitution of the United States, relating to fugitives from labour, manifestly contemplates the existence of a positive, unqualified right, on the part of the owner of the slave, which no state law or regulation can in any way qualify, regulate, control, or restrain. Any state law or regulation, which interrupts, limits, delays, or postpones the rights of the owner to the immediate command of his service or labour, operates, pro tanto, a discharge of the slave therefrom. The question can never be, how much he is discharged from, but whether he is discharged from any, by the natural or necessary operation of the.state laws, or state regulations. The question is not one of quantity or degree, but of withholding or controlling the incidents of a positive right.
The owner of a fugitive slave has the same right to seize and take him in a state to which he has escaped or fled, that he had in the state from which he escaped: and it is well known that this right to seizure or recapture is universally acknowledged in all the slaveholding states. The Court have not the slightest hesitation in holding, that under and in virtue of the Constitution, the owner of the slave is clothed with the authority in every state of the Union, to seize and recapture his slave; wherever he can do it without any breach of the peace, or illegal violence. In'this sense, and to this extent, this clause in the Constitution may properly be said to execute itself, and to require no aid from legislation, state or national.
The Constitution does not stop at a mere annunciation of the rights of the owner to seize his absconding or fugitive slave, in the state to which he may have fled. If it had done so, it would Have left the owner of the slave, in many cases, utterly without any adequate redress.
The Constitution declares that the fugitive slave shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom service or labour may.be due. It is exceedingly difficult, if not impracticable, to read this language, and not to feel that it contemplated some further remedial redress than that which might be administered at the hand of the owner himself. “A claim” is to be made. .
“A claim,” in a just juridical sense, is a demand of some matter as of right, made by one person upon another to do or to forbear to do some act or thing, as a matter of duty.
It cannot well be doubted, that the Constitution requires the delivery of the fugitive on the claim of the master: and the'natural inference certainly is, that the national government Is clothed with the appropriate authority and functions to enforce it. The fundamental principle applicable to all'cases of this sort would seem to be, that where the end is required, the means are given ; and where the duty is enjoined, the ability to perform it is contemplated to exist on the part of the functionaries to whom it is intrusted.
The clause relating to fugitive slaves is found in the national Constitution, and not in that of any state. It might well be deemed an unconstitutional exercise of the power of interpretation, to insist that the states are bound to provide means to carry into effect the duties of the national government; nowhere delegated or intrusted to them by the Constitution. On the contrary, the natural, if not the necessary conclusion is, that the national g vernment, in the absence of all positive provisions to the contrary, is bound, through its own {¡roper departments, legislative', executive, or judiciary, as the case may require, to carry into effect all the right and duties imposed upon it by the Constitution.
A claim- to a fugitive slave is a controversy in a case “ arising under the Constitution of the United States,” under the express delegation of judicial power given by that instrument. Congress, then, may call that power into activity, for the very purpose of giving effect to the right; and if so, then it may prescribe the mode and extent to which it shall be applied; and how and under what circumstances the proceedings shall afford a complete protection and guaranty of the right.
The provisions of the sections of the act of Congress of 12th February, 1793, on the subject of fugitive slaves, as well as relative to fugitives from justice, cover both the subjects; not because they exhaust the remedies, which may be applied by Congress to enforce the rights, if the provisions shall be found, in practice, not to attain the objects of the Constitution: but because they point out all the modes of attaining those objects which Congress have as yet deemed expedient and proper. If this is so, it would seem upon just principles of construction, that the legislation of Congress, if constitutional, must supersede all state legislation upon the same subject; and by necessary implication prohibit it. For if Congress have a constitutional power to regulate a particular subject, and they do actually regulate it in a given manner, and in a certain form; it cannot be that the' state legislatures have a right to interfere. This doctrine Was fully recognised in the. case of Houston v. Moore, 5 Wheat. Rep. • 1,21, 22. Where Congress have exclusive power over á subject, it is not competent for state legislation to add to the provisions of Congress on that subject.
Congress have, on various occasions, exercised powers which were necessary and proper, as means to cany into effect rights expressly given, and. duties expressly enjoined by the Constitution. The end being required, it has-been deemed a just and necessary implication, that the means to accomplish it are given also; or, in other words, that ■ the power flows as a necessary means to accomplish the ends.
The constitutionality of the act of Congress relating to fugitives from labour, has been affirmed 'by the adjudications of the state tribunals, and by those of the Courts of the United States. If the question of the constitutionality of- the law were one pf doubtfu! construction, such long acquiescence in it, such contemporaneous expositions of it; and such extensive and uniform recognitions, would, in the judgment of the Court,
- entitle the question to be considered at rest. Congress, the exécutive, and the judiciary, have, upon various occasions, acted upon this as a sound and reasonable doctrine. Cited, Stuart «. Laird, I .Cranch, 299; Martin «. Hunter, 1 Wheat. 304; Cohens «. The Commonwealth of Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264.
The provisions of the act of 12th February, 1793, relative to fugitive slaves, is clearly constitutional-in all its leading provisions; and, indeed, with the exception of that part which confers authority on state", magistrates; is free from reasonable doubt or difficulty. As to the authority so conferred on state magistrates, while a- difference ' of-opinion exists, and may exist on this point in different'states', whether state magistrates are bound to act under it, none is entertained by the Court, that state magistrates, may, if they choose, exercise the authority, unless prohibited by state legislation.
The power of legislation in relation to fugitives from labour, is .exclusive in the national legislature. Cited, Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. 122, 193.
The right to seize and retake fugitive slaves, and the duty to deliver them up, in whatever-state of the Union they may be found, is under the Constitution recognised as an absolute positive right and duty, pervading the whole Union with an equal and supreme force, uncontrolled and uncontrollable by state sovereignty, or state legislation.
The right and duty are coextensive and uniform in remedy and operation throughout the whole Union. The owner has the same security, and the same remedial justice, and the same exemption from state regulations and control, through however many states he may pass with the fugitive slave in his possession, in transitu, to his domicile.
The Court are by no means to be unaerstood, in any manner whatever, to doubt or to interfere with the police power belonging to the states, in virtue of .their general sovereignty. That police power extends-over all subjects within the territorial limits of the states, and has never been cohceded to the United States. It is wholly distinguishable from the right and duty secured by the provision of the Constitution relating to . fugitive slaves; which is exclusively derived from the Constitution, and' obtains its whole efficiency therefrom.
The Court entertain no doubt whatsoever, that the states, in virtueof their general police power, possess full jurisdiction to arrest and restrain run-away slaves, and to remove them from their borders, and otherwise to secure themselves against their depredations, and evil example, ás they certainly may do in cases of idlers, vagabonds, and paupers. The rights of the owners of fugitive slaves, are in no just sense interfered with or regulated by such a course; and in many cases they may be promoted by1 the exercise of the police power.. Such regulations can never be permitted to interfere with or obstruct the just rights of the owner to reclaim his slave derived from the Constitution of the United States,'or with the remedies prescribed by. Congress to aid and enforce the same.
The act of the legislature of Pennsylvania upon which the indictment against Edward Prigg is founded, is unconstitutional and void. It purports to punish as a-,public offence against the state, the very act of seizing and removing a slave by his master, which the Constitution of the United States Was designed to justify and uphold.
IN error to the Supreme Court .of Pennsylvania.
The defendant in error, Edward Prigg, with Nathan S. Bemis, Jacob Forward,and Stephen Lewis, Jr., were, indicted by the Grand Jury of Yo'rk county, Pennsylvania, for that, on the .first day of April, 1837, upon a certain negro woman named Margaret Morgan, with forcé qnd violence.they made an. assault, and with force and violence feloniously did take and carry her away from the couqty of York, within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, to the state of Maryland, with a design and intention there to sell and dispose of the said Margaret Morgan, as and for a slave and servant for life.
Edward Prigg, one of the defendants, having been arraigned, pleaded not guilty.
T.he cause was tried before the Court .of'Quarter Sessions of York county, on the 22d day of May, 1839; and the jury found the following special verdict:
“ That at a session of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, holden at the city of Philadelphia, on the first day of March,. 1780, the following law was passed and enacted, to wit: An act for the gradual abolition of slavery:
1. Sec. III. All persons as well negroes and mulattoes as others, who'shall be born within this state, shall not be deemed and considered as servants for life, or slaves; and all servitude for life, of slavery of children in consequence of the slavery of their mothers, iri the case of all children born within this state from and , after the passing of this act as.aforesaid, shall be and hereby is, utterly taken away, extinguished, .and forever abolished.
2. Sec. IV. Provided always, .that every negro -and mulatto child born within this state after thé passing of this act as aforesaid, (who would, in case this act had not been made, have been born a servant for years, or life, or a slave,) shall be deemed to be, and shall be, by virtue of this act, the servant of such persons, or her or his assigns, who wpuld in such case have been entitled to like relief in case he or she shall be evilly treated by his nr her master or mistress, and- to like freedom dues, and other privileges, as. servants bound by indenture for four years are or may be entitled-; unless the person to whom' the service of any such child shall belong, shall abandon his or her .claim to the same; in which case the overseers of the poor of the city, township, or district respectively, where such child shall be so abandoned, shall by indenture bind out every child so abandoned, as an apprentice, for a time not exceeding the age herein before limited for the service of- such children.
3. Sec. V. Every person 'who is or shall be the owner of any negro or mulatto’slave or servants for life, or till the age of thirty-one years, now within this state, or his lawful attorney, shall, on or before the first day of November next, deliver or cause to T 3 delivered in writing to the clerk of the peace of the county, or to the clerk of the Court of Sessions of the city of Philadelphia, in which he or she shall respectively inhabit, the name and sur-name and occupation or profession of such owner, and the name of the county and township, district or ward wherein he or she resideth; and also the name and names of any such slave and slaves, and servant and servants for life, or till the age of thirty-one years, within this state, who shall be such on the said first day of November next, from all other persons; which particulars shall by said clerk of the sessions and clerk of the said city court, be entered in'books to be provided for that .purpose by the said clerks; and no negro or mulatto now within this state shall from and after the said first day of November, be deemed a slave or servant for life, or till the age of thirty-one years, unless his or her name shall be entered as aforesaid on such records, except such negro or mulatto slaves and servants as are hereinafter excepted; the said clerk to be entitled to a fee of two dollars for each slave or. servant so entered as aforesaid, from the treasury of the county, to be allowed to him in his accounts.
4. Sec. VI. Provided always, that any person in whom the ownership or right to the service of any negro or mulatto, shall be vested at the passing of this act, other than such as are .hereinbefore excepted, his or her heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, and all and every of them,' severally shall be liable to the Overseers of the poor of the city, township, or district to which any such negro or mulatto shall become chargeable, for such necessary expense, with costs of suit thereon, as such overseers may be put to, through the neglect of the owner, master, or mistress of such negro or mulatto, notwithstanding the name - and other descriptions of such negro or mulatto shall not be entered and recorded as aforesaid, unless his or her master or owiier shall, before such slave or servant obtain his or her twenty-eighth year, execute and record in the proper county, a deed or instrument securing to such slave or servant his or her freedom.
6. Sec. VIII. In all cases wherein sentence of death shall be pronounced against a slave, the jury before whom he or she shall be tried, shall appraise and declare the value of such slave; and in case such sentence be executed, the court shall make an order on the state treasurer, payable to the owner for the. same, and for the costs of prosecution; but in case of remission or mitigation, for the costs only.
7. " Sec. IX. The reward for taking up runaway and absconding negro aid mulatto slaves and servants, and the penalties for enticing away, dealing with, or harbouring, concealing or employing negro and mulatto slaves and servants, shall be the same, and shall be recovered in like manner, as in case of servants bound for four years.
8. Sec. X. No man or w,ornan, of any nation of colour, except the negroes and mulattoes- who shall be registered as aforesaid, shall at any time hereafter be deemed adjudged or holden, within the territories of this Commonwealth, as slaves or servants for life, but as free-men and free-women; except the domestic slaves attending upon delegates in'Congress from the other American states, foreign ministers and consuls, and persons passing through or sojourning in this state, and not becoming resident therein, and .seamen employed in ships not belonging to any inhabitant of this state, nor employed in any ship owned by any such inhabitant; provided, such domestic slaves shall not be alienated or sold to any inhabitant, nor (except in the case of members of Congress, foreign ministers and consuls) retained in this state longer than six months. •
9. Sec. XI. (Repealed 25th March, 1826.)
Sec. XII. And whereas attempts may be made to evade this act, by introducing into this state negroes and mulattoes bound by covenant to serye for long and unreasonable terms of years,' if' the same be not prevented: Therefore,
10. Sec. XIII. No covenant of personal servitude or apprenticeship whatsoever, shall be vaíid or binding on a negro or mulatto for a longer time than seven years,, unless such servant apprentice were, at the commencement of such servitude or apprenticeship, under the age of twenty-one years; .in which case such negro or mulatto may beholden as a servant or apprentice, respectively, according to the covenant, as the case shall be, until he or she shall attain the age of twenty-eight years, but no longer.
Sec. XIV. That this act or any thing herein contained shall not give any relief or shelter to any absconding'or runaway negro or mulatto slave or servant, who'has absconded himself or shall abscond h'imself from his or her owner, master or mistress, residing in any other state or country; but such owner, master or mistress shall have like right and aid. to. demand, claim, and take away his slave or servant, as he might have had in case this act had not been made; and that all negro and mulatto slaves now owned and heretofore resident in other states, who have absconded themsélves or been clandestinely carried away, or who may be employed abroad as seamen, and have not ábsconded or been brought back to their owners, masters, or mistresses before the passing of this act, may within five years be registered as effectually as is ordered by this act concerning those who are not within this state, on producing such slave before any two justices of the peace, and satisfying the said justices by due proof of his .former residence, absconding, running away, or absence of such slaves as aforesaid, who thereupon shall direct and order the said slaves to be entered on the record as aforesaid.”
. And the jurors further found, that at a session of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, holden at the city of Philadelphia, on the 29th day of March., 1788, the following- law was passed and enacted, “An act to. explain and amend'‘An act for the gradual abolition of slavery.’ ”
“Sec. I, For preventing many evils and abuses arising from ill-disposed persons availing themselves, of certain, defects in the act for the gradual abolition of slavery, passed on the first day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand'seven hundred and eighty, be it enactéd:
Sec. II. The exception contained in the tenth section of the act of the first of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, relative to domestic slaves, attending upon persons passing through or sojourning in this state, and not becoming resident therein, shall not be deemed or taken to extend to the slaves of such persons as are inhabitants of or resident in this state, or who shall come here with an intention to settle and reside; but all and every slave or slaves who shall be brought into this state by persons inhabiting or residing therein, or intending to inhabit or reside therein, shall be -immediately considered, deemed, and taken to be free, to all intents and purposes.
Sec. III. No negro or mulatto slave, or servant for term of years] (except as in the last exception of the tenth section of the said act, is mepted,) shall be removed out of this state, with the design and intention that the place of abode or residence of such slave or servant shall be thereby altered or changed, or with the design and intention #that such slave or servant, if a female and pregnant, shall be detained and kept out of this state till her delivery of the child of which she is or shall be pregnant, or with the design and intention that such slave or servant shall be brought again into this state, after the expiration of six months from the time of such slave or servant having been first brought into this state, without his or her consent, if of full age, testified upon a private examination, before two justices of the peace of the city or county in which he or she shall reside, or being under the rage of twenty-one years without his or her consent, testified in manner aforesaid, and also without the consent of his or her parents, if any such there-be, to be testified in like manner aforesaid, whereof the said justices, or one of them, shall make a record, and deliver to the said slave or servant a copy theréof, containing the. name, age, condition,, and the place of abode of such slave or servant, the reason of such removal, and the place to which he or she is about to go; and if any person or persons whatsoever shall sell or dispose of any such slave or servant to any person out of this state, or shall send or carry, or cause to be sent or carried, any such slave or servant out of this state, for any of the purposes aforesaid, whereby such slave or servant would lose those benefits and privileges which by the laws ot mis state are secured to him or her, and shall not have' obtained all such consent-as by this act is required, testified in the manner before mentioned, every such person and persons, his and their 'aiders and abettors, shall severally forfeit, and pay, for every such offence, the sum of seventy-five pounds, to be recovered in any Court of record, by an action of debt, bill, plaint, or. information, at the suit of any person who will sue for the same; one moiety thereof, when recovered, for the use of the plaintiff, the other moiety for the use of the poor of the city, towriship, or place from which such slave or servant shall be'taken and removed.
Sec. IV. All persons who now are, or hereafter shall be, possessed of any child or children, born after the first day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, who would by the said act be liable to serve till the age of twenty-eight years; shall on or before the first day of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, or within six months next after the birth of any such child, deliver, or cause to be delivered, in writing to the clerk of the place of the county, or the clerk of the Court of Record of the city of Philadelphia, in which they shall respectively-ihhabit, the name, sur-name, and occupation or profession of such possessor, and of the county, township, district, or' ward in which they reside, and also the age, (to the best of his or her knowledge,) name and sex of every such child, or children,under the pain and penalty of forfeiting and losing all right and title to every such child and children, and of him, her, or them, immediately becoming. free, which said return or account in writing shall be verified by the oath or affirmation of the party, which the said clerks are hereby respectively authorized and required to administer, and the said- clerks shall make and preserve records thereof, copies and extracts of which shall be good evidence in all Courts of justice, when certified under their hands and seals of office, for which oath or affirmation, and entry' <5n extract, the said clerks shall be respective^ entitled to one shilling and six pence, and no more, to be paid by him or her, who shall so as aforesaid make such entry, dr demand the extract aforesaid.
And whereas it has been represented to this house, that vessels have been fitted out and equipped in .this port, for the iniquitous purpose of receiving and transporting the natives of Africa to places where they are held in bondage, and it is just and proper to discourage, as-far as possible, such proceedings in future:
Sec. V. If any person or persons shall build, fit, equip, man, or otherwise prepare, any such ship or vessel, within any port of this state, or shall cause any ship or other vessel to sail from any port of this state, for the purpose of carrying on a trade or traffic in slaves, to, from, or between Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, or any place or countries whatsoever, or of transporting slaves to or from one port or place to another, in any part or parts of the world, such ship or vessel, her taekle, furniture, apparel, and other appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the commonwealth, and shall be liable -to be seized and prosecuted by any officer of the customs, or other, person, by information in vene, in the Supreme Court or in the County Court of Common. Pleas for the county wherein such seizure shall be made: whereupon such proceedings shall be had, both unto and after judgment, as in and by the impost laws of this commonwealth in case of seizure is directed. And moreover, all and every person and persons so building, fitting out, manning, equipping, or otherwise preparing or sending away'any ship or vessel, knowing or intending that the same shall be employed in such trade or business, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or in any wise aiding or abetting therein,'Shall severally forfeit and pay the sum of one thousand pounds, one moiety thereof to the use of the commonwealth, and the other moiety thereof .to the use of him or her who will sue for the same, by action, debt, bill, plaint, or information.
And whereas the practice of separating, which is too often exercised by the masters and mistresses of negro and mulatto slaves, or servants for term of years, in separating husbands and wives, and parents and children, requires to be checked, so far as the same may- be done without prejudice to such masters or mistresses :
Sec. VI, If any owner or possessor of any negro, mulatto slave or slaves, or servant or servants for term of years, shall, from and after the first day.of July next, separate or remove, or cause to be ■ separated or removed, a husband from his wife, or wife from her husband, a child from his or her parents, or a patent from a child, or any or either of the descriptions aforesaid, to a greater distance than ten miles, with the design and intention of changing the habitation or place of abode of such husband or wife, parent or child, unless such child shall be above the age of four years, without .the consent of such slave or servant for life or years shall-', have been obtained and testified in the manner hereinbefore described, such person or persons shall severally forfeit and pay the sum of fifty pounds, with costs of suit, for every such offence, to be recovered by action, of debt, bill, plaint, or information, in the Supreme Court or in any Court of Common Pleas, at the suit of any. person who will sue for the same, one moiety thereof,.when recovered, for the use, of the plaintiffs, the other moiety for the use of the poor of the city, township, or place, from which said husband or wife, parent or child, shall have been taken and removed.”
(Sec. YII. Repealed 27th March, 1820, and 25th March, 1826.)
And the jurors further found, that at a session of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, holden. at Harrisburg, on the-25th day of March, 1826, the following law was passed, “ An act to give effect to the provisions of the Constitution of the United-States relative to fugitives from labour, for the protection of free people of colour, and to prevent kidnapping.”
“Sec. I. If any person or persons shall from and after the passing of this act, by force and violence, take and carry away, or cause to be taken or carried away, and shall by fraud or false pretence, seduce, or cause to be seduced, or shall attempt so to take, carry away, or seduce any negro or mulatto from any part' or parts of this commonwealth, to any other place or places, whatsoever, out of this commonwealth, with a design and intention of selling and disposing of, or of causing to be sold, or of keeping and detaining, or of causing to be kept and detained, such negro or mulatto, as' a slave or servant for life, or for any term whatsoever, every such person, or persons, his or their' aiders or abettors, shall on conviction thereof, in any Court of this commonwealth having competent jurisdiction, be deemed guilty of a felony, and shall forfeit aird pay at the discretion of the Court passing the sentence, a sum not less than five hundred, nor more than one thousand dollars, one-half thereof shall be paid to the person or persons who shall prosecute for the same; and the other half to this commonwealth; and moreover shall be sentenced to undergo a servitude for any term ,or terms not less than seven years, nor exceeding twenty-one years, and' shall be confined and kept to hard labour, fed and clothed in the manner as is.directed, by the penal laws of this commonwealth, for persons convicted of robbery.
S'ec. II. If any person or persons shall hereafter, knowingly sell, transfer, or assign, 01; shall knowingly purchase, take, or transfer on assignment of any negro or mulatto, for the purpose of- fraudulently removing, exporting, or carrying said negro or mulatto out of this state, with the design or intent by fraud or false pretence's of making him or her a slave or servant for life, or for any term whatsoever, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a felony, and on conviction thereof, shall forfeit and pay a fine of not less than five hundred dollars, nor more than two thousand dollars, one-half whereof shall be paid to the person or persons who shall prosecute for the same, and the other half to the commonwealth; and moreover shall be sentenced at the discretion of the Court to undergo a servitude for any term or time not less than seven years, nor exceeding twenty-one years, and shall be confined, kept to hard labour, fed and clothed in the same manner as is directed by the penal laws of this commonwealth for persons convicted of robbery.
Seq. III. When a person held to labour or servitude in any of the United States, or in either of the territories thereof, under the laws thereof, shall escape into this commonwealth, the person to whom such labour or service is due, his or her duly authorized agent or attorney, constituted in writing, is héreby authorized to apply to any judge, justice of -the-peace, or alderman, who on such application, supported by the oath or affirmation of such claimant or authorized agent or attorney, as aforesaid, that the said fugitive'hath escaped from his or her service, or from the service of the person for whom' he is duly constituted agent or attorney, shall issue his warrant under his hand and seal, and directed to the sheriff,' or any constable of the. proper city or county, authorizing and empowering said sheriff, or constable, to arrest and seize the said fugitive, who shall be named in said warrant, and to bring said fugitive before a judge of. the proper county, which said warrant shall be in the form or to the following effect :
“ State or Pennsylvania,-county, ss.
The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to the sheriff or any constable of-county, greeting.
Whereas, it appears by the oath, or solemn affirmation of- -, that--, was held to labour or service to ----, of-county, in the state of-, and the said--hath escaped from the labour and service of the said----, you are therefore commanded to arrest and seize the body of the said —*--if he be found in your county, and bring him forthwith before the person issuing the warrant, if a judge (or if a justice of the peace or alderman) before a judge of the Court of Common Pleas, or of the District Court, as the case may be, of your proper county, or recorder of a city, so that the truth of the matter may be inquired into, and the said--be dealt with' as the constitution of the United States, and the laws of this Commonwealth direct. .
Witness our said judge (or ¿Merman, or justice, as the 'case may be) at 'this-day of-, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and-.
By virtue of. such warrant the person named therein may be arrested by the proper sheriff, or constable to whom the same shall be delivered, within the proper city or county.
Sec. IV. No judge, justice of the peace, or alderman shall issue a Warrant on the application of any agent or attorney as provided in the said third section, unless the said agent or attorney shall, in addition to his own oath, or affirmation, produce the affidavit of the claimant of the fugitive, taken before and certified by a- justice of the peace or other magistrate authorized to administer oaths in the state or territory in which such claimant shall reside, and accompanied by the certificate- of the authority of such justice or other magistrate to administer oaths, signed by the clerk or prothonotary, and authenticated by the seal of a court of record, in such state or territory, which affidavit shall state the said claimant’s title to the service of such fugitive; and also the name, age, and description of the person.of such fugitive.
Sec. V-.. It shall be the . duty of any. judge, justice of the peace, op alderman, when he grants or issues any warrant under the. provisions of the. third section of this act, to make a fair record, on his'docket of the sanie, in which he shall enter, the name and place of residence of the person -on whose oath or affirmation the said warrant may be granted; and also if an affidavit shall,have been produced under the provisions of the fourth section of this act, the name and plaee of residence of the person.making such affidavit, and the age and description of the person of the alleged fugitive contained in such affidavit, and shall, within ten days thereafter, file a certified copy thereof in the office of the clerk of the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the peace, or Mayor’s Court of the proper city or countyand any judge, justice of the peace ot alderman, who shall refuse or neglect to comply With the provisions of this section, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in office, and shall, on conviction thereof, be sentenced to pay, at the discretion of the. Court, any sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, one-half to the party prosecuting for the same, and the other half to the commonwealth. And any sheriff or constable, receiving and executing the said warrant,shall without unnecessary delay, carry the person arrested before the judge, according to the exigency of the warrant. And any sheriff or constablé who shall refuse or wilfully neglect so to do, shall, on conviction, thereof, be sentenced to pay, at the-discretion of the Court, any sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, one-half to the party prosecuting for the same, and the other half to the commonwealth, or shall also be sentenced to imprisonment, at hard labour, for a time not exceeding six months, or both.
Sec. VI. The said fugitive front labour or service, when so arrested, shall be brought before a judge as aforesaid, and upon proof to the satisfaction of such judge that the person so seized or arrested, doth under the laws of the state or territory, from which she or he fled from service or labour, to the person claiming him or her, it shall be the duty of such judge to give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his or her duly authorized agerit or attorney, which shall be sufficient warrant for removing the said fugitive to the state or territory from which she or he fled: Provided, That the oath of the owner or owners, or other person interested, shall in no case be- received in evidence before the judge on the hearing of the case.
Sec, VII. When the fugitive shall be brought before the judge, agreeably to the provisions of this, act, and either party allege and prove to the satisfaction of the said judge that he or she is not prepared for trial, and have testimony material to the matter in Controversy that can be obtained in a reasonable time, it shall and may be lawful, unless securuy satisfactory to the said judge be given for tbe appearance of the said fugitive, on a day certain to commit the said fugitive to the common jail for safe keeping, there to be detained at the expense of the owner, agent, or attorney for such time as the judge shall think reasonable and just, and to a day certain, when the said fugitive shall ■ be brought before him by habeas corpus in the courthouse of the proper county, or in term time at the chamber of the said judge, for final hearing and adjudication:’ Provided, That if the adjournment of the hearing be requested by the claimant, his agent or attorney, such adjournment shall not be granted unless the said claimant, his agent or attorney, shall give security satisfactory to the judge to appear and prosecute his claim on the day to which the hearing shall be adjourned : Provided, That on the hearing last mentioned, if the judge 'committing the said fugitive, or taking the security as aforesaid, should be absent, sick, or otherwise unable to attend, it shall be the duty of either of the other judges, on notice given, to attend to the said hearing,-and to decide thereon.
Sec. VIII. The officer which may or shall be employed in the execution of the duties of this act shall be allowed the same fees for service ot process that sheriffs within this,commonwealth'are now allowed for serving process in criminal cases. and two dollars and fifty cents per day for each and every day necessarily spent .in performing the duties enjoined on them by this act, to be paid 'by the owner, agent, or' attorney, immediately on the performance of the duties.aforesaid.
Sec. IX. No alderman or justice of ’the peace of this commonwealth shall have jurisdiction or take ■ cognisance of the case of any fugitive from labour from any of the United States or territories under a certain] act of-.Congress, passed on the tenth day of February, one thousand seven .hundred and ninety-three. entitled “An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their mastersnor shall any alderman or justice of the peace of this commonwealth issue or grant any certificate or warrant of removal of any such fugitive from labour as aforesaid, except in the manner and to the effect provided in the third section of this act, upon the application, affidavit, or testimony of any person or persons whatsoever, under the said act of Congress, or under any other law, authority, or act of the Congress of the United States; and if any alderman or justice of the- peace of this commonwealth shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, take cognisance or jurisdiction of the case of any such fugitive as aforesaid, except in the manner hereinbefore provided, or shall grant or issue any certificate or- warrant of removal- as aforesaid, then, and in either case he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in office, and shall, on conviction thereof, be sentenced to pay at the discretion of the Court any sum not less than -five hundred dollars, nor exceeding one thousand dollars, or half thereof, to the party prosecuting for. the same, and the other half to the use of the commonwealth.
Sec. X. It shall be the duty of the judge or recorder of any Court of -Record in -this commonwealth when he grants or issues any certificate or warrant of removal of any negro or mulatto claimed to be a fugitive from labour to the state or territory from which he or she fled, in pursuance of an act of Congress passed the twelfth day of February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, entitled “An act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters,” and of this act to make a fair record of the same, in which he shall enter the age, name, sex, and general description of the person of the negro or' mulatto for whom he shall grant such certificate or warrant of removal, together with the evidence and the name of the places of .residence of the witnesses, and the party claiming such negro or mulatto, and shall within ten days thereafter file a certified copy thereof in- the office of the clerk of the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, or Mayor’s Court of the city or county in which he may' reside.
Sec. XI. Nothing in this act contained shall be construed as a repeal or alteration of-any part of an-act of assembly passed-the first , day of Mar-ch, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, entitled “An act for the gradual abolition of slavery,” except the eleventh section of said act, which is hereby repealed and supplied, nor of any part of an act of assembly passed on the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, entitled “An act. to explain and amend an act for the gradual abolition of slavery,” except the seventh section of this last mentioned act, which is hereby supplied and repealed.”
And the jurors further found, that the negro woman, Margaret Morgan, in the within indictment mentioned, came into the state of Pennsylvania, from the state of Maryland, some time in the year eighteen hundred and thirty-two; that at that time, and for a long period before that time, she was a slave for life, held to labour, and owing service or labour for, under, and according to the laws of the said state of Maryland, one of the United States, to a certain Margaret Ashmore, a citizen of the state of Maryland, residing in Hartford county, and that the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, escaped and fled from the state of Maryland Avithout the knowledge and consent of the said Margaret Ash-more; that in the month of February, eighteen hundred and thirty-seven, the Avithin named defendant, Edward Prigg, was duly and legally constituted and appointed by the said Margaret Ashmore, her agent or attorney, to seize and arrest the- said negro Avoman, Margaret Morgan, as a fugitive from labour, and to remove, take, and carry her from this state into the state of Maryland, and there deliver her to the said Margaret Ashmore; that as such agent or attorney the said Edward Prigg afterwards, and in the same month of February, eighteen hundred and thirty-seven, before a certain Thomas Henderson, Esquire, then being a justice of the peace in and for the county of York, in this state, made oath that the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, had fled and escaped from the state of Maryland, owing service or labour for life, under the laws thereof, to the said Margaret Ash-more ; that the said Thomas Henderson, so being such justice of the peace as aforesaid, thereupon issued his warrant, directed'to one William M'Cleary, then and there being a regularly appointed constable in and for York county, commanding him to take the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, and her'children, and bring them before the said Thomas Henderson, or some other justice of the peace for said county; that the said M'Cleary, in obedience to said warrant, did accordingly take and apprehend the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, and her children, in York county aforesaid, and did bring her and them before the said Thomas Henderson; that the said Henderson thereupon refused to take further cognisance'of said case, and that the said Prigg afterwards, and without complying with the provisions of the said act of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, passed the 25th of March, 1826, entitled “An act to give effect to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States relative to fugitives from labour, for the protection of free people of colour, and to prevent kidnapping,” did take, remove, and carry away the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, and her children, mentioned in said warrant, out of this state into the state of Maryland, and did there deliver the said woman and children into the custody and possession of the said Margaret Ashmore.
And further say, that one of the said children so taken, removed, and carried away, was born in this state more than one year after the said negro woman, Margaret Morgan, had fled and escaped from the state of Maryland as aforesaid.
But whether or . not upon, the whole matter aforesaid, by the jurors aforesaid in form aforesaid, found, the said Edward Prigg be guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted the jurors aforesaid are altogether ignorant, and therefore pray the advice of the Court, and if, upon the whole matter aforesaid it shall seem to the said Court that the said Edward Prigg is guilty, then the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, say thai the said Edward Prigg is guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted.
But if upon the whole matter aforesaid, it" shall .seem to the said Court, that the said Edward Prigg is not guilty, then tne jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, say that the said Edward Prigg is not guilty in manner and form as he stands inaicted.”
"This special verdict was, under an agreement between Messrs., Meredith and Nelson, counsel for Edward Prigg, and Mr. Johnson, the attorney-general of Pennsylvania, taken under tne provisions of an act of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, passed 22d of May, 1839; and by agreement, the .Court gave judg merit against Edward. Prigg, on. the Ending of the jury and the' indictment.
The defendant prosecuted a writ of error to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania to May term, 1840. On the 23d May, 1840, the following errors Were assigned before the Court, by Mr. Meredith, and Mr. Nelson, who represented the state of Maryland, as well as the defendant.
The plaintiff in error suggests to the Supreme. Court here, that the judgment rendered in the Court of Oyer and Terminer of York county in this case, should be reversed for the reason following, viz.: That the act of Asseiribly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, set out in thé record in the said cause, is repugnant to the provisions of' the Constitution of the United States, and is therefore void.
The Supreme Court affirmed, pro forma, the judgment of the Court of Oyer and Terminer; and the defendant, Edward Prigg, prosecuted this writ of error.
The case was argued, for the-plaintiff in error, by Mr. Meredith and Mr. Nelson, under authority to appear in the case for the state of Maryland; and by Mr. Johnson, the attorney-general of. Pennsylvania, and Mr. Hambly, for the Commonwealth. of Pennsylvania.
The arguments of all the counsel, with the exception of that. of Mr. Nelson, which has not been received, have been by them, respectively, furnished to the reporter.
The counsel for the plaintiff in error contended:
That the law of Pennsylvania, on which the indictment of the defendant founded, was unconstitutional,
1. Because Congress has the exclusive power of legislation upon the subject-matter of the said constitutional provision, which power has been exercised by the act of the 12th February, 1793.
2. That if this power is not exclusive, still the concurrent power-of the state legislatures is suspended by the actual exercise of the federal power.
3. That if not suspended, still the statute of Pennsylvania, in. all its provisions applicable to this case, is in direct collision with the act of Congress; and is therefore unconstitutional and void.
Mr., Meredith, for' the state of Maryland; interposing in. behalf of the plaintiff in error; adverted to the special act of the legislature of Pennsylvania, of the 22d of May, 1839, as the result of a negotiation between that state and Maryland, the object of which was to settle, by the authoritative decision of the Supreme Court of the Union, the power of state legislation, over that provision of the Constitution of thé United States, which relates to fugitive slaves. He then briefly stated the facts of the particular case, as found by the special verdict; and referring to the provisions of the act of Congress of the 12th of February, 1793, respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters, and to the several sections of the Pennsylvania law of the 25th of March, 1826, which had given rise to the controversy between the two states, he remarked, that the validity of this law depended entirely upon the constitutionality of the act of Congress. If that act was constitutionally passed, he argued that it was wholly immaterial to inquire whether it was passed in the exercise of an exclusive or of a concurrent power of legislation. Because, in either case, the conclusion would be the same. The Pennsylvania law must be declared inoperative and void, and the judgment of her Courts, which he was about to éxamine, must necessarily be reversed.
If this should appear to be a proper view of the question presented by the record; if it depended solely upon the constitutionality of the act of Congress; the whole matter, as he believed, would be found to lie within very narrow limits. But, undoubtedly, the cause itself, looking to the consequences of its decision by the tribunal he addressed, was one of deep and pervading interest. It involved matters' of high concernment, not only to the two sovereign states, which stood before the Court as the immediate parties to the controversy; but to those other states of the Union, which, with reference to the- questions at issue, occupied the sanie relative position. Indeed, it would perhaps bé not too ’ much to say, that the case was one of vital interest to the peace and perpetuity of the Union itself. For he believed that to the interference of state legislation, might justly be ascribed .'much of that exasperation of public sentiment, which unhappily prevailed upon a subject that seemed every day to assume a more malignant and threatening aspect. It was fit, therefore, that such a cause should receive not only á careful,"but a thorough examination, before it was finally passed upon by thé conclusive' judgment of the Court.
That he might fender what assistance was in his power to this end, he proposed to consider the case, with a view of maintaining the three following propositions:
1. That Congress has the exclusive power'of legislation upon the subject-matter of the constitutional provision in question.
2. That if the power is not exclusive, still, from its very nature, the concurrent power of the state legislatures is suspended by the actual exercise of the federal power. And
3. That if” the power is not suspended over the whole subject-matter of the provision, still it cannot be constitutionally exercised, so as to conflict with federal legislation; and consequently, that the law of Pennsylvania, so far as it was applied upon the indictment to the case of the plaintiff in error, is void and inoperative; because its provisions, are in direct collision with those of the act of Congress.
Before proceeding to dismiss these propositions, he observed, that there was a preliminary inquiry on which it would be proper to bestow a brief attention. And that was, whether this constitutional provision required legislation; whether, proprio vigore, it was not sufficient of itself, and by itself, to effectuate the object it contemplated. He did not, it was true, anticipate such a construction from thé learned counsel for the state of Pennsylvania : for, if successfully maintained, it would be fatal to their case. Because it was .clear beyond all doubt, that if the legislation of Congress is inhibited on the ground- that the Constitution neither intends nor requires , legislative regulation, the same reason must necessarily exclude the legislation of the states.; and therefore, in reference to the present case, if the Constitution effects its own purposes, by its own unassisted strength, the law of Pepnsylvania, which professes by its title “ to give effect to the provisions of the. Constitution of the United States, relative' to fugitives from labour,” is at best a mere work of legislative supererogation, wholly futile and inoperative. It was not, therefore, he said, in its direct bearing upon the case, that he deemed the inquiry. important; but because, elsewhere, in legislative assemblies, as well as in judicial forums, this construction had been so gravely insisted on as to deserve at least a passing notice.
A very brief examination of the provision in the Constitution, would, he thought, make it manifest that it looks to subsequent legislative enactments. The first clause prohibits the states' -rom passing any law, or .adopting any regulation by which fugitives fropa labour -may be discharged from service. .If the provision had stopped there, he admitted that legislation would have been unnecessary. • Because a-state law, in violation of so express a prohibition, would be ipso facto void. .And the judicial power, extending to all .cases arising under'the Constitution, would be unquestionably competent so to declare it. But the next clause of the provision is of a different character. It guarantees a right; and enjoins a duty. It declares that the fugitive shall be delivered up, on claim, to the party to whom his service, or labour may be due. Here, then, afe two acts to be done. A claim is to be made ; but the 'mode in which it is to he made, and the form's to be observed in making it, are not provided for. Again, a delivery is required; but from whom, and in what manner, and qn what condition,-the Constitution does not prescribe. Regulations upon these points were indispensable to effectuate the object, and they were left to legislative enactments. And very properly so, because it is the office of a written, constitution -to establish general principles only, leaving them to be carried out by future legislation.
Mr. Meredith then adverted to the history and origin of the act of Congress, of the 12th of February, 1793, as the strongest illustration of the necessity of such legislation; and for this purpose referred to the first volume of State Papers, title Miscellaneous, page 38 et seq. lit appeared from these documents, that in the year 1791, but two years after the organization of the government, the Governor of Pennsylvania, under the analogous provision in the Constitution relative to fugitives from justice, made a demand upon the Governor of Virginia for the surrender and delivery of three persons, who had been indicted in Pennsylvania for kidnapping a negro, and carrying him into Virginia. The Governor of Virginia hesitated upon the course to be pursued, and referred the matter to the attorney-general of that state, who advised that the demand ought not to be complied with. In an elaborate opinion, to which the Court was referred, he took several objections; and among them, the one most strenuously insisted on was, that the Constitution had provided no means, and prescribed no method, for carrying the provision into effect. And that Congress Had not supplied such means by any law upon the subject. “ If,” he said, “ the delivery and removal in question can be effected, it must be under the authority only of the Constitution of the United States. By that, the delivery is required, and the removal authorized. But the manner in which either shall be effected is not prescribed.” And again, “ The demand cannot be complied .with by the Governor of Virginia, without some additional provision by law, to enable him. to do so.” The governor adopted this view of the subject, and expressed a hope, in Communicating his -refusal, that the case would furnish an inducement to Congress to legislate at once upon the constitutional' provision. Upon this refusal, the Governor of Pennsylvania addressed a communication to the' President of the United States, in which he says, “ As the attorney-general of Virginia has suggested another difficulty with respect to the mode of arresting persons as fugitives from justice, I have thought the present a proper occasion to bring the subject into your view ; that by the interposition of the federal legislature, to whose consideration you may be pleased to submit it, such regulations may. be established, as will in future obviate all doubt and embarrassment upon a constitutional question so delicate and important.” The president, it appears, laid these proceedings, with the opinion of the attorney-general of the United States, before Congress; and the result was, that' at the same session, the act, as it now stands upon the statute-book, was reported by a committee; and was finally passed without opposition, on the 12th of February, 1793.
The origin then of this act of Congress, so strongly illustrative of the difficulties and embarrassments which would continually have arisen, if the article of the Constitution referred to had been left to execute itself, dispenses with the necessity of all further argument upon this part of the subject. For it is scarcely necessary to remark, that the same difficulties and ■ embarrassments would have ¿risen in reference to the provision regarding fugitives from labour, but for the enactments of the law of 1793. Indeed, in looking to both provisions', rt would be found that the necessity of legislation is obviously much less, in that which concerns fugitives from justice, than in the one now more immediately under consideration. The act of Congress had never been questioned upon this ground, till the case of Jack v. Martin came before the Court of Errors of the state of New York. And even in that case, it was a mere intimation thrown-out by the Chancellor, but neither reasoned out, nor relied on. In every other case, it has been taken for granted that legislation was necessary to effectuate the object of the framers of the Constitution. In Wright v. Deacon, 5 Serg. & Rawle, 63, Chief Justice Tilghman, after quoting the ■ provisibn, says, “ Here is the -principle; — the fugitive is to be delivered on claim of his master. But it required a-law to regulate the manner in which this principle should be reduced to practice. It was necessary to establish some mode, in which the claim should be made, and the fugitive be delivered up.” So also, -in the cáse of the Commonwealth v. Griffith, 2 Pick. Rep. 11. Parker, Chief Justice, says, “ The Constitution does not prescribe the mode of reclaiming a slave, but leaves it to be-determined by Congress. It is very clear that it was not intended that' application should be made to the ■ executive authority of the state.”
It being then indisputable, as the counsel thought, that the Constitution looks to, and requires the aid of legislation to accomplish its purpose; • he proceeded to argue, that this legislation was intended to be federal, and exclusive of state legislation. Why, he asked, was the provision introduced into the Constitution ? The colonial history of the country would show that at one period slavery was recognised as a legal institution in all the provinces; and that in all of them, a customary or conventional law prevailed, which conferred upon the owner of a fugitive slave the right to reclaim him, wherever he might be found. Before the close of the Revolution, however, public opinion in the northern section of the country, had materially changed with regard to the policy and humanity of a system, that had unfortunately .been fastened upon the colonies by the power of the mother country, without regard to their interests and in defiance of repeated protests. In 1780, Pennsylvania passed an act for the gradual abolition of slavery. In the same year, Massachusetts, by her Declaration of Rights, emancipated her slaves.- And in-a short time afterwards, these examples were followed by all, or nearly all of the New England states.
The institution, howeyer, still continued to exist in the south. The climate of that región, and the products of its soil, peculiarly adapted to ,this species of labour, has increased the slave population to so great a number, that, at the close of the Revolution, the system had. so intertwined itself with the vital interests of private property, and with the maintenance. of the public safety, as to render every project, even of gradual abolition, unsafe and impracticable. During the confederation, the southern states had sus•tained great inconveniences and loss by the change that had been effected by the abolition laws of the northern states. The. conventional or customary law was no. longer observed- There was no provision upon the subject in the articles of confederation. ’In many of.the northern states no aid whatsoever would be allowed to the owners of fugitive slaves; and sometimes -indeed they met with open resistance. 3 Story’s Comm. on the Const. 677. “At present,” said Mr. Madison, in the Virginia convention, 2 Elliott’s Deb. 335, “ at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. For the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect.” And in the North Carolina convention, Mr. Iredell observed, tnat, “In-some of the northern.states they have emancipated their slaves. If any of our slaves go there, they would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again.”
It was during this conflict of law, of opinions, and of interests, between the -northern and southern states, that the Constitution embracing the provision in question was adopted. That provision, it is well known, was the result of mutual concessions in reference to the whole subject of slavery. On the one hand the south agreed to confer upon Congress the power to prohibit the importation of slaves after the year 1808. On the other, the north agreed to recognise and protect the existing- institutions of the south. And for that very purpose, the clause in question was engrafted upon the Constitution. The history of the times proves that the south regarded, and relied upon it, as an ample security to the owners of slave property. In the Virginia convention, in order to satisfy the minds of the people, that property of this description was abundantly-protected, Governor Randolph held this language: “ Were it right to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, I might tell you that the southern states, — even South Carolina herself, — conceived this property to be secured by these words.”
Such.'undoubtedly, was the confidence'of the whole south, in the intention of the. framers of the Constitution. Such was their .intention; and if so, it would seem to follow as a necessary consequence, that they meant to commit all legislative power over the subject exclusively to Congress. The provision was manifestly intended to restore to. the south the rights which the- customary law had formerly extended to them, in common with the other colonies. Those rights had been disregarded by many of-the states. And the apprehension must have forced itself upon every southern mind in the convention, that if the provision were left to be carried out by state legislation, it must "prove but a precarious and.inadequate protection." The provision, it is true, yielded the right of the owner to reclaim the fugitive, in whatever state he might have sought refuge; but if the power to regulate the mode in which this provision was to be carried into practical effect — if the power of enforcing its execution were left to the states,, it-could not but have been foreseen that its whole purpose might he defeated. That the states might either legislate or not. — In the one case leaving the owner without legal means to vindicate his .rights; in the other, embarrassing the prosecution of them, so as to delay or. defeat them. In a word, to borro w the language of Chief Justice Nelson, whose whole argument upon this subject, in the case, of Jack v. Martin, 12 Wend. Rep. 311, is entitled to the most .attentive consideration of the Court, “ the idea that the framers of the Constitution intended to leave the legislation.of>.this subject to the states, when the provision itself obviously kprung out of their fears of partial and unjust legislation by the states,:.in respect to it, cannot be admitted.” ■ The confidence of the south could only have reposed itself in Congress, “ where the rights and interests of the different sections-of. the country, liable tó be influenced by local and peculiar causes, would be regulated with an independent and impartial regard to all.”
If such,was the intention of the framers of'.the Constitution, the next inquiry is, whether it can be effectuated by the express or implied powers granted in that instrument. Congress, has legislated upon the subject. But had it a constitutional authority to do so ?■ Is the power thus exercised directly or impliedly given ?
In' conducting this inquiry, it is proper, in the first 'place, to ■ look to the collateral supports on which this aCt'of Congress rests, .for. its validity. ■ It was passed only four years after the adoption of the Constitution. In that Congress were many of the leading and most distinguished men of the convention.' The act was not passed hastily; for it was reported in 1791, and finally acted on-in 1793. It was not passed without full consideration; for the Virginia case, and the different opinions, looking to federal or state legislation upon a'- kindred subject, were communicated to Congress in 1791. Here, then, is a contemporaneous exposition of the constitutional provision in the act itself,, which has been always regarded by this Court as of, very high authority. A practical exposition, which, in the language of a distinguished commentator,approaches nearest to a judicial exposition. 1 Story’s Comm. on the Const. 393. It is, indeed,.the very case he puts, having all the incidents of such an exposition'. For the authority of Congress tp pass this law was determined’ after solemn consideration, pro re nata, upon a do.ubt raised — upon a lis 'mota¿ in the face of .the nation — with a view to present action, and. in the midst of jealous interests.. ■ To this source of collateral interpretation, it has' been already said, this Court' is in the' habit' of looking with great respect. Among other cases, those of. Martin v. Hunter’s lessee, 11 Wheat. Rep. 351, and Cohens v. the State of Virginia, 6 Wheat. Rep. 418, may be referred to; for the purpose of showing that-the Court has .resorted, to contemporary construction — to. practical expositions of, constitutional powers, in cases óf much moré doubt and difficulty than the presentí
But further, from the périod of its enactment, .till very recently, this act. of Congress has been acquiesced in — practically applied in all'the states, and regarded as.containing judicious and salutary regulations in reference to both the subjects.to which it relates. Ought a construction, time-honoured as this js, to be lightly disturbed? This Court has already answered- the question., It has held a practice and acquiescence for a much shorter period, as fixing the construction of the Constitution on a question ,of at least quite as much doubt. In the .case of Stuart v. Laird, 1 Cran. Rep. 309, which' involved the constitutionality of the provision in the judiciary act .of 1789, giving to the judges of "the Supreme Court Circuit Court.powers,the Court held this language i “To this objection, which is of,recent date, it. is sufficient to observe, that practice and acquiescence, under it for a period of several years, commencing with the organization of the judicial system, affords an irresistible answer, and has, indeed, fixed the construction. It is a contemporary interpretation of the most. forcible nature. . This practical exposition is too strong and.obstinate to be shaken or controlled, Of course the question is at rest, and ought not now to be disturbed.”
But in addition to contemporaneous exposition, and long acquiescence, we have the judicial decisions of the, three great nonslaveholding • states — Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania; in which the'constitutionality of this act of Congress-was challenged and sustained.' Commonwealth v. Griffith, 2 Pick. Rep. 11; Wright v. Deacon, 5 Serg. and Rawle’s Rep. 63; Jack v. Martin, 12 Wend. Rep. 312.
So, too, in every case béforé'-the Circuit Court of the United States, the provisions Of this act of Congress have been judicially .dealt with, without a-question .ás to its constitutionality.- It is subifoilted, therefore,-.that a-very clear case of construction ought to be made' 'Out, to shake etfen the ‘collateral supports on which this law rests.,
But if the question can,still be considered an open one, there is no difficulty iii showing .that • the .power of legislation in reference to this subject is granted by the Constitution to Congress. It would be strange if it were not so-; strange,.if upon'a subject .of such intense and geñerál interest, to which the min'd of the' convention had been so directly called, they had left their work unfinished ; their purpose unaccomplished. It has'been said, however,'and may again be said; that the legislative power of . federal government is a limited one-; that the Constitution enumerates the cases - in Which -it- may be exercised, but .that this, is not'among the number; That besides these enumerated cases,. a general power is given to Congress to pass all laws necessary and proper to' carry into execution all powers granted by the Constitution do the- government, or any of its • departments or Officers. But that there is no power so granted in reference to this-provision. is-this so ? The Constitution declares that slaves escaping from- service' shall be delivered up,.on claim, to the person to Whom such se.rvice shall be due. What is the meaning of these Words “ on claim ?” They look' to a .proceeding of a judicial character; to an assertion of the right of property,, to be made-before a tribunal competent to judge and decide; and to execute that decision, by a delivery óf the-property, if, the claim be' established. Is not this, then, a párt of the judicial power, which extends to all cases át law and in equity, arising under -the Constitution, laws, arid treaties of the United States? Is not every, such claim a legal claim ? and when asserted, is it not a case at law arising under the Constitution ?
If then die -judicial' power extends to cases falling within this provision of the. Constitution, Congress had an unquestionable right to vest it. It was a duty to vest it; because this Court has decided that the language of the Constitution in regard to the impartment of the judicial power is imperative upon Congress. Martin v. Hunter, 1 Wheat. Rep. 304, 316.
The judiciary act of 1789 does not cover thé Whole judicial power under "the Constitution. Subsequent legislation has supplied many omissions in that act, of which the act of 1793 is an instance, vesting in the Circuit and District Courts that portion of the judicial power which is embraced by the second and third sections of the fourth article of .the Constitution.
It is true that the act does not prescribe a judicial proceeding according to the forms of the common law. * But in the same case of Martin v. Hunter, this Court has said, that in vesting the judicial power, Congress may parcel it out in any mode and form in which it is capable of being exercised. The act contemplates a summary proceeding, but still of a judicial character. It provides for the preliminary examination of a fact', for the purpose of authorizing a' delivery and removal to the jurisdiction most proper for the final adjudication of that fact; to the state on the laws of which the claim to service depends. But this examination is judicial in its character. The parties, — claimant, and alleged fugitives, — are. brought within the jurisdiction; the case is to be heard arid decided upon proof; the cértificate is not to be granted, unless the judge shall be satisfied upon evidence that the party is a fugitive owing service to the claimant. -He acts, therefore., in a judicial- character, and exercises judicial functions.
If, then, Congress possesses this legislative power, which has been thus exercised, the nature of that power requires that it should be exclusive. It can only be efficacious and adequate to its object, by being exclusive. And if exclusive, either expressly, or by undeniable implication, the settled .principle is, that the states are as absolutely prohibited from legislation as if ' they Avere expressly forbidden to legislate. Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. Rep. 122.
What"is the nature .of the poryer in this case? ' What is the object of this constitutional • provision ? . It is to restore t<j the slaveholding states, substantially,, the fight which the conven* tional law of the colonies gave them. It is to confer upon them an.authority to reclaim and remove, their fugitive slaves, with the least, possible inconvenience, expense, and delay. • To be effectual to. this end, it is obvious that the mode of proceeding ought to be ■uniform. And in order to its being uniform, the power to prescribe that, mode should be exclusively vested in one legislative body. . If there be a concurrent power of legislation in the states, with a' right to exercise that power, then it follows that the fugitive could only be reclaimed according to the forms of state laws, irrespective, of the regulations prescribed by Congress. The, constitutional guaranty would thus become a sounding phrase, signifying nothing. • State legislation, upon such a subject,, .would become the sport of prejudice. Different tribunals, forms of pror ceeding,and modes of proof would be established in the different states. And the pursuing owner would find it utterly impracticable, ignorant of the particular state into which the fugitive had escaped, to meet the requirements of the local law..
A still further, difficulty would be inseparable from the existence of a concurrent power. State laws have no obligatory force beyond state limits. A‘certificate of removal would carry no authority beyond those limits; • and consequently it wouid be necessary for the owner to make a new claim, offer new proofs, and obtain a new certificate in every state through Avhjch he might be compelled to pass to the state of his own residence. The .nature of the power, therefore, and the effect of its actual exercise by the states, raise an implication sufficiently strong to render it exclusive.
But admit it to be concurrent; the principle is too firmly esta- ’ blished tó admit of argument, that in a case of.this kind; where there is but one subject-matter of legislation, the concurrent power of the states is wholly suspended by the action of the federal power. . The doctrine in Houston v. Moore, 5 Wheat. Rep. 1, is. this, that where once Congress has exercised its: power .óñ a given subject, the state power over the same subject, which has before been^ concurrent, is by that exercise absolutely prohibited. In other words, wherever Congress exercises a concurrent power, it is made in effect an exclusive power, over the particular subject-matter of the power. There are, it is true, cases of concurrent powers' on which both federal- and state legislation may act at the same time; and whére the latter is not suspended by the action-of the former; Thus the exercise of the taxing power-by Congress does not suspend'the concurrent power of the states. Because, although the same power, it is exercised on different objects, or- for different purposes. But where the power acts on the same subject-matter, to accomplish the same end, as in this case,.the state power is necessarily suspended.
But if the principle thus adverted to, were not applicable to .this case, there is another which would be conclusive; and that' is, that in the exercise of concurrent powers, if there be a conflict ■between federal and state legislation, the latter must yield to the constitutional supremacy of the former. It remains, then, only to show that such a conflict exists in the present case; and a very cursory examination and comparison of the .two laws will be abundantly sufficient for the purpose. Thus, the act of Congress authorizes the claimant to arrest the fugitive without.a warrant. The Pennsylvania law peremptorily requires one. The act of Congress admits the path of the owner or his agent, as proof of the claim.. The Pennsylvania law excludes both, and requires the testimony of indifferent witnesses. The act of Congress protects the claimant from all unnecessary delay and expense. The Pennsylvania law -authorizes, delay upon the suggestion of the fugitive; and burdens the claimant with the incidental costs. The act of Congress imposes a penalty for obstructing, or hindering the claimant in the prosecution and en7 forcement of his rights. The Pennsylvania law gives him no redress. In a word, the regulations which the two laws prescribe, are in all essential respects variant from each other. The object of both may be the same, but.the.means of attaining'it are entirely different. •
■ In conclüsion then of the whole matter. The indictment charges the offence of kidnapping under this state law. The special verdict expressly finds, that the fugitive was a slave .for life, owing service and labour according to the laws of Maryland. The judgment of the Court was against, the party thus indicted. It follows, that-in the judgment of the Court,, the offence of kidnapping in Pennsylvania, may consist in seizing, and carrying out of that state, an acknowledged slave, if the provisions of. the state law-for his,arrest and removal are not complied with.. .The special verdict finds that fact, and- the .judgment of the Court is founded on it.
The offence charged is not that the fugitive was removed from the state of Pennsylvania,- without complying with' the provisions of-the act of Congress. Supposing that to be an offence punishable by state authority; which it clearly is not; it is not an offence provided for by this law; nor according, to the tenth section would an exact compliance, with the act of Congress have been any protection to the party accused. The special, verdict expres'sly finds, that, the slave was carried -out of the state, without complying with the requirements of this law of Pennsylvania. That is the gravamen of the charge. And,’ consequently, if the state of Pennsylvania has no .constitutional power to legislate at all upon the subject, the power being exclusively in Congress; or, if having originally, a concurrent power, it has-been suspended by.its actual exercise by Congress; or if this state legislation is-found to be in -conflict with the federal legislation upon the same subject-matter; if either of these propositions has been successfully maintained, this judgment of conviction ought to be reversed.
Mr. Hambly, for the defendant in error.
The final decision of a great constitutional question,, should at all times be regarded as a subject for grave consideration and reflection; inasmuch as it may affect the happiness and prosperity, the lives or-liberties of a whole nation,
■Among the people of this free country, there is nothing which should be guarded with more watchful jealousy, than the charter of their liberties; which, being the fundamental law of the land, in its judicial construction every one is immediately interested, from the highest dignitary to the meanest subject of the commonwealth. Any ,irreverential touch given to this arlyof public safety should be rebuked, and every violence chastened; its. sanctity should be no less than thát of the domestic altar; its guardians should be Argus-éyed; and as the price-of its purchase was blood-,, its privileges and immunities should be. maintained, .even if this price must be paid aga_in.
In all the solemn constitutional questions which , have been adjudicated before' this, the-highest tribunal in' the .land, no one has arisen of more commanding import, of wider scope in its influence, or on which hung mightier results for good or ill to this-nation, than that which is now presented to the Court for consideration. An all-absorbing subject is incidentally involved in it — a subject, which is even now heaving the political tides of the country, which has caused enthusiasm to throw her. lighted torch into the temples of religion, and the halls of science and learning, whilst the forum of justice, and the village bar-room have equally resounded with the discussion'. Its influences.have been calculated by political economists; its consequences-'and determinations by political prophets; until all, from the statesman, in the hall of legislation to the farmer, at his fireside, are found, arrayed on one side or the other of this, great question, so that, whilst'it has become “.-sore as a gangrene” in one region, it is the football of the enthusiast, in ahother.
Prigg haying been convicted in the State Courts of a crime, which the statutes of Pennsylvania designaté. da “Kidnapping;” the state of Maryland, of which he is. a citizen, now raises, the objection that-the laws of o.ur state are unconstitutional' and to-test this question we arejthis day. here.
-On the,25th-of Maych, 1826, the -General Assembly of\Penm sylvania passed an act, the first section-of which renders iUa. felony to seduce or carry- away any negro oi° mulatto from the state of Pennsylvania, to make them-slaves. Mr. HamKly-cited sections 2, 3, 4, 5, ,6, 7, 8,' 9, and 10 of the. act of 1826.
All, the provisions of this act of 'the General Assembly are alleged, to be unconstitutional; and the plaintiff iff error'says are in contravention of the act of-Congress arid the Constitution of the United States.,
The third paragraph of the Second section of article 4th of the .Constitution, declares, “That no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged, from such service or labour, but.shall be .delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service, or labour may.be due.”
Under' this section, some contend that the owner of a slave has a right-, without-reference .to the municipal regulations of the state or territory whére he happens to be, to seize and carry away any alleged slave. .Thai no legislation is necessary either by Congress or the -states; that the clause is perfect in itself, and totally independent;, arid that the word “claim”'means demand and surrender, without inquiry or investigation !
■That if legislation ,be necessary, Congress has exclusively that power, has already acted, exercising its .power over the whole matter, and therefore all state legislation is invalid'.
The act of Congress was passed, 12th of' February, 1793; and authorizes the arrest of a fugitive from labour, and taking .him before a judge of- the Circuit or District-'Courts of thq Unitéd States, tor before any magistrate of a-city or town corporate, and Upon satisfactory proof, the judge or magistrate shall give a certificate which "shall be sufficient warrant for the removal of the frigitive'.
« The second section fixes a forfeiture of five hundred dollars on any-person who shall obstruct, hinder, rescue, or harbour such fugitive, &c.
In the argument of this matter, it is asserted that no legislation is needed; that the constitutional provisión is ample.; arid that under the phrase •“ shall be surrendered on claim,” every thing which -legislation can give is already secured; and that under this clause'a power is contained, in virtue of which, any one may step into., a crowd and seize and carry off an alleged slave, “just.as he' would a stray horse,”' or airy ether "article- of personal property.-
Iff this conclusion be correct, it is'surely a strange-deduction from the .language used'm that clause, arid in direct'opposition to what would seem to be impliedly its meaning.
If such be the true meaning of “ claim,” why does that clause say, that no state.by "any law or regulation therein,” shall discharge from service ?. Why speak of " law or regulation,” if none be allowed ? ■ Why allude to that which is' ’forbidden and unlawful? Why speak of state laws or. state regulations,if the states dare not pass any ?. And why not at once use the language which obviously presented Itself, arid say,- that "escaping into another state/’ shall not discharge'from service or labour, without adding a word about"laws or regulations ?” .The conclusion is . unsound, and altogether unwarranted; The language of the ..Constitution not only presupposes législation, but that' this legis- ■ lation not only is to be, or may be, but will be by the states; It was just as-much as saying to the states: You may pass laws upon the subject — you may make regulations-: — you may prescribe the. dime and manner of seizure, the authorities before whom the parties shall come for adjiidication — -but you shall not discharge a boná fide fugitive from labour from that service .which he owes under the laws of the state from whence he fled'. Your authorities shall say whether under the. laws of that state he owes service, and if he do, you shall hand him over. .
This construction is likewise contradicted by the fact, that, not only the states but Congress, legislated upon the subject not long after the formation of the Constitution, — Congress, -as early as 1793. .- It is, therefore, manifestly an argument which raises a strong presumption against the position contended for; that, at that early day, when the framers of that instrument were almost all in full public life; when the debates at its formation and upon its adoption were still fresh in the mernory of the whole country;that Congress should have legislated upon this very point. Had the public men of the day forgotten the meaning of this phrase ? Could they forget that “claim” meant peremptory surrender — that this was the meaning intended in the use of that word by the framers of the Constitution, and should go to work to legislate,, where not-only no legislation was necessary, but not at all allowable ? Such supposition will not be indulged a moment.
But, again: if they had intended that neither, the states nor Congress should legislate upon this subject, is it not altogether certain that they, would not have used the term " claim,” but would have selected other language better fitted to carry defi-nitely the meaning-which they intended to attach ? What is the meaning of “claim?” “A challenge of ownership,” says Plow-den. A challenge of interest in a thing wjiich another hath in possession, .or at least out of the possession-of the claimant. “ Claim” implies that the right is in dispute or in doubt. “Claim” may be made by two or more at the. same time. “ Claim” has a technical legal meaning; and those who drew this instrument, being eminent lawyers and "well Versed in the use of language, may possibly have designed so to point f a meaning of the phrase, and for that reason used that word.
This impression,'too, is greatly strengthened by the recollection that in the preceding clause respecting fugitives -from justice, a much stronger word is used. “ Shall be delivered up on demand,” is the language used in reference to criminals; but fugitives from labour-are to be delivered up “on claim.” What now is the difference between these two terms ?. Why, evidently, “ demand” is peremptory. It will not admit of ..delay; it insists upon immediate obedience, “ Claim” supposes debate, litigation, the decision of a. right. How is it when one seeks satisfaction for an offence ? I “ demand”- satisfaction: I require it immediately. You shall give it me, or I will force it from you. His. antagonist sees by his language he is in earnest, and he must reply. But if he should say, I “claim” satisfaction, debate springs up, negotiation ensues, and the offerice most likely takes another shape.
This word “ demand/’ in fact, thrust itself upon the attention of the framers of the Constitution. It was- used in the preceding paragraph in reference to criminals from justice, and is eminently better fitted to express unconditional surrender than “ claim” is/
But beside this, if the framers of this,paper had designed such' a purpose as that imputed to them, would they not -have omitted, from this clause the words “in consequence of any law or regulation therein” — and the clause would then have stood in an obvious.shape; and every one would have understood that any fugitive from labour, escaping into another state, should not thereby be discharged from service, &c. This puts the matter, it is considered, in a very clear and strong light; and exceedingly adverse to the construction that neither the Union nor the states can legislate upon this subject.
Another reason which might here be noticed is, that no one, either in the debates upon the formation of the Constitution, or at its adoption by the states, ever asserted that to be the meaning of- this clause.
Mr.' Hambly here referred to the debates- in the Virginia convention. ' -■
.Another most valid and substantial reason.against this construction is, that it would be á violation of the very spirit óf the instrument.
■ If, under this term "claim” the..stretch of power is so véry great that a man from a neighbouring state can venture, into Pennsylvania, or Maryland,-and upon his simple allegation seize, and without reference to state authorities, carry off any on.e whom he may choose to single out as- his fugitive' from labour, it is a most Unheard-of violation.of the true spirit and meaning óf the whole of -that instrument.
The same power that .can, upon simple allegation, seize .and carry off. a slave, can, on the allegation óf service due, seize and carry off a free man. There is-no power, if neither Congress nor .the states can. legislate, to dispute, the question'with the seizing party, .
In-npn-slaveholding states the; presumption is, that every man is a free man until the contrary be proved. It is like every other legal presumption, in favour of the right. Every man is- presumed to-be -innocént until proved ‘guilty,. -Every defendant against whom an action.-, of debt .is' brought, is presumed not to owe until the debt be-proved.- Now, in a'slaveholding.state coiour always- raises apresumption. of-slavery; which is directly contrary to the presumption in a free Or non-slavéhóldi%-state; for in the .latter, prima, facie, every man is. a free rrian.' If,, then, under’ this most monstrous assumption of power, a, free rristri. may be- seized, ..where -is our boasted- freedom?' What says the 'fourth-article óf the .amendments -to the Constitution of •the United State's ? “ The- right of the' people to he secure, in their persons, houses, papers, and' effects against unreasonable searches and seizures,-shall not be' violated.” Art. 5': “No petson ' shall be deprived of life, liberty, or .property, wrthout due process of law;”'
But here We are met’ with the remark that “ slaves, are no parties to the Constitution;” thai “we,the people, ” does not embrace them. This is admitted, but we ajre not arguing the- want óf power to "claim” and take a -slave, but to claim and take a free man ! Admit the fact that he is a slave, and' you admit away the whole question. . Pennsylvania' says: Instead of preventing you from , taking your slaves, we are anxious that you should have them; they are a population we do not covet, and all out-legislation tends Jo ward .giving you every facility to get them-: but wé do claim the right , of legislating upon this subject so as to bring you under legal restraint,- which will prevent you from taking.a free man. If ene can arrest and carry away a free' man "without due process of law;” if their persons are not inviolate; your Constitution is a waxen tablet, a writing in the sand; and instead of being, as is supposed, the freest country on earth, this is the vilest despotism which can be imagined !
Is it possible this clause can have such a meaning?, Can it be, that a power so potent of mischief as this, could find no one of all those who had laid it in the -indictment against the king of Great Britain, as one of the very chiefest of his crimes, " that he had transported our citizens beyond seas for trial,” whose jealousy would not be aroused — whose fears would not be excited, at a grasp of power ,so mighty as is claimed for this clause ? Think you not that some one of those ardent,.untiring, vigilant guardian; ,jf liberty, would have raised a warning voice against this danger ? And, that, too, when only eighteen months after the formation of this charter, although they had already in the body of the instrument carefully guarded the writ of habeas corpus, and provided for the trial of all crimes by jury and in the state where committed, yet, as' if their jealousy had been excited to fourfold vigilance, in their amendments' provided for the personal security of the subject fipm "unreasonable seizure,” and-that no one should be “ deprived of liberty without due process of law.”
Suppose, — by no means impossible case, — suppose a man to be seized in the streets of Philadelphia simultaneously, by a citizen of South Carolina and a citizen of Virginia, each claiming him as their, slave : under the construction contended for, each would be entitled to carry him off upon mere allegation! . He offers satisfactory evidence to show that he is entirely free; but the state authorities cannot interfere, because the states cannot legislate and give them power; and Congress cannot' legis) te, and if. it did; could not give state, Officers judicial power. Martin v Hunter’s Lessee, 1 Wheat. 304. What is to be done? allow thesé parties to wrangle it out in-the streets,-to. settle the question with dirk and bowie knife, or execute the judgment of Solomon? No, the answer will'be, hand them over to the District Court, and there let them settle' the- right to property! Yes, but. there.you meet an unexpected difficulty. The. District Court can try the right of property as between the claimants, but not the right of liberty as between them' and the .arrested free man; therefore it follows that because the party out-of possession of the alleged slave cannot prove his right to take him, the party in ..possession retains.him, and carries a free-man -into slavery. Possession of a slave, in the absence of proof, is sufficient evidence of title. 2 Marsh. Rep. 609.
But in exercising the power of claim, and of excluding-, the arrested party from testing the question-of slave or free, do you not violate' the 'firát clause of sec. 2, art. .4 ? “ The citizens of each, state shall be entitled to all privileges' and immunities of nitizens in-the several states.'”
In some states they sell out, for. jail fees, the personal services of certain prisoners. Now, suppose such an one, not a negro, to be seized in Pennsylvania, as an alleged fugitive from labour,— and undoubtedly under this clause he m,ay be seized, — but .the truth comes out that the party, seized is not .and never was a prisoner, or sold out to service. Under this construction you can,not try the question; and a free citizen goes promptly and without redress into slavery ! !A.y, but let that be tried, say the' advocates of this doctrine, in the state to which he goes.
There '.are two answers to this remark: First, it is in direct violation of the spirit of that .provisión in the Constitution which requires trials to take place in the state where the infraction, of' law occurred; • and. secondly, what chance of fair trial would any man under such circumstances have in the state to which he is taken, where - ail the presumptions are against him, where the whole public opinion is against him, where he is-entirely separated from his witnesses, whilst- the whole onus probandi is thrown upon him." Better a thousand, slaves escape, than that one free man should be thus carried into remediless slavery,!
It is true that Chancellor Walworth, in the case of ...Jack v. Martin, in 14 Wendel, says that the right of recaption' existed at common law., and' “ is guarantied by the Constitution.” Now, with the greatest deference for the opinion of the learned judge, we are not conyinced that the right of recaption of persons ever existed here, or if it did exist, it is taken away by the amendments to the Constitution. The open-avowed ground is taken, that in a free state every man is prima; facie a free man who is at. large. If so, he comes under that class called “people;” and the right’ of “ the people” to bé seeure in their persons against unreasonable seizures is guarantied by the Constitution. Ay! but he is á slave, say the opponents of this doctrine. But that, is not admitted. The very question at issue is, slave or free. Now, so long as íie is not proved ¿ slave, he is presumed free; and, therefore, if you seize him, it is. a violation of this constitutional privilege.
But, it is said,-if this'be-not the true construction of this clause, and legislation be necessary, that the right appertains alohe to-Congress; and that the act of 1793 covers tile, ground, and leaves no room for the action of state legislation. I
That no power to legislate upon this subject is expressly granted “in terms” to Congress must be at once conceded. It must likewise be as readily conceded that it.is-not “prohibited” to the states. Then, if Congress possesses this power, it must be in virtue of a conCurrent authority of acting upon the subject-matter; or because this is a faculty which is necessary to the exercise of some power already granted.
That it-is not the latter, is manifest; for the most laborious investigation "and the most careful search, aided by the most critical powers of mind,' can. show no single provision of the instrument to the exercise of which this legislative power would be necessary.
There are two kinds of concurrent powers embraced by the Constitution:
1. Those which both bodies may lawfully legislate upon; and,
2. Those which the states may legislate upon until Congress acts; when the latter, being, the supreme power, excludes the former.
• .As an instance, of the former, the regulation of tbh militia may be cited’. Congress can “ organize, arm, discipline, and govern,” whilst to the states is reserved the right of appointing -officers and the authority of training., Art. 1, sec. 8, clause 16; Houston v. Moore, 5 Wheat. 24.
An illustration of the latter class may be ,found in the power to establish bankrupt laws;' on which, it has been decided by this Court, that the states might legislate until Congress did,- when the acts of . the.former would cease and expire. Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. 193.
In .order, therefore, to ascertain whether this power of legislation be concurrent or not, we must inquire:
1st. Whether it wsere possessed by the states previous to the formation -of the Constitution,. and appertained to sovereignty. 2d. Whether granted in express terms to the Union, or prohibited to the states. . 3d. ■ Whether it be an exertion of sovereign power by operating beyond the state territory;. or, 4th. As necessarily originating in the Union, so that no exercise of it by the states can take place, without clear, open, and undisguised conflict with the Constitution.
Now let us test this question',by these rules. It is manifest that slaves and slavery were "the subjects of legislative power by the states, before the Unjon. After the declaration of independence in 1776, each state, at least before the confederation, was a sovereign , independent body. Each had theright to enact laws which no' other power co'uld revise. Each could make war or conclude peace; without reference to the other. Each could raise armies or maintain a navy, without consulting the others; and, in fine, possessed every faculty of sovereign power, as effectually and entirely as either France or England or any of the kingdoms of the Old World, and equally as untrammelled. Then, this being the case, the union was formed, by taking away from the individual states portions of power, and vesting them in one central body, known as “ the Union,” in the formation of which were admitted maximS: 1st. That it possessed nothing 'by implication, except what was absolutely necessary to its existence; and, 2d. That powers not delegated to the Union, nor prohibited to the states in express terms, were reserved. ' Article 9 and 10 of Amendments.
South Carolina, as early as 1695, passed laws upon the subject of slaves and slavery, and so down to the present time. So also Connecticut, in 1711, and Maryland? in 1715. • These, then, are sufficient, as. instances of the' exercise of this power by the states, long.before the Constitution was formed; and this'proves the first position, — That it was possessed by the states previous to the formation of the Constitution., 'And it will not be controverted that the power is not “ expressly” granted to the Union, nof prohibited to the states.
/Thirdly, The exercise of "this power by the, states is merely a Matter of police'and internal regulation; and. therefore does not operate beyond the state territory: and,
Lastly, the power does not originate in.the Union — that' is, the right of legislation does not grow out of the Union; the power itself, the subject' matter, is not the birth of the Union; nor is its exercise'a “clear,,open, undisguised conflict with the Constitution,” as the exercise of extra-territorial power would be.
It is inferred, then; from all this, that-this power is'not-a concurrent one; that for want of' express reservation of such right, it has not the features which enable it to be exercised at the same time by both parties, as is .the case with the militia laws. Nor can the action of Congress absorb it and drive the states froto it, as is the case with the-bankrupt laws. It is a power which exists, and can only exist in theN states. Nor is it any answer to all this,' to say, that a Variety of laws and regulations will be passed by different states; that the legislation will be incongruous and dissimilar. We must take, the Constitution as we find it! Our duty is to construe, not to legislate! And we are- told by good authority that in the construction of constitutions, the argumentum • ab inconvenienti, will not answer; we dare not use it. The ita ¿cripta rule, is enough for us. If the constitutional provision be defective, there is a constitutional mode to amend it: let us then rather apply to that, than violently wrest the instrument by construction.
It is urged, however, that the passage of- the act of Congress of 1793 affords-a very strong argument in favour of congressional action upon this'subject; that the fact of its passage at so early a day evinces the understanding of that clause of the Constitution to have been, amongst the framers of it, that Congress alone had the right to legislate ; and hence, by implication, as it were, they would convince us, that it was one of those concurrent powers which the action of the highest legislative body absorbs and takes away from the states.
This argument, if it prove any thing, will prove too much.
The act of Congress authorizes the arrest of the fugitive, and requires him to be taken before any judge of the District or Circuit Court, or before any magistrate of a county,' city, or town corporate.
- Now, it is a principle perfectly settled by judicial decision, that Congress cannot communicate the exercise of judicial power to any person who does not hold the commission of the general government. •• Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee, 1 Wheat. 330: “Congress cannot vest any portion of the judicial power of the United States except in Courts ordained and established by itself.” Cons. sec. 3, art. 2: “The President shall commission all officers,” Now, if no man can be an officer of this government without bearing the commission of the President, certainly no “magistrate of'a county, city, or town corporate” can be a judicial officer of the'general'government, and so cannot take authority under the act. This principle is necessarily derived from art. 3, sec. 1, which provides “that the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as Congress shall from time to time ordain and establish;” and of course the persons holding this power must be commissioned by the power, which establishes the Courts. This doctrine has long been held by both the Supreme and State Courts. United States v. Lathrop, 17 Johns. 4; Ely v. Peck, 7 Conn. R. 239: The former was a case in which-an action of debt was brought for a penalty under the act of 1813, for selling spirituous liquors, and gave the State Corn is jurisdiction. The last case was an action against a deserting mariner, in which the State Court had jurisdiction given it by an act of Congress; but the judges in both cases declined exercising it. 1 Kent’s Com. 402, 403.
This, then, being the case, that the act of Congress of 1793 gave to “ magistrates of a county” an authority which it could not give, the conclusion is irresistible, that they did not at that day understand in the legislative hall, the construction of the Constitution, as well as we do now, after .an interval of half a century; and therefore the argument above cited is of no avail, inasmuch as it explodes itself. Besides which, we might add, that the states have claimed the power just as openly and avowedly as Congress has done.
It is supposed, however, that the weight of judicial authority from the State Courts, is in favour, very decidedly, of the exercise of this power by the national legislature. Let us therefore examine.
In 5 Serg. and Rawle, 62, is contained the case of Wright v. Deacon. This was a writ de homine replegiando. The case had already been tried on habeas corpus, and. adjudicated against the party, and upon that point decided; whilst it was taken for granted that the Constitution and act of Congress gave warrant for his removal. . The question was not agitated as to the constitutionality of the law of Congress, or that of Pennsylvania; and the case therefore gives no authority for this co'nstruction.
Commonwealth v. Griffith, 2 Pick. 11, was an indictment for an. assault and battery upon a negro,- and the defence made was that he was a slave, and had fled from servitude. The Court say, “ This brings the case, to a single point, viz.: whether the statute of the United States is constitutional or not. ' The Constitution, say they, does not prescribe the mode of reclaiming a slave, but leaves it to be determined by Congress.”
Here is taken for granted tnat which is far from appearing. One leap reaches the conclusion; without showing how Congress attains this power, whether 'expressly, by implication, or how. In fact, one of thé judges dissents, saying that he thought the fugitive should be seized in conformity to state laws. Further, the unconstitutionality of the law was not attacked on the ground that Congress-had no right to legislate at all; but merely because in conflict with other parts of the instrument. This case, therefore, it is respectfully conceived, proves nothing for the plaintiff in error.
In 12 Wend. 314, is found the case of Jack v. Martin. This was a writ de homine replegiando; and Judge Nelson in the Court below decided that the legislative power was concurrent, and therefore the action of Congress excluded the states from legislating, and that the object being palpable — i. e., to secure the slaves of the south — it should have a construction that would operate most effectually to attain the end.
We-contend that we are giving that construction to this clause most likely to produce the desired end. If excited argument and an interested withdrawal of the whole subject-matter from the hands of the states could be effected by the south, will it not produce constriction and collapse with the free states? Which is most likely to keep the peace? A tone-of confidence and'conciliation, or of defiance and the attempted exercise of illegal power? We must negotiate and legislate upon this and every other subject with the calumét of peace, rather than the tomahawk; with the conciliator^ spirit of a band, of brothers, instead of the animosity of deadly foes.
The case of Jack was taken up before the Court of Errors and Appeals, and the decision below sustained — not the question of constitutionality, 'but the. question of fugitive of not; because Jack'had admitted he wás a slave by his pleas. But the question of constitutionality was debated, and in my judgment not a single solid reason was given for that construction, but, on the contrary, Chancellor;Walworth says, “I have looked in vain among the delegated powers of Congress for authority to legislate upon the subject,” and concludes,that state legislation is ample for the purpose.
Now, thén, ,upon recapitulating these cases, -what have we ?
1. We have one case where the' constitutionality of the law is taken for granted, by Chief Justice Tilghman.
2. We have the argument of Judge Nelson and Senator Bishop, in' favour of it, and the case in Pickering; and—
3. We have the decisive opiniom of. Chancellor Walworth, and the dissenting judge in the case in Pickering. -
Por neithér in Ex parte Symmons, tried by Judge Washington, and reported in 4 Wash. C. C. Rep. 396, nor in the case of Johnson v. Tompkins, 1 Baldw. Rep., was the question Of constitutionality at all mooted or spoken of, but both judges speak in the satoe breath of state laws/and laws of Congress; without once impugning the'right of either party to legislate, or for one moment intimating a doubt as to the constitutional- right of either party to pass them.
It may, however, be contended that this authority to legislate is given to Congress by the. 18th clause of sec. 8, art. 1; of the Constitution: “And to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution, the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the' govern nxenfc 'of the United States or in any department or officer thereof.” .
Judge Story says, in his Commentary, sec. 1238 : “ The plain import of this clause is, that Congress shall have all the incidental and instrumental powers necessary and proper to carry into execution áll the .express powers. ‘ It neither enlarges any power specifically granted,-nor is it a grdnt of .any new power to Congress.”
This case, then, is not embraced by the first .part of the section, because it- is not one of the , “ foregoing” enumerated powers. Nor is it included under the other term, all other powers vested,” because there, is no power, vested, for the learned commentator just alluded to; says it means express powers.
Speaking of the Constitution, we' .are told in Hunter’s Lessee ad. Martin, 1 Wheat. 326, the government of the United States can claim no powers which are. not granted-to. it by the. Constitution, and the powers actually granted, must-be such as are expressly given’ or given by necessary implication. On the other hand, this instrument is to have á reasonable construction, according to the.import of its terms. The words are to be taken in their natural and obvious sense;- not in' a sense unreasonably restricted or enlarged.
Certainly, then, this phrase, “ powers vested,” means express powers; any other mode of construction would do violence to the whole instrument, and overturn a whole series of decisions; If thendt.means express power,.there is none such in this case; and therefore, under this clause, Congresseannot exercise the authority claimed. 1 Kent’s Com. 388, 90. “ The correct principle is, that whenever the terms in which .the power was granted to Congress, or the nature of the power required that it should be exclusively exercised by Congress,-the.subject was as completely taken away from the state legislature as if they had been'expressly forbidden to act. on .it.” But- is that the ease her? ? — the power is not granted in terms at all, and the nature pf the power is such, that the states can as easily and usefully exercise it as Congress.
The truth is, the power is one of police and internal regulation, as much as ferries, turnpikes, and health-laws; and in Gibbons v. Ogden, 203, we are told that “ no direct power is granted over these objects t5.Congress, and consequently they remain subject to state legislation. If the legislative power of the Union can reach them, it must be for national purposes.”
How can legislation respecting slaves become national when Only a part of the states hold them ? Such legislation cannot assume a national aspect, or attain a “ national purpose.”
If then this power be not expressly in Congress, nor concurrently, nor necessarily appurtenant to any other power, what is the meaning of this clause ?
“ No person held to service or labour in any state, under the laws thereof; escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labour is due.”
It simply means this — nothing more nor less: You may legislate — you may regulate — but this one point alone you shall not touch: — You shall not discharge the fugitive from service, if he were a slave by the law of the state from whence he fled.
The result is, that no power being given to Congress to legislate, it is reserved to the states under the 10th article of the amendments.
“ The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved.” Federalist, No. 32. The state governments clearly retain all the rights of sovereignty which they had before the adoptionof the Constitution, and which were not by that Constitution exclusively" delegated to the Union. 1 Wheat. 325.
Suppose art. 4, sec. 1, is read thus: — “ Full faith and credit shall be given, in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state:” — and- then stopped. Is it not apparent, that the states could by,law regulate the kind and quantum of proof, the manner in which their Courts should receive it; and if it was thought they could not, why in express terms reserve to Congress “ the right to preiscribe the manner in which they shall be proved, and the effect thereof.”
Under art. 1, sec. 4, clause 1, the times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed by the.state legislatures; but the framers of the Constitution cautiously add, that Congress may make or alter such regulation, except as to place.
Art. 1, sec. 8, clause 5, the power to coin money, one of the highest attributes of sovereign power; is expressly given to Congress; and yet, in section 10, clause .1 of art. 1, the states are cautiously and expressly prohibited from coining money. This has always been the highest mark of sovereign power.
It is, however, supposed by some,- that because Congress has legislated on the surrender of criminalsj that therefore there is stronger ground for claiming the right of legislating here.
Mr. Hambly cited the Madison Papers and Debates in Convention, that this matter was expected to be left to state legislation '; and that the south was not united itself upon the subject. Madison Papers, p. 1447.
As if, however, to remove all doubt upon this subject, we have, in the Constitution itself, an open admission that- the whole'subject of slaves and slavery was left in the hands of the states. Art. 1, sec. 9: “ The. migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to 1808.”
Now whaf is the meaning of this ? Why, that Congress shall leave the slave-trade, and all its operations, to state legislation entirely, with the exception that after 1808 they may stop it if. they choose; but if they do not choose,-it will always remain in the hands of the states, until they do see fit to close it. This, to my mind, without any other consideration, is sufficiently convincing that every body at that day rightly understood this whole matter to be the subject of state legislation.
The use of the terms “legally” and ¿‘justly,” in the formation of the Constitution, shows that the right was to be ascertained by competent authority, not taken for granted; and that legislative power somewhere was to exercise itself upon the matter, and by none more probably than the same power which then had it in control, — the state legislatures.
It now only remains to examine two arguments urged on behalf of the plaintiff in error.
It is alleged that the judiciary act of 1789 vests in the Courts of the United States the whole judicial power of the government; and that this being judiciafpower, which is sought to be attached to the general government, it is impliedly embraced by that act.
One word will be a sufficient, answer to that argument. The power asked, or rather claimed, is not judicial, but legislative; arid therefore can by no possibility be claimed by, through, or under, the judiciary act.
Another argument'is, that legislative construction has, with this Court,- almost the authority of judicial decision. And because Congress has, in its reports upon slavery, admitted or asserted this right, their claim therefore should be. regarded almost as a judicial construction.
,It is answered, that if there be any one thing in this country entirely loose, uncertain, and vascillating, it is legislation; and whenever the judicial exposition of our highest Courts becomes so wavering and uncertain as to bear comparison with our legislation, we shall truly be the pity and contempt of all civilized nations.,
It has been shown:
1. That “claim” does not mean peremptory demand aid unconditional surrender. 2. That legislation is contemplated by the language of the clause; and that both Congress and the states have legislated. 3. That this construction was never asserted by the.framers of the Constitution. 4. That it would violate its spirit. • 5. That the power of recaption of persons never existed, or if it did, is restrained by the amendments. 6. That this power is neither expressly granted to Congress nor prohibited to the states; nor is it necessary to the exercise of any granted power, nor impliedly reserved. 7. That the states possessed this power .before the Constitution was formed. 8. That it is a mere regulation of police, and does not suppose the exercise of national power; and, 9. Tnat the Constitution, in art. 1, sec. 9,, gives, or father leaves the whole, subject in the hands of the states, where it originally found it.
Mr. Johnson, attorney-general of Pennsylvania,
stated that he appeared before the Court in obedience to the directions of the act of Assembly, passed in 1839, to which reference had been made, to maintaiathe constitutional authority of Pennsylvania to enact the several laws set out in the paper-book in the hands of the Court; .and constituting the groundwork of the indictment .and proceedings in the present case. He said he occupied a position of great delicacy and embarrassment: He stood before the Court not only as the counsel, but as the official representative of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania; and was, as such, 'bound by an oath as solemn as that taken by their honours, to support the Constitution of the United States. It was made his duty to vindicate the right of Pennsylvania to adopt the laws in question against the allegation of the learned gentlemen, who so ably represented the interests of Maryland, that they conflicted with the Constitution and laws of the general government. In performing this duty, he felt the responsibility to be almost as binding as if he were pronouncing- a judicial decision, to advance no doctrines that were, in his judgment, incompatible with the true construction of the federal Constitution.
It was gratifying to him to be able to assure the Court, thát his official duty and his own conscientious convictions of right, as a citizen of the Union, were in perfect harmony on this subject. He should not hesitate to speak in earnest, for he spoke with sincerity. He desired to place Pennsylvania rectus in curias, on her proper footing, before the Court. She came there voluntarily. She was not dragged sullenly to that high bar, denying the jurisdiction of the Court and disclaiming its authority. This proceeding was one of amity, of concord, on the part of Pennsylvania, and of Maryland, which were, as the learned. counsel had told the Court, the real and substantial parties. ..They came into that Court to try a great question of constitutional law, to terminate disputes and contentions which were arising, and had for years arisen along the border line between them, on this subject of the escape and delivery up of fugitive slaves. Neither party sought the defeat or humiliation of the other. It was for the triumph of law they presented themselves before the Court. They were engaged under an imperative sense of duty in the work of peace; and he hoped he would be pardoned if he added, of patriotism also
The difficulties which resulted in the present case had been previously felt, and made the subject of negotiation between these states. And it was a curious fact, that this very act of 25th March, 1826, the unconstitutionality of which is alleged in this case, was the joint fruit of such negotiation. It was passed, as he believed, at the instance and with the entire approval of commissioners appointed by the constituted authorities of the state of Maryland, to wait upon, the legislature of Pennsylvania to obtain the passage of some law of the kind. -At the time, of its passage it was. loudly condemned by that portion of the citizens of Pennsylvania who favoured the abolition of slavery. And now, a singular change of places 'is exhibited — the state of Maryland repudiates what she then sanctioned — and the adversaries of slavery sustain, though .not very cordially, what they then condemned. One of these parties thinks this act of 1826 is too indulgent to slaveholders; the other, that it deprives them of their just rights. The considerate and enlightened citizens of Pennsylvania, with few, if. any, exceptions, were, he believed, of the opinion that this law was precisely what it should be — alike warranted by the federal Constitution, and careful to protect the rights of all. As such, it would be his duty, as it was his pleasure, to maintain it against every assault upon its constitutionality, let it proceed from whatever source it may.
By the act of 1780, Pennsylvania began the great work of philanthropy in regard to her slaves. She has pursued the policy there indicated, until slavery, with only here and there a time-stricken relic of former policy, has vanished from the soil. She' did not trench on the rights of other states. She did not impugn the principles, or the conduct of their citizens ; deeply as she abhorred slavery herself. She performed her own duty, and left to others the glory or the shame of performing, or of neglecting theirs. In this act of 1780, there is a saving of the rights of slaveholders in other states. So in the act of 1826. Its very title speaks its object. It is “ An act to give effect to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, relative to fugitives from labour, for the protection of free people of colour, and to prevent kidnapping.” Thus is this very unconstitutional.act found to be an act to give effect to the Constitution. The history of the legist lation of Pennsylvania on this subject will prove, that though she has been éver found in the vanguard of the friends of liberty and humanity, she never has forgotten what is due to her sister states; she never has wavered in her loyalty to the Constitution of the Union; and come what may, she never will depart from this course.
That Pennsylvania had the right then, to. enact the law in question, she solemnly avers to have been accorded to her by the state of Maryland herself. She will not consent to surrender it, until this Court, by its decision, strips her of that valued attribute of sovereignty. None will deny, that the main questions involved in this case are delicate, in some respects intricate, and in any point of view important to all sections of the Union. Substantially they are these :
1. Is the power of prescribing the mode of delivering up fugitives from service or labour, under the 2d section of the 4th article of the Constitution, exclusively vested in the general government?
2. If it is not, is it concurrently vested in the state and general governments, to be exercised on particular terms ? or is it solely vested in the‘state governments?
3. Have the states the right to inflict penalties, as in cases of crimes, upon those who seize and remove fugitive slaves out of their territories, without pursuing the mode prescribed, either by the act of Congress of 1793, or by the acts passed on the same subject, by the states themselves ?
. The last of these three questions is the most material in the present case: perhaps it is the only real question in this, case, upon which the Court is imperatively called upon to pronounce its judgment.
It is to be extremely regretted that we have no judicial guides to aid us in the argument of this cause, which are of higher authority than the mere opinions of individual judges, who have incidently, often hastily expressed them. The cases, such as they are, unfortunately are few, conflicting, and contradictory. They have, it is true, all occurred in states where slavery has been abolished, for such questions must rarely indeed happen, in states where slavery exists. It is obviously the interest of all parties in such states, to determine the question in one way. Without pretending to trouble the Court with a detailed and critical examination of the following cases, he would refer to them as exhibiting a most striking illustration of.the “uncertainty of the law.” Deacon’s Case, 5 Serg. & Rawle, 62; Johnson v. Tompkins, 1 Baldwin, 571; Com. v. Holloway, 2 Serg. & Rawle, 306; S. C., 3 Serg. & Rawle, 4; Com. v. Griffiths, 2 Pick. 18; Jack v. Martin, 12 Wend. 3-12; S. C., 14 Wend. 510. In the cases in the New York and Massachusetts reports, the Courts were divided in opinion. In the cases in the Pennsylvania .reports, the question did not properly arise, and the Court, without examination, declared its opinion on the constitutionality of the act of Congress of 1793. This subject has been incidentally noticed in a few other instances, but not in such a manner as to. be deemed essential.
The questions are thus perfectly open and free from all embarrassment on the score of authority. Decisions of this Court on other provisions of the Constitution will supply us with useful analogies; but we' are thrown back on the' -elementary principles of the Constitution itself for the foundation of the present argument. /Let us then recur to these principles, as the source of the power we are in qtiest of, and trace it-up to its fountain-head.
The times call for & full and frank exposition of' this subject; and he rejoiced that it had been presented at this juncture, before this tribunal, and in the friendly spirit that actuated the parties now at the bar. He begged leave to malfe one further preliminary suggestion, before he opened the Constitution. It was this ;'■ that the state and national governments were too often viewed as hostile and repugnant to each other in their relations. ' Powers granted to one, were regarded as if withdrawn from the other; and it seemed to be the effort of some, who were called upon to judge between them, to treat them as if they mutually-approached ea,ch other as belligerents, with swords drawn. This was not hjs opinion,, nor would it be his course. He thought, with the fathers of' the republic, that both were essential to each other; both formed one consistentrharmonious, beautiful system of government — complete when united — imperfect when, divided: 'combined, stronger than links, of iron; dissevered, weaker than a rope qf sand. It would be his purpose, therefore, to contend for such a construction of the fedeial Constitution as would place the state and national govern- • ments, on this solid and impregnable basis.
1. In regard to the first question he had suggested, he would proceed to read and comment on-the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution, which was in these words, “ No person held to service or labour in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regula tion therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered, up on claim of the párty to whom such service or, labour may be due.” This provision certainly gives no authority to the general government in terms.; none even by implication. It simply enjoins a duty on the-states, and- prohibits them from passing laws or regulations liberating .fugitive slaves. It .recognises the general right to legislate on. this subject, for- it restricts its exercise in a particular manner-. - If they could not -legislate at all, it'was futile and absurd to.say they should not pass laws of a particular description. But it enjoins that the fugitives shall be “ delivered up” “ on, claim.” This duty is made incumbent on-the' States, without prescribing the exact mode of its performance. The agency of the general government is in nowise concerned or invoked. The obligation is on the states, and for the states; their power is left, perfectly free and untrammeled, with this-single restriction — -that they cannot, discharge the fugitives from the claim of their masters or owners. The authority vested in the' states,.is in the nature of a negative pregnant; it denies and admits — denies the- particular power of liberating fugitives, and admits the-general power to prescribe how they Shall be delivered up. Should the states transcend their authority by enacting laws impairing the right of the slaveholder, the remedy is by judicial .instrumentality. -It is here. This Court will pronounce the acts unconstitutional and void.- But this power of the general government is preventive — not active. It is solely the right to restrain, not the right to compel. There are various restrictive clauses in the federal Constitution-; but no one, ever supposed, that a prohibition-of legislation upon the states, gave the- positive right to Congress to legislate ; much less can it be pretended, that a prohibition of a particular species' of legislation divested- the states of all general authority on the subject, and transferred the right to the national government. This construction of the powers of the general government would annihilate- the state sovereignties ■at a blow. See on this subject of the general powers of the federal government, the letters of the Federalist, Nos. 41, 42, and 43 ;.but especially 42. In this letter, the subject of the "4th article of the Constitution is distinctly and elaborately considered. Every line,-and every word, is noticed; but this very identical provision, in regard to fugitive slaves, is entirely omitted. Had it' at that day been supposed to have conferred any power on the general government, could it thus have been passed silently by ? - Does the tremendous power arrogated for the national government, in this case, lurk in this provision, without having been discovéred. by the keen eyes of Hamilton, Madison, or Jay ? These letters of the Federalist, were written before the adoption of the Constitution. They were read by almost every one. The comments were identified with the' letter of the Constitution itself. They have been always treated as a .contemporary exposition, by the first judicial intellects of the age, sanctioned by popular adoption;' and he felt persuaded the Court would pause, before it construed into the Constitution, powers, which these great men never dreamed of ascribing to the general government.
The reason for introducing this provision into the Constitution, is itself the best exponent'of its meaning. Prior to the adoption of the Constitution, slavery, absolutely, or in a modified form, existed in all the states except perhaps in Massachusetts. The right of the master to pursue and recapture fugitive slaves then existed by mutual comity: Few, if any, free negroes could be found. The presumption was that all negroes were slaves. No general regulation was necessary; for. it was the interest of all the states, to countenance and aid the master in the recapture of his runaway slave. But symptoms of repugnancy to slavery began to be manifested in Pennsylvania and other states; and the southern states were apprehensive that it might at some future day interfere with the recovery of their property. They desired a guarantee from the general government; not that that government should provide for the redelivery of their fugitive slaves, but that the Constitution of the Union should prohibit the states from passing laws- declaring them to be free. The provision of the Constitution under consideration furnishes this guarantee ; it never was intended for more. See 2 Elliot’s Debates, 335, 336; Mr. Madison’s and Governor Randolph’s speeches in the Virginia convention. Had the southern states demanded more than this simple guarantee; had they required that the right of the states to prescribe the mode of surrendering up fugitive .slaves should be yielded to Congress exclusively; we know not but if might have jeoparded the- formation of the Union itself. It'is well known the word “ slave” is not found in the Constitution, That it was excluded on account of the scruples' of certain of the northern members of the convention; and had these members been told that they were depriving the states they represented, of the power ot directing the mode in which fugitive slaves were to be redelivered to their masters', who can doubt that they would have rejected with indignation any instrument of government, containing such a surrender of state sovereignty as this ?
The Constitution does not aim at any abridgment of the state sovereignties on this subject, except in the single point of prohibiting them from setting fugitive slaves at liberty. In all other essential particulars, it wisely leaves them to the exercise of their own judgment. Different rules on this subject would naturally be established in different states. .Less strictness of proof of the right of the master would be satisfactory in a slave state, than would be so in a free state. Some respect is due to the common feelings, or even prejudices of a community, in the enforcement of claims deemed odious in principié to any considerable number of the people. If even compatible with justice, they should not be pressed in a manner to outrage or wound the sympathies of those on whom the demand is made. To abhor slavery, in principle, is no great offence in a country where liberty is the boast and the birthright of every creature wearing the image of his Maker. The states are the best judges of that mode of delivering up fugitive slaves, which will be most acceptable to their citizens. It is evident that no general law can suit the spirit of the people in all; and the only rational mode of providing for the evil, is that provided by the framers of the Constitution — by committing it to the wisdom and patriotism of the states themselves. The tendency of this course of reasoning is, not only to prove that the general government has not exclusive, but that it has no jurisdiction over this subject whatever. To remove all possibility of difficulty, however, he would proceed to consider the nature of its exclusive powers with some minuteness, but great brevity.
On every principle of rational construction, recognised by common sense and by judicial decisions, exclusive authority on any given subject was vested in the national government in only three cases.
1. When the power is expressly grantéd.
2. When the power is vested in the general government, and prohibited to the states.
3. When the exercise of a power by the states would be con tradictory .and repugnant to the ..exercise of'a rightful power by the general government. See the Federalist, No. 32; Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. 122; Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1.
Under which of.these classes of exclusive power's,.can such, power be inferred in this case ? Not under the first, for, as has been" already shown, no such power is given. Not under the second, for no power is vested in the- general government, or prohibited to the states, in the section-, now before the Court, which has been violated... Not under .the third, for the general government neither possesses,-nor has exercised' any power, to which the exercise of the power of enacting the law in question by Pennsylvania, is either contradictory or repugnant. Th'e supposed'incompatibility, arising from the nature of the. power to be exerted, cannot render it exclusive in the national government; for the very foundation of the argument is wanting, the existence of the power at all.
2. -Taking’ it, then, as established by the argument, that exclusive authority to legislate on this subject is not vested in the genera] government, is it vested in the respéctive states, concurrently, and co-operatively with it, or solely, and independently óf all control on the part of Congress ? Anterior to the adoption of the Constitution, the power of prescribing the mode of surrendering up fugitive slaves, clearly belonged to the states alone. It is not taken away by that instrument; it is not inconsistent with any of the powers vested in Congress or the general government; it is one of the most necessary attributes of sovereignty recognised and sanctioned by every principle Of national law. It belongs to them.still. No rightful power exists to divest it. The Constitution forbids it j and the Constitution only can strip them of this power. See 4 Wheat. 122; 5 Wheat. 1; 2 Dallas, 294; 3 Dallas, 386 ; 2 Wheat. 259 ; 3 Wash. C. C. R. 316, 322. The tenth article of the amendments of the Constitution settles this part of the case beyond'all cavil or controversy. There let it rest. - Whatever may be the power exercised by Congress, the states at least cannot be deprived of the power that belongs to them.under the Constitution.
The act of Congress o.f the 12th February, 1793, on this subset, is supposed to have been a constitutional exercise of power, sed so recently after the adoption of the Constitution, and by men intimately associated with that event, it has hardly ever been subjected to the .test of examination, it has been taken for granted, and acted upon without .question. But even great names cannot sanctify-wrong; time cannot supply the want of constitu-. tional authority: We must examine that act of Congress now, as it would have been examined if it had come before this Court the day after it was enacted.. He. would not speak irreverently of tile Congress of 1753 ; but hewoUld'take occasion to say, the history, of this famous law exhibited some curious reminiscences. Its origin in a few words was this. In the year 1791,‘-the GoverT nor of- Pennsylvania made a demand on the Governor of Virginia, for the Surrender of three persons, charged with kidnapping' a free negro. After taking the. advice of the attorney-general of tfyát state, the governor refused to comply, on the ground that although the‘Constitution made it obligatory on him to surrender up fugitives from justice, .yet as there was no act of Congress directing .the mode in which it should be done, he' could not and would not yield to the demand. The Governor of Pennsylvania submitted the question to .President Washington, who, after consulting the attorney-general of the United States, brought the whole matter to the notice of Congress. See 1 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, 38, 39. That body referred the subject to a committee; a bill was ‘reported, substantially the act of 1793. It lay upon the table for a considerable period, and finally passed and became a law on the 12th February, 1793. It is to be Observed that the only question submitted, was the one touching fugitives from justice, not fugitive slaves. The two subjects were .compre-i hended by Congress in one bill, and the northern states were constrained to .agree to the provision .relative: to fugitive slaves, for the purpose of procuring the passage of a law providing for the case of fugitives from justice.
The science of legislative, log-rolling, which has been deemed of quite modern • origin, appears not to have been unknown to the Congress of 1793. There is no question about the power, of Congress to legislate on the subject of fugitives from justice. The demand is. to be made by the' executive authority, on á u charge, máde” against a person, of treason, felony, &c., &c., who shall-flee, &e. The first section of the fourth article of the Constitution expressly confers on Congress the power of pre scribing the manner .in which * records and judicial proceedings' shall be proved, and the. effect thereof.’’ The- right, there.fore,, to legislate On this subject is clear. But there is not the remotest connection between this .matter and that' of fugitive, slaves.. The one has sole reference to crimes perpetrated against the public peace .and public, safety; the-other to the recapture or reclamation of private property: yet Congress classed them together, and made th*- provision for one depend on a similar provision for the .other..
What are the features -of this. act of Congress, which, as is-. contended, was'passed in pursuance of the constitutional authority of the general government; and which terminated forevér, if such right etter existed,, the concurrent .power Of the states-to legislate On the same subject ? It .empowers state judges, magistrates, ,&c.,- &c., to take cognisance of. the cases, of fugitive slaves, together with judges .holding their appointments under the national government, ‘So far as it attempts to vest this or any jurisdiction in state officers,- it is unconstitutional and void. The solemn decision of-this Court has. branded such attempt with condemnation'. See Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee, 1 Wheat. 304; 3 Story’s Commentaries on the Constitution, 114, 115, 386, 603; Sergeant’s Constitutional Law, 386, 398.
That act, then, is void,'so far as relates' to all instrumentality for its execution, but by the judges of- the Courts of- the United States. .The authority of'its; framers, as constitutional lawyers,' is thus exploded; -and their bóasted work, like all-things, human, is. characterized by frailty and error. If it even be -regarded as conformable to the Constitution, its execution is rendered almost impracticable-by the want of adequate agents. In a large State like Pennsylvania, with but two district judges residing three hundred miles; apart, hq,w is the difficulty of obtaining certificates of removal for fugitive slayes to be obviated? If the stale authorities cannot be called -upon to furnish aid; whát are the limitsito thé obstacles that ¿nviron the masters ? A very brief season of-trial .will make, them known. He would suggest to the Court, whether this act of Congress was not operative only in the District of Columbia, the territories, and. wherever Congress -had exclusive right of legislation. To this extent he did not. intend to question its validi y.
It was a fair and reasonable presumption from the provision of the act of Congress itself, authorizing the interposition of state officers, that Congress, aware of its inherent defect of jurisdiction, contemplated the cooperative, or concurrent- aid-of state legislation,to carry the provisions of this law into effect If not, why impose on the state magistrates duties which- they could not perform? Would a certificate of removal, given under this void-authority, authorize' the master to remové his slave ? -Clearly not. Nor’ would it afford him any protection against the rescue or escape of his slave. To seek the aid of such official authority,, would be alike dangerous and idle.. It would lead to incessant broils and disturbances of the public peace; and to the inevitable escape of the fugitive from his master.
In. this state-of • the case, the legislature of Pennsylvania deeming the act of Congress pursuant to the federal Constitution, steps forth to aid the pursuers of fugitive slaves. Th.e act of Assembly of that state of the 25th March, Í826, was passed in the manner he had already stated, to confer authority on her own magistrates and judges,'which the Constitution had-denied under the act of Congress.
¡It, in the first; place, describes the offence-charged against the defendant in this case,-and then proceeds to define the mode-in which the-state magistrates -and judges shall take .cognisance of the cases- of fugitive slaves. It does not change the mode of making proof on- the part' .of the claimants, nor the mode of gianting certificates of removal; it simply deprives subordinate magistrates of the power of granting such certificates, but il directs their interference-to procure the arrest of the fugitive, and enjoins on the, several judges -the duty of hearing the proof and granting the propér certificates for the'-remo val of the fugitive, on certain terms therein prescribed. ‘ It does not touch the' act of Congress. It recognises its authority, and leaves it’ as it stood before. Proceedings under this, act of Assembly are purely voluntary. Claimants may resort to it for aid, or pursue the direc-'. tioiis of- the act of Congress. If its provisions'áre onerous, discard them.. Take shelter under the national la tv. But it is. an addi tional remedy provided -fof the..benefit of the slaveholders. It gives them a-short cut'to justice, and what’ cause, have they to complain, if it leaves the other course equally free for their adop fion ? . In determining which remedy to invoke, the slave owrier will be governed oy circumstances; distance,, place, character of neighbourhood, deafness of his own proof, &c., &c., and will act accordingly to the preponderance of advafatages. Not one particle of inconvenience can he suffer under this aGt of Perinsylvania, while'he has the chance of manifold benefits,.
■ The acts of Congress and of, Pennsylvania ■ form ' together a harmonious system, neither jarring nor- conflicting in any part of its operation. It is careful of the rightsof the-slaveholder, and is adapted to' the feelings, sympathies, and sovereign power of the states. If the power to pass laws on the subject of delivering up fugitive slaves be concurrefit, the states cannot-control the acts of Congress; and cannot therefore impair the right of the owners; If .the power be solely vested in the states, they cannot impair this right under the federal Constitution. In' either case, the slaveholders may bid' defiance to hostile state legislation. The.mode.of recapturing or seizing their property by the southern slaveholders, under, the. laws, both of Congress and of the legislature of .Pennsylvania, is a summary one, in derogation of the common law; and might he confined to a strict and rigid adherence to the -boundaries laid down on the subject, in either of them, to'-the exclusion, of the other under the Constitution: but when the free states-themselves who might require this construction, choose voluntarily to surrender it, and treat it as a remedial power to be- enlarged,by both; state and' national legislation, for the benefit of the-slaveholders, it is an extraordinary spectacle to see íhosé most deeply interested arrayed among, the adversaries of this liberal policy. It appeared to him one óf the most unaccountable- delusions that ever seized the húmán mind. He would leave to future times*, as 'a matter'of wonder, the task of discovering why his learned and zealous friends mn the other -side, and himself, had not changed places in this argument; - Experience will demonstrate who advocates.the true interest, not of the north only, hut of the south, and-of all sections of the Union. He‘did not for an. instant question motives, he spoke of results alone. To these he would appeal, for a judgment that might abide-the test of, time with all its attendant train, of-circumstances, fraught with good or ill to our country.
Supposing the povrer to pass laws on the subject of- fugitive slave's to be concurrent, the learned counsel op the ..other side contended that it had been .exercised by Congress; that the'whole ground 5f legislation was provided for; that the fight of the states was thereby superseded, and that the act of. Assembly of Pennsylvania was absolutely void. To all these positions he would answer, in addition- to what had already been advanced, that Congress had not coverce the whole ground; that it had.expressly intended to employ the agency of.state magistrates, which could not be done without state legislationand that the. states, if they had a right-to authorize the action of their officers, could' do so on.sqch terms as. they pleased, if they did.not- contradict the act of-Congress. There was.no such contradiction' or repugnancy in this .case, and of course, the argument raised on that presumption totally failed.
. He' could not on this, branch of the case fortify his argument with., stronger reason or authority than by quoting the wofds of-Mr. Justice -Story, .in. the case of Houston v. Moore. On this basis he did. not fear to-let it rest. “The Constitution, containing a grant of powers in many instances similar to those already existing ,in the'state governments, and some , of these being of. vital importance, alsq to state authority-and state legislation, it-is not to be admitted that a mere grant of silch powers in affirmative .terms to Congress, does, per se, transfer an exclusive sovereignty., qn such subjects to the latter. -On the contrary,-a reasonable interpretation of that instrument-necessarily leads to the cqnclusion that the.powers so granted'are never .exclusive .of similar powers - existing in the states, unless where the Constitution has expressly-in-terms given an exclusive power to Congress, or the exercise of a like power is prohibited to tire states, or'there is a direct repugnancy or incompatibility.in tfie exercise of it by .the states.” And. also, “In all other cases mot falling within the classes already mentioned, it seems unquestionable that the states retain concurrent authority with Congress not only on the letter and spirit of the eleventh'amendment of the Constitution, but upon the soundest principles of .general reasoning.”
3. The .vital question in this.cause seemed to him to be this: whether the state.of Pennsylvania could not punish the forcible removal of a negro, in the manner and for the purposes set forth in this special verdict, asa criminal offence, when such removal was made in. total disregard of the act of Congress, and of her own apt of 1826. He need hardly remind the Court, that the provisions of the federal Constitution undér consideration, prescribed that fugitive slaves were, to be “ delivered up” “ on claim.” Both the acts of Congress and of the' legislature of Pennsylvania directed the mode to'be pursued’in making claim and delivery. It is obvious 'that the Constitution contemplated two acts — the claim by the master,, and the delivery, in pursuance of it, of the state where the fugitive was found. One preceded the other; and neither could be available to restore the slave to his master alone. Under the act of Congress, he might “ seize” the slave, but could not remove Mm without the certificate of the judge or magistrate.
Under the act of 1826, the magistrate may issue his warrant to apprehend the fugitive; but the judge alone can grant the certificate. Under neither can the master remove the slave without this certificate. It is his only legal warrant of removal, and'it is a sufficient warrant throughout the whole Union. A forcible removal is nowhere, authorized or countenanced; on the contrary, it can only be a removal, under the law, and according to the. law. The master, under the act of Congress,, may “ seize” his slave, but only for the purpose of taking him before a judge. He is protected in making such seizure; but the moment he abuses this right, and, in defiance pf. law, undertakes to remove his slave without a certificate, he forfeits the .protection of the law and becomes.amenable to such punishment as the states may prescribe.
The act of Congress punishes, those who- interfere with the, rights of the slaveholder ; but is silent as to the rights of negroes wrongfully seized, and of the states whose territory is entered by persons, under pretext of right, to violate- the laws and carry forcibly away those who are living under their protection. These cases are clearly left to the guardianship of the states themselves. The tenth article of the amendments to the Constitution secures this right; and self-respect, if not self-protection, demands its exercise. It has already been decided, by. this. Court, that persons who violate or disregard the provisions of an act of Congress may be made amenable to state law. Houston v. Moore, 5 Wheat. 1; 2 Hamilton’s Works, 347. This is not on the principle that to violate an act of Congress is a crime against the state-5 but that,, the offence denounced by the laws of the state is not protected by the national authority, and henee may be punished as a crime.
Prigg, the defendant in this case, first sought the aid-of the state law to seize his slave, and then, in contempt of both its mandates and those of the act Of Congress, removed the fugitive without making claim, obtaining certificate, or dqing arty thing to procure the -warrant of the law This was a wanton- insult.to the dignity of the state of Pennsylvania; and tended direetly to.produce riots, disturbances, and ill-blood between, her citizens and those of the state of. Maryland. Would it not be monstrous to hold, that an act which leads', to such results, which.offends so, deeply the honest prejudices of large portions of the citizens, óf a, state, is not, or may not be'punished as a crime against.her-sovereignty and her laws? If. such power do not belong to the states, it is difficult _to conceive how any portion of their police arrangements may not at any time be annulled and abrogated by the general government. A more absolute annihilation of the state sovereignties than this would be, is not within the stretch of human power.
It is a familiar principle to the Court, that on the -ground of repugnancy to the Constitution, state laws may be void in part, and valid for the residue. These questions are extremely delicate ; and this Court will declare laws void for this reason, only in a clear case. Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, 87. If possible, the Court will reconcile them with the Constitution; and so’ far as der pends on their policy or justice, leave that to the judgment of the people who enact and must obey them; Dismissing from consideration, for the purposes of this argumént, the right of the states to pass laws on the subject of the delivery up of fugitive slaves, in what respect does the act of 1828, so far as relates to the punishment óf those who are guilty of kidnapping, conflict with the Constitution of the United States or with any act of Congress?-. He thought he might challenge the utmost ingenuity to point'out such conflict. ‘ It was clearly the exercise of.a reserved power. It only punished those-who set all laws on this subject at naught, and by their examples did more to. endanger thé rights of the slaveholders inthe recovery of their fugitives} than, all the state’ laws ever adopted had done or could do. Such rash and indiscreet efforts to regain fugitive slaves, as this defendant made, have done much to foment the spirit of opposition to slavery in the nort and if persisted in, will awaken a feeling not easily subdued of controlled. Did the chivalrous and considerate stave owners of the south come themselves in pursuit, of their fugitive slaves these instances of,outrage would seldom, if ever, happen; bui the agents often employed by. them, are of the most debased' character, and, being alike, ignorant and regardless of law and courtesy, excite, by their conduct, the deepest emotions of indignation and abhorrence. It is against such offenders that the penal enactment in question is chiefly aimed. Can it be possible that this Court will strike down the arm of state authority, thus .uplifted to maintain peace, order, and the- respectful. observance of the law ? .
The.fact ^at the' negro thus, forcibly and illegally removed is a slave, is wholly.immateriaL It is admitted by the other side, that legislation - under- the Constitution is necessary to carry the provision on .this subject of fugitive slaves into effect. If so, the right of removal cannot exist independent of such legislation. .Although the slave may be so in fact, yet he must be identified and certified by the law to be such, to authorize'his removal. Until this is done, no presumption of slavery arises. True* it will -arise, if “ seized” on “ claim” and taken before a, judge, but not if removed, without this judicial sanction.' • Here is the true point of the easel ■ The law. protects -the owner or agent,, until he proceeds to remove the slave in defiance of its prohibition. The instant he does this, the crime is. committed; the penalty is incurred; the violated' lav/- demands its victim. The Cohstitu-. tion evidently contemplates the act of the law, and not the act of the party in the recovery of fugitive slaves; and he who with a strong hand usurps the prerogative of the law and tramples on its mandates, has no .right to complain of the punishment it inflicts.
The special verdict, in- this case distinctly admits, that the act. of the defendant is neither-sanctioned nor protected by either the act of Congress or the legislature of Pennsylvania. It was therefore clear, as he believed,, whatever might be the opinion of the Court upon the broad question of the power of the states to pass laws directing the mode of delivering up fugitive slaves; that the act of. Pennsylvania, so far ás it affected this case, or-was involved in its determination, was not repugnant to the C.onstitu tion, and that accordingly the judgment of the Supreme ’Court of that state must be affirmed.
__ In conclusion, said Mr. Johnson, the Court will allow me to say, that I have argued this case on the presumption that many great rules of constitutional interpretation -have been settled by its decisions; and that I have adopted and- applied them so far as they appeared applicable; without consuming the time or abusing the patience of the Court, by elaborate inquiries into their justice or their authority. I have not deemed it respectful -to address this Court as if I were delivering a course of elementary lectures in a law academy. I know my own duty and the character of this Court too well, to engage in such an undertaking. I feel persuaded that my deficiencies, will be far more than supplied bv the learning, and experience of your honours. I have sought to confine my argument strictly to the case before you, and I hope within ■this scope no points of essential interest have escaped my attention.
I trust I shall be pardoned if I again reiterate my conviction, that the construction- of the Constitution for-which I have contended, is the true, rational, - and just one. Whatever may be me opinión of others, igcannot and will hot be plausibly alleged that-this,-construction violates any of-its- provisions, or endangers any power vested in either the national or state governments. It offends no prejudices; it trenches on no rights; it sets no-example to be hereafter pleaded in justification of measures which tend to augment the power of'the general government, and. to strip the states of their proudest attributes of sovereignty. It binds each’in its proper sphere; it invests both with all requisite and proper-’ authority to perform the functions for which they were designed, and it divests this obligation to deliver .up fugitive slaves, which, to the sensitive, is harsh- and-odious, of. almost every feature of painful repugnance to the feelings.
But let the picture be reversed.A-Deny the right of the states to legislate on this subject for the'preservation of their oWn peace ;and the protection of their own soil from insult and aggression; arrogate exclusive-power for the general government to order and direct how, and by whom alleged fugitive’ slaves are to be restored to their masters or hired pursuers, and you arouse á spirit of discord and resistance, that will neither shrink nor slumber till the obligation itself be cancelled, or the Union which creates it be dissolved. I do not say this in menace — God forbid I should;, but in expostulating warning'to^those who, by demanding too much, may sacrifice even that to which they are justly entitled; ■
The various, diversifieeh'aiid almost antagonist interests of different sections of our .Union, render government here a task of no small caution, forbearance, and responsibility. Time and; experience have emphatically.taught ÜS that there is but one mode,in which these interests can be effectually guarded and promoted; and that is by a strict, steady, and undeviating adherence to the spirit and letter of the national Constitution.
The events of every day, and every year, invest the Constitution with additional claims to our veneration. Its'advantages seem to multiply with our necessities, and to spring out of them. It would not be difficult in the course of pur history, tp point, out particular instances, in which different quarters of the Union, influenced' by adverse interests,.have sought to apply opposing constnictions to the samé provisions, on assuméd general, strict, or latitudinarian principles; and yet, in a very brief period of time, constnictions of other provisions have compelled these sectional, parties to change their respectiye ground, and to repudiate what they-had before adopted. These considerations rébuke the spirit of self-confidence and of self-iüterest, and ádmonish us, that, in the end, that construction is the only'sound, rational, and safe one, which encroaches ón no peculiar.interest, and which sustains all alike,,with even-handed justice. . Let the south and the north remembér, that he who lives by the sword to-day, may die by the sword tomorrow. Then, indeed, may we read the Constitution in the benign spirit of the golden rule, to do “ unto others, as we would that they should dó unto us.”
The framers of,our.glorious Constitution, appear to have been little less than inspired. They not only guatded the liberties of their own age, but they looked into futurity, and provided for the liberties of ages to follow them — cpnstitutional indemnities, which mfist then have been established, or never established at all. The day to intrench political freedom within a written Constitution, was the day when the fresh recollection of the revolutionary contest not only taught its value, but the duty of placing it beyond the reach of invasion.; and our fathers, conscious of this truth,, performed the duty devolved on them, in a manner worthy, of its inestimable importance. The most skeptical must trace the ■finger of God in this viork; and acknowledge that he has. sanctified it in the councils of his Prpvidence.
It is adapted to our condition in every stage pf our national advancement. From the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean's, and.frPm the lakes to the borders of Mexico, it has stretched forth its:cherishing arm over our people, and diffused its blessings on all alike. It has ' “ grown- with our growth, and strengthened, with our strengthit was the swaddling clothes of our national infancy; it is the' coat of mail that envelopes the giant-limbs of our national manhood. . Changed as is our condition, modified as may seem our government in various matters of policy;'the Constitution of our fathers is still solid and entire, the Constitution of their descendants.
If we would preserve it, if we would perpetuate its benefits, we must, in its interpretation, adhere with inflexible ten¿city to that spirit of generous'and enlightened concession in which it had its origin, which now and forever must' be its breath pf life.' It is equally endangered by straining its just powers too far, as by crippling their operation, and shrivelling up .the vigorous energies which alone make it a form of government capable or worthy of popular confidence'and support.' To claim for it, what is withheld — exclusive authority to legislate on the delicate subject of directing the delivery up of fugitive slaves, to the entire exclusion of state interposition, seems to . me the rankest usurpation. In resisting this doctrine; I verily believe I stand here more as the true friend of the south, than those who honestly, but erroneously, urge it Upon the Court In the name then of Pennsylvania, in the name of all the ■ states — in the name of the Union itself — I protest against this dangerous encroachment on state sovereignty and.state independence. The long and impatient struggle on this .question, I trust is nearly over. The decision of this Court will put it at rest.
Pennsylvania will be the first to acquiesce in whatever decision may be pronounced; and deeply and anxiously as she desires to see all the rights guarantied to her by the national Constitution steadfastly maintained, she' submits, with a confidence that knows no fear, these rights, which are equally dear to every sister state as they are to her, to the judgment of this high and enlightened tribunal.

Opinion:
'Mr. Justice Stout
delivered the opinion'of the Court.
• This is a writ of error to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, brought under the 25th section of the' judiciary act of 1780, ch. 20, for .the purpose of revising- the judgment of that Court, in a case involving the construction of the Constitution and laws of the United States.
The facts are briefly these: The plaintiff in error was indicted in the Court of Oyer and-Terminer for York county, for having, with force and violence, taken and carried'away from that county to the'state of Maryland, a certain négro woman, named Marga.ret Morgan, with a design and intention of selling and. disposing of, and keeping her as a slave or servant for life, contrary to a statute of Pennsylvania, passed on the 26th of March, 1826. Thát statute in the first section, in substance, provides, that if any person or persons shall, from and after the passing of the act, by fome and violence take and carry away, or cause to be taken and carried away, and shall by fraud or false pretence, seduce, or cause to be seduced, or shall attempt to take, carry away, or seduce any negro or mulatto from any part of that commonwealth, with a design and intention of selling and disposing of, or causing to be sold, or of keeping and detaining, or of causing to be kept and detained, such negro or mulatto as a slave or servant for life, or for any term whatsoever; every such person or persons, his or their aiders or abettors, shall,.on conviction thereof, be deemed guilty of a felony,-and shall forfeit and pay á m not less than five hundred, nor more than one thousand dollars; and moreover,' shall be sentenced to undergo a servitude for any term or terms of years, not less than seven years nor exceeding twenty-one years; and'sball be confined and kept to hard labour, &c. There are many other provisions in the statute which is recited at large in the record, but ,to which it is in our view unnecessary to advert-upon.the present occasion.-
The plaintiff in ertor pleaded not guilty to. the indictment;'. and' at the trial the jury found a special verdict, which, in substance, states, that the negro woman, Margaret Morgan, was a slave for life, and held' to labour and service under and according.:to . the laws of Maryland, tó a certain Margaret Ashmore, a citizen of. Maryland; that the. slave escaped-and ñed from Maryland-into Pennsylvania in. 1832; .that -the plaintiff in 'error,.being legally constituted the agent.and, attorney of the said Margaret Ashmore,, in 1837,-caused, the said negro woman, to- be taken and -apprehended.as a fugitive-.from-labour, by a stpte constable, under .a warrant from-.a Penpsylvania pnagistrate; .that the said' negro woman was thereupon brought before the .said, magistrate., who refused to take further, cognisance of the case-; .and thereupon the plaintiff -in error .did- remove, take, and carry away the .said, negro woman -and her children out of Pennsvlvania into .Maryland, and 'did- deliver the said negro woman and her children into the custody and possession of the said Margaret Ashmore.- Tire special verdict, further-finds, that one-of-the children was born in-Pennsylvania, more than a year after the said negro woman .had .fled and escaped -from Maryland.
Upon this special verdict, the Court of Oyer, and Terminer, of York county, adjudged that the plaintiff, in error was guilty of the offence charged in the - indictment. A writ-of error was brought from that judgment to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, where the judgment was, pro forma, affirmed.' From this latter judgment, the present writ of error has been brought to this Court.-
Before- proceeding to discuss the very-important and interesting questions. involved in this record, it is fit' to say, that the cause has been conducted in the Court below, and has been brought hereby the eo-opérátion and sanction, both of the state-of Maryland,'.and the state of Pennsylvania, in the most friendly and courteous spirit, with, a view; to have those questions finally disposédmf by the adjudication of.this Court; -so that the agitations on this.subject in both states, which have had a tendency to interrupt the -har-rpopy- betweén.- them,, may subside, and the conflict 'qf opinion he put at rest., It" should also be added, that the statute qf Penpsylvania of-1826, was (as has.been suggested at the bar) passed- with á view of meeting the supposed wishés of Maryland on the subject of- fugitive slaves; and that,-although it has failed to -produce the good effects intended in its practical construction, the.-result was unforeseen and undesigned.
- 1. The question arising -in the case, as to the constitutionality of -the statute .of Pennsylvapia, has been most elaborately argued at the-.bar. The 'counsel for-the plaintiff in-error, have contended that the statuté of Pennsylvania is unconstitutional;, first, because Congress has the exclusive.power of-legislation upon the subject-matter under the Constitution, of-the United States,and under the act of the 12th of February, 1793, ch- 51, (7), which was passed.in pursuance thereof;, secondly, that if this power is. not'exclusive in Congress, still the concurrent power of the state legislatures is suspended by the actual exercise- of the power by Congress; and-thirdly, that if not suspended,.still the statute of Pennsylvania, in fill its provisions applicable to this, case, is. in direct collision with the, act of Congress, and therefore is unconstitutional and-void. The counsel for Pennsylvania maintain the, negative of all these points.
New questions which have ever come before this Court involve mort delicate and important considerations; and few'upon which the public at large' may be presumed to feel a moré profound and pervading interest: We have Accordingly given them our most-deliberate examination; and it has become my duty to .state the result to which we have arrived, and the' reasoning by which it is supported.
Before, however, we proceed to the points more immediately' before us, it may be well — in order to'clear the Case of difficulty— to say, that in the exposition of this part of the Constitution, we shall limit ourselves to those considerations'which appropriately and exclusively belong to it, without laying down any rules of interpretation of -a .inore géneral nature. • -It. will, indeed, probably, be found, w.hen we look to the character' of the Constitution itself,, the objects which it seeks' to-attain, the powers which it confers, the''duties-, which it enjoins., and the rights" which it secures, as-well as. the 'known historical, fact that, many of its provisions were matters of Compromise of opposing interests and opinions; that no Uniform rule of-interpretation can be- applied, to it which'may not allow^ even if It does, not positively demand, many'modifications in its actual application to particular clauses.And, perhaps, the safest., rule óí interpretation after all will-be found to :be-, to look ,to :the 'nature and objects of the particular powers, duties, and rights, with all the lights and aids of eontém- - porary history; and to give' to- the words.of each just Such opera-. tion and force, consistent with their legitimate meaning, as may fairly secure and attain the ends proposed.
There are two clauses in the Constitution upon-the subjéct of fugitives, which stand in juxtapósition with each other, and have been thought mutually to illustrate each other. They are both contained in the second'section of the fourth article, and are in the following words: "Á person charged in any. state' with treason, felony, or other cripie, who shall flee from justice, and be' found in .another state, shall, on demand of the' executive authority of the.state from which he fled, be delivered tip, to-be removed to the state haying jurisdiction of the crime."
"No person heldto service or.labour in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another,.shall in .consequence' of any Mw or regulation therein, be discharged from, such service or labour; but shall he delivered up, .on claim of the party to whom- such service or labour may be due."
The last-clause .is that, the true interpretation whereof is directly in- judgment before us. Historically, it is well known,-that the object of this clause was to secure to the citizens-of the slaveholding states the complete right and title of ownership- in their slaves, as property, in every state in. the Union into which they might escape from the state where they were held in servitude. The frill recognition of this right and title was indispensable to the security of this'species of property in all the slaveholding states*, and, indeed, was so vital to the-preservation of their domestic interests and institutions, that it- cannot be doubted that it constitinted a fundamental article, without the adoption of which-the Union could not have been formed, > Its true design, was to guard against the doctrines and principles prevalent in the nomsiaveholding states, by. preventing them from Intermeddling with, or obstructing, .or abolishing the rights of the owners of slaves.
By the general law of nations, no,nation is bound to recognise the state of slavery, .'as to foreign slaves found within its territorial dominions, when, it is'in . opposition .to it's own. policy .and' institutions, infayour of the subjects of other nations where slavery is recognised. If it does it, it is as a naatter-of comity, and not as a matter of international right. The state of: slavery'is ¡deemed to be a mere municipal regulation; founded upon and limited bo the rángeoftbe territoriallaws;- This was fullyrecognised in Somerset's Case, Lofft's Rep. 1; S. C., 11 State Trials by Harg. 340; S. C. 20 Howell's State Trials, 79; which was decided before the Ame-i rican revolution. It is manifest from this consideration, that if the Constitution had not contained this clause,-every non-slave-holding state in the Union would have been at liberty to have •declared free all runaway slaves,coming within,, its. limits, and to have giyen them entire, immunity and protection against the claims of their masters; -a course which would have -created the most bittér' animosities, and engendered perpetual strife between the different states. , The clause was, therefore, of the last importanee-to íhe safety and security of the southern .states; and could not • have been surrendered by them without endangering, their whole property in slaves: The clause was accordingly adopted into -the ,Constitution by the unanimous consent of the framers of'it;. a proof at once of its intrinsic and: practical necessity..
How, then, aré we.to interpret the'language,,of the clause? The true answer is, in. such amanner, as,-consistently with the words,"shall fully and completely effectuate the whole objects of it. If by one mode of interpretation the right must become, shadowy .and unsubstantial, arid- without any remedial power adequate to the éndy and by another mode it will attain its just end-and secure its manifest-purpose; it would seem, upon principles of reasoning, absolutely irresistible, that the. latter ought to prevail: No Court of justice can be authorised-so to"construe any clause of the Constitution as to defeat its-obvious ends, when another .construction, equally accordant with the; words and sense thereof, will enforce ana protect them.
The clause manifestly contemplates the existence of a positive, unqualified right on the part of the owner of the Slave, which no State law or regulation can in any way qualify, regulate, control, or restrain. The slave is mot. to he discharged from service or labour, in consequence of any. state law or regulation. Now, certainly, without indulging in any nicety of criticism upon words, it may fairly and reasonably be said, that any .state lafv or state regulation, which interrupts* limits,..delays, or. postpones the right of-the owner to the immediate possession.'of the- slave, and the immediate command-of-his service and labour, operates, pro tanto, a discharge of the slave therefrom* The question can nevér be, how much.the slave is discharged'from; but whether he is discharged from any, by the natural or necessary operation of state laws or state regulations. The question is not one of quantity or degree, hut of withholding, or controlling the incidents of •a positive and absolute right.
We have said that the clause contains a positive and unqualified recognition! of the right of the owner in the slave, unaffected by any state law or regulation whatsoever, because there is no qualification or restriction of it to be found therein ; and we have no right to insert any which is not, expressed, and cannot he fairly implied; especially are we estopped from so doing, when the clause puts the right to the service or labour upon the same ground aftd to the same- extent in every other state as in the state from which the slave escaped, and in which .he was held 'to the service or labour. • If this be so, then all the incidents to that right attach also; the owner must, therefore, have the right to seize and repossess the slave, which the local laws of his own state confer upon him as • property.; and we all know that' this right of seizure and recaption is universally acknowledged in all the slaveholding states. Indeed, this is no more than a mere affirmance of the principles of the common law applicable to' this very subject. Mr. Justice Blackstone (3 Bl. Comm. 4) lays it down as unquestionable doctrine. a Recaption or reprisal (says he.), is another species of remedy by the mere act of the party .injured. This happens when any one hath deprived another of his property in goods or chattels personal, or wrongfully detains one.'s wife, child, or servant; in which case the owner of the goods, and the husband, parent, or master may lawfully claim and retake them, wherever he happens to find them, so it he not in a riotous manner, or attended with a breach of the peace." Upon this ground We have not the slightest hesitation in holding, that, under and in virtue of the Constitution, the owner of a slave is clothed with entire authority, in' every sta.te in the Union, to seize and recapture his slave, whenever he can do it without any breach of the peace, or any illegal violence. In this sense, and to this extent, this clause of the Constitution may properly be said to execute itself; and to require no aid from legislation, state or national.
Buv the.clause of the Constitution does not stop here; nor indeed, consistently with its professed objects, could it do so. Many cases must arise in. which, if the remedy of the owner were confined to the mere right, of seizure and recaption, he would be utterly without any adequate redress. He may not be able to lay his. hands upon the slave. He may not be able to enforce his rights against persons who either secrete or conceal, or withhold the slave. He may be restricted by local legislation as to the mode of proofs of his ownership; as to the Courts in which he shall sue, and as to the actions which he may bring; or the process he may use to' compel the delivery of the slave. Nay, the local legislation may be utterly inadequate to furnish the appropriate redress, by authorizing no process in rem, or no specific mode of repossessing the slave, leaving the owner, at best, not that right which the Constitution designed to secure — a specific delivery and repossession of the slave, but a mere remedy in damages; and that perhaps against persons utterly insolvent or worthless. The state legislation may be entirely silent on the whole subject, and its ordinary remedial process framed with different views and objects; and this may be .innocently as well as designedly done, since every state is perfectly competent, and has the exclusive right to prescribe the remedies in its own judicial tribunals, to limit the time as well as the mode of redress^ and to deny jurisdiction over cases, which its own policy and its own institutions either prohibit or discountenance.
If, therefore, the clause of the Constitution had stopped at tlfe mere recognition of the right, without providing or contemplating any means by which it might be established and enforced in cases where it did not execute itself, it is plain that it would have, in a great variety of cases, a delusive ahd empty annunciation.' If it did not contemplate any action.either through state or national 'legislation, as auxiliaries to its more perfect enforcement in the form of remedy, or of protection, then, as there would be no duty on either to aid the right,-it would be left to the mere comity of the states to act as they should please; and would depend for its security upon the changing, course of public- opinion, the mutations of public policy, and the general 'adaptations of remedies for purposes strictly according -to the lex fori.
And this leads us to the consideration of the other part of the clause, which implies at once a guaranty and duty. It says, " But he (the . slave) shall be delivered up on claim of the party- to whom such service or labour may be due."' Now, we think it exceedingly difficult, if not impracticable, to read this language and not to feel that it contemplated some, farther remedial redress than that which might be administered at the hands of the owner himself.- A claim is to be. made. What is a claim ? It is, in a just juridical sense, a demand of some matter as.of rightmade by one person upon another,, to do or to forbear to do some act or thing as a matter of duty. A mote limited, but at the same time an equally expressive definition was given by Lord Dyer, as cited in Stowell v. Zouch, Plowden, 359; and it is equally applicable to the present case:. that " a claim is a challenge by a man of the propriety or ownership of a thing, which he has not in possession, but which is wrongfully detained from him." The slave is to be delivered qp on the claim. By whom tp be delivered Up ? In what mode to be delivered up ? ' How, if a refusal takes place, is the right of delivery to be enforced ? Upon what proofs ? What shall be the evidence of a rightful recaption or delivery ? When and under what circumstances shall-.the possession of the owner,, after it is obtained, be conclusive of his right, so as to preclude any further inquiry or examination into.it by local .tribunals'or otherwise, while the slave", in possession of the owner, is in transitu to the state from which he fled ?
" These, and many other questions, will readily occur , upon the slightest attention to the clause; and it is obvious that they can receive but one satisfactory answer. They .require the aid of legislation to protect the right, to enforce' the delivery, and to secure the .subsequent possession of the slave. If, indeed, the, Constitution guarantees. the right, and if it requires the delivery upon the claim of the owner, (as cannot well be doubtéd,) the natural inference certainly is, that the national government is clothed with the appropriate authority and functions to enforce it. The fundamental principle applicable to-all cases of this sort, would seem to be, that where the end is required, the means are . given; and where the duty is enjoined, the. ability to perform it is conteniplated to exist on the part of the functionaries to whom it is entrusted. The clause is found in the national Constitution, and not in that of any state. It does not point out any state functionaries,,or any state action to carry its provisions into effect. The states cannot, therefore, be compelled to enforce them; jand / it might well be deemed an unconstitutional exercise of the power of interpretation, to insist that the states are bound to provide means to carry into effect the duties of me national government, nowhere delegated or intrusted to them by the Constitution. On the contrary, the natural, if. not the' necessary conclusion is, that the national government, .in the absence of all positive provisions •to the contrary, is bound, through its own proper departments, legislative,' judicial, or executive, as the case may require, to carry into effect all the rights and duties imposed upon it by the Constitution. The remark of Mr. Madison, in the Federalist, (No. 43,) would seem, in such cases to apply with peculiar force. " A right (says he).implies a remedy; and where else would the remedy be deposited, than where it is deposited by the Constitution ?" meaning, as the context shows, in the government of the United States.
. It is plain, then, that where a claim is made by the owner, out of possession, for the delivery of a slave, it must be made, if at áll, against some other person; and inasmuch ,as the right is a right of property capable of being recognised and asserted by proceedings before a Court of justice, between parties adverse to each other, it constitutes, in the strictest sense, a controversy" between the parties, and a case " arising under the Constitution" of thé United States; within the express delegatiomof judicial power given by that -instrument. Congress, then, may call that, power into activity for the very purpose of giving effect to that right; and if so, then it may prescribe'' the mode and extent in which it shall be applied, and how, and under what circumstances the proceedings, shall'afford a complete protection and guaranty to the. right.
Congress has táfcen this very view of. the power and duty of the national-government. As early as the >year 1791, the attention of Congress was drawn to it, (as we shall hereafter more fully seé,) in consequence of some practical difficulties arising under the other clause, respecting fugitives from justice escaping into other states. The result of their deliberations; was the passage of the act of the 12th of February, 1793, ch. 51, (7,) which, after having, in the first and second sections, provided for the base of fugitives. from justice by a demand to be made of the delivery through the executive authority of the state where they are found, proceeds, in the .third section, to provide, that when á person hel<J to labour or service in, any of the United States, shall escape into any otherpf the states or territories/ the person td whom such labour or service may be due, his agent or attorney, is hereby empowered to seize or arrest Such. fugitive from labour, and take him or her before any judge of the Circuit pr district Courts of the United States, residing or being within the state, or before any magistrate of. a county, city, or town corporate, wherein such seizure or arrest shall be. made; and upon proof to the satisfaction of such judge or magistrate, either.by oral evidence of affidavit, &c., that the person so seized or arrested, doth, under the laws of the state or territory from which he or she-fled, owe service or labour to the person claiming him or her, it shall be the duty of such judge or magistrate, to give a.certificate thereof .to such claimant, his agent or attorney, which shall be sufficient .warrant for removing the said fugitive from labour/to the state pi territory from which he-or she fled, The fourth section provides, a penalty against any person who shall, knowingly and willingly obstruct' or hinder such -claimant, his agent, of attorney, in so seizing or arresting, such fugitive from labour, or rescue such fugitive from the claimant, or his agent, or attorney when so arrested, or who shall harbour or conceal such fugitive after notice that he is such/' and it also saves to the person claiming such labour or service, his right of action for'or on account of such injuries.
In a general sense, this act may bé truly said to cover, thé wholé ground of the Constitution, both as. to fugitives from justice, and fugitive slaves; - that is, it covers' -both the subjects, in its enactments 5 not because it exhausts the remedies which may be ap-plied by Congress to enforce the rights, if the provisions of . the act shall in practice be found not to attain the object of the Constitution; but because it points out fully all the modes of attaining those objects, which Congress, in their discretion, have as yet deemed expedient or proper to meet the exigencies of the Constitution. If this be so, then it would seem, upon just principles of construction, that the legislation of Congress, if constitutional, must supersede all state legislation upon the sanie subject; and by necessafy- implication prohibit it, For if Congress have a constitutional power to regulate a particular subject, and they do' actually regulate it in a given manner, and in a certain form, it cannot be that the state legislatures have a right to interfere; and, as it were, by way of complement to the . legislation pf Congress, to prescribe additional regulations, and whát they may deem auxiliary provisions for the same purpose. In such a case, the legislation of Congress, in' what it does prescribe, manifestly indicates that it does not intend that there shall be any farther legislation to act upon the subject-matter. Its silence as to what it does not do, is as expressive of what its intention is as the direct provisions made by it. This doctrine was fully recognised by this Court, in the case of Houston v. Moore, 5 Wheat. Rep. 1, 21, 22; where it was expressly held, that where Congress have exercised a power over a particular subject given them by the Constitution, it is not competent for state legislation to add to the provisions of Congress upon that subject; for that the will of Congress upon the whóle subject is as clearly established by what it had not declared, as by what,it has expressed.
But it has been argued, that the act of Congress is unconstitutional, because it does not fall within the scope of any of the. enumerated powers of legislation confided to that body ;.and therefore it is void. Stripped of its «artificial and technical structure, the argument comes to this, that although rights, are exclusively secured by> or duties are exclusively imposed upon the national government, yet, unless the power to enforce these rights, or to execute these duties cah he found among the express powers of legislation enumerated in the Constitution, they remain without any means of giving them effect by any act of Congress; and they must operate solely proprio vigore, however defective may be their operation; nay, even although, in a practical sense, they may become a'nullity from the want of a proper remedy to enforce them, or to provide against their violation. If this be the true interpretation of the Constitution, it must, in a great measure, fail fo attain many of its avowed and positive objects as a security of rights, and a recognition of duties. , Such á limited construction of the Constitution has never yet been adopted as correct, either in theory or practice. No one has ever supposed that Congress could, constitutionally, by its legislation, exercise powers, or enact laws beyond the powers delegated to it by the Constitution; but it has, on various occasions, exercised powers which were necessary and proper us means to carry into effect rights expressly given, and duties expressly enjoined thereby. The end being required, it has been deemed a just and necessary implication,' that the means to accomplish it are given also; or, in other words, that the power flows as a necessary means to accomplish the end.
Thus, for example, although the Constitution has declared that representatives shall be apportioned among the states according to their respéctive federal numbers; and, for this purpose, it has expressly authorized Congress, by law, to provide for an enumeration of the population every ten years; yet the power- to apportion representatives after this enumeration is made, is nowhere found among the express powers given to Congress, but it' has always beeni acted upon as irresistibly flowing from the duty positively enjoined by the Constitution. Treaties made between the United States and foreign powers, often contain special provisions, which do .not execute themselves, but require the interposition of Congress to carry them into effect, and Congress has constantly, in such cases, legislated on the subject; yet, although the power is given to the executive, with the consent of the senate, to make treaties, the power is nowhere in positive terms conferred upon Congress to make laws to carry the stipulations of treaties into effect. . It has .been supposed to result from the duty of the national government to fulfil all the obligations of treaties. The senators and representatives in Congress are, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, exempted from arrest during their attendance at the sessions thereof, and in going to and returning from the same. May not Congress enforce this right by authorizing a writ of habeas corpus, to free them from an illegal arrest in violation of this clause of the Constitution ? If it may not, then the specific remedy to enforce it must exclusively depend upon the local legislation of the states; and may be granted or refused according to their own varying policy, or pleasure. The Constitution also declares that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless,when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. No.express power is given to Congress to secure.this invaluable right in the' non-enumerated cases, o-r to suspend the writ in cases of rebellion or invasion. And yet it would be difficult to say, since this' great writ of liberty is usually provided for by the ordinary functions of legislation, and can be effectually provided for only in this way, that.it ought not to be deemed By necessary implication within the scope of the legislative power of Congress.
• These cases are put merely by way of illustration, to show that the rule of interpretation, insisted upon- at the argument, is quite too narrow to provide for the .ordinary exigencies of the national government, in cases where rights are intended to be absolutely secured, and duties are positively enjoined by the Constitution.
The very act of 1793, now under consideration, áífórds the-most- conclusive proof that. Congress has acted upon a very different rule- of interpretation, and has supposed that the right as well as the duty of legislation on the subject of fugitives from justice, and fugitive slaves was within the scope of the constitutional authority conferred on the. national legislature. • In respect to fugitives from justice, the Constitution, although it expressly provides that the demand shall be made By the executive authority of the state from which the fugitive has . fled, is silent as to the party upon whom the demand -is to be made, and as to the mode in which it shall be made. This very silence occasioned embarrasments in enforcing the fight • and duty at an. early period after the' adoption of the Constitution; and produced a hesitation on the part of the executive authority of Virginia to deliver up a fugitive from justice, uppn the demand of the executive Of Pennsylvania, in the year 1791; and as we historically know from the message of President Washington and the public documents of that period, it was the immediate cause of the passing of the act of 1793, which- designated the person (the state executive) upon whom- the demand should b.e made, and the mode and proofs upon and in which- it should be made. From that time down to the present hour, not a doubt has been breathed upon the constitutionality of this part of the act ^ and every executive in the Union has constantly acted upoñ and admitted its validity. . Yet the. right and the. duty are dependent, as to their mode of execution, solely o'n the act of Congress; and. but for that, they would remain a nominal fight and passive duty; the. execution of which being intrusted to and required of no one in particular, all persons might be at libérty-to disregard it. This very acquiescence, under such circumstances, of the highest state functionaries, is a most decisive proof of the universality of the opinion that the act is founded in a just construction of the Constitution; inde? pendent of the vast influence which it ought to have as a contemporaneous exposition, of the provisions, by those who were its immediate framers, or intimately connected with its adoption.
The same uniformity of acquiescence in the validity of the act of 1793, upon the other part of the subject-matter, • that of fugitive slaves, has prevailed, throughout the whole Union until a comparatively recent period. Nay; being from its nature and. character more readily susceptible, of being brought into controversy, in Courts of justice, than the former, and-of enlisting in opposition to it the feelings, and it maybe the prejudices of some portions of the non-slaveholding states; it has naturally been brought under' adjudication in several states in the Union, and particularly in Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, andón all these occasions its validity has been-affirmed. The cases cited at the bar, of Wright v. Deacon, 5 Serg. and Rawle, 62 ; Glen v. Hodges, 9 Johns. Rep. 67; Jack v. Martin, 12 Wend. Rep. 311; S. C., 12 Wend. Rep. 507; and Com. v. Griffin, 2 Pick. Rep. 11; are directly in point. So far as. the judges of the Courts of the United Statés have been called upon to. enforce it, and to grant the certificate required by it; it is believed, that it has been uniformly recognised as a binding and valid law; and as imposing a constitutional duty. Under such circumstances, if the question were one of-doubtful construction, such long acquiescence in it, such contemporaneous expositions of it, and such extensive and uniform recognition' of its validity, would in our judgment entitle the question to be. considered qt rest; unless indeed the interpretation of the Constitution is tó be delivered over to interminable doubt throughout the whole progress of legislation, and of - national operations.. Congress, the executive, and the judiciary have, upon various occasions, acted upon this as a sound and reasonable doctrine. Especially did this Court in the cases of Stuart v. Laird, 1 Cranch Rep. 299; and Martin v. Hunter, 1 Wheat. Rep. 304; and in Cohen v. The Commonwealth of Virginia, 6 Wheat. Rep. 264; rely, upon contemporaneous expositions of the Constitution, and long acquiescence in it, with great confidence, in the discussion of questions of a highly interesting and important nature.
But we do not wish to rest our present opinion upon the ground either of- contemporaneous exposition, or long acquiescence, or even practical action; neither do we mean to admit the question to be of a doubtful nature, and therefore as properly calling for the aid of such, considerations. On the contrary, our judgment would be the same if the question were entirely new, and the act of Congress were of recent enactment. We hold the act to be clearly constitutional in all its leading provisions, and, indeed, with the exception of that part which confers authority upon state magistrates, to be free from reasonable doubt and difficulty upon the grounds already stated. As to, the authority so conferred upon state magistrates, while a difference of opinion has existed, and may exist still on the point, in different states, whether state magistrates are bound to act under it; none is entertained by this Court that state magistrates may, if they choose, exercise that,authority, unless prohibited by state, legislation.
' The remaining question is, whether the power of legislation upon this subject is exclusive in the national government, or cdncurrent in the states, until it is exercised by Congress. In our opinion it is exclusive; • and we shall now proceed briefly to state our reasons for that opinion. The doctrine stated by this Court, in Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. Rep. 122, 193, contains the true, although not the sole rule or consideration, which is applicable to this particular subject. ' "Wherever," said Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the Court, " the terms in which a power is granted to Congress, or the nature Of the power require that it should be exercised, exclusively by Congress, the subject is as completely taken from the state legislatures, as if they had been forbidden to act." The nature of the power, and the true objects to be attained by it, are then as important to be weighed, in considering the question of its exclusiveness, as the words in which it is granted.
In the first place, it is material to state, (what has been already incidentally hinted at,) that the right to seize and retake fugitive slaves, and the duty to deliver them up, in whatever state of the Union they may be found, and of course the corresponding power in Congress to use the appropriate means to enforce the right and duty, derive their whole validity and obligation exclusively from the Constitution of the United States; and are there, for the first time, recognised and established in that peculiar cha racter. Before the adoption of the Constitution, no state had any power whatsoever over .the subject, except within its own territorial limits, and could not bind the sovereignty or the legislation of other states. Whenever the right was acknowledged or the duty enforced in any state, it was .as a matter of comity and favour, and not as á matter of strict moral, political, or international obligation or duty. Under the Constitution it is recognised as an absolute, positive, right and duty, • pervading the whole Union with an equal and supreme force, uncontrolled and uncontrollable by state sovereignty or state legislation. It is, therefore, in a just sense a new and positive right, independent of comity, confined to no. territorial limits, and bounded by no state institutions or policy. The natural inference deducible,'from-this consideration certainly is, in the absence of any positive delegation of power to the state legislatures, that it belongs to-the legislative department of the national government, to which it owes its origin and establishment. It. would be a strange anomaly, and forced construction, to suppose that the national government meant to rely for the due fulfilment of its own proper duties and the rights which it intended to secure, upon state legislation; and riot upon that of the Union.. A fortiori, it would be more objectionable to suppose that a power] which was to be the same throughout the Union,-should be confided to state sovereignty, which could not: rightfully act beyond its-own territorial limits.
In the next .'place, the nature of the provision and the objects to be - attained' by it, require that it should be controlled by one and the same will, and ac,t uniformly by the same system of regulations throughout the Union. If, then, the states have a right, in the absence of legislation by Congress, to act upon the subject, each state is at liberty to prescribe just such regulations as suit its own policy, local convenience, and local feelings. The legislation of one state may not only be different from, but utterly repugnant to and incompatible with that of another. The time, and mode, and limitation of the remedy; the proofs of the title,, and all other incidents applicable thereto, máy be prescribed in one state, which are rejected or disclaimed in another. One state may require the owner to sue in one mode, another in a different mode.. One state may make a statute of limitations as to the remedy, in its own tribunals, short and summary; andther may prolong the period; and yet restrict the proof?: nay, some states may utterly refuse to act upon the subject at all; and others may refuse to open its Courts to any remedies in rem, because they would interfere with their own domestic policy, institutions, or habits. The right, therefore, would never, in a practical sense be the same in all the states. It would have nó unity-of purpose, or uniformity of operation. The duty might be enforced in some states; retarded, or limited in .others;. and denied, as compulsory in many, if not in alL Consequences like these must .have been foreseen as very likely to occur in the non-slaveholding states; where legislation, if hot silent on the. subject, and purely . voluntary, coidd Scarcely be presumed to be favourable to the exercise of the fights of the pwner.
It is scarcely conceivable that the slaveholding states would have been satisfied with leaving to the legislation of the non-slaveholding states, a power of regulation,'in the absence of that .of Congress, which would or might .practically amount to a power to destroy the rights of the owner. If the argument, therefore, of a concurrent power in the states to act upon the subject-matter ift the absence of legislation by Congress, be wellfounded; then, if Congress hád never acted at all; or if the act of Congress should be repealed without providing a substitute, there would be a resulting authority in each of the states to regulate the whole subject at its pleasure.; and to dole put its own remedial justice, or withhold it at its pleasure. and according'toits own views of policy and expediency Surety-such a state of things never could have been intended, under such a solemn guarantee of right and. duty. On the other hand, construe the right of legislation as exclusive in Congress, and every evil, and every danger vanishes. The right and the duty: are' then co-extensiye and uniform in remedy and operation , throughout the whole Union. The owner has the same security, and the same remedial 'justice, and .the same exemption from state regulation and control, through, howeyer many states he may pass with his fugitive slave in his possession, in transitu, to his own domicile. But, upon the other supposition, the moment he passes the' state' line, he becomes amenable to the laws of another sovereignty, whose regulations may greatly embarrass or delay the exercise of his fights; and even be repugnant to those of the state \yhere he first arrested the fugitive. Consequences like these show that the nature and objects of the provision imperiously require, that; to make it effectual, it shouldsbe construed to be exclusive of state authority. We adopt the language of this Court in Sturgis v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. Rep. 193, and say, that "it has never been supposed that the concurrent power of legislation extended to every possible case in which its exercise by the states has not. been expressly prohibited. The confusion .of such a practice would be endless." And we know no case in which the confusion and public inconvenience and mischiefs thereof, could be more, completely exemplified than the present.
These are some of the reasons, but by no means all, upon which we hold the power of legislation on this subject to be exclusive in Congress. To. guard, however, against any possible misconstruction of our views, it is proper to state, that we are by,no 'means to be understood in any manner whatsoever to doubt of to interfere with the police power belonging to the dtates in virtue of their general sovereignty. That police powerextends over all subjects within the territorial limits of the states; and has'never been conceded to the United States. It is wholly distinguishable from the right and duty secured by the provision now under consideration; which "is exclusively, derived from and secured by the Constitution of the United States, and dwesits whole efficacy thereto. We entertain no doubt whatsoever, that the states, in virtue of théir general police power, possess full jurisdiction to arrest and restrain runaway slaves, and.'remove them from their borders, and otherwise to secure themselves against their depredations and evil example, as they certainly may dp in cases of idlers,-vagabonds, and paupers. The rights of the owners of fugitive slaves are in no just sense interfered with, or regulated by such a course; and in many eases, the operations of this police-power, although designed essentially for other purposes, for the protection, safety, and peace of the state, may essentially promote and aid the interests of the owners. But such regulations can never be permitted .to interfere with or to obstruct the jüst rights of the owner to reclaim his slave, derived from the Constitution of the United States; or with the remedies prescribed by'Congress to aid and enforce the same. '
Upon these grounds, we are of opinion that the act of Pennsylvania upon which this indictment is founded/ is unconstitutional and void. It purports to punish as a public offence against that state, the very act of seizing and removing a slave by his master, which the Constitution of the United States was designed to justify and uphold.. The special verdict finds this fact, and the State Courts have rendered judgment against the plaintiff in error upon that verdict. That judgment must, therefore, be reversed, and the cause remanded to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania; with directions to carry into effect the judgment of this Court rendered upon the special verdict in favour, of the plaintiff in error.